Book of Mormon Studies
Book of Mormon Studies Fall 1992
FARMS Journal of Book of Mormon Studies, copyright 1995 by FARMS, as enhanced by Infobases, Inc. All rights reserved.

ï¿½ Copyright 1992 by the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS). All rights reserved.

Editor's Introduction
Stephen D. Ricks

Since its initial publication in 1830, the Book of Mormon has played a key role in the life and thought of members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Many have noted an increased interest in the Book of Mormon in recent years, doubtless due to the stress that has been placed upon its study by President Ezra Taft
Benson and other General Authorities.

In light of this increased interest, we have thought it appropriate that there be a journal dedicated solely to the serious and faithful study of the Book of Mormon in its
historical, linguistic, cultural, and theological context. The Journal of Book of Mormon Studies is just such a periodical. We are pleased to present here the first issue of
this Journal. The Journal is itself divided into two sections. The first section contains articles of greater length. The second section contains "Notes and
Communications," shorter pieces varying in length from a single paragraph up to a few pages. Here, especially, we wish to include ideas and insights too short for a full-
length article but still deserving circulation and critical examination. As is the case with most scholarly publications, the Journal will have no "Letters to the Editor"
section. However, responses by readers to specific ideas presented either in the "Articles" or "Notes and Communications" sections may be deemed appropriate in the
"Notes and Communications" of a subsequent issue.

The editors of the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies intend to be "no respecter of persons" in their selection of papers to be included in forthcoming issues. We claim
no privileged access to the Book of Mormon through specific academic trainingï¿½-the Book of Mormon is a volume that should be accessible to allï¿½-nor do we
insist that those publishing in it have certain academic credentials. We only insist that the work be rigorous, carefully thought out, and well presented. We hope that the
Journal will represent the work of serious students of the Book of Mormon from a wide variety of backgrounds, and not merely the product of established scholars.
We wish to encourage all of those who may have articles or notes that they wish to submit for a forthcoming issue of the Journal to do so (the proper style for
submitting these papers is given at the end of this issue). As is the case with most academic journals, each submission to the Journal will be refereed. Forthcoming
volumes of the Journal will appear in two issues, one in the spring and the other in the fall.

The best test of new ideas is, of course, in the marketplace of ideas. The Journal of Book of Mormon Studies will provide just such a marketplace for serious, faithful
ideas and insights about the Book of Mormon.

We wish to thank all those who have assisted in the preparation of this premiere issue of the Journal. In particular, we wish to thank Brent Hall for expediting the
production of the Journal, Karl Pope for technical help, and Melvin J. Thorne and Jennifer Wadsack-Stewart for timely editorial assistance.

When Lehi's Party Arrived in the Land Did They Find Others There?
John L. Sorenson

Abstract: A number of statements in the Book of Mormon text are examined, which indicate the presence in Lehi's "promised land" of peoples other than those
descended from Lehi's party. Reasons are considered why the topic is not addressed more explicitly in the record. It is concluded that there is clear evidence for the
presence of "others."

Several puzzles about the history of the Nephites and Lamanites are linked to the question of whether they found others already living in their promised land. It seems
important enough to call for serious examination of the text of the Book of Mormon for all possible evidence. Let us first look at what the Nephite writers say about
their own group. Then we will see what we can learn about other groups described or mentioned in the record. In each case we will not only look for direct data on
population size, ethnicity, language, and culture but also will draw plausible inferences about those matters.

Population Growth Among the Nephites

Two questions about Nephite population size are of major concern. First, how fast did the Nephite group grow as a result of the natural fertility and mortality of the
original party? We need to examine whether the numbers attributed to them at various points in their history can be accounted for in terms of natural increase by the
Nephite portion of Lehi's group. If the numbers cannot be explained by that means, then recourse to "others" is required to account for the apparent excess. The
second question concerns the relative size of the Lamanites and other groups compared with the Nephites.

An analysis has already been published of the age and gender of the personnel in Lehi's party. Nephite demographic history obviously begins with that information.
My reading of the text puts about eleven adults and thirteen children in Nephi's group when they split with the faction of Laman and Lemuel. However, the adults
included only three couples. None of the unmarried persons, including Nephi's brothers Jacob and Joseph and, probably, their sisters, would have had marriage
partners available until nieces or nephews came of age, so for some interval the group's reproduction rate would have been even lower than those numbers seem to
suggest. The Lamanite faction I estimate to have included four couples with the likelihood that the oldest grandchildren of Ishmael were just coming into the age of
reproduction. Within a few years the Lamanites should have had on the order of half again as many persons as the Nephites, and that size advantage should have
continued thereafter.

Within a few years Nephi reports that his people "began to prosper exceedingly, and to multiply in the land" (2 Ne. 5:13). When about fifteen years had passed, he
says that Jacob and Joseph had been made priests and teachers "over the land of my people" (2 Ne. 5:26, 28). After another ten years, they "had already had wars
and contentions" with the Lamanites (2 Ne. 5:34). After the Nephites had existed as an entity for about forty years (see Jacob 1:1), their men began "desiring many
wives and concubines" (Jacob 1:15). How many descendants of the original party would there have been by that time?

We can safely suppose that adaptation to foods, climate, disease, and natural hazards would have posed some problems, although we cannot quantify those effects. Let
us at least start to bracket the possible growth in numbers by setting an upper limit that is at the edge of absurdity. Assume a birth rate twice as high as in today's "less
developed countries," a rate perhaps not even attainable by any population. Let us also suppose no deaths at all! Under those conditions, if the initial Nephite group
was   comprised
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would be adult males and the same number adult females. Of course the unreality of that number means we must work downward. Using a more reasonable figure for
the birth rate and factoring in deaths, we see that the actual number of adults would be unlikely to exceed half of what we first calculatedï¿½-say, thirty-five males and
thirty-five females. Even that is far too large to satisfy experts on the history of population growth. With such limited numbers as these, the group's cultural preference
We can safely suppose that adaptation to foods, climate, disease, and natural hazards would have posed some problems, although we cannot quantify those effects. Let
us at least start to bracket the possible growth in numbers by setting an upper limit that is at the edge of absurdity. Assume a birth rate twice as high as in today's "less
developed countries," a rate perhaps not even attainable by any population. Let us also suppose no deaths at all! Under those conditions, if the initial Nephite group
was comprised of twenty-four persons, as I calculate generously, by the time of Jacob 2, they would have reached a population of 330, of whom perhaps seventy
would be adult males and the same number adult females. Of course the unreality of that number means we must work downward. Using a more reasonable figure for
the birth rate and factoring in deaths, we see that the actual number of adults would be unlikely to exceed half of what we first calculatedï¿½-say, thirty-five males and
thirty-five females. Even that is far too large to satisfy experts on the history of population growth. With such limited numbers as these, the group's cultural preference
for "many wives and concubines" would be puzzling. The fact that the plural marriage preference for the early Nephites is reported as a cultural fact seems to call for a
larger population of females. If so, it could only have come about by incorporating "other" people.

The account of Sherem's encounter with Jacob reiterates the question. "Some [ten more?] years had passed away," and Jacob was now verging on "old" (cf. Jacob
7:1, 20-26). At that time "there came a man among the people of Nephi whose name was Sherem" (Jacob 1:1). Upon first meeting Jacob, he said, "Brother Jacob, I
have sought much opportunity that I might speak unto you; for I have heard . . . that thou goest about much, preaching" (Jacob 7:6). Now, the population of adult males
descended from the original group could not have exceeded fifty at that time. This would have been only enough to populate one modest-sized village. Thus Sherem's is
a strange statement. Jacob, as head priest and religious teacher, would routinely have been around the Nephite temple in the cultural center at least on all holy days (see
Jacob 2:2). How then could Sherem never have seen him, and why would he have had to seek "much opportunity" to speak to him in such a tiny settlement? And
where would Jacob have had to go on the preaching travels Sherem refers to, if only such a tiny group were involved. Moreover, from where was it that Sherem
"came . . . among the people of Nephi" (Jacob 1:1)? The text and context of this incident would make little sense if the Nephite population had resulted only from
natural demographic increase.

The reports of intergroup fighting in these early generations also seem to refer to larger forces than growth by births alone would have allowed. At the twenty-five-year
mark of their history, Nephi already reported that they had had "wars" with the Lamanites (see 2 Ne. 5:34), yet the male descendants of the original Nephites could not
reasonably have numbered more than a score by the time these "wars" are mentioned. Later, in Jacob's old age, the "wars" mentioned in Jacob 7:26 would have been
fought with a maximum of fifty on his side and not dramatically more for the attackers. Either the expression "war" was being used loosely at this point in the account or
else the population springing from the original Lehites had already been augmented by "others," it appears to me.

Cultural Adaptation and "Others"

The point about "war" opens up the larger issue of cultural learning and adaptation in the new land by both Nephites and Lamanites. A pair of telling passages in the
book of Mosiah lets us know that some "native" New World people or other had to have provided at least one direct, crucial cultural input to the immigrants. Not long
after 200 B.C., Zeniffite King Limhi reminded his people in the land of Nephi that "we at this time do pay tribute to the king of the Lamanites, to the amount of one half
of our corn, and our barley, and even all our grain of every kind" (Mosiah 7:22). Note that Limhi mentions "corn" first in the list of tribute crops. In Mosiah 9:14 it is the
only crop mentioned at all: "Lamanites . . . began to . . . take off . . . the corn of their fields."

Now, "corn" is clearly maize, the native American plant that was the mainstay of the diet of many native American peoples for thousands of years. There is no
possibility that Lehi's party brought this key American crop with them or that they discovered it wild upon their arrival. Maize is so totally domesticated a plant that it
will not reproduce without human care. In other words, the Zeniffites or any other of Lehi's descendants could only be growing corn/maize because people already
familiar with the complex of techniques for its successful cultivation had passed on the knowledge, and the seed, to the newcomers. Notice too that these passages in
Mosiah indicate that corn had become the grain of preference among the Lamanites, and perhaps among the Zeniffites. That is, they had apparently integrated it into
their system of taste preferences and nutrition as a primary food, for which cooks and diners in turn would have had familiar recipes, utensils, and so on. This situation
reminds us of how crucial the natives of Massachusetts were in helping the Puritan settlers in the 1600s survive in the unfamiliar environment they found upon landing.
The traditional American Thanksgiving cuisine of turkey, pumpkin, and corn dishesï¿½-all native to the New Worldï¿½-is an unconscious tribute to the gift of survival
conferred by the Amerindians by sharing those local foods with the confused and hungry Europeans. Did an equivalent cultural exchange and unacknowledged
thanksgiving process take place for Lehi's descendants in the Book of Mormon land of first inheritance or land of Nephi?

Since it is certain that "others" passed on knowledge about and a taste for corn to the Nephites and Lamanites, it becomes likely that other cultural features also came
from them. The keeping of "flocks," for example (Mosiah 9:14; cf. Enos 1:21), was not a pattern which Lehi's folks are said to have brought with them; no animals are
mentioned in Nephi's Old World record (it is purely speculation that they utilized camels or any other animals in their trek from Jerusalem to Bountiful). Even if they
started out with animals, these would not have survived the party's famine-plagued journey through western Arabia (note, for example, 1 Ne. 16:18-32). Moreover, no
hint is given that any were taken aboard Nephi's boat (in specific contrast to the Jaredite caseï¿½-see Ether 6:4). So how would they have obtained native American
fowls or other animals to keep in "flocks," or, more importantly, how would they have discovered techniques for successfully caring for them? Discovery or invention of
a major cultural feature like the domestication of animals is rare enough in human history that it is highly unlikely that these newcomers could simply have pulled
themselves up culturally "by their bootstraps" in this way in a generation or two.

We will see below that significant, specific cultural features of obvious Jaredite origin appeared later among the Nephites without any explanation of how their
transmission was accomplished down through time. It is a safe presumption, however, that some groups existing at the time when the Jaredite armies referred to in
Ether 15 were destroyed simply refused to participate in the suicidal madness of Coriantumr and Shiz. They would have ensured their own survival by staying home and
minding their meek business in this or that corner of the land. Such minor peoples might hardly even have noted the distant slaughter of the Jaredite dynasts, so
absorbed would they have been in their local affairs. The likelihood is that more than a few such groups continued past the time of the "final destruction" of the Jaredite
armies at the hill Ramah, and some could well have been living in the land southward as Nephi and Laman built up their small colonies.

Lehi's final prophecy to his children foreshadowed this happening. He said,

It is wisdom that this land should be kept as yet from the knowledge of other nations; for behold, many nations would overrun the land, that there would be no place for
an inheritance. Wherefore, I, Lehi, have obtained a promise, that inasmuch as those whom the Lord God shall bring out of the land of Jerusalem shall keep his
commandments, they shall prosper upon the face of this land; and they shall be kept from all other nations, that they may possess this land unto themselves. And if it so
be that they shall keep his commandments they shall be blessed upon the face of this land, and there shall be none to molest them, nor to take away the land of their
inheritance . . . . But behold, when the time cometh that they shall dwindle in unbelief, after they have received so great blessings from the hand of the Lord, . . . I say, if
the day shall come that they will reject the Holy One of Israel, the true Messiah, their Redeemer and their God, behold, the judgments of him that is just shall rest upon
them. Yea, he will bring other nations unto them, and he will give unto them power, and he will take away from them the lands of their possessions, and he will cause
them to be scattered and smitten. Yea, as one generation passeth to another there shall be bloodsheds, and great visitations among them. (2 Ne. 1:8-12)

How much time can we suppose elapsed between the time when Lehi's descendants["dwindle[d] in unbelief" and when the Lord brought "other nations unto them"?
How distant were those "other nations" at the time Lehi spoke? Latter-day Saints generally have supposed that the "other nations" were the Gentile (Christian) nations
of Europe who began to reach the New World only 500 years ago. To believe so requires limited imagination.

As  for the Lamanites,
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                                        unbelief within a few years. Alma said that "the Lamanites have been cut off from his presence, from the beginning
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transgressions in the land" (Alma 9:14). How then could Lehi's prophecy about "other nations" being brought in have been kept long in abeyance after that?
Furthermore, the early Nephites generally did the same thing within a few centuries. Their wickedness and apostasy culminated in the escape of Mosiah and his group
from the land of Nephi to the land of Zarahemla (see Omni 1:13-14). And if the Lord somehow did not at those times bring in "other nations," then surely he would
How much time can we suppose elapsed between the time when Lehi's descendants["dwindle[d] in unbelief" and when the Lord brought "other nations unto them"?
How distant were those "other nations" at the time Lehi spoke? Latter-day Saints generally have supposed that the "other nations" were the Gentile (Christian) nations
of Europe who began to reach the New World only 500 years ago. To believe so requires limited imagination.

As for the Lamanites, they dwindled in unbelief within a few years. Alma said that "the Lamanites have been cut off from his presence, from the beginning of their
transgressions in the land" (Alma 9:14). How then could Lehi's prophecy about "other nations" being brought in have been kept long in abeyance after that?
Furthermore, the early Nephites generally did the same thing within a few centuries. Their wickedness and apostasy culminated in the escape of Mosiah and his group
from the land of Nephi to the land of Zarahemla (see Omni 1:13-14). And if the Lord somehow did not at those times bring in "other nations," then surely he would
have done so after Cumorah, 1100 years prior to Columbus. Even if there were no massive armed invasions of strange groups to be reported, we need not be
surprised if relatively small groups of strange peoples who were neither so numerous nor so organized as to be rivals for control of the land could have been scattered
or infiltrated among both Nephites and Lamanites without their constituting the "other nations" in the threatening sense of Lehi's prophecy. Thus in the terms of Lehi's
prophecy, "others" could and probably even should have been close at hand and available for the Lord to use as instruments against the straying covenant peoples any
time after the arrival of Nephi's boat.

Archaeology, linguistics, and related areas of study have established beyond doubt that a variety of peoples inhabited virtually every place in the Western Hemisphere a
long time ago (with the possible exception of limited regions which may have been more or less unpopulated for the period of a few generations at certain times). The
presence of almost 1500 different languages belonging to dozens of major groupings which were found in the Americas when the Europeans arrived can be explained
only by supposing that speakers of the ancestral tongues had been in America for thousands of years. The notion that "the Indians" constituted a single ethnic entity is a
totally outdated one which neither scholars nor lay people can justifiably believe nowadays. Abundant facts are completely contrary to the idea. The most that is
possible is that in some limited territory in a part of America Lehi's people and those who came with Mulek had their chance to establish their own niches where they
could control their own fate. But they were not given thousands of years of isolation to play with. (The Latter-day Saint pioneers in Deseret were allowed only a single
generation, from 1847 until the railroad came in 1869, to do the same. After that, competing economic, social, political, and ideological systems directly challenged
them, and nearly swallowed them up.)

It seems unavoidable that other peoples were in the land, somewhere, when Nephi's boat landed on the shore of the "west sea," and quite certainly some of them were
survivors from the Jaredite people, as indicated in the book of Ether.

Internal Variety Among the Nephites

We are not left only to supposition and inference in this matter. There are statements in the Nephite record that positively inform us that "others" were on the scene and
further passages that hint at the same thing. One of these statements occurs during the visit by Alma and his seven companions to the Zoramites. "Now the Zoramites
were dissenters from the Nephites" (Alma 31:8). As Alma prayed about this group, he said, "O Lord, their souls are precious, and many of them are our
brethren" (Alma 31:35). We may wonder about those whom they considered not their "brethren." Apparently he was speaking of those who were neither Nephites,
Lamanites, nor "Mulekites." People in all those three categories are referred to in the text by Nephites as "brethren" (see, for example, Mosiah 1:5 and 7:2, 13 and
Alma 24:7-8).

Another statement indicates that even the Jaredites were counted as "brethren." In Alma 46:22, captain Moroni has his followers "covenant with our God, that we shall
be destroyed, even as our brethren in the land northward, if we shall fall into transgression." Unquestionably, the reference is to the Jaredites. The only reason apparent
to me why the term "brethren" would be applied by Nephites to Jaredites is because the former recognized that some of the people living with them were descended
from the Jaredites. Interestingly, Anthony W. Ivins, who later became a counselor in the First Presidency of the Church, speculated ninety years ago that Coriantumr,
the final Jaredite king, survived among the people of Zarahemla long enough to sire descendants. (Incidentally, in Hebrew the name Moroni means "one from
Moron," which was the Jaredite capital.)

An odd bit of behavior involving the younger Alma on his teaching tour seems to alert us to the presence of "others" at the city of Ammonihah. At that time this was a
rather remote part of the land of Zarahemla in the direction of the west sea and the narrow neck of land. At first discouraged at the hostile reception he received, Alma
departed, only to be ordered back by an angel (see Alma 8:14-17). When he returned he asked food of a stranger. This proved to be Amulek, whose odd reply was,
"I am a Nephite" (Alma 8:20). Why would he say that? Wasn't it obvious? Clearly Amulek had recognized Alma as a Nephite, either by his speech, his appearance, or
perhaps the way he had referred to God when he opened the conversation. But to what other social or ethnic category might Amulek have belonged? His abrupt
statement makes sense only if most of the people of the place were not Nephites and also if Amulek's characteristics did not make it already apparent to Alma that he
was a Nephite.

The incompleteness of our picture of social and population history is further shown in the story of the entry of Ammon's party to Zeniffite King Limhi's territory. The
Nephite explorers stumbled upon the king outside the walls of his beleaguered city, Lehi-Nephi, and were rudely seized and thrown into prison. Only after two days did
they get a chance to identify themselves and explain their presence. We might have supposed that their cultural status as Nephites and strangers, if not their
protestations (was there a language problem?) would have alerted Limhi and his guards as to their identityï¿½-Nephites from Zarahemla. Had the initial encounter gone
as we might have thought, Ammon's belated explanation (see Mosiah 7:13) and Limhi's surprise when Ammon finally got through to him (see Mosiah 7:14) would both
have been short-circuited. Why were Ammon and company not recognized immediately as Nephites? Was their costume and tongue or accent so much different than
what Limhi's people expected of a Nephite that this put them off? Ammon was a "descendant of Zarahemla" (Mosiah 7:13), a point that he emphasized in his
introduction to the king. Does this mean that he somehow looked different than a "typical" Nephite? Or had the Zeniffites had encounters with other non-Nephite types
in their area which might have prompted Limhi's cautious reception? And what personal relationship had Ammon to the Zeniffites, after all? As a person descended
from Zarahemla, that is, a "Mulekite," why did he refer to Zeniff's presumably Nephite party as "our brethren" and show them so much concern that he would lead this
arduous expedition to find out their fate? The social, political, ethnic, and language relationships involved in this business are not straightforward, to say the least.

An analysis of the terminology applied to peoples in the Book of Mormon could reveal useful information on this subject. This is not the place to do that fully, but the
approach can be sketched and some of the results anticipated. References to the key people of the record vary: (1) "Nephite(s)" or "the Nephites" occurs 339 times;
(2) "people of the Nephites," 18 times; (3) "people of Nephi," 4 times; (4) "children of Nephi," twice, and (5) "descendants of Nephi," twice. Usage of the second and
third expressions gives us something to ponder about the composition of the people referred to.

The meaning of the first expression is made clear early by Jacob when he says, "those who are friendly to Nephi I shall call Nephites." Then he continues the definition
in an interesting way: ". . . or the people of Nephi, according to the reigns of the kings" (Jacob 1:14). A few lines earlier Jacob had reported that when Nephi
anticipated his own death, he had designated "a [successor] king and a ruler over his people . . . according to the reigns of the kings. . . . And whoso should reign in his
stead were called by the people, second Nephi, third Nephi, and so forth, according to the reigns of the kings; and thus they were called by the people, let them be of
whatever [personal] name they would" (Jacob 1:9, 11). Jacob here makes clear that his definition of "Nephites, or the people of Nephi" hinges on political allegiance to
a king, a king who always bore the title "Nephi." This definition does not depend at all on whether "Nephites" were or were not literal descendants from Nephi, nor
whether they had Sam, Jacob, Joseph, or Zoram, the founding fathers of the group, among their ancestors. In fact Jacob's terminology may refer to the original father
Nephi only indirectly. What he says in verse 11, where the term "Nephites" is first used, is that those classified under that term were simply all who were ruled by the
existing monarch, the current "Nephi." No reason is evident to me to believe that in the 338 usages after Jacob begins the practice that "Nephite(s)" means anything
else. It is essentially
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Cases where the text reports that political allegiance changed are consistent with this notion. Thus the children who had been fathered, then abandoned, by the
renegade priests of Noah chose to "be numbered among those who were called Nephites" (Mosiah 25:12). That is, when they came under the sovereignty of the
a king, a king who always bore the title "Nephi." This definition does not depend at all on whether "Nephites" were or were not literal descendants from Nephi, nor
whether they had Sam, Jacob, Joseph, or Zoram, the founding fathers of the group, among their ancestors. In fact Jacob's terminology may refer to the original father
Nephi only indirectly. What he says in verse 11, where the term "Nephites" is first used, is that those classified under that term were simply all who were ruled by the
existing monarch, the current "Nephi." No reason is evident to me to believe that in the 338 usages after Jacob begins the practice that "Nephite(s)" means anything
else. It is essentially a sociopolitical, not an ethnic or linguistic, label.

Cases where the text reports that political allegiance changed are consistent with this notion. Thus the children who had been fathered, then abandoned, by the
renegade priests of Noah chose to "be numbered among those who were called Nephites" (Mosiah 25:12). That is, when they came under the sovereignty of the
current head of the Nephite government, they both gave their allegiance to him and changed their group label to "Nephites." In a parallel case earlier, "all the people of
Zarahemla were numbered with the Nephites, and this because the kingdom had been conferred upon none but those who were descendants of Nephi" (Mosiah
25:13). Conversely, when Amlici and his followers rebelled against Nephite rule and "did consecrate Amlici to be their king," they took a unique group name to mark
the political rebellion, "being called Amlicites" (Alma 2:9). Meanwhile "the remainder"ï¿½-those loyal to Alma, the continuing official rulerï¿½-"were [still] called
Nephites" (Mosiah 25:11). Again, when the Zoramites transferred allegiance from the Nephite government to the Lamanite side, they "became Lamanites" (Alma 43:4,
6). We see, then, that the Nephites constituted those governed by the ruling "Nephi," who was always a direct descendant of the original Nephi. But the label does not
of itself convey information about the ethnic, linguistic, or physical characteristics or origin of those called Nephites.

It is true that the name "Nephites" sometimes connotes those who shared culture, religion, and ethnicity or biology. But every rule-of-thumb we construct that treats
the Nephites as a thoroughly homogeneous unit ends up violated by details in the text. Variety shows through the common label, culturally (e.g., Mosiah 7:15; Alma
8:11-12), religiously (e.g., Mosiah 26:4-5 and27:1; Alma 8:11), linguistically (e.g., Omni 1:17-18), and biologically (e.g., Alma 3:17, note the statement concerning
Nephi's seed "and whomsoever shall be called thy seed"; Alma 55:4). "Nephites" should then be read as the generic name designating the nation (see Alma 9:20) ideally
unified in a political structure headed by one direct descendant of Nephi at a time.

Even more indicative of social and cultural variation among the Nephites is the usage by their historians of the expression "people of the Nephites." It connotes that
there existed a social stratum called "the Nephites" while another category was "people" who were "of," that is, subordinate to, those "Nephites," even while they all
were under the same central government and within the same broad society. Limhi was ready to accept such a second-class status for his people, the Zeniffites, and
assumed that the dependent category still existed as it apparently had when his grandfather had left Zarahemla (see Mosiah 7:15). The Amulonites operated a similar
system in the land of Helam, where they held Alma's group in effective serfdom (see Mosiah 23:36-39 and24:8-15). (At the same time the privileges of the Amulonites
themselves were at the sufferance of the Lamanite king, as shown in Mosiah 23:39; power in Lamanite society was also heavily stratified.) Generally, similar
stratification is evident in the account of the Zoramites where the powerful segment succeeded in expelling those of the deprived poorer element who did not toe the line
(see Alma 32:2-5;35:3-7). The dominance of a powerful Nephite establishment over subordinate groups is shown dramatically in Morm. 2:4. There we read that
Nephite armies under Mormon "did take possession of the city" of Angola, obviously against the resistance of the local, nominally "Nephite" inhabitants. Hence, some
were more Nephite than others, in a sense. A socially complex society is also reflected in Alma's expression, "all [God's] people who are called the people of
Nephi" (Alma 9:19). This subordination and potential variety within the society seem to me plainer in the expression "the people of the Nephites" than in the more usual
"Nephites." If we look closely, then, it seems that we can detect in the "nation" centered at Zarahemla an ability to incorporate social and ethnic variety greater than the
title "Nephites" may suggest on surface reading.

Also of interest is a statement by the judges in Zarahemla to Nephi when he prophesied the destruction of the Nephites because of wickedness. At Hel. 8:6 they reply,
"we are powerful, and our cities great, therefore our enemies can have no power over us." The surprising thing is that nominally the Nephites and Lamanites were at this
time in an unprecedented condition of peace (see Hel. 6:34-37). So who were the "enemies" those Gadianton-linked judges had in mind? Could they have been non-
Lamanites (rival secret groups?), some of whose descendants in the final period of Nephite history constituted a third, non-Lamanite force (see Morm. 2:10, 27)?

The People of Zarahemla

The people of Zarahemla keep turning up when we consider possible "others." Characterizing them adequately is difficult because of the brevity of the Nephite-kept
record, which is, of course, our only source about them. Elsewhere I have presented a rather comprehensive body of data and inference about them. But my special
concern now is the question of unity or variety in the composition of this element within Nephite society.

How uniform a group was that immigrating party? It is very likely that non-Jews were in the crew of the vessel that brought Zedekiah's son Mulek to the New World
(see Omni 1:15-16). A purely Israelite crew recruited in the Palestine homeland would have been possible during some periods, but at the time Mulek's party left, all
the Mediterranean ports of the kingdom of Judah were in Babylonian hands. Most likely the crew of the ship (there could have been more than one, of course) were
"Phoenician," itself a historical category that was by no means homogeneous. Significant cultural, linguistic, and biological variety could have been introduced into
American Book of Mormon populations through such a mixed crew, about which, unfortunately, the text tells us nothing.

Our cryptic record tells of only one segment, those descendants from that shipload who ended up centuries after the landing under one Zarahemla. When Mosiah, the
leader of the Nephites who had come from the land of Nephi, reached Zarahemla's city, he is not reported to have stood in the way of Mosiah's becoming king over
the combined people. He put up no claim to royal descent himself, nor was he ever called a king. The name "the people of Zarahemla" carries their political standing no
farther back than this living man. The fact that no ancestral name was applied to their city except that of the current leader, Zarahemla, indicates that they had no long
history as a political entity. Probably they had not arrived in the area of the city of Zarahemla long before Mosiah found them, or at least the place had been insignificant
enough that no one earlier than Zarahemla had named it. (Later Nephite custom named settlements after "him who first possessed them"; Alma 8:7.) They or their
ancestors had come "up" the river to that spot from the eastern lowland area where they had earlier lived (see Alma 22:30-31). Furthermore, this area they now
inhabited was small. When King Benjamin later called the assembly where he named his son as his successor, the call reached the entire area concerned in a single day
(see Mosiah 1:10, 18).

Zarahemla's group could only have been one part of those descended from Mulek's party. No single ethnic label is applied in the record to everybody from the original
ship, one hint of their diversity or disunity. Had all descendants of the immigrant party remained together as a single society, they would probably have been referred to
by a single name, something like "Mulekites." (Latter-day Saints use that term as equivalent to the people of Zarahemla although it never occurs in the text; I usually put
it in quotation marks to make clear that it is not an ancient term.) The statement that there had been "many wars and serious contentions" among those descendants
underlines the lack of a unified history for them which is evident from the lack of a single name.

Another statement in the record impinges on this matter. When Mosiah 25:2 speaks of the subjects ruled by Mosiah, it contrasts two categories of the population. The
first is, of course, "the children of Nephi . . . who were descendants of Nephi," that is, apparently, those who had arrived in the land of Zarahemla guided by the first
King Mosiah. The second category is itself composite: "the people of Zarahemla, who was a descendant of Mulek, and those who came with him into the
wilderness" (Omni 1:13-14). Two readings of this statement make equal sense. If the comma after "Mulek" was inserted correctly (initially by the printing crew, who
did most of the punctuation for the first English edition), then the meaning would be that the "Mulekites" consisted of people whose ancestors included both Mulek and
others, "those who came with him." But an alternative reading would be possible if the comma after "Mulek" should be omitted; in that case, Zarahemla himself would
be represented as descended from both Mulek and others of Mulek's party. I take the former meaning and suppose that other groups than Zarahemla's coexisted with
them (though apparently not at the capital, the city of Zarahemla). This may be part of the reason the man Zarahemla is nowhere called kingï¿½-because he had political
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                                                      from the Mulek party and that one very localized. Consequently a lesser titleï¿½-something like "chief"ï¿½-would  have
fitted him better. But the Nephite kings proceeded to extend their rule over a greater area. At least by the day of Mosiah 2 , the borders of the greater land of
Zarahemla had been greatly expanded compared with Benjamin's time. I consider it likely that the expansion of their domain over the territory between the city of
did most of the punctuation for the first English edition), then the meaning would be that the "Mulekites" consisted of people whose ancestors included both Mulek and
others, "those who came with him." But an alternative reading would be possible if the comma after "Mulek" should be omitted; in that case, Zarahemla himself would
be represented as descended from both Mulek and others of Mulek's party. I take the former meaning and suppose that other groups than Zarahemla's coexisted with
them (though apparently not at the capital, the city of Zarahemla). This may be part of the reason the man Zarahemla is nowhere called kingï¿½-because he had political
authority only over one of those groups springing from the Mulek party and that one very localized. Consequently a lesser titleï¿½-something like "chief"ï¿½-would have
fitted him better. But the Nephite kings proceeded to extend their rule over a greater area. At least by the day of Mosiah 2 , the borders of the greater land of
Zarahemla had been greatly expanded compared with Benjamin's time. I consider it likely that the expansion of their domain over the territory between the city of
Zarahemla and the original settlement spot of the "Mulekites," probably the city of Mulek located near the east coast, came to incorporate additional settlements of
"those who came with him into the wilderness" but who had had no political connection with chief Zarahemla.

More evidence that the people of Zarahemla were not a unified group who followed a single cultural tradition can be seen in Ammon's encounter with Limhi. The
Zeniffite king reported to Ammon that not long before, he had sent an exploring party to locate Zarahemla, but, it turned out, they reached the Jaredite final
battleground instead. At the point when Limhi told about that expedition, Ammon was oddly silent on one related point. Since he was himself "a descendant of
Zarahemla" (Mosiah 7:13), we might have anticipated that he would recall Coriantumr, the final Jaredite king as described for us in Omni 1:20-22. Why did Ammon
not remember that chief Zarahemla's ancestors had this dramatic tradition of an earlier people, the Jaredites, who occupied the land of Desolation and who became
extinct except for this wounded alien ruler who lived among the Jewish newcomers for nine months? Surely he would immediately have related the twenty-four gold
plates and the corroded artifacts to the tradition to which Limhi referred. Instead, Ammon seems as ignorant of Coriantumr as Limhi was. This suggests that different
segments of the "Mulekite" population did not all share the same traditions.

Further reason to see variety among the "Mulekites" is provided by the Amlicites (see Alma 2). In their rebellion against being ruled by the Nephites, they mustered a
large rebel force, about the same size as the loyal Nephite army. They "came" from some distinct settlement locality of their own (surely from downriver) to challenge
Alma's army. There can be little question, it seems to me, that they constituted a numerous population with their own history and cultural features whom the intruding
Nephite elite ruled only with difficulty. These Amlicites may have been broadly categorized together with "the people of Zarahemla," although residing at a distance from
the city of Zarahemla and so never headed by the chief whom Mosiah encountered and coopted. The Amlicites, like Ammon and the Zeniffites, seem not to have
traced any connection with Mulek but set themselves apart only under their current leader's name, Amlici. Perhaps they were a local group or set of groups derived in
part from Jaredite ancestry or perhaps from ancestors other than Mulek who arrived with his party.

The "king-men" of later days may have been composed of the same societal elements but without a leader equivalent to Amlici to confer on them a (his) distinctive
name. The king-men, too, inhabited a distinct region, for when Moroni "commanded that his army should go against those king-men," they were "hewn down" and
compelled to fly the "title of liberty" standard "in their cities" (Alma 51:17-20). This language confirms that they, like the Amlicites, had a base territory of their own and
that it was a significant distance from the city of Zarahemla. Again, quite surely, it lay downriver.

Mulek's party likely settled first at "the city of Mulek," which was on the east coast very near the city Bountiful. During some period between the first landing of the
Mulek party and Zarahemla's day, the descendants of the immigrants became "exceedingly numerous"ï¿½-enough to engage in "many wars and serious contentions, and
had fallen by the sword from time to time" (Omni 1:17). The departure of Zarahemla's faction upriver was plausibly a consequence of those wars. From the thumbnail
sketch of their history in Omni we cannot tell much, but their becoming "exceedingly numerous" under such difficult pioneer circumstances sounds as unlikely on the
grounds of natural increase alone as when the same expression was applied to the early Lamanites (see below). It is likely that they too incorporated "others" into their
structure, probably seizing control, or trying to seize control, over relatively disorganized Jaredite remnants they encountered. Perhaps the wars in which they became
involved stemmed initially from the militarized chaos they may have found reverberating among those remnants following the "final" battle between the armies of Shiz and
Coriantumr.

Evidence From Language

What Mosiah's record tells us about the language used by the people of Zarahemla deserves attention in this connection. "Their language had become corrupted" (Omni
1:17), the Nephite account says. Certain historical linguists have done a great deal of work on rates of change of languages, written and unwritten, and in both civilized
and simpler societies. What they have learned is that "basic vocabulary" changes at a more or less constant rate among all groups. Even though this general finding
needs qualification when applied to specific cases, we can be sure that in the course of the three or four centuries of separation of the people of Zarahemla from
Mosiah's group, because they once spoke the same tongue in Jerusalem, their separate versions of Hebrew would have remained intelligible to each other. But the text
at Omni 1:18 says that they could not communicate until Mosiah "caused that they should be taught in his language." There are only two linguistically sound explanations
why this difference should be: (1) the "Mulekite" group might have spoken more than one language and Zarahemla's people had adopted something other than Hebrew;
since we do not know the composition of the boat's crew nor of the elite passengers, we cannot know what to think about this possibility; (2) but more likely, one or
both peoples had adopted a different, non-Hebrew language learned from some "other" people after arrival. The people of Zarahemla are more likely to have made a
change than the Nephites, yet both could have done so. The text does not clarify the point. Considering that the "Mulekites" were present in the land in time to
encounter Coriantumr, perhaps some unmentioned Jaredite survivor groups were also discovered and were involved in linguistic change among the newcomers. If
Mulek arrived via a single ship with only a tiny party, they would have been a minority in the midst of those with whom they associated and so became subject to losing
their original speech to the larger host group even if they came to rule over the locals.

Although the scripture does not tell us much about the languages used among the peoples it reports, the topic is significant if we attempt to make connection with
languages known from modern scholarly sources. In whatever region in America we place Book of Mormon lands, we find that numerous tongues were being spoken
when Columbus arrived. Probably on the order of 200 existed in Mesoamerica alone. As modern languages have been analyzed, comparisons made, and histories
reconstructed, it has become clear that the ancient linguistic scene was also complex. The differences between those languages and their family groupings are so great
that no plausible linguistic history can be formulated which relies on Book of Mormon-reported voyagers as a sole original source tongue. The mere presence of
Hebrew speech in Mesoamerica has yet to be established to the satisfaction of linguistic scholars, although there is significant preliminary indication. As with the diverse
cultural or archaeological record, that from linguistics cannot accommodate the picture that the Book of Mormon gives us of its peoples without supposing that "others"
were on the scene when Lehi's group came ashore.

The Lingering Jaredites

There is conclusive evidence in the Book of Mormon text that Jaredite language affected the people of Zarahemla, the Nephites, and the Lamanites. Robert F. Smith
has pointed out that the term "sheum," applied by a Nephite historian to a crop for which there was no Nephite (or English) equivalent (see Mosiah 9:9), "is a precise
match for Akkadian (i.e. Babylonian) seum, which means 'barley' (Old Assyrian, 'wheat'), the most popular ancient Mesopotamian cereal name." Its phonetic form
appropriately fits the time period when the Jaredites departed from the Old World. This plant was being grown among the Zeniffites in the land of Nephi. We have
already seen that the "corn" emphasized among the Zeniffites had to have passed down from pre-Lehite people. Still another crop, "neas," bears an untranslated plant
name and is mentioned with corn and sheum, so it must also be of non-Nephite origin. The two names and three crops may be presumed to be of Jaredite origin and
likely came down to the Nephites and Lamanites via the people of Zarahemla if not some more exotic intermediary population.

There is also evidence from personal names that influence from the Jaredites reached the Nephites. Nibley identifies some of these and notes, "Five out of the six whose
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names  [in the Nephite record] are definitely Jaredite [Morianton, Coriantumr, Korihor, Nehor, Noah, and Shiblon] betray strong anti-Nephite leanings.              anti-
Nephite bias may well reflect a viewpoint held by some among the people of Zarahemla or other groups of related origin that one of them, not any descendant of
Nephi, ought by rights to be king.
likely came down to the Nephites and Lamanites via the people of Zarahemla if not some more exotic intermediary population.

There is also evidence from personal names that influence from the Jaredites reached the Nephites. Nibley identifies some of these and notes, "Five out of the six whose
names [in the Nephite record] are definitely Jaredite [Morianton, Coriantumr, Korihor, Nehor, Noah, and Shiblon] betray strong anti-Nephite leanings.         Their anti-
Nephite bias may well reflect a viewpoint held by some among the people of Zarahemla or other groups of related origin that one of them, not any descendant of
Nephi, ought by rights to be king.

Nibley also emphasizes that terms in the Nephite system of money and grain measures described in Alma 11 "bear Jaredite names," obvious examples being "shiblon"
and "shiblum."

Can we tell how these foreign words came into use among the Nephites? One possibility is that Coriantumr learned enough of the language of the "Mulekites" in the
nine final months of his life which he spent among them to pass on a number of words. Another possibility is that the terms came from Mosiah's translation of Ether's
plates (see Mosiah 28:11-13, 17). But Alma 11:4 makes clear that the names of weights and measures were in use among the Nephites long before Mosiah had read
Ether's record. And the crop plants themselves, and especially the methods of cultivating them, must have come through real people, not through the pages of any
book. Moreover we would not expect that a decrepit Jaredite king whose mind was on the history of his ancestors would have known about or bothered with such
mundane matters as seeds and the names of weight units. The people who passed on workaday items like those would have been commoners. And if they had time and
opportunity to pass on agricultural and commercial complexes, surely they would have communicated other cultural features as well, probably including cultic
("idolatrous") items.

The idea that part of the Jaredite population lived beyond the battle at the hill Ramah to influence their successors, the people of Zarahemla and Lehi's descendants, is
by no means new. Generations ago both B. H. Roberts and J. M. Sjodahl, for example, supposed that significant Jaredite remnants survived.

So far four lines of evidence of Jaredite influence on their successors have been mentionedï¿½-the Coriantumr encounter, Jaredite personal names among the later
peoples, three crops plus the names of two of them, and the names of certain Nephite weights and measures. A fifth type of evidence is the nature and form of secret
societies.

The Nephite secret combination pattern is obviously very similar to what had been present among the Jaredites. Was there a historical connection? It is true that Alma
instructed his son Helaman not to make known to their people any contents of Ether's record that might give them operating procedures for duplicating the secret
groups (see Alma 37:27-29). A later writer says that it was the devil who "put into the heart" of Gadianton certain information of that sort (see Hel. 6:26). Yet an
efficient alternative explanation of how the later secret groups came to look so much like those of the Jaredites is direct transmission of the tradition through survivors of
the Jaredites to the people of Zarahemla and thus to Gadianton. This process probably would have been unknown to Alma or other elite Nephite writers, who must
have had little to do directly with the mass of "Mulekite" folk. Support for the idea comes from a statement by Giddianhi, one-time "governor" of the Gadianton
organization. Their ways, he claimed, "are of ancient date and they have been handed down unto us" (3 Ne. 3:9).

Where the Jaredites lived gives us another clue that more of them than Coriantumr alone must have interacted with the later people of Zarahemla or Nephites. It is
commonplace for students of the geography of Book of Mormon events to suppose that the Jaredites dwelt only in the land northward. True, at one point in time
centuries before their destruction, during a period of expansion, the Jaredite King Lib constructed "a great city by the narrow neck of land" (Ether 10:20). At that time it
was said that "they did preserve the land southward for a wilderness, to get game" (verse 21), but it is unlikely such a pattern of exclusive reserve could continue. The
fact is that it makes no sense to build a "great city" adjacent to pure wilderness. Rather, we can safely suppose that, in addition to whatever limited area was kept as a
royal game preserve, routine settlers existed southward from the new city and that they provided a support population for it. At the least there would have been peoples
further toward the south with whom the city would trade whether or not they were counted as Lib's subjects. As population grew over the nearly thousand years of
Jaredite history after Lib's day, more local settlements in parts of the land southward could have developed due to normal population growth and spread. Not all of
those peoples would have shown up at the final slaughter at Ramah. Likely some of the survivors in the land southward became mixed with descendants of Mulek's
group, thus accounting for part of their "exceedingly numerous" force and, of course, the presence of corn, sheum, and neas.

But aside from the likely presence of Jaredite descendants incorporated into Zarahemla's group, entirely separate peoples could also have resided within interaction
range. Archaeological, art, and linguistic materials make clear that ethnic variety is an old phenomenon everywhere in tropical America where the Book of Mormon
groups might have been located (mainline archaeologists who have not examined the literature on this topic continue generally to ignore that variety). Even Joseph Smith
recognized such a possibility. He once "quoted with approval from the pulpit reports of certain Toltec legends which would make it appear that those people had come
[to Mexico] originally from the Near East in the time of Moses." And why not, Nibley continued? "There is not a word in the Book of Mormon to prevent the
coming to this hemisphere of any number of people from any part of the world at any time, provided only that they come with the direction of the Lord; and even this
requirement must not be too strictly interpreted," considering the condition of the "Mulekites" after their arrival.

A particularly interesting case of such external evidence involves a scene on a monument located at an archaeological site that I consider to be the prime candidate for
the city of Mulek. As explained elsewhere, the site of La Venta in southern Mexico qualifies remarkably well as the city of Mulek. It was one of the great centers of
Olmec civilization, whose distribution and dates remind us of Jaredite society. Stela 3 at La Venta is a basalt slab fourteen feet high and weighing fifty tons. It is
thought to date to about 600 B.C., or a little later, at or just after the late Olmec (Jaredite?) inhabitants abandoned the site. Carved on the stone is a scene in which a
person of obvious high social status, whose facial features look like those shown in some earlier Olmec art, confronts a prominent man who appears to a number of
(non-Mormon) art historians like a Jew. This scene has been interpreted by archaeologists as a formal encounter between leaders of different ethnic groups. For
instance, the late expert on Mesoamerican art, Tatiana Proskouriakoff, considered that Stela 3 shows "two racially distinct groups of people" and that "the group of the
[Jewish-looking] bearded stranger ultimately gained ascendency." She concluded, thus, that "the culture of La Venta [thereafter] contained a strong foreign component."
    Latter-day Saints may wonder whether Mulek or some other person in his party might even be represented on Stela 3, considering the date and the location at a site
very suitable to have been the "city of Mulek." At the least we see that ethnic and cultural variety existed in Mesoamerica where and when we would expect evidence
of Mulek's group to show up.

Why the Nephite Record Does Not Comment on "Others"

Why, given the points we have been examining, didn't Nephite historians mention "other" people more explicitly in their record? Several reasons may be suggested.
First, note that the record does clearly mention the people of Zarahemla and the descendants of others who arrived with Mulek and even tells us that they outnumbered
the Nephites by descent (see Mosiah 25:1). Yet these writers remain uninterested in the "Mulekites" as a group, not even offering a name for them in their entirety. The
entire body of information on them would hardly occupy a single page in our scripture. This lack of concern has to do with the fact that the focus of the record is the
Nephites. To the Nephite record keepers, all others were insignificant except as they challenged Nephite rulership. Apparently the "Mulekites" never did so as a group
unified by their origin. Probably no such challenge occurred because they never saw themselves as a single group. A comparison might be made to the descendants of
the early American colonizing ship, the Mayflower; there is minor prestige in being a descendant of someone on that ship, but there has never been a Mayflower
movement in our country's politics. Similarly, it appears that no powerful origin account or belief system united those on the ship that brought Mulek (as there was for
Nephites and Lamanites). Instead they only constituted a residual category of interest to us in historical retrospect. When there was challenge to Nephite control, it is
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said to have(c)  2005-2009,
              come            InfobaseorMedia
                    from "dissenters,"         Corp. or "king-men," some or all of whom might have been of "Mulekite" descent, but that fact was evidently
                                         "Amlicites,"                                                                                                   Page    6 / 919
                                                                                                                                                              incidental.
No doubt a majority of the "Mulekites" went right on peacefully accepting domination by Nephite overlords, as Mosiah 25:13 makes clear.
unified by their origin. Probably no such challenge occurred because they never saw themselves as a single group. A comparison might be made to the descendants of
the early American colonizing ship, the Mayflower; there is minor prestige in being a descendant of someone on that ship, but there has never been a Mayflower
movement in our country's politics. Similarly, it appears that no powerful origin account or belief system united those on the ship that brought Mulek (as there was for
Nephites and Lamanites). Instead they only constituted a residual category of interest to us in historical retrospect. When there was challenge to Nephite control, it is
said to have come from "dissenters," or "Amlicites," or "king-men," some or all of whom might have been of "Mulekite" descent, but that fact was evidently incidental.
No doubt a majority of the "Mulekites" went right on peacefully accepting domination by Nephite overlords, as Mosiah 25:13 makes clear.

What view of the Lamanites did the Nephites have that sheds light on the question of "others"? We may see a clarifying parallel to the Nephite-Lamanite relationship in
how Mormons viewed "the Indians" in western America during the nineteenth century. Pioneer historical materials mention "Indians" about the same proportion of the
time as the Nephite record mentions the "Mulekites," that is, rarely. This was not because the natives were a mystery. On the contrary, Latter-day Saint pioneers had
an explanation for "the Indians" which they considered adequateï¿½-they were generic "Lamanites." With a few exceptions at a local level, no more detailed labelling or
description was ever considered needed. Overall, "Indians"/"Lamanites" were of only occasional concern, as long as they did not make trouble. When they were a
problem, the attention they received was, again, normally local. Periodic attempts to convert the Indians rarely had much practical effect, and this positive concern for
them tended to be overwhelmed by the "practical" aim to put the natives in their (dominated) place. Wouldn't the Nephites have dealt with their "Lamanites" about like
the Latter-day Saints with theirs? (Notice the mixed messageï¿½-hope for converting the benighted ones but tough military measures, too-ï¿½familiar in early Utah
history, found in Enos 1:14, 20, and 24.) Thus Nephites in a particular area might have noted differences between one group or subtribe of "Lamanites" and another,
while people who talked about the situation only from what they heard in the capital city would have generalized, with little interest in details. For example, it is only in
the detailed account of Ammon's missionary travels that we learn that Lamoni and his people were not simply "Lamanites" in general but tribally distinct Ishmaelites
inhabiting a region of their own (see Alma 17:19, 21). At the level of concern of the keepers of the overall Nephite account, nevertheless, one "Lamanite" must have
seemed pretty much equivalent to any other "Lamanite," as Jacob 1:14 assumes. The Nephites' generic category of "Lamanite" could have lumped together a variety of
groups differing in culture, ethnicity, language, and physical appearance without any useful purpose being served, in Nephite eyes, by distinguishing among them. (Of
course the original records may have gone into more detail, but all we have is Mormon's edited version of those, plus the small plates of Nephi.)

A final reason why the scripture lacks more explicit mention of "others" may be that the writers did not want to waste space on their plates telling of things they
considered obvious or insignificant. For example, they nowhere tell us that the Nephites made and used pottery. Any ancient historian would be considered eccentric if
he had written, "And some of our women also made pottery." To anyone of his time it would seem absurd to say so because "everybody knows that." The obvious is
rarely recorded in historical documents because it seems pointless to do so. "The people of Zarahemla," "the Lamanites," "the Amalekites," and the like get mentioned in
the Book of Mormon, not because of who they were but because of particular things they did in relation to the Nephites. They were historically significant actors in
some ways at certain moments from a Nephite point of view. But neither Mormon nor any other Nephite writer would waste time and precious space on the plates by
adding pointlessly, "Incidentally, there were some other bunches of people hanging around too."

"Others" Among the Lamanites

We have already seen that the initial Lamanite faction had an edge in numbers when the Nephites' first split from them. We have also seen that the numbers of Nephites
implied by statements and events in their early history was greater than natural births could have accounted for. Growth in population of the Lamanites is still harder to
explain.

Jarom 1:5-6 tells us that not long after 400 B.C. the Nephites had "waxed strong in the land," yet the Lamanites "were exceeding more numerous than were . . . the
Nephites." Earlier, Enos 1:20 had characterized the Lamanites as wild, ferocious, blood-thirsty hunters, eating raw meat and wandering in the wilderness mostly
unclothed. Jarom echoes that picture (see Jarom 1:6). I suggest that we should discount this dark portrait of the Lamanites on account of its clear measure of ethnic
prejudice and its lack of first-hand observation on the part of the Nephite record keepers. But regardless of qualifications, we are left with the fact that the
Lamanites, who are said to have been supported by a hunting economy, greatly outnumbered the Nephites, who were cultivators. This situation is so contrary to the
record of human history that it cannot be accepted at face value. Typically, hunting peoples do not capture enough food energy in the form of game, plus non-
cultivated plant foods they gather, to feed as large or as dense a population as farmers can. Almost invariably, settled agriculturalists successfully support a population a
number of times greater. It would be incredible for Lamanites living only under the economic regime reported by Enos to have supported the superior population he
credits to them. How can we explain their numbers?

Only one explanation is plausible. The early Lamanites had to have included, or to have dominated, other people who lived by cultivation. Their crops would have been
essential to support the growth in overall "Lamanite" population. Such a situation is not uncommon in history; predatory hunter/warrior groups often enough have come
to control passive agriculturalists off whose production they feed via taxation or tribute. Given the personal aggressiveness of Laman and Lemuel, it would be no
surprise if they had immediately begun seizing power over localized populations of "other" farmers if they encountered any. After all, that is what the Lamanites later did
to the Zeniffites, taking a "tax" of up to half their production (see Mosiah 7 and9). But this scenario works only if a settled, non-Lehite population already existed in the
land of promise when Lehi came.

The text goes on to tell us that by the first century B.C. Lamanite expansion had spread "through the wilderness on the west, in the land of Nephi; yea, and also on the
west of the land of Zarahemla, in the borders by the seashore, and on the west in the land of Nephi, in the place of their fathers' first inheritance, and thus bordering
along by the seashore" (Alma 22:28). Note that a phrase in this verse supports the picture of a Lamanite warrior element coexisting with settled people: "the more idle
part of the Lamanites lived in the wilderness, and dwelt in tents." Hence only part of the Lamanite population were hunters, while others were settled, presumably
farming, people. The latter group would have been of relatively little concern to the Nephites and thus would not be further mentioned by them because it was the wild
types who spearheaded the attacks on the Nephites.

Confirmation of the pattern of dominance of subject groups comes from the mention of cities and other evidences of a civilized way of life among the Lamanites. The
brief Nephite record does not bother to tell how the transition from the early nomadic Lamanite pattern to settled life occurred, but the text assures us that change they
did, at least some of them. By the time the sons of Mosiah reached the land of Nephi to preach, about 90 B.C., "the Lamanites and the Amalekites and the people of
Amulon had built a great city, which was called Jerusalem" (Alma 21:2). However, the Amalekites and Amulonites are pictured as exploiters of others, not as basic
builders of advanced culture. They could not have flourished had there not been an infrastructure of agricultural producers to support them. Other cities, too, are
mentioned among the Lamanitesï¿½-Nephi, Lemuel, Shimnilom by name, plus others unnamed (see Alma 23:4, 11-12).

The Nephites kept on reporting the daunting scale of Lamanite military manpower (see Alma 2:24, 28;49:6;51:11; Hel. 1:19). This implies a base population from
which the Lamanites could keep drawing an almost inexhaustible supply of sword fodder. Such a large population is even more difficult to account for by natural
increase of the original Laman-Lemuel faction than in the case of Nephi's group, for the eventual Lamanite absolute numbers are disproportionately high. None of this
demographic picture makes sense unless "others" had become part of the Lamanite economy and polity.

Beyond warfare, other unexpected developments among the Lamanites also demand explanation. Comparative study of ancient societies tells us that their system of
rulership, where a great king dominated subordinate kings whom he had commissioned, as reported in Alma 20-22, would be unlikely except among a fairly populous
farming people. Also, a "palace" was used by the Lamanite great king (see Alma 22:2; perhaps the same structure Noah had earlier built as reported in Mosiah 11:9),
but no such building is indicated for the Nephites. The institution of kingship was obviously highly developed among the Lamanites. Moreover, the logistics of Lamanite
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                                                  great distance from home territory (see, for example, Alma 50:11-32), calls for considerable technological and 7 / 919
sociocultural sophistication as well as a large noncombatant population. It is true that dissenters from among the Nephites provided certain knowledge to the Lamanites
(compare Alma 47:36), but local human and natural resources on a large scale and a fairly long tradition of locally adaptive technology would have been required in
Beyond warfare, other unexpected developments among the Lamanites also demand explanation. Comparative study of ancient societies tells us that their system of
rulership, where a great king dominated subordinate kings whom he had commissioned, as reported in Alma 20-22, would be unlikely except among a fairly populous
farming people. Also, a "palace" was used by the Lamanite great king (see Alma 22:2; perhaps the same structure Noah had earlier built as reported in Mosiah 11:9),
but no such building is indicated for the Nephites. The institution of kingship was obviously highly developed among the Lamanites. Moreover, the logistics of Lamanite
military campaigns, which they carried on at a great distance from home territory (see, for example, Alma 50:11-32), calls for considerable technological and
sociocultural sophistication as well as a large noncombatant population. It is true that dissenters from among the Nephites provided certain knowledge to the Lamanites
(compare Alma 47:36), but local human and natural resources on a large scale and a fairly long tradition of locally adaptive technology would have been required in
order to bring the ambitions of the dissenters to realization. As we saw in the case of the crops passed down from earlier times, it is quite unthinkable that all this cultural
apparatus was simply invented by the reportedly backward Lamanites within the span of a few centuries. Some, perhaps most, of the required cultural background
derived from pre-Lehite peoples.

As we saw above, Lehi's prophecy in 2 Ne. 2 called for "other nations" to be near at hand and influential upon the Lamanites after their rebellion against Nephi and the
Lord became obvious. The point is recalled here in connection with our discussion of the growth in Lamanite numbers.

Despite the brevity of the text about Lamanite society there are specific statements and situations that alert us to the presence of "others" among them. Two key cases
involve those identified as the Amulonites and the Amalekites. The Amulonites originated when the fugitive priests of Noah captured twenty-four Lamanite women as
substitute wives (see Mosiah 20:4-5, 18, 23). From that small beginning, within fifty or sixty years their numbers rose to where they "were as numerous, nearly, as were
the Nephites" (Alma 43:14). Since the Nephites commanded tens of thousands of soldiers at the time, the Amulonites would have had almost the same number. Using a
common figure of one soldier for each five of the total population, this would put their entire group at 100,000 or more. But by natural increase the twenty-four priests
and their wives could not have produced even a hundredth of that total in the time indicated. Moreover they had had their own demographic difficulties, for we learn
from Alma 25:4 that at one point in time "almost all the seed of Amulon and his brethren, who were the priests of Noah," had been "slain by the hands of the Nephites."
So who were left to constitute this large people?

The only possible explanation for their dramatic growth in numbers is that they gained control over and incorporated "other" people. (These were not Lamanites per se,
it appears from Alma 23:14 and 43:13.) We see how this was done through a political pattern sketched in Alma 25:5. Amulonite survivors of their wars with the
Nephites "having fled into the east wilderness . . . usurped the power and authority over the Lamanites [in Nephite terms]" dwelling in that area. They had already had a
lesson in usurpation when they got control over Alma and his people in the land of Helam. "The king of the Lamanites had granted unto Amulon that he should be a king
and a ruler over his [own Amulonite] people, who were in the land of Helam," as well as over subject Alma and company (Mosiah 23:39). In the eyes of the rapacious
priests and those who followed and modelled after them, political and economic exploitation of subject populations must have seemed a much superior way to "earn" a
good living than the humdrum labor they had had to resort to in their original land, where they "had begun to till the ground" (Mosiah 23:31). We cannot say definitely
what the origins of the subjects were who ended up under Amulonite control, but their startling numbers indicate that Lehi's descendants alone cannot account for them.

More mysterious are the Amalekites. They are first mentioned at Alma 21:1-8 where a tiny window on their culture and location in part of the land of Nephi is opened
for us. The time was approximately 90 B.C., but they were already powerful, being mentioned on a par with the Amulonites. Nothing is said about when or under what
circumstances they originated. Alma 21:8 has an Amalekite speaker contrast "thy [Aaron's, and thus Mosiah's] fathers" from "our [Amalekite] fathers." This seems to
set their ancestry apart from that of the core Nephites in Zarahemla, but neither were they from the Lamanite side, for Alma 43:13 calls them dissenters from the
Nephites. The Amalekite questioner further implies that his forebears included men who spoke prophetically. Could they have been of Mulek's group, or of the
Jaredites, or of still another people? At least the presence of the Amalekites assures us that the Book of Mormon text as we now have it does not include all the
information it might have about peoples in the land of Nephi lumped together by the Nephite writers as "Lamanites."

Alma 24:29 raises the possibility of still another group being present. It says that among those converted by the Nephite missionaries, "there were none who were [1]
Amalekites or [2] Amulonites or [3] who were of the order of Nehor, but they [the converts] were actual descendants of Laman and Lemuel." This phrasing leaves
unclear whether those "of the order of Nehor" were merely Amalekites or Amulonites who followed the Nehorite persuasion, or whether, as seems equally likely, the
Nehorites constituted a group of their own. Nehor was, after all, a Jaredite personal name; that "order" may have been particularly oriented to Jaredite survivors.

The expression "Lamanitish servants," applied to certain of King Lamoni's servants (Alma 17:26), invites our consideration in this connection. Why not merely
"Lamanite servants?" What is the significance of the -ish suffix? The English dictionary sense that is most applicable would be "somewhat, approximate." How might
those servants have been only "somewhat" Lamanite?

The enigma arises again in a statement in Alma 3:7 referring to "Ishmaelitish women." We are told there that "the Lord God set a mark upon . . . Laman and Lemuel,
and also the sons of Ishmael, and Ishmaelitish women." Of course the wives of Nephi, Sam, and Zoram were all Ishmaelite women (see 1 Ne. 16:7). Does "Ishmaelitish
women" mean something else here? If so, what, in terms of ethnicity and descent?

In at least two other places in the text I see possible evidence of "others." Mosiah 24:7 reports the Lamanites' practicing "all manner of wickedness and plunder, except
it were among their own brethren." Now, given this verse's context, those plundered do not appear to have been Nephites. Who is referred to? Possibly the statement
means that the Lamanites considered it acceptable to plunder any community other than those involving immediate relatives or neighbors, but such a limited sense of
"their own brethren" is without precedent in the text. Rather it seems to me that this expression tells us that certain portions of the Lamanites classified other segments of
the population in their lands as being of different origin and thus subject to less protection. That is, Mosiah 24:7 could mean that Lamanites were plundering "Lamanites"
not of that bloodline, and vice versa. Amulonites and Amalekites could have fallen into the target category as well as the Zeniffites, who certainly were "plundered" (see
Mosiah 9:14). Yet it seems to me that plunderable "others," of non-Lehite stock, may have been at odds with "the [real] Lamanites" and thus have come into conflict
with them (compare Morm. 8:8). That could explain Hel. 5:21, where there is mention of "an army of the Lamanites," whose existence in their homeland is strange since
no war against the Nephites was going on or threatened.

When we consider the obvious question of what language was used among the Lamanites, we learn nothing useful about "others." No indication is given of the use of
translators or of problems in communication resulting from language difference. When Lamanites and Nephites are described as talking or writing to each other, nothing
is said or hinted about what tongue they used. Their dialects that had diverged separately from the Hebrew which Nephi and Laman shared back in Jerusalem, if still
spoken centuries later, might have been similar enough to permit everyday communication (although conversations about conceptual topics like religion would fare
worse). Note, however, that "the language of Nephi" which Mosiah 24:4 and 6 report as beginning to be taught by Nephite dissenters "among all the people of the
Lamanites" was a writing system, not a tongue as such, which verse 6 makes clear. Whether speakers of "other" languages were present or involved we simply cannot
say on the basis of the brief record.

The dark skin attributed to the Lamanites has been interpreted by some readers of the Book of Mormon as indicating that Laman, Lemuel, and those of Ishmael's
family had mixed with "others" bearing darker pigmentation. The problem with that view is that the first mention of it is by Nephi himself (2 Ne. 5:21) shortly after the
initial split in Lehi's group. The abruptness of the appearance of this "mark" upon the Lamanites cannot be reconciled with genetic mixing with a resident population for
that would have required at least a generation to become evident in skin coloring. Again, near the time of Christ those Lamanites "who had united with the Nephites"
had the curse "taken from them, and their skin became white like unto the Nephites" (3 Ne. 2:15). The idea that those changes had a genetic basis is not sustainable. It
is indeed possible that "others" who, we have seen, must have been nearby, were more heavily pigmented than the Nephites and they may have mixed with the
Lamanites,
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"Others" Among the Jaredites?
initial split in Lehi's group. The abruptness of the appearance of this "mark" upon the Lamanites cannot be reconciled with genetic mixing with a resident population for
that would have required at least a generation to become evident in skin coloring. Again, near the time of Christ those Lamanites "who had united with the Nephites"
had the curse "taken from them, and their skin became white like unto the Nephites" (3 Ne. 2:15). The idea that those changes had a genetic basis is not sustainable. It
is indeed possible that "others" who, we have seen, must have been nearby, were more heavily pigmented than the Nephites and they may have mixed with the
Lamanites, but we cannot confirm this from statements in the record.

"Others" Among the Jaredites?

The major focus of this paper, as well as of the Book of Mormon, is the Nephites. A brief look at the Jaredite record is nevertheless worthwhile for what it seems to
tell us about demographic processes comparable to those we have discovered in the Nephite record. Moroni's summary of Ether's sketch of Jaredite history is so
concise that it is difficult to say much about their population history in relation to Jared's original party, yet a few points stand out. It appears that for the earlier people,
too, we must look to "other" groups to account plausibly for the indicated trends and numbers.

Figuring the demographic growth of Jared's party requires that we establish how many there were initially. Ether 6:16 indicates that the founding generation consisted of
twenty-four males. The brother of Jared sired twenty-two sons and daughters, while Jared had twelve (see Ether 6:20). We can be confident that they had multiple
wives. Estimating on the basis of these numbers, the original party reasonably could have numbered on the order of eighty adults. Not many decades later, when
Jared's grandsons, Corihor and Kib, were vigorous political leaders, we read of a "city" in a land, "Nehor," not previously mentioned (see Ether 7:9). This is the earliest
"city" in the entire Book of Mormon record, yet no city is ever mentioned in the land of Moron, the capital "where the king [in Jared's line] dwelt" (Ether 7:5). Even if
half the descendants from those of the eight barges had inexplicably settled in Nehor, the highest number we can imagine for them at this early date would be, say, a
hundred people in the "city" and its land. That number could not have made any "city." Then one generation later, "the people [as a whole] had become exceeding
numerous" (Ether 7:11). The scale of population suggested by these statements calls for "other" groups to have been incorporated under Jaredite rule.

Continued extraordinary population dynamics followed. In the next generation war resulted in destruction of "all the people of the kingdom . . . save it were thirty souls,
and they who fled with the house of Omer" (Ether 9:12). Yet two kings later we read of the building of "many mighty cities" (Ether 9:23). Before long, drought caused
the death of the king Heth "and all his household" except Shez (Ether 10:1-2). Quickly they again built up "many cities . . . and the people began again to spread over all
the face of the land" (Ether 10:4). Centuries later, two million "mighty men, and also their wives and their children" (Ether 15:2) were slain while further warring armies
and civilian supporters yet remained.

I find it not credible that these roller-coaster numbers could result strictly from the demographics of an original party of eighty adults. As with the peoples reported in
the Nephites' own record, a simpler and more compelling explanation is that groups not descended from the immigrant party were involved. If so, "the Jaredites" would
have consisted of a combination of groups with cultures and languages beyond those descended from the settlers on the first barges. But the picture is left unclear
because Ether, a direct descendant of Jared, gives us only his line's history rather than an account of all the inhabitants of the land (consider, for example, Ether 10:30-
31). Furthermore, we have access only to Moroni's summary covering Ether's necessarily short history of thousands of years.

When all the considerations we have reviewed are weighed, I find it inescapable that there were substantial populations in the "promised land" throughout the period of
the Nephite record, and probably in the Jaredite era also. The status and origin of these peoples is never made clear because the writers never set out to do any such
thing; they had other purposes. Yet we cannot understand the demographic or cultural history of Lehi's literal descendants without taking into account those other
groups, too.

Hereafter, readers will not be justified in saying that the record fails to mention "others" but only that we readers have hitherto failed to observe what is said and implied
about such people in the Book of Mormon. This is one more instance in which we see that much remains in that ancient record which we should try to elucidate by
diligent analysis.

   John L. Sorenson, "The composition of Lehi's Family," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W.
Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Bok and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 2:174-96.

   The numbers are in question particularly because we are not told how many years elapsed between the party's arrival in Bountiful and their splitting apart in the land
of first inheritance in America. Before his death, Lehi said of his son Jacob, "thou hast beheld in thy youth his glory" (2 Ne. 2:4). The probable Hebrew expression
translated to English as "youth" indicates an age between ten or twelve at the low end ranging into the twenties. Given the fact that Lehi was already "aged" aboard ship,
during which time Jacob was still a child needing to be "nourished" (1 Ne. 18:19), it seems unlikely that Lehi's statement to Jacob in 2 Ne. 2 would have been many
years later. Supposing two years aboard ship and two at the original landing siteï¿½they planted and harvested at least one cropï¿½then Jacob could plausibly have
been about twelve in Lehi's reference to his "youth."

   Compare, for example, George Cowgill, "On Causes and Consequences of Ancient and Modern Population Changes," American Anthropologist 77 (1975): 505-
25: "Surges implying rates of natural increase of from 3 to 7 per 1000 per year over regions up to some tens of thousands of square kilometers, sustained over two or
three centuries . . . have not been uncommon during the past few thousand years, but they are interspersed with periods of very slow growth or decline. Overall
regional trends spanning a millennium or more show net population gains that are rarely more than what would have resulted from a steady rate of increase of 1 or 2 per
1000 per year. . . . It seems that rates of natural increase greater than about 6 or 7 per 1000 per year have occurred only very briefly and locally." At a rate of natural
increase (births minus deaths) of a phenomenal 7 per 1000 population, the original 24 in the Nephite group would have doubled to 48 in 100 years, long after Jacob's
death. Using the same rate, by the time of Jacob's encounter with Sherem the total number of adult Nephite males would not have exceeded tenï¿½-all of whom would
have been relatives and all of whom would have known each other intimately. Of course Cowgill's numbers could be wrong, but where are the historical cases for
colonizing groups under similar conditions that might contradict his findings? Without such cases we are left to pluck numbers out of the air.

  Anthony W. Ivins, "Are the Jaredites an Extinct People?" Improvement Era 6 (November 1902): 43-44; cf. Omni 1:21.

  See John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1985), 54.

   The position of chief judge no doubt continued many of the key political functions of the former kings and perhaps in some form even the regal title "Nephi." Note
that the chief judge was said to "reign" (Alma 7:2), and as head of state he personally led the Nephite armies (cf. Alma 2:16 with W of M 1:13). Some of the trappings
of the monarchy likely also continued under the system of judges, considering the reference to "thrones" (reflected in Alma 60:7, 11, and 21, and likely Hel. 6:19).
Consider also the telling title applied in Alma 60:24 to the chief judge: "the great head of our government."

   John L. Sorenson, "The 'Mulekites,' " BYU Studies 30 (1990): 6-22.

  The argument and citations are in the section called "The Expansion of Zarahemla," in Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 190-97.

   The Nephites had "taken possession of all the northern parts of the land . . . even until they came to the land which they called Bountiful" and then had "inhabited" that
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
area as a strategic measure (see Alma 22:29, 33). But some remnants of the "Mulekites," though not of "the people of Zarahemla," must already havePage            9 / for
                                                                                                                                                          lived there, 919
that would be the general area where they encountered the wounded Jaredite ruler, Coriantumr. See Sorenson, "The 'Mulekites,' " 13-14. The city Bountiful, like the
cities of Mulek, Gid, and Omner, was in existence before the Nephites cleared out the Lamanite squatters in that section of wilderness and fortified the zone (see Alma
  The argument and citations are in the section called "The Expansion of Zarahemla," in Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 190-97.

   The Nephites had "taken possession of all the northern parts of the land . . . even until they came to the land which they called Bountiful" and then had "inhabited" that
area as a strategic measure (see Alma 22:29, 33). But some remnants of the "Mulekites," though not of "the people of Zarahemla," must already have lived there, for
that would be the general area where they encountered the wounded Jaredite ruler, Coriantumr. See Sorenson, "The 'Mulekites,' " 13-14. The city Bountiful, like the
cities of Mulek, Gid, and Omner, was in existence before the Nephites cleared out the Lamanite squatters in that section of wilderness and fortified the zone (see Alma
50:13-15). They founded garrison cities which the text names, but Bountiful, Mulek, Gid, and Omner, the cities nearest to the land northward, were evidently already in
place, for their founding is not mentioned. Instead "the land Bountiful" was already a fact in Nephite geography (Alma 50:11).

  See Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 196-97, and my "The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book," F.A.R.M.S. 1990, 245.

  As I pointed out in "The 'Mulekites,' " 10, it is likely that there would not have been women aboard for most or all of the crew. For those men to reproduce, as is
implied in the expression "exceeding numerous" in Omni, they would have had to find and take "native" or "other" women.

   See, initially, Morris Swadesh, "Linguistics as an Instrument of Prehistory," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 15 (1959): 20-35; Dell Hymes, "Lexicostatistics
So Far," Current Anthropology 1 (1960): 3-44, and also 5 (1964): 324-26. For later critiques and modifications, consult "lexicostatistics" and "glottochronology" in the
index to John L. Sorenson and Martin H. Raish, Pre-Columbian Contact with the Americas across the Oceans: An Annotated Bibliography, vol. 2 (Provo: Research
Press, 1990).

   Historical cases are numerous, but the most obvious may be the Manchu rulers over China, who became completely Sinicized, and the Nahuat- speaking "Toltecs"
who invaded highland Guatemala as reported in the Popol Vuh. See Robert M. Carmack, "Toltec Influence on the Postclassic Culture History of Highland Guatemala,"
in Archaeological Studies in Middle America (Tulane University Middle American Research Institute Publication 26, 1970), 49-92.

  Robert F. Smith, "Some 'Neologisms' from the Mormon Canon" in Conference on the Language of the Mormons, May 31, 1973 (Brigham Young University
Language Research Center, 1973), 64-68; and personal communication.

    15 Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/ There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 245. One wonders what considerations led Alma the younger to give two, and perhaps all three, of his sons Jaredite names: Shiblon
and Corianton are unquestionably so, and Helaman could be. Perhaps they had been born and received their names during Alma's "idolatrous" phase (see Mosiah
27:8). I suppose that the idolatrous cult in which he was involved was old, ultimately Jaredite-derived, and common in Nephite society, in the broad sense, thanks to
transmission through elements among the people of Zarahemla.

   Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/ There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book
and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 245. One wonders what considerations led Alma the younger to give two, and perhaps all three, of his sons Jaredite names: Shiblon and
Corianton are unquestionably so, and Helaman could be. Perhaps they had been born and received their names during Alma's "idolatrous" phase (see Mosiah 27:8). I
suppose that the idolatrous cult in which he was involved was old, ultimately Jaredite-derived, and common in Nephite society, in the broad sense, thanks to
transmission through elements among the people of Zarahemla.

  Ibid., 246.

 B. H. Roberts, New Witnesses for God, 3 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1909), 3:137-38; J. M. Sjodahl, An Introduction to the Study of the Book of
Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1927), 77-78.

  Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, 250-51; cf. Joseph Fielding Smith, ed., Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1938), 267.

  Ibid., 251.

  Sorenson, "The 'Mulekites,' " 12; Sorenson, An Ancient Ameri-can Setting, 18-19.

 It is best viewed in an artist's reconstruction of the scene on the presently damaged stone pictured in Michael D. Coe, America's First Civilization (New York:
American Heritage, 1968), 58-59.

  Tatiana Proskouriakoff, "Olmec and Maya Art: Problems of Their Stylistic Relation," in Elizabeth P. Benson, ed., Dumbarton Oaks Conference on the Olmec,
October 28th and 29th, 1967 (Washington: Dumbarton Oaks, 1968), 121.

  For additional relevant material, see Constance Irwin, Fair Gods and Stone Faces (New York: St. Martin's, 1963); Alejandro von Wuthenau, Unexpected Faces in
Ancient America, 1500 b.c.-a.d. 1500 (New York: Crown, 1975); and L. Gonzalez Calder , abecitas Olmecas Coatzacoalcos, Mï¿½xico: privately printed, 1977).

  See Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 90-91. The prejudice is clearly seen in Mosiah 9:1-2; Alma 26:23-25; and Hel. 14:10.

  On this correlation there are a number of discussions in the literature, e.g., C. Daryll Forde, Habitat, Economy and Society: A Geographical Introduction to
Ethnology, 8th ed. (London: Methuen, 1968).

   Nibley's picture of Jaredite nomads running around North America while also building cities (see Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, 225 and 419-20) may be cited against
the picture here presented. But it is based on a selective and incomplete reading of the book of Ether and has no factual basis in history, tradition, or archaeology
anywhere in the pre-Columbian New World; cf. Bruce W. Warren, Review of Hugh Nibley's The World of the Jaredites, in University Archaeological Society
Newsletter 27 (June 1955): 1-6. In fact, Nibley grants that his paradigmatic "heroic city" of the nomads of Central Asia depended on settled populations of farmers
(Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, 226).

  See Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 193-94.

  That comes out to only three men (founders) per "barge," which says something about how small the vessels were. Of course some of their sons might also have
been physically adult while not fitting into the social classification of the generational peers and thus qualifying as full "friends" of Jared and his brother.

  See An Ancient American Setting, 52-53.
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Economic Insights From the Book of Mormon
Lindon J. Robison
been physically adult while not fitting into the social classification of the generational peers and thus qualifying as full "friends" of Jared and his brother.

  See An Ancient American Setting, 52-53.

Economic Insights From the Book of Mormon
Lindon J. Robison

Abstract: Economic systems are distinguished by their emphasis on equity and efficiency. Market controls are justified because of the need for equity. Free markets are
justified because of the need for private incentives and efficiency. Most countries of the world today have adopted a combination of controls and free-market
incentives. The Book of Mormon teaches that only through caring can equity and efficiency be simultaneously achieved.

Introduction

If you want to know about people's interests, read the newspaper headlines. On almost every front page there is news about the nation's economy. "Interest Rates
Rise," "Stock Prices Are Down," "Unemployment Rates Rise" are recent headlines. Interest rates, stock prices, and unemployment rates are only indicators of a
country's economic well-being. Like body temperature and blood pressure, they indicate the health of a country's economy; however, they do not explain it.

Economic theory explains a country's economic well-being by focusing on such factors as money supply, tax rates, prices, unemployment rates, and market restrictions.
Some economists, however, do not believe that these factors alone can explain the relative well-being of countries. Referring to the lack of consensus about the causes
of economic development, G. Edward Shuh, past president of the American Agricultural Economics Association wrote:

Unfortunately, we do not yet have a theory of economic development, or even of agricultural development. What we have is a general consensus that the production
and distribution of new production technology is a cheap source of income streams and thus must be the engine of economic growth at early stages of political and
economic development.

The development of successful economies is as difficult to explain and predict as the lack of development in less successful economies. Commenting on the inadequacy
of current economic theories to explain Japan's economic success, Alan Blinder, past chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors, wrote:

Studying the Japanese economy has led me to a tentative conclusion: that market capitalism, Japanese style, departs so much from conventional Western economic
thought that it deserves to be considered a different system. . . .

American capitalism rests on a grand theory begun by Adam Smith. There is no comparable theory of Japanese capitalism, but we need one if we are to formulate an
intelligent economic policy toward Japan. The Japanese themselves seem less concerned with conceptualization than with results. So, we may have to produce that
theory ourselves.

In contrast to the confusion among economists about the causes of economic development, the Book of Mormon offers a simple solution. It teaches that economic
prosperity depends on the spiritual condition of individuals as shown by their unity, caring, and voluntary sharing. Alma described this spiritual condition of members of
the Church that led to prosperity.

And thus, in their prosperous circumstances, they did not send away any who were naked, or that were hungry, or that were athirst, or that were sick, or that had not
been nourished; and they did not set their hearts upon riches; therefore they were liberal to all, both old and young, both bond and free, both male and female, whether
out of the church or in the church, having no respect to persons as to those who stood in need. And thus they did prosper and become far more wealthy than those
who did not belong to their church. (Alma 1:30-31)

Ezra Taft Benson, who was trained in economics and who is prophet and president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, described how one's spiritual
condition produces material results:

The Lord works from the inside out. The world works from the outside in. The world would take people out of the slums. Christ takes the slums out of people, and
then they take themselves out of the slums. The world would mold men, who then change their environment. The world would shape human behavior, but Christ can
change human nature.

The explanation found in the Book of Mormon that economic development depends on the internal or spiritual condition of people can be used to enrich existing
economic theories. The enriched theories can then be used to explain why different groups experience different economic results even when they have similar resources.

Adam Smith and the Pins

The most accepted economic explanation of the causes of development was written by Adam Smith. Adam Smith was a Scottish moral philosopher. His book, Wealth
of Nations, published in 1776, revolutionized economic thought by providing a reasoned explanation of why nations prosper. According to Smith, three major causes
explain the wealth of nations: specialization, trade, and freedom of choice.

Specialization

From observing pin makers, Adam Smith learned the benefits of specialization. He saw that one worker alone could scarcely produce one pin a day. But 10 men,
Smith reported, working together could produce 48,000 pins in a day. This increase in productivity was a result of specialization; when people specialize in a task, their
ability to repeat the task increases. Moreover, specialization allows individuals to work at tasks for which they are most skilled.

Saints in Nauvoo gave further evidence of the benefits of specialization. They divided the construction of wagons into specialized tasks and constructed over 2000
wagons during the winter of 1845 and 1846. This was an incredible feat since one man skilled in wagon construction and working alone could hardly build one
wagon every three months.

The Necessity of Trades

To specialize in pin production (or wagons), however, meant giving up the production of other things. If workers spent all of their time making pins, there was no time
left for gardening, repairing and cleaning one's house, soap making, doctoring sick children, or philosophizing about economics. So unless the pin makers could trade
pins for the services and goods they no longer produced themselves, specialization was not possible. For this reason, Adam Smith and economists since him have
emphasized the importance of trades.
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There is still one more important reason to encourage trade: it is an antidote against aggression. When people trade, they give up something of value in exchange for
something they value more. As a result, good feelings toward each other are likely strengthened or developed. Consequently, when two countries trade, they are less
likely to fight, an activity that reduces the economic well-being of the warring parties. Recognizing the importance of trade on relationships among countries, policy
To specialize in pin production (or wagons), however, meant giving up the production of other things. If workers spent all of their time making pins, there was no time
left for gardening, repairing and cleaning one's house, soap making, doctoring sick children, or philosophizing about economics. So unless the pin makers could trade
pins for the services and goods they no longer produced themselves, specialization was not possible. For this reason, Adam Smith and economists since him have
emphasized the importance of trades.

There is still one more important reason to encourage trade: it is an antidote against aggression. When people trade, they give up something of value in exchange for
something they value more. As a result, good feelings toward each other are likely strengthened or developed. Consequently, when two countries trade, they are less
likely to fight, an activity that reduces the economic well-being of the warring parties. Recognizing the importance of trade on relationships among countries, policy
makers often arrange for special trade agreements to maintain or improve relationships.

Freedom of Choice and Individual Responsibility

For trading to occur in the most efficient manner, markets must be free to operate. Free markets exist when information about the market is widely known and prices
are allowed to adjust to the market forces of supply and demand. Adam Smith recognized that free markets communicate to buyers and sellers. A product shortage in
a free market causes the price of the product in short supply to rise. The price rise encourages increased supply because of the increased rewards for those who
produce it and discourages consumption of the product because greater sacrifices are required to obtain the product. This adjustment of increased supply and
decreased demand continues until the proper balance between supply and demand is restored. On the other hand, surpluses would cause prices to fall. The price
decline discourages production and encourages consumption until the proper balance between supply and demand is again restored.

One other freedom is required for free markets. If producers are to respond to the incentives of rising prices, they must be rewarded for their efforts to increase
production. Moreover, if consumption is to be responsive to changing prices, consumers must pay for goods from their own resources or they will have no incentive to
respond to signals from the market.

Adam Smith's insights about the ability of free markets to communicate and efficiently organize the production and distribution of goods are widely accepted among
economists. There does not exist anywhere in the world an information and incentive system equal to that provided by free markets. All substitute systems have failed,
including our own experiment with gasoline price fixing during the oil embargo of the seventies and regulated agricultural prices that continue to produce surpluses of
agricultural products. Finally, the shift in Eastern Europe from controlled to free markets gives testimony of the benefits that the people of Eastern Europe believe are
associated with free markets. With so many advantages associated with free markets, one wonders why so many people of the world live and work in controlled or
planned economies.

Development Theory Since Adam Smith: Equity Versus Efficiency

Not everyone has been happy with Adam Smith's theory nor is willing to allow markets to operate freely. Capitalism, some economists argue, allows or requires the
unequal distribution of income. It permits some to live in opulence while others starve in squalor. The conflict between the efficiency associated with capitalism and
the equity associated with planned economies needs to be resolved, but has not yet been resolved, because economists consider efficiency and equity to be mutually
exclusive goals.

Proponents of socialism and other forms of control over markets and the distribution of income defend that control because of their goal of providing "to each
according to his needs." Defenders of planned or controlled economies argue that efficiency is too high a price to pay for inequality. Unfortunately, many times we see
that the loss of political, religious, and other freedoms frequently accompanies the loss of economic freedom.

Many economists believe that there can be no intellectually satisfying answer that resolves the conflict between equity and efficiency. Most economies, including the
U.S. economy with its progressive income tax and public health care programs, mix elements of planned economy (socialism) with capitalism. This unresolved conflict
between socialism and capitalism makes the Book of Mormon solution to the equity-efficiency question all the more remarkable.

The Book of Mormon teaches that economic prosperity accompanied by efficient allocation of resources and equity can only be achieved by developing inwardly
spiritual conditions of caring sometimes called charity (Moro. 7:47-48). It also proclaims that equity and efficiency in production are companions and likely to be
achieved together if at all.

A Book of Mormon Solution

Reinterpreting Adam Smith

The economic system of free enterprise advocated by Adam Smith has become known as capitalism. Moreover, it has become known as the theory of selfishness or
self-interest. Francis Edgeworth, a famous nineteenth-century economist, wrote that: "The first principle of Economics is that every agent is actuated only by self-
interest." This view of capitalism can in part be inferred from an oft-quoted phrase from Adam Smith that describes how workers in capitalism are inspired.

It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their self-love, and never talk to them of our
necessities, but of their advantages.

This phrase has often been misinterpreted. To many it means that economic agents are only motivated by selfish concerns. Therefore markets must be free to reward
efforts if efficiency is to be achieved. But to place the phrase in its proper context, one must be familiar with another statement of Smith, which allows us to rationalize
the economic views of the Book of Mormon with those espoused by Smith:

How selfish soever man may be supposed, there are evidently some principles in his nature, which interest him in the fortune of others, and render their happiness
necessary to him, though he derives nothing from it, except the pleasure of seeing it.

Adam Smith saw clearly that men and women do not act independently of the feelings and well-being of others. As D. Kirk Hart explained, the theme of Adam Smith's
Theory of Moral Sentiments was that men and women have a natural need to sympathize with one another. Thus, the happiness of men and women is interdependent.
  Moreover, according to Smith, all successful human relationships must be based upon a mutual empathy of one for another or else society would degenerate to a
Hobbesean war of "all against all."

From this foundation of economic reasoning, Adam Smith declared the existence and the need for empathy. Unfortunately, much of modern economic theory has been
developed without recognizing the importance of the interdependency of men and women on each other's well-being. The basic theories of economics assume that
individuals in the economy act selfishly without considering for others. Some economists claim that deduction of useful theories requires selfishness of preferences be
assumed.
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Smith's emphasis on sympathy, in contrast to modern-day theories of classical economics, is consistent with the Book of Mormon formula for prosperity.            to
the Book of Mormon, it is the presence of caring or its absence that either promotes or impedes development. Indeed, caring fosters specialization and trades and
maintains freedom of choice.
developed without recognizing the importance of the interdependency of men and women on each other's well-being. The basic theories of economics assume that
individuals in the economy act selfishly without considering for others. Some economists claim that deduction of useful theories requires selfishness of preferences be
assumed.

Smith's emphasis on sympathy, in contrast to modern-day theories of classical economics, is consistent with the Book of Mormon formula for prosperity. According to
the Book of Mormon, it is the presence of caring or its absence that either promotes or impedes development. Indeed, caring fosters specialization and trades and
maintains freedom of choice.

Caring and Economic Development

Caring was an essential part of Adam Smith's theory and is consistent with the requirements of prosperity described in the Book of Mormon. The quality of members of
the Church that produced prosperity was an attitude of caring in which each person's happiness depended on the well-being of his or her neighbor.

After partaking of the fruit that filled his soul with joy, Lehi desired that his family should also enjoy the fruit (1 Ne. 8:12). To mourn with those that mourn and to bear
one another's burdens qualified converts for baptism at the waters of Mormon (Mosiah 18:8-9). The people of King Limhi fought like dragons against numerically
superior Lamanites because they sought to defend not only their lives but the lives of their children and wives (Mosiah 20:11). The sons of Mosiah were motivated to
do missionary work among the Lamanites because they could not bear that any human soul should perish and endure endless torment (Mosiah 28:3). Alma declared
that his joy was in being an instrument in the hands of God to bring some soul to repentance. He added that his joy was more full because of the success of his brethren
(Alma 29:9, 14). Later, Alma declared that his reward for his service to the Church was the happiness he felt because of the joy of his brethren (Alma 30:34).

The result of caring is a unity which produces cooperation, peace, material and spiritual prosperity, and equality. Describing such a condition following the visit of
Christ, Nephi, the son of Nephi who was a disciple of Christ, wrote: "there were no contentions, that each man dealt justly with his neighbor." Nephi also added: "there
were no rich or poor but the people had all things in common, and they prospered exceedingly." The spiritual condition that permitted this level of peace and prosperity
was the empathy and unity of the people. There were no Lamanites, nor any manner of ites, but the people were in one, the children of Christ (4 Ne. 1:3, 10, 16).

In contrast to the attitude of caring among the righteous, there was a selfish craving for things among the wicked. Loving things instead of God and his children
produced a spiritual condition described as hardheartedness, the opposite of a tender heart that cares. For example, Nephi chastised his brothers because their hearts
were hard (1 Ne. 17:19), so much so that they were past feeling the words of God that lead one to caring (1 Ne. 17:45).

Hardheartedness is not only a lack of caring, but also an antipathy that produces unrighteous satisfaction when others suffer. Such was the attitude of Giddianhi and his
Gadianton robbers, whose attitude towards the Nephites was "everlasting hatred" (3 Ne. 3:4). Moreover, Alma described the apostate Nephites under the Satanic
influence of Amalickiah as more hardened and impenitent and more wild, wicked, and ferocious than even the Lamanites, entirely forgetting the Lord their God (Alma
47:36). In this state of mind, their only goal was to get power for themselves, which they eventually achieved.

The result of hardheartedness is division and dissension. The wicked Lamanites were divided and desired to rule because of their greed. The righteous Nephites were
united in their love for God and man, which led them to serve. The wicked Lamanites loved gold and silver and sacrificed the well-being of others to get it. So, to get
material gain, the wicked murdered, plundered, stole, and bore false witness against their neighbors (Hel. 7:21). Meanwhile, the righteous fed the hungry, clothed the
naked, and cared for those in need so there would be no poor among them (Jacob 2:19).

The Economic Results of Caring

Adam Smith declared that empathy was needed for capitalism to succeed. The Book of Mormon lists it as a precondition for prosperity. An important lesson for
economists to learn is how caring affects Adam Smith's pillars of economic prosperity as well as other important areas of our economic lives.

Caring and Trading

To show how caring affects the level of trades, a colleague and I conducted the following survey. We asked students and faculty at Michigan State University the
following question. Suppose you owned a used car, valued in the marketplace at $3000. What would be the lowest price you would accept for your used car? The
responses were: it depends on who wants to buy it. A buyer characterized as a poor friend could buy the car for an average price of $2600. On average a nasty
neighbor would have to pay $3600.

In order for a trade to occur, there must exist a trading range. The trading range is the set of prices less than the highest price a buyer is willing to pay and greater than
the least price the seller is willing to accept. When the trading range includes the price zero, a gift may be exchanged. If there are no prices in this trading range, no
trades can be completed. The survey my colleague and I conducted showed that the trading range was greatest between friends and did not exist for persons who
dislike each other. Our conclusion was that trading was most likely to occur among caring friends.

While I know of no modern study showing the effect of caring on trades, the Book of Mormon offers abundant evidence that among the friendly and righteous, there
was abundant trade. When the Lamanites were friendly with one another, their trade with each other increased dramatically. The result was that they waxed great,
increased in riches, and began to be a cunning and a wise people, as to the wisdom of the world (Mosiah 24: 5, 7). At another time, following the conversion of the
Lamanites, there were friendly relationships between both the Lamanites and the Nephites. As a result, Lamanites and Nephites could travel and trade freely to get
gain. Moreover, both groups enjoyed economic prosperity and became rich; and they both had plenty of gold, silver, and all manner of precious metals, both in the land
south and in the land north (Hel. 6:3, 8-9).

Caring and Specialization

Trading activities that depend on caring allow for workers to specialize. During the righteous reign of King Lib, the Book of Mormon records:

And they were exceedingly industrious, and they did buy and sell and traffic one with another, that they might get gain.

And they did work in all manner of ore, and they did make gold and silver, and iron, and brass, and all manner of metals; and they did dig it out of the earth; wherefore,
they did cast up mighty heaps of earth to get ore, of gold, and of silver, and of iron, and of copper. And they did work all manner of fine work.

And they did have silks, and fine-twined linen; and they did work all manner of cloth, that they might clothe themselves from their nakedness.

And they did make all manner of tools to till the earth, both to plow and to sow, to reap and to hoe, and also to thrash.

And they did make all manner of tools with which they did work their beasts. (Ether 10:22-26)
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Caring led not only to trading and specialization, but also to sharing of new technology for producing food and clothing and for constructing buildings. As a result, their
civilization progressed. Nephi wrote that he taught his people to build buildings, and to work with wood, iron, copper, brass, steel, gold, and silver and other precious
ores. To process and use these materials, however, would have required that his people specialize and trade, something they could only do with caring and unity (2 Ne.
And they did make all manner of tools to till the earth, both to plow and to sow, to reap and to hoe, and also to thrash.

And they did make all manner of tools with which they did work their beasts. (Ether 10:22-26)

Caring led not only to trading and specialization, but also to sharing of new technology for producing food and clothing and for constructing buildings. As a result, their
civilization progressed. Nephi wrote that he taught his people to build buildings, and to work with wood, iron, copper, brass, steel, gold, and silver and other precious
ores. To process and use these materials, however, would have required that his people specialize and trade, something they could only do with caring and unity (2 Ne.
5:15).

In contrast to the trading and specialization that occurred among the righteous people of Lib, the Book of Mormon contrasts the wicked Jaredites:

Wherefore every man did cleave unto that which was his own with his hands, and would not borrow neither would he lend; and every man kept the hilt of his sword in
his right hand, in the defense of his property and his own life and of his wives and children. (Ether 14:2)

Without the caring required for completing trades, the economic climate among the wicked Lamanites was one in which trading and specialized production ceased. This
meant a life of hunting. This occupation required little if any cooperation and could provide the food, shelter, and clothing for a primitive society.

In this condition of not caring, the Lamanites did not specialize or trade. Moreover, they did not extend their efforts beyond that needed to supply their own immediate
wants. Nephi described them as "an idle people, full of mischief and subtlety, [who] did seek in the wilderness for beasts of prey" (2 Ne. 5:24).

Moreover, their lack of caring not only limited their means of food production to hunting and stealing, but it also reduced the quality of their housing and clothing to tents
and loincloths made of animal skins. Meanwhile, their diet consisted of raw meats (Enos 1:20). In this condition of not caring, they made few if any advances in their
civilization. Writing many years later, Alma saw that the more idle part of the Lamanites lived in the wilderness, close to the animals, and dwelt in tents (Alma 22:28).

Caring and Worker Response

The jewel in the crown of capitalism has been worker incentives. Rewarding individuals for their labor encourages them to work harder. Evidence of the importance of
personal responsibility for the economic results of one's efforts is seen in Russian agriculture. While only five percent of the land in Russia in 1986 was privately
controlled, this land produced fifty-five percent of the Russian agricultural output.

Still, Book of Mormon evidence shows that it was not the free-market system that induced lazy Lamanites to work hard; it was their conversion to the gospel and the
development of an attitude of caring.

Nephi taught his people to be industrious and to work with their hands (2 Ne. 5:17). After hearing the gospel taught by Ammon and his brothers, the converted
Lamanites, the Anti-Nephi-Lehies, became a very industrious people (Alma 23:18). Moreover, the righteous leaders of the Book of Mormon taught through example
to till the earth and to support themselves so they would not be a burden for others (Mosiah 6:7).

In contrast to the industrious Nephites, the Lamanites, after losing the gospel light, became an idle people and resorted to hunting to get their food (2 Ne. 5:24). The
Lamanites continued in their lazy and idolatrous state at the time Zeniff found them. They allowed Zeniff and his people to stay only because of their desires to bring
them into bondage and live off their labors (Mosiah 9:12).

Caring and Freedom of Choice

The gospel teaches that it is the nature of nearly all men and women that when they suppose they have a little power, they immediately exercise unrighteous dominion. In
the process of exercising this dominion, the economic freedom of individuals is often reduced. Reduced economic freedom in turn reduces the ability of free markets to
function, limiting opportunities for trades and specialization. Modern economies achieve economic dominion by taxation whereby those in power take the product of the
workers' labor. When the less caring control the government, the tax burden has been greater, while the tax revenues have benefitted those governing.

Thus, we are not surprised that under the righteous reign of King Benjamin and his son Mosiah, there were no burdensome taxes imposed on the people. In contrast,
the wicked King Noah imposed a tax of one-fifth part of all that his subjects owned to support himself, his wives and concubines, and his priests in their idolatry. In
addition, Noah built a spacious palace and a wonderful and richly decorated throne for himself and raised seats ornamented with gold for his priests. All were paid for
from the taxes wicked King Noah imposed on his people (Mosiah 11:11-12).

Amlici was a wicked man who wanted to be king and enslave the Nephites (Alma 2:4). No people will voluntarily submit to slavery or even to unfair taxes. Thus, the
uncaring and selfish who try to impose their will on others without their consent must eventually turn to force as did Giddianhi and his Gadianton robbers. To enslave the
Nephites, they did "go up to battle against the Nephites" (3 Ne. 4:5).

Economic prosperity through force (an approach first tried by Satan in the premortal council in heaven), included plundering, robbing, and murdering. This managerial
style has been followed by all of Lucifer's lieutenants, including the wicked Korihor, who taught that every man prospered according to his genius and that every man
conquered according to his strength and in this there was no crime.

To fully appreciate the economic consequences of unrighteous dominion, one must recognize that force often destroys the ability to care. Whenever force is applied,
unity and caring is sacrificed. Then without caring and unity, trading ranges disappear and the opportunity for economic growth is lost. For without good will or trust,
the only trades that occur are those that are forcedï¿½-either through war or through stealing.

In contrast to Korihor's economic doctrine is that of the humble followers of Christ who recognize their dependence on God and rely on him for guidance and strength.
They also recognize that to serve God requires that they care for one another, which often leads to specialization and trade.

Caring and Concentration of Income

The poorest countries of the world all have something in common; income in these countries is highly concentrated in the hands of a few. Among the poorest nations of
the world, on average the richest 10 percent receive over 40 percent of their nation's income. Meanwhile in the prosperous country of Japan, the wealthiest 10 percent
receive only 22 percent, a figure nearly equal to that of the prosperous and highly socialized Swedes. The same evidence exists in the United States. Those states
with the highest concentration of income are less economically developed. Thus the equity and efficiency trade-off that is supposed to exist cannot be defended
empirically. In fact, economic prosperity appears to be a companion of equity.

The Book of Mormon message is that the distribution of income is based on the level of caring and unity among the people. Among the righteous, income is evenly
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
distributed as are opportunities to progress. The distribution of income is simply a reflection of their unity. The righteous were taught that their giving Page   14voluntary
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and result from their love of God and desires to serve him (Mosiah 18:28). By voluntarily redistributing their income to the poor, they were able to maintain an
economic system that included incentives to work hard because of individual responsibility and rewards for efforts. Moreover, one of the reasons the caring work hard
with the highest concentration of income are less economically developed. Thus the equity and efficiency trade-off that is supposed to exist cannot be defended
empirically. In fact, economic prosperity appears to be a companion of equity.

The Book of Mormon message is that the distribution of income is based on the level of caring and unity among the people. Among the righteous, income is evenly
distributed as are opportunities to progress. The distribution of income is simply a reflection of their unity. The righteous were taught that their giving should be voluntary
and result from their love of God and desires to serve him (Mosiah 18:28). By voluntarily redistributing their income to the poor, they were able to maintain an
economic system that included incentives to work hard because of individual responsibility and rewards for efforts. Moreover, one of the reasons the caring work hard
is that they desire to use the product of their work to bless the lives of others.

After the visit of Christ, the disciples in both the Old World and the New World had all things in common (3 Ne. 26:19). The result, of course, of this sharing of
resources was that there were neither poor nor rich among the Nephites (4 Ne. 1:3). A similar condition existed among the members of the Church during the time of
Alma, the son of Alma. Every man imparted of his substance to the poor, and the needy, and the sick, and the afflicted. And neither did they distinguish themselves by
wearing costly apparel, but were neat and comely (Alma 1:27). In all of this they were simply following God's instruction delivered by his prophets, who taught:

And now, if God, who has created you, on whom you are dependent for your lives and for all that ye have and are, doth grant unto you whatsoever ye ask that is right,
in faith, believing that ye shall receive, O then, how ye ought to impart of the substance that ye have one to another. (Mosiah 4:22)

In contrast to the equality of income and benefits among the righteous Nephites was the concentration of income among the wicked Lamanites and apostate Nephites.
On his mission to the Zoramites, Alma was distressed to find among them a wealthy class whose hearts were upon their riches, their costly apparel, ringlets, and
ornaments of gold. They tried to justify such ostentatious living by ascending their prayer tower to thank God for saving them, the chosen people, while all the others
would perish (Alma 31:28). Earlier, Alma saw that inequality among the Zoramites and among the wicked in general was a result of sin and transgression (Alma 28:13).

Finally, the first fruits of the wicked seeds planted in the hearts of men after 200 years of following Christ was pride that showed itself by some wearing costly apparel,
fine pearls, and other fine things. First the people set their hearts on their riches with the purpose of lifting themselves up above others (Hel. 6:17). This they did to
distinguish themselves from each other. They divided into classes and no longer had their substance in common (4 Ne. 1:26).

Caring and Care of our Natural Resources

People in today's world who are concerned for the environment and our dwindling natural resource base should note that this problem was shared by those whose
history was recorded in the Book of Mormon. Among the wicked who had no concern for the future nor for the well-being of their neighbors, natural resources were
exploited. They soon exhausted the supply of wild game which was their chief means of support. It was recorded that wild game became scarce in the wilderness
insomuch that the robbers were about to perish with hunger (3 Ne. 4:20).

Among the righteous Nephites, however, who lived in a land of few trees, any tree that sprouted up was allowed to grow so that in time they might have timber to build
their houses, cities, temples, etc. (Hel. 3:9).

Investments, Savings, and Caring

Alma instructed his son Corianton not to seek after riches and vain things because they cannot be carried out of this world (Alma 39:14). Using the Book of Mormon
as our reference, we have shown that the righteous of the Church prospered more than the wicked who did not belong to the Church. Thus, he that loses his riches for
the Lord's sake shall find them. Or as Jacob explained, after having obtained a hope in Christ the righteous would obtain riches if they sought them for the intent to do
good (Jacob 2:18-19).

To share with others the fruits of our labors, we must consume less than the total of what we earn. This amount of consumption foregone equals our savings. When the
savings are used to purchase other goods with the intent of increasing production in the future, the savings have been converted into investments.

A common characteristic of the caring and united is their high level of savings and investments. Moreover, not only do they invest in private goods which will benefit
their families, if not themselves, at some time in the future, but they also invest in public goods. Public goods are those whose services produced are not restricted to
those who made the investment.

Jarom, the son of Enos, wrote that his people became very rich in gold, silver, machinery, iron, copper, brass, and steel, and made tools of every kind to till the ground
and to protect themselves in war (Jarom 1:8). And during the reign of the righteous King Lib, it was recorded that his people worked in all the metals: gold, silver, iron,
brass, etc. And to get the ore they did heap large mounds of dirt. Then with the ore they did make all manner of tools to till the earth both for plowing and sowing and
for reaping, hoeing, and threshing. They also had tools for working their animals and making weapons of war (Ether 10:23, 27).

It is also interesting that it was during a period of unity and caringï¿½-when Gidgiddoni was the Nephite commander and Lachoneus the chief judgeï¿½-that the
Nephites' investments in public goods were renewed. Nephi, the disciple of Christ, records that there many highways cast up and many roads which led from city to
city, and many cities built anew and many old cities repaired (3 Ne. 6:7-8).

Quickly following this period of peace and unity, pride and divisions rose again to destroy the people from within. There developed again inequality in the land and
Satan led away the hearts of the people to do all manner of iniquity. Finally, the people set at defiance the laws and rights of their country. They agreed to "establish a
king over the land, that the land should no more be at liberty but should be subject unto kings" (3 Ne. 6:30).

In contrast to the investment pattern of the righteous and united was the absence of savings and investment on the part of the wicked. In fact, not only did they not
invest in public goods, but they refused to be bound by the public laws, a social contract essential for a functioning society.

Conclusion: Equity Versus Efficiency

It is interesting to note that the alternative economic systems of the world, capitalism and communism or other forms of controlled economies, are divided on the same
issue that divided God's children in the premortal council. In his proposal, Lucifer promised that not one soul would be lost, that he personally would have the glory,
and that individual freedom would be the cost. Communism is willing to limit the rights of ownership, the choice of where to work, and other economic freedoms in
exchange for "each according to his needs." Moreover, the glory of the system is the state. Under capitalism, individuals are free to choose, but they must bear the
consequences, and the consumer is sovereign. Only recently have the Eastern-bloc countries found that their controlled societies have not been able to deliver "to each
according to his needs" and as a consequence they are seeking an alternative.

Sadly enough, the newly created capitalist economies will find that a free-market economy is no guarantee of economic success, at least for many people. The reason
for this is that in a free-market economy, workers are rewarded not only for their efforts and talents, but also for having wealthy parents, for being there first or at the
right time, and
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attention to those who for whatever reason cannot provide for themselves. Those who can afford these things have access to them. For others, there is no guarantee. In
its most elemental form, a free-market economy without righteousness and caring is simply the survival of the fittest. Korihor described such a system as one in which
success depends on the management of the creature.
according to his needs" and as a consequence they are seeking an alternative.

Sadly enough, the newly created capitalist economies will find that a free-market economy is no guarantee of economic success, at least for many people. The reason
for this is that in a free-market economy, workers are rewarded not only for their efforts and talents, but also for having wealthy parents, for being there first or at the
right time, and for being born into a particular family or caste. There is nothing inherent in the free-market system to guarantee housing, shelter, food, and medical
attention to those who for whatever reason cannot provide for themselves. Those who can afford these things have access to them. For others, there is no guarantee. In
its most elemental form, a free-market economy without righteousness and caring is simply the survival of the fittest. Korihor described such a system as one in which
success depends on the management of the creature.

To soften the bleak consequences of an economy based on the survival of the fittest, people voluntarily impose taxes on themselves to pay for social security for the
aged, welfare checks for the unemployed, and medicaid payments for the poor and sick. In addition, our legislative body has imposed laws that try to provide equal
opportunities for employment and equal pay for equal work for women and minorities. Moreover, inheritance taxes limit to a large extent the development of an
aristocracy based on birth. But all of these programs that try to provide equitably for the welfare of the people impose a sacrifice in the form of lost economic and
political freedom.

Thus economists are left to dispute the relative merits of measures to achieve equity which is most often achieved at the expense of efficiency. There is no accepted
solution to this endless debate because the debate is over values, not economic facts. Is it freedom of choice or is it equity that is to be the most valued? Sweden
emphasizes equity, for example, while the United States emphasizes efficiency. Still, the recent revolution of thought in the controlled economies of the world is evidence
that despite their theme of "to each according to his needs and from each according to his abilities" the reality has been "all comrades are equal but some are more equal
than others."

Only the gospel of Jesus Christ offers a solution to the problem of how to get equity without loss of efficiency. It provides a system for both equity and efficiency. If an
economy is made up of caring individuals, they will voluntarily support the poor and invest in public goods without force. And because they receive vicarious joy from
helping the less fortunate, they keep their incentives to work hard while the markets are left free to send their signals. Thus the powerful economic insight offered by
the Book of Mormon is: economic solutions can only be found in living the message of caring taught by Jesus Christ.

I wish to thank Linda Carroll for helpful editing of this paper.

  G. Edward Shuh, "International Development and Affairs," in Social Science Agricultural Agenda Project, Proceedings of Phase I Workshop, Minneapolis,
Minnesota, 9-11 June 1987.

  Alan S. Blinder, "There Are Capitalists, Then There Are the Japanese," Business Week (8 October 1990): 21.

   Ezra Taft Benson, "Born of God," Ensign 15 (November 1985): 5.

  Russell R. Rich, Ensign to the Nations (Provo: Brigham Young University Publications, 1972).

 Nauvoo's economy prior to the exodus was characterized by an impressive number of trades and occupations that contributed to its economic success; cf. James A.
Warner and Styne M. Slade The Mormon Way (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1976), 15.

   All economists recognize the importance of a currency or monetary system to facilitate trading. Thus, it is interesting that the Book of Mormon patiently explains the
Nephite monetary system even though it is an odd topic to have included in a religious text. Moreover, Alma also explains how the Nephites used moneyï¿½to pay their
judges, to discharge debts, etc. (Alma 11:1-20).

  Arthur M. Okun, Equity and Efficiency: The Big Trade-Off (Washington: Brookings, 1975).

  For a recent example of the equity versus efficiency (sometimes referred to as the growth versus fairness) debate, see George F. Will, "Twilight along the Potomac?"
Newsweek (19 October 1992): 80.

  Nicholas Rescher, Unselfishness: The Role of the Vicarious Affect in Moral Philosophy and Social Theory (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh, 1975), 13.

  Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations (Chicago: Regnery, 1966), 25.

  The Theory of Moral Sentiments (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1759, 1976) part I, sec. I, ch. 1, 47.

  D. Kirk Hart, "Adam Smith in the Twentieth Century: Is the Vision Intact?" in Exchange (Provo: Brigham Young University School of Management, Winter 1985),
26-32.

   James Quirk and Rubin Saposnik, Introduction to General Equilibrium Theory and Welfare Economics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968).

  Lindon J. Robison and A. Allan Schmid, "Interpersonal Relationships and Preferences: Evidences and Implications," in Roger Frantz, Harinder Singh, and James
Gerber, eds., Handbook of Behavioral Economics, vol. 2B (Greenwich, CT: J.A.I., 1991), 347-58.

  The State of Food and Agriculture (Rome: Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, vol. 21, 1988), 67.

  World Development Report 1984 (Published for the World Bank by Oxford University Press, July 1984), table 14, 244-45.

  D. J. Slottje, The Structure of Earning and the Measurement of Income Inequality in the U.S. (New York: North-Holland, 1989).

   An externality is a cost one person imposes on another without that person's consent. Pollution or overuse of a shared resource that reduces the well-being of
another without the person's consent is an externality. When individuals seek their own interest without caring for others, externalities are created that diminish the
collective well-being. Caring, love, or genuine interest in the welfare of others resolves externalities and creates an environment conducive to the realization of the
benefits of a free market.

Limhi in the Library
John Gee
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Abstract: Analysis of comparative data and historical background indicates that the quotations in Mosiah 7-22 are historically accurate. Further examination of the
quotations of Limhi shows that they depend heavily on other sources. This implies some things about the character of Limhi and provides as well attendant lessons for
benefits of a free market.

Limhi in the Library
John Gee

Abstract: Analysis of comparative data and historical background indicates that the quotations in Mosiah 7-22 are historically accurate. Further examination of the
quotations of Limhi shows that they depend heavily on other sources. This implies some things about the character of Limhi and provides as well attendant lessons for
our own day.

We usually remember Limhi for being the king when Ammon led the expedition to the land of Nephi (Mosiah 7:9). On the advice of Gideon, he led his people out of
captivity (Mosiah 22:3-15). But Gideon and Ammon appear to have had much more active roles in the deliverance, and Limhi seems to have been relegated to the
shadows. A few oddities about the story of Limhi, however, should elicit our attention.

First, we should notice a few unusual things about Limhi as an individual. Whereas Zeniff "did confer the kingdom upon" Noah (Mosiah 10:22-11:1 Limhi had "the
kingdom conferred upon him by the people" (Mosiah 19:26). Limhi was just "one of the sons of the king" (Mosiah 19:16), for Noah "had many wives and
concubines" (Mosiah 11:2, 14). It is unknown whether Limhi was chosen because he was the oldest of Noah's sons "among those that were taken captive" (Mosiah
19:16) when "the king commanded [his people] that all the men should leave their wives and their children" (Mosiah 19:11), or the only one so taken. We might have
thought that his docile nature made him the choice of the king of the Lamanites had the record not stated that it was "the people" who chose him (Mosiah 19:26). We
could hazard a guess that Limhi was a young man at the time he took over the kingdom, being left among the children.

If speech reveals the man, it constitutes our major key to Limhi. Most of Limhi's speeches are nothing but a pastiche of scriptural quotations. And it is in his speeches
that the most revealing clues to Limhi's personality appear.

Direct quotations of Limhi occur in the following places in the record: (1) The trial of Ammon, Amaleki, Helem, and Hem (Mosiah 7:8-15) (2 an official address given
to all his subjects at a covenant renewal ceremony (Mosiah 7:17-33) (3) the discussion with Ammon about the records (Mosiah 8:5-21) and (4) the interrogation of
the king of the Lamanites (Mosiah 20:13-22). Something subtle and quite authentic has been done here in the Book of Mormon. All the direct quotations derive from
situations where an official scribe would be on hand to write things down: a covenant renewal ceremony where the king would have "caused that the words which he
spake should be written" (Mosiah 2:8), two trials, and an inspection of the records where Limhi obviously hoped to get a translation of some otherwise mysterious
records (Mosiah 8:6, 11-12). The quotes come from other official (i.e., court) records, scriptures, and personal accounts (e.g., Zeniff's first-person narrative). Although
there is ample opportunity to exploit direct speech in the narrative, the Book of Mormon does not. The Book of Mormon is careful; unlike Homer, Thucydides,
or Herodotus, whom scholars have taken to task for composing long speeches and putting them in the mouths of the heroes who are engaged in the middle of battle
and under fire, the Book of Mormon authors have a perfect chance of putting all sorts of long quotations in the mouth of King Limhi as the debate over how to
escape the Lamanites is taking place. Yet there is no debate (Mosiah 20:23-22:2 there are no long quotations. Furthermore, those accounts that do have large
quotations are all from official documents. Gideon's speeches (Mosiah 20:17-22;22:3-8) seem to be the sole exception. But they are carefully worded proposals of a
trusted advisor to the king and have their counterparts in Egyptian documents.          They may have been recorded for distribution in both cases.

Although no scribe is mentioned, we can be assured that they were unobtrusively in the background. It was an ancient practice to employ scribes to record all the
official statements or acts of kings, a practice dating back to the first dynasty of Egypt. On the Palette of Narmer, the king is everywhere shown followed by a scribe.
Apollonius, traveling the world as a sophist, took with him two scribes, a tachygrapher (or shorthand specialist) and a calligrapher (who could write up the official
reports); however, after being noted, the scribes are treated much like the camels: they are there implicitly in the background and never take part in the story. One
has simply to look at the official libraries kept by Assurbanipal and at Mari to realize that the scribe played an important though often neglected role in the ancient
world. The scribe's duties included the responsibility to record any auspicious words and deeds of the king or the sage. The Assyrians employed scribes to handle
Assyrian, Aramaic, and even Egyptian. Closer still is the Barrakab relief from Samail, which depicts King Barrakab attended by his scribe. The king's name is written
above his personage in the old Phoenician script. This seems to be what is occurring in the courts of Zeniff, Noah, and Limhi. The court stenographer is there taking
notes and recording the words but is always in the background. The Lord tells the Zeniffites that "except they repent I will utterly destroy them from off the face of
the earth; yet they shall leave a record behind them" (Mosiah 12:8). If it were possible to have a scribe present for the quotations, then we can be reasonably sure of
the accuracy of the transmission.

The first direct quotation of Limhi consists of the following formulaic elements: (1) He gives his name and titles (Mosiah 7:9) (2) he asks a question of the
prisoners giving the charge of which they are accused (Mosiah 7:10) (3) he tells his prisoners the penalties that depend upon their answers (Mosiah 7:11) and (4)
he pronounces the verdict of the trial (Mosiah 7:14-15).

In the covenant renewal ceremony, Limhi begins by instructing his people to rejoice, and gives them reason to rejoice by citing examples from scriptural history:
Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses and the Exodus of the children of Israel, the parting of the Red Sea, the manna in the wilderness, and the deliverance of Lehi and his
family from Jerusalem (Mosiah 7:19-20). These are the same things Nephi recited to his brethren to persuade them to trust in their deliverance (1 Ne. 17:23-29; cf. 1
Ne. 4:2). Limhi knows the basic deliverance tales from the brass plates and Nephite history.

Limhi then tells the people that "it is because of our iniquities and abominations that he has brought us into bondage" (Mosiah 7:20). Yet by so doing he is merely
changing the tense and agent of the verb in the prophecy of Abinadi: "Thus saith the Lord, it shall come to pass that this generation, because of their iniquities, shall be
brought into bondage" (Mosiah 12:2). It is likely that Limhi knows the details of Abinadi's prophecies.

At this point, Limhi continues the story and describes Zeniff as "being over-zealous to inherit the land of his fathers" (Mosiah 7:21). Limhi is quoting from Zeniff's own
record where Zeniff describes himself as "being over-zealous to inherit the land of our fathers" (Mosiah 9:3). The only change here is from first to third person, as would
be expected of one retelling a story from his grandfather's journal.

Limhi then says that Zeniff was "deceived by the cunning and craftiness of king Laman" (Mosiah 7:21). In doing so he is only echoing the words of his grandfather's
account: "For this very cause has king Laman, by his cunning, and lying craftiness, and his fair promises, deceived me, that I have brought this my people up into this
land" (Mosiah 10:18). Earlier his grandfather had written, "Now it was the cunning and craftiness of king Laman, to bring my people into bondage, that he yielded up
the land that we might possess it" (Mosiah 9:10). The earlier account has the same phrase, "the cunning and craftiness of king Laman," that Limhi uses, whereas the
latter repeats the meaning of the phrase with the key verb "deceived." Limhi was familiar the phrasing as well as the content of Zeniff's history.

In his description of the territory encompassed by the treaty (mentioned in Mosiah 7:21 and 9:6), Limhi again falls back on the description of Zeniff, describing it as "the
city of Lehi-Nephi, and the city of Shilom; and the land round about" (Mosiah 7:21). Zeniff uses two different phrases to describe his possessions: "the land of Lehi-
Nephi, and the land of Shilom" (Mosiah 9:6) and "the city of Lehi-Nephi, and the city of Shilom" (Mosiah 9:8) Limhi's account seems to reflect the latter wording with
consideration of the former. Limhi, being king, would probably also have had access to the official treaty. Though the Lamanites kept no records at this time (see
Mosiah 10:16;24:6), Zeniff's colony did (mentioned in Mosiah 8:5, 12;12:20;13:11;17:4;22:14;25:5; not all of which were legible, Mosiah 8:9, 11-13, 19;21:27).
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Limhi, then, refers to the reason that Zeniff gave why King Laman had entered into the treaty with Zeniff's group (Mosiah 7:22; cf. Mosiah 9:11-12). He then gives a list
of the tribute which they must give to the Lamanites (Mosiah 7:22) this corresponds roughly with the description given later in the official history (Mosiah 19:15). The
city of Lehi-Nephi, and the city of Shilom; and the land round about" (Mosiah 7:21). Zeniff uses two different phrases to describe his possessions: "the land of Lehi-
Nephi, and the land of Shilom" (Mosiah 9:6) and "the city of Lehi-Nephi, and the city of Shilom" (Mosiah 9:8) Limhi's account seems to reflect the latter wording with
consideration of the former. Limhi, being king, would probably also have had access to the official treaty. Though the Lamanites kept no records at this time (see
Mosiah 10:16;24:6), Zeniff's colony did (mentioned in Mosiah 8:5, 12;12:20;13:11;17:4;22:14;25:5; not all of which were legible, Mosiah 8:9, 11-13, 19;21:27).

Limhi, then, refers to the reason that Zeniff gave why King Laman had entered into the treaty with Zeniff's group (Mosiah 7:22; cf. Mosiah 9:11-12). He then gives a list
of the tribute which they must give to the Lamanites (Mosiah 7:22) this corresponds roughly with the description given later in the official history (Mosiah 19:15). The
phrase "even one half of all we have or possess" (Mosiah 7:22) echoes "even one half of all they possessed" (Mosiah 19:15) of the later account, and both probably
come from the official treaty describing the tribute, for in his speech Limhi emphasizes the produce of farms and ranches, while the official account stresses the treasures
of the earth. Both were most likely included in the treaty.

Limhi then describes the wars, contentions, and bloodsheds among themselves (Mosiah 7:23-25). Among these he makes special mention of "a prophet of the Lord"
whom they have slain (Mosiah 7:26). He then quotes Abinadi, always with the proper standard formula "he said (that) . . ." In most ancient texts this formula is the sure
sign of a quote, even if the source is not identified. We might punctuate the verse as follows to show the use of quotations:

And because he saith unto them that "Christ was the God, the Father of all things" and saith that "he should take upon him the image of man and it should be the image
after which man was created in the beginning" or in other words he said that "man was created after the image of God" and that "God . . . should come down among the
children of men;" and take upon him flesh and blood; and go forth upon the face of the earth. (Mosiah 7:27)

There are four quotations of Abinadi here. We can compare all of them with the original texts from the history of the people as it was later compiled. The first is "Christ
was the God, the Father of all things" (Mosiah 7:27). Abinadi does refer to "Christ the Lord, who is the very Eternal Father" (Mosiah 16:15), and "God, yea, the very
Eternal Father of heaven and earth" (Mosiah 15:4). But whether Limhi's quotation conflates the two statements (as with some of the quotes of Zeniff above), or is a
quotation of preaching that we do not have in our present record abridged by Mormon cannot be stated for certain. Abinadi first mentions Christ toward the latter half
of his defense (Mosiah 15:21).

The second quotation is "he should take upon him the image of man and it should be the image after which man was created in the beginning" (Mosiah 7:27). This
passage is not in the preserved corpus of Abinadi's speeches.

The third quotation is "man was created after the image of God" (Mosiah 7:27). This quotation is also missing from the corpus of Abinadi's sayings, but it does reflect
Gen. 1:26-27. That these quotations of Abinadi are lacking from our record should not surprise us; not only is the Book of Mormon an abridgment of the complete
record (W of M 1:3), but there were at least two records of Abinadi's preaching: Alma's (Mosiah 17:4) and the official court record that Limhi quotes (implied in
Mosiah 25:5-6).

The fourth quotation from Abinadi in this verse is "God should come down among the children of men" (Mosiah 7:27). This actually comes from two different places.
The first source is the official trial proceedings where Abinadi is officially charged with preaching "God himself should come down among the children of men" (Mosiah
17:8). This is the official charge brought against Abinadi and the only charge for which he was convicted. All he had to do was to recant and he could go free; but he
refused. This charge is a quotation from the preaching of Abinadi that "God himself shall come down among the children of men, and shall redeem his people" (Mosiah
15:1). But he defended himself saying, "Have [all the prophets] not said that God himself should come down among the children of men, and take upon him the form of
man?" (Mosiah 13:34). Limhi would seem to have been familiar with the official court records of Abinadi's trial.

Limhi finished his speech by quoting three items of scripture, prefacing each with "the Lord hath said" (Mosiah 7:29) or the equivalent "again he saith" (Mosiah 7:30-
31). But these items of scripture are unavailable to us outside Limhi's quotations. Let us consider each in order:

1. "I will not succor my people in the day of their transgression; but I will hedge up their ways that they prosper not and their doings shall be as a stumbling block before
them."

2. "If my people shall sow filthiness they shall reap the chaff thereof in the whirlwind and the effect   thereof is poison."

3. "If my people shall sow filthiness they shall reap the east wind which bringeth immediate destruction."

These passages are not attested in any of the scriptures presently available to us. Their closest parallels are Hosea 8:7: "For they have sown the wind, and they shall
reap the whirlwind" and Testament of Levi 13:6: "If you sow evil, you will reap every trouble and tribulation." We might guess that Hosea relied on the same scripture
that Limhi did, although what that source might be remains unknown. The two scriptures are similar but there are differences as well, indicating that both of the
scriptures either derive from the same source or one is derived from the other, but until the source of these quotations comes to light, this will only be speculation. We
are told that the biblical records were "not so many" as the brass plates (1 Ne. 13:23), so we should not be surprised that we cannot find these quotations in the Bible.


There are thirteen quotations in this speech of Limhi. Some of them are from the trial records of Abinadi, others are quotations of Zeniff's autobiography, and still others
are prophecies now lost. There are also allusions to the brass plates.

Limhi's third major speech occurs at the end of his interview with Ammon (Mosiah 8:19-21).

The interjection, "O how marvelous are the works of the Lord" seems to be a clear reference to Jacob 4:8, but how much access Zeniff's group had to Jacob's writings
remains unclear. Limhi does not mention the deliverance of Mosiah (Omni 1:12-13) in his earlier list (Mosiah 7:19). Zeniff's group had left before the small plates had
been turned over to King Benjamin (Omni 1:27-30; compare with Mosiah 9:2-3).

Soon thereafter, Limhi makes another statement, "How blind and impenetrable are the understandings of the children of men; for they will not seek wisdom neither do
they desire that she should rule over them" (Mosiah 8:20). This is an allusion to Prov. 8:12-17.

Finally, Limhi describes his people " 'as a wild flock' which fleeth from the shepherd and scattereth and are 'driven' and are devoured 'by' the 'beasts' of the
forest" (Mosiah 8:19-21). This is a quotation of the last words of Abinadi: "Ye shall be smitten on every hand, and shall be driven and scattered to and fro, even as a
wild flock is driven by wild and ferocious beasts" (Mosiah 17:17).

The final speech of Limhi is his interrogation of the king of the Lamanites. In this terse question-and-answer session, Limhi asks two questions and issues two orders.
There are no quotations of scripture and no reason for quotation of scriptureï¿½-what does the king of the Lamanites care about scriptures (Mosiah 10:11-17;24:3-5;
Alma 22:7)-ï¿½but previous treaties and oaths are mentioned (Mosiah 20:14).

 Copyright
These        (c)major
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                                of King Media Corp.
                                        Limhi and                                                                                                Page
                                                  they are dotted with quotations from previous records and prophecies, some of which are no longer       18 to/ 919
                                                                                                                                                    available    us.
These speeches seem to show a man very well versed in his records. From these it seems that Limhi had spent a good deal of time studying and memorizing the records
of his people. Limhi was probably more comfortable in the library than the throne room.
The final speech of Limhi is his interrogation of the king of the Lamanites. In this terse question-and-answer session, Limhi asks two questions and issues two orders.
There are no quotations of scripture and no reason for quotation of scriptureï¿½-what does the king of the Lamanites care about scriptures (Mosiah 10:11-17;24:3-5;
Alma 22:7)-ï¿½but previous treaties and oaths are mentioned (Mosiah 20:14).

These are the major speeches of King Limhi and they are dotted with quotations from previous records and prophecies, some of which are no longer available to us.
These speeches seem to show a man very well versed in his records. From these it seems that Limhi had spent a good deal of time studying and memorizing the records
of his people. Limhi was probably more comfortable in the library than the throne room.

There is another odd feature here. In the Book of Mormon, Limhi's quotations of the documents precede the cited documents themselves. If Joseph Smith were making
up the story at the rate of seven or eight pages a day, that would be quite a trick. Furthermore, all quotations are from material chronologically preceding Limhi and
to which he could have had access. Limhi's prophecies do not come from Malachi or Alma 2 . But in the Book of Mormon, the quotations precede the material quoted
and the quotations make perfect sense in the original context. A man dictating without correction at the rate of eight pages a day would have a hard time keeping the
facts straight if the events never happened. The forger of the Archko volume was a contemporary of Joseph Smith's and could not resist attributing long quotations to
the most obscure characters on ordinary occasions, just like any other novelist of Joseph Smith's day. Solomon Spaulding inserts long clandestine conversations
into his narrative. Yet in this part of the Book of Mormon's narrative, all the quotations come on official occasions, no informal chit-chat between Limhi and Gideon
or Ammon is preserved, everything is on the official level where the scribe would be there to record it. The Book of Mormon is not a typical product of Joseph Smith's
environment.

The Book of Mormon implies that Limhi knew his scriptures (in the broadest and most basic sense of the word: writing in general). Limhi, as a passionate scripturist,
was the first to want to read the record of a lost people contained in twenty-four golden plates, that matter engaging his attention (Mosiah 8:6-21) even before he
attempted to rescue his people (Mosiah 21:36-22:16 or get out of the fifty-percent tax bracket (Mosiah 7:22;19:15; contrast Mosiah 2:14;11:3). Limhi's passionate
interest in records and scriptures might also explain why he was righteous in spite of the wickedness of his father (Mosiah 11:1-15;19:17), the court (Mosiah 11:4-
11;12:25-29, 37;13:11;17:2, 11-12), and the people in general (Mosiah 7:24-25;23:9, 12). Furthermore, unlike Noah and his priests (Mosiah 12:25-30;13:7-8, 11),
Limhi takes these things seriously (Mosiah 7:26;21:31-35). We need look no further than Limhi for reasons to be serious about studying our scriptures.

  On the nature of Nephite kingship, see Daniel C. Peterson, "Authority in the Book of Mosiah," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1991, 3-10. Note that by virtue of who
conferred the kingship on Limhi, he did not hold the priesthood.

   As Scott Lorimer reminds me, Saul too was left behind "among the stuff" (1 Sam. 10:22). "Stuff" refers to the baggage the Israelites would bring with their families on
the occasion of the yearly festivals (Ex. 23:14-19; Lev. 23:1-44; Num. 28:11-29:40 cf. Luke 2:42-44; Mosiah 2:1-7; Hugh W. Nibley, "The Hierocentric State," in
The Ancient State, vol. 10 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991], 99-101; Hugh W. Nibley, "Old World
Ritual in the New World," in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3d ed., vol. 6 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and
F.A.R.M.S., 1988], 295-309; John A. Tvedtnes, "King Benjamin and the Feast of Tabernacles," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and
Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, 2 vols. [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990], 2:198-99, 220-23). Parallels to the life of
Muhammmed on this theme also exist; see ï¿½Abdu-l-Maï¿½lik ibn Hishaï¿½m, Al-Sï¿½ra al-Nabawiyya, 4 vols. (Cairo: Mustï¿½afaï¿½ al- Baï¿½bï¿½ al-Halabï¿½
wa-Awlaï¿½duhu, 1932), 1:192-93.

  The covenant renewal ceremony is discussed in Blake T. Ostler, "The Covenant Tradition in the Book of Mormon," in John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne, eds.,
Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 230-40.

  Ibid.

  For examples of recorded trial proceedings, see T. Eric Peet, The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1930),
vol. 2; T. Eric Peet, The Mayer Papyri A & B (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1920); Hans Goedicke, "Was Magic Used in the Harem Conspiracy against
Ramses III?" Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 49 (1963): Plates X-XI.

  As the Bible does; on which see Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 63-87.

  For example, Patroclos spouts off eleven lines of hexameters as he dies; see Homer, Iliad XVI, 843-55.

  On the post facto crafting of speeches by Thucydides, see Thucydides, Historiae I, 22, 1.

  Even his contemporary countrymen thought Herodotus fabricated his speeches; see Herodotus, Historiae III, 80, 1.

  Skillfully if satirically done by Richard W. Armour, The Classics Reclassified (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1960), 5-20.

   11 Annals of Thuthmoses III, in Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, 4 vols., Abteilung IV of Urkunden des ï¿½gyptischen Altertums (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1907),
3:649-51 (hereafter Urk. IV). On the historicity of this passage; see Anthony J. Spalinger, Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1982), 35-36. Many of the El-Amarna letters follow this pattern; e.g., El-Amarna Tablets 73-74, 76-77, 79, 81-92, 244, in Jï¿½rgen A.
Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1908-15).

   Annals of Thuthmoses III, in Kurt Sethe, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, 4 vols., Abteilung IV of Urkunden des ï¿½gyptischen Altertums (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1907),
3:649-51 (hereafter Urk. IV). On the historicity of this passage; see Anthony J. Spalinger, Aspects of the Military Documents of the Ancient Egyptians (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1982), 35-36. Many of the El-Amarna letters follow this pattern; e.g., El-Amarna Tablets 73-74, 76-77, 79, 81-92, 244, in Jï¿½rgen A.
Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1908-15).

   Although some believe that the man is merely a sandal bearer (William W. Hallo and William Kelly Simpson, The Ancient Near East: A History [New York:
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971], 204), Arnett claims that the man is a scribe (William S. Arnett, The Predynastic Origin of Egyptian Hieroglyphs [Washington, D.C.:
University Press of America, 1982]). In his estimation that the man is a scribe he concurs with Hugh W. Nibley, "Genesis of the Written Word," in Truman G. Madsen,
ed., Nibley on the Timely and the Timeless (Provo: Brigham Young University Religious Studies Center, 1977), 105, reprinted in Nibley, Temple and Cosmos, vol. 12
in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 456. Though I concur with Arnett on this point, I do not agree with
his general thesis, preferring that of Erik Hornung, Idea into Image: Essays on Ancient Egyptian Thought, trans. Elizabeth Bredeck (n.p.: Timken, 1992), 20-21.

  Philostratos, The Life of Apollonius of Tyana I, 18.

  Listed as Lï¿½.A.BA.MES KURAs-sur-a-a, Lï¿½.GAM KURMu-su-ra-a-a and Lï¿½.A.BA.MES KURAra-ma-a-a, see J. V. Kinnier Wilson, The Nimrud Wine
Lists, vol. 1(c)
Copyright     of Cuneiform
                 2005-2009,Texts from Nimrud
                            Infobase         (London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 1972), plate 20, lines 18'-20'.
                                      Media Corp.                                                                            Page 19 / 919
  See Orient-Comitï¿½s zu Berlin, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli IV , vol. 14 of Kï¿½niglische Museen zu Berlin, Mittheilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen
(Berlin: Reimer, 1911), Tafel LX. This stele is now on display in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin and is included in the catalog for the Babylonian section.
  Philostratos, The Life of Apollonius of Tyana I, 18.

  Listed as Lï¿½.A.BA.MES KURAs-sur-a-a, Lï¿½.GAM KURMu-su-ra-a-a and Lï¿½.A.BA.MES KURAra-ma-a-a, see J. V. Kinnier Wilson, The Nimrud Wine
Lists, vol. 1 of Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud (London: British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 1972), plate 20, lines 18'-20'.

  See Orient-Comitï¿½s zu Berlin, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli IV , vol. 14 of Kï¿½niglische Museen zu Berlin, Mittheilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen
(Berlin: Reimer, 1911), Tafel LX. This stele is now on display in the Pergamon Museum in Berlin and is included in the catalog for the Babylonian section.

  The Egyptian Tale of the Eloquent Peasant (B1 109-12; B2 127-31 in R. B. Parkinson, The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant [Oxford: Griffith Institute, 1991], 20, 48;
notice that although a scroll is made no scribe is mentioned) testifies of this but the court records of the Twentieth Dynasty Tomb-Robberies are perhaps more
demonstrative as are the military records upon which later battle accounts were drawn.

   The references given here are for illustrative purposes only. They illustrate the type of trial procedure common in the scribal traditions to which the Nephites belong
(see 1 Ne. 1:3; Mosiah 1:2-4), albeit a much earlier stage. The trial procedures reflect most closely those preserved in the Egyptian records. The Mesopotamian
evidence is problematic because there are few records of actual trials and they principally state only the basics of the case and the contention of the prosecution, the
names of the witnesses and the oaths involved, and end with the witnesses to the decision and the judges. The most important recent discussion of the problem is in J.
N. Postgate, Fifty Neo- Assyrian Legal Documents (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1976), 60. The Mesopotamian legal records all follow Sumerian models. The
following list of collections of sources (listed chronologically) is representative: Dietz O. Edzard, Sumerische Rechtsurkunden des III. Jahrtausends aus der Zeit vor der
III. Dynastie von Ur (Mï¿½nchen: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1968); Adam Falkenstein, Die neusumerischen Gerichtsurkunden, 3 vols. (Mï¿½nchen:
Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1956-57), esp. #99, 2:159-62; Josef Kohler and P. E. Peiser, Aus dem babylonischen Rechtsleben (Leipzig: Pfeiffer,
1890) [though the translations are out-of-date, they are still accurate enough to get the general idea of the trial procedure]; Josef Kohler and Arthur Ungnad,
Assyrische Rechts-Urkunden (Leipzig: Pfeiffer, 1913); Herbert P. H. Petschow, Mittelbabylonische Rechts- und Wirtschafts-urkunden der Kilprecht Sammlung Jena
(Berlin: Akademie, 1974); Postgate, Fifty Neo- Assyrian Legal Documents; Mariano San Nicolo, Babylonische Rechtsurkunden des ausgehenden 8. und des 7.
Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (Mï¿½nchen: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1951); Mariano San Nicolo and Herbert P. H. Petschow, Babylonische Rechturkunden
aus den 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Mï¿½nchen: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1960).

    17 The references given here are for illustrative purposes only. They illustrate the type of trial procedure common in the scribal traditions to which the Nephites
belong (see 1 Ne. 1:3; Mosiah 1:2-4), albeit a much earlier stage. The trial procedures reflect most closely those preserved in the Egyptian records. The Mesopotamian
evidence is problematic because there are few records of actual trials and they principally state only the basics of the case and the contention of the prosecution, the
names of the witnesses and the oaths involved, and end with the witnesses to the decision and the judges. The most important recent discussion of the problem is in J.
N. Postgate, Fifty Neo- Assyrian Legal Documents (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1976), 60. The Mesopotamian legal records all follow Sumerian models. The
following list of collections of sources (listed chronologically) is representative: Dietz O. Edzard, Sumerische Rechtsurkunden des III. Jahrtausends aus der Zeit vor der
III. Dynastie von Ur (Mï¿½nchen: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1968); Adam Falkenstein, Die neusumerischen Gerichtsurkunden, 3 vols. (Mï¿½nchen:
Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1956-57), esp. #99, 2:159-62; Josef Kohler and P. E. Peiser, Aus dem babylonischen Rechtsleben (Leipzig: Pfeiffer,
1890) [though the translations are out-of-date, they are still accurate enough to get the general idea of the trial procedure]; Josef Kohler and Arthur Ungnad,
Assyrische Rechts-Urkunden (Leipzig: Pfeiffer, 1913); Herbert P. H. Petschow, Mittelbabylonische Rechts- und Wirtschafts-urkunden der Kilprecht Sammlung Jena
(Berlin: Akademie, 1974); Postgate, Fifty Neo- Assyrian Legal Documents; Mariano San Nicolo, Babylonische Rechtsurkunden des ausgehenden 8. und des 7.
Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (Mï¿½nchen: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1951); Mariano San Nicolo and Herbert P. H. Petschow, Babylonische Rechturkunden
aus den 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Mï¿½nchen: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1960).

   The name and titles are the common opening lines of any official address, whether written or oral. For Sumerian examples, see Ilmari Kï¿½rki, Die
Kï¿½nigsinschriften der dritten Dynastie von Ur (Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society, 1986), passim; for an Akkadian example, see Kodex Hammurabi I.50-IV.66; for a
Roman example, see Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico I, 43-44. Since this is the standard pattern in Egypt, a few instances from each period will suffice; Royal: Old
Kingdom: Kurt Sethe, Urkunden des Alten Reichs, Abteilung I of Urkunden des ï¿½gyptischen Altertums (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1932), 7-8 (hereafter Urk. I); Second
Intermediate Period: Frank T. Miosi, ed., A Reading Book of Second Intermediate Period Texts (Toronto: Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities, 1981), 1, 4,
12, 15, 20; New Kingdom: Urk. IV, 626, 642, 647; Late Period: Heinrich Schï¿½fer, Urkunden der ï¿½lteren ï¿½thiopenkï¿½nige (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1905), 60-61;
Kurt Sethe, Hieroglyphische Urkunden der griechisch-rï¿½mischen Zeit (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1904), 7-10, 125-26; Non-royal: Old Kingdom: Urk. I ,15, 28; First
Intermediate Period: Rudolf Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1928, reprint Hildesheim: Olms, 1964), 28, 32, 35-36; Middle Kingdom:
Kurt Sethe and Wolja Erichsen, Urkunden des Mittleren Reiches (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1935), 1, 7-8, 11, 44, 53; New Kingdom: Urk IV, 898-906; Ricardo A.
Caminos, "Papyrus Berlin 10463," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 49 (1963): Plates VIA-VI. For trials see Papyrus British Museum 10054, 1.1-3, in Peet, Great
Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, 2:Plate VII.

  Cf., e.g., Papyrus British Museum 10403, 3.22-25, in Peet, Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, 2:Plate XXXVI.

  Cf. ibid.; also Goedicke, "Was Magic Used in the Harem Conspiracy," Plate X, lines 3-5.

  Cf. Papyrus d'Orbiney 19.5, in Alan H. Gardiner, Late Egyptian Stories, vol. 1 of Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca (Bruxelles: Fondation ï¿½gyptologique Reine ï¿½lisabeth,
1932), 29; the verdict is actually given on pp. 18-19. For the general Egyptian procedure, see Peet, Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, 1:25-
27.

   Limhi's knowledge of mainstream Nephite history after the foundation story seems rather weak. It is questionable whether Zeniff's group had any records other than
(1) a copy of the brass plates; (2) the twenty-four Jaredite plates; and (3) their own records.

   For some Egyptian examples see Papyrus Chester Beatty 1, 2.9-3.1 in Gardiner, Late Egyptian Stories, 39; and Papyrus Geneva D 191, in Jaroslav Cernyï¿½, Late
Ramesside Letters, vol. 9 of Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca (Bruxelles: Fondation ï¿½gyptologique Reine ï¿½lisabeth, 1939), 57-60. Old Babylonian letters citing previous
correspondence use a similar formula, umma anaï¿½kuma, umma attaï¿½ma, umma suï¿½ma, etc., examples of which are scattered throughout the series
Altbabylonische Briefe, 11 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1964- ). Biblical examples may be found in Matt. 1:22-23;2:17-18;3:3;4:14-16;5:21, 27, 31, 38, 43;8:17;12:17-
21;13:14-15, 35;15:7-9;17:11;19:4-5;21:4-5, 9;22:24, 31-32, 43-44; cf. Matt. 2:5-6;4:6-7, 10;11:10;21:13, 16, 42;22:37-39;26:31;27:9; other examples may be
readily found by the reader without much trouble. Note that this is not the only formula used to introduce a quotationï¿½often there is no formulaï¿½but that when the
formula appears a quotation or at very least a paraphrase is expected.

  See the marginalia at 1 Cor. 9:10 and 1 Tim. 5:18 in Kurt Aland et al., eds., Novum Testamentum Graecae, 26th ed. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1983).

   The passage resembles Odes of Solomon 7: "He became like me, that I might receive Him. In form He was considered like me, that I might put Him on. . . . Like my
nature He became, that I might understand Him. And like my form, that I might not turn away from Him. . . . He has allowed Him to appear to them that are His own;
In order that they may recognize Him that made them, And not suppose that they came of themselves." Ode of Solomon 7:4, 6, 12, James H. Charlesworth, The Odes
of Solomon(c)
 Copyright   (Chico, CA: Scholars,
                2005-2009,         1977),
                            Infobase Media33-36.
                                            Corp.This is not the passage cited.                                                                 Page 20 / 919
   John W. Welch thinks that Mosiah compiled his record of Abinadi's ministry from Alma's records (personal communication). I doubt that we have sufficient
evidence to establish that.
   The passage resembles Odes of Solomon 7: "He became like me, that I might receive Him. In form He was considered like me, that I might put Him on. . . . Like my
nature He became, that I might understand Him. And like my form, that I might not turn away from Him. . . . He has allowed Him to appear to them that are His own;
In order that they may recognize Him that made them, And not suppose that they came of themselves." Ode of Solomon 7:4, 6, 12, James H. Charlesworth, The Odes
of Solomon (Chico, CA: Scholars, 1977), 33-36. This is not the passage cited.

   John W. Welch thinks that Mosiah compiled his record of Abinadi's ministry from Alma's records (personal communication). I doubt that we have sufficient
evidence to establish that.

   This quotation is not found in any of the scriptures that are presently available to us. The term "stumbling block" is prominent in Nephi's writings (1 Ne. 14:1; 2 Ne.
4:33;18:14;26:20), but it also occurs in the law (Lev. 19:14) and in Isa. 8:14;57:14, Ps. 119:165, and Jer. 6:21. But none of these is the scripture we are looking for.

  In the 1830 edition this reads "effects."

  For that matter, Paul quotes sources in 1 Cor. 9:10 and 1 Tim. 5:18 which no one has yet been able to identify.

   30 Note that Amaleki describes the leader as "a strong and mighty man, and a stiffnecked man" (Omni 1:28), whereas Zeniff describes the leader as "an austere and
a blood-thirsty man" (Mosiah 9:2). These are two distinct literary traditions reflected in the language. Had Joseph Smith been making this up and keeping track of the
details to repeat them later would he have thought to keep the descriptions of separate literary traditions distinct while meshing those of the same literary tradition?

   Note that Amaleki describes the leader as "a strong and mighty man, and a stiffnecked man" (Omni 1:28), whereas Zeniff describes the leader as "an austere and a
blood-thirsty man" (Mosiah 9:2). These are two distinct literary traditions reflected in the language. Had Joseph Smith been making this up and keeping track of the
details to repeat them later would he have thought to keep the descriptions of separate literary traditions distinct while meshing those of the same literary tradition?

  "How Long Did It Take to Translate?" in John W. Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 4.

  For examples, see Richard Lloyd Anderson, "The Fraudulent Archko Volume," BYU Studies 15 (1974): 43-64.

   For example, the opening conversation in Hermann Melville's short story "Bartleby" deals with accounting endeavors of an aging Turkey, while the final one takes
place between the narrator and a grub-man. See also Nathaniel Hawthorne, The Scarlet Letter, esp. chaps. 4 and 16. Melville was born on 1 August 1819 in New
York City; Hawthorne was born on 4 July 1804. If the Book of Mormon were a typical product of its day why does it not read like a typical product of its day?

  E.g., the conversation between Elsion and Lamesa when "they were together in one of the apartments of the Emperors palaceï¿½the company had all retired." See
Solomon Spaulding, Manuscript Story (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1886), 57.

Boats Beginnings and Repetitions
Alan Goff

Abstract: Ancient texts are too often approached using modern assumptions. Among those assumptions obstructing an understanding of ancient texts is the modern
emphasis on originality and on writing as intellectual property. Ancient writers relished repetitionï¿½-stories that were repeated in succeeding generationsï¿½-over
originality. The Bible is full of repeated or allusive stories, and the Book of Mormon often reinscribes this biblical emphasis on repetition. One such biblical
reverberation in the Book of Mormon is Nephi's ocean voyage, which evokes biblical stories of origination: creation, deluge, and exodus. These three stories of
beginnings are carefully alluded to in Nephi's own foundational story, exactly as we would expect an ancient Hebraic text to do.

The dialectic of repetition is easy, for that which is repeated has beenï¿½-otherwise it could not be repeatedï¿½-but the very fact that it has been makes the repetition
into something new.

Sï¿½ren Kierkegaard

Few texts are misused more often than the biblical text is. The Bible has been extended in a number of ways in a number of traditions: Judaism has its Written Torah
(the Bible) and its Oral Torah (the Talmud and midrashic commentary), the Koran is largely a reaction to the Bible, for Latter-day Saints the Book of Mormon is
clearly an extension of the biblical text into the promised land of the Nephites and Lamanites. A peculiarly modern extension of the biblical text occurs in the
Enlightenment project known as higher criticism of the Bible. If the Bible can be and often is misused, then one would expect that its extensions would be also. Since I
do not believe the Bible is in conflict with the Book of Mormon, I frequently find a consonance between biblical criticism and my readings of the Book of Mormon. I
often also find that particular uses of biblical criticism in the attempt to drive a wedge between the Bible and the Book of Mormon dramatically distort not only that
criticism, but also the Book of Mormon and the biblical text as well. This essay is an attempt to demonstrate one way biblical criticism can help us understand the Book
of Mormon. My belief is that the new approaches to biblical criticism (based on literary rather than historical analysis) provide opportunities for us to understand both
the Bible and the Book of Mormon. Literary approaches to the Bible tend toward holism in the biblical text, both within individual books and in the work as a whole.
Older historical approaches tend to fragment the text: looking for the Sitz im Leben for even individual verses and sections of verses. Historical approaches
frequently attempt to find hypothetical ur-texts out of which the present text evolved, a project that many biblical critics are beginning to see as futile. While I prefer
literary approaches, historical approaches are in many ways fundamental. My analysis attempts to lay the foundations for a reading of the Book of Mormon similar to
some I read in biblical criticism. At times, my own reading may more resemble the historical approaches than the literary approaches.

Biblical Criticism and Boats

Eliade gives us good reason to believe that archaic people saw the unfolding of history differently than do modern people. Archaic people looked to events from the
past to guide the interpretation of contemporary events. Not only did past events serve as interpretive guides, but the people conceived themselves as reliving those
eventsï¿½-I call this repetition, using Kierkegaard's term intentionally for all the reasons he outlines (in particular because Kierkegaard distinguishes between a Christian
and Greek attitude toward the pastï¿½-the Greek attitude is wistful and he calls it "recollection," as opposed to the biblical notion of "repetition" which looks forward).
   In particular, archaic people looked back to foundational events or creation events in a way that transformed the present and the future as they came into contact
with that past; these events served as the beginning of time for their people. Referring to archaic man, Eliade says:

What he does has been done before. His life is the ceaseless repetition of gestures initiated by others. This conscious repetition of given paradigmatic gestures reveals
an original ontology. The crude products of nature, the object fashioned by the industry of man, acquire their reality, their identity, only to the extent of their participation
in a transcendent reality. The gesture acquires meaning, reality, solely to the extent to which it repeats a primordial act.

ACopyright
  primordial(c)act2005-2009,
                   is one effecting change
                               Infobase    by occurring
                                         Media   Corp. at the creation of the world or the creation of a people, such as the founding of the children of Page
                                                                                                                                                         Israel through a
                                                                                                                                                                  21 / 919
series of patriarchs or an escape from captivity during the Exodus. During times of repetition the participants are lifted out of profane time and are transported through
sacred time: "there is an implicit abolition of profane time, of duration, of 'history'; and he who reproduces the exemplary gesture thus finds himself transported into the
mythical epoch in which its revelation took place."
What he does has been done before. His life is the ceaseless repetition of gestures initiated by others. This conscious repetition of given paradigmatic gestures reveals
an original ontology. The crude products of nature, the object fashioned by the industry of man, acquire their reality, their identity, only to the extent of their participation
in a transcendent reality. The gesture acquires meaning, reality, solely to the extent to which it repeats a primordial act.

A primordial act is one effecting change by occurring at the creation of the world or the creation of a people, such as the founding of the children of Israel through a
series of patriarchs or an escape from captivity during the Exodus. During times of repetition the participants are lifted out of profane time and are transported through
sacred time: "there is an implicit abolition of profane time, of duration, of 'history'; and he who reproduces the exemplary gesture thus finds himself transported into the
mythical epoch in which its revelation took place."

Eliade points specifically to ancient Greece, Iran, India, and Judea as the locus of the idea of eternal return: these are cycles of Golden Ages followed by ages of
degeneration and regeneration. Anderson, citing Eliade, makes a distinction between Israel and other archaic people: Israel maintained a distinction between the
sacred and profane but historicized it.

In Israel's faith the realm of the sacred was located in the midst of history, not in some mythical twilight zone, for Israel experienced the reality of God in "concrete
events and interpersonal relations." Instead of cultically imitating actions of the gods in "the olden days" beyond historical recall, Israel remembered the celebrated
events that happened in a definite place and time.

Eliade points out that this notion of history is different from a modern view of history. Moderns tend to think that events happen once and are finished and that is the
meaning of them, "but exemplar history [is that] which can be repeated (regularly or otherwise), and whose meaning and value lie in that very repetition."

This need to prove the truth of myth also helps us to grasp what history and "historical evidence" mean to the primitive mind. It shows what an importance primitive man
attaches to things that have really happened, to the events which actually took place in his surroundings; it shows how his mind hungers for what is "real," for what is in
the fullest sense. But, at the same time, the archetypal function given to these events of illud tempus give us a glimpse of the interest primitive people take in realities that
are significant, creative, paradigmatic.

These repetitions of the cosmogony are particularly important at times of new beginnings: Eliade points specifically to times when man "creates something (his 'own
world'ï¿½-the inhabited territoryï¿½-or a city, a house, etc.)," but also when a new king is being consecrated, when the crops are imperiled, in times of war, or during
"a sea voyage."

Given the notion that repetitions are meaningful specifically because they are repetitions, revisionist readers of the Book of Mormon need to reconsider their conclusion
that because the Book of Mormon contains some repetitions from the Bible, Joseph Smith merely plagiarized the book. Revisionist readers take a superficial approach
to the Book of Mormon, claiming that Joseph Smith merely absorbed his antebellum American cultural environment and put it down on paper as the Book of Mormon;
part of this strategy is to claim that Joseph Smith merely borrowed parts of the King James Version of the Bible. Revisionist readings require that the repetitions from
the Bible found in the Book of Mormon be extremely shallow copies. But the ideological position which claims that repetitions are plagiarisms partakes of a modern
prejudice against repetition (preferring a post-Romantic originality to an ancient predilection in favor of recurrence) and needs to be argued rather than merely taken for
granted. The claim that repetitions in the Book of Mormon are plagiarisms from the Bible must specifically ignore a genuinely biblical hermeneutic. I want to actually
read the stories and find a deeper form of the story and show the sophisticated nature of the narrative.

Nephi says he is going to build a ship. This event qualifies in a number of ways as Eliade's time of primordial creation. The group is about to embark on a sea voyage;
the ideological battle over who will be the ruler has been taking place and will continue; the group sees itself as independent of the Jews at Jerusalem (a new people)
and will soon take the eponymous names of Nephites, Lamanites, and others; the group has undergone a typological exodus through the wilderness. This is a time of
creation that relives the creation of the world, just as the building of Noah's ark and the Tabernacle in the wilderness relived the cosmogony.

When Nephi is at Bountiful he hears the Lord's voice telling him to do as Moses did and go to the mountain: "Arise, and get thee into the mountain. And it came to pass
that I arose and went up into the mountain, and cried unto the Lord" (1 Ne. 17:7). I will arrange the passage in its rhetorical pattern so the command/execution formula
is explicit and the synthetic parallelism is evident (synthetic parallelism occurs in biblical literature when the rhetorical statement is repeated but with an additional
element raising the statement to a higher level):

a. Arise,
ï¿½ï¿½b. And get thee into the mountain.
ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½And it came to pass that I
ï¿½ï¿½a'. Arose
ï¿½ï¿½b'. And went up into the mountain,
ï¿½ï¿½c. And cried unto the Lord.

This pattern of biblical repetition is what Alter calls hidden repetition: A word "in the first verset, usually a verb, governs the parallel clause in the second verset as well."
    Notice the matching action in the verbs of command and fulfillment, with the synthetic action caused by the addition of another verb: Nephi arises, goes up, and cries
unto the Lord. The journey to the mountain is too common a motif in biblical literature to require additional comment. Moses does receive a similar command to "come
up to me into the mount," where Moses stays for forty days and nights and receives the tablets of the law and a divine pattern for the Tabernacle (Ex. 24:12). The text
is clear that the pattern for the earthly dwelling of the Lord is not of earthly origin: "According to all that I shew thee, after the pattern of the tabernacle, and the pattern
of all the instruments thereof, even so shall ye make it" (Ex. 25:9).

Notice also that once Nephi has climbed the mountain he is commanded: "Thou shalt construct a ship, after the manner which I shall show thee, that I may carry thy
people across these waters" (1 Ne. 17:8). The same "thou shalt" command is given to Moses regarding each item in the tabernacle (Ex. 25:10-27:9 and more). In the
middle of all the commands is the order once again for Moses to "look that thou make them after the pattern, which was shewed thee in the mount" (Ex. 25:40). The
heavenly pattern is essential:

It is clear that the tent that Moses had built is a copy of the heavenly tent in accordance with the ancient religious principle, "like is like." The similarity in form between
the earthly dwelling of the god and its heavenly prototype brings about the presence of the deity. In Israel, of course, the presence of Yahweh was subject to a number
of conditions, yet the principle of "like is like" seems imperative here, too.

Nephi is clear throughout his narrative that the pattern for the ship is divine: he worked the timbers not "after the manner which was learned by men, neither did I build
the ship after the manner of men; but I did build it after the manner which the Lord had shown unto me; wherefore, it was not after the manner of men" (1 Ne. 18:2).

The mountain is the place where the holy man communes with God; for Nephi "did go into the mount oft, and I did pray oft unto the Lord" (1 Ne. 18:3). The "like is
like" principle does not apply only to temples: a heavenly pattern is needed for any cosmogony. I have mentioned the Tabernacle; Noah built his ark after the pattern
the Lord gave him (Gen. 6:14-16) in a specific re-creation of the earth. Holloway compares Noah's ark with Utnapishtim's ark in the Gilgamesh epic. Each is
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specifically a re-creation of the world. "I would argue that the flood stories in Atrahasis and Gilgamesh re-enact creation in the same manner as the Genesis
and that the seven-day span of the deluge or the period prior to the opening of the ark in the Mesopotamian stories is a reverse analog to the seven days of creation in
Genesis chapters 1-2." David delivers to Solomon the divine pattern for the temple for him to execute (1 Chr. 28:11-12), and the "seven days and seven days" of
The mountain is the place where the holy man communes with God; for Nephi "did go into the mount oft, and I did pray oft unto the Lord" (1 Ne. 18:3). The "like is
like" principle does not apply only to temples: a heavenly pattern is needed for any cosmogony. I have mentioned the Tabernacle; Noah built his ark after the pattern
the Lord gave him (Gen. 6:14-16) in a specific re-creation of the earth. Holloway compares Noah's ark with Utnapishtim's ark in the Gilgamesh epic. Each is
specifically a re-creation of the world. "I would argue that the flood stories in Atrahasis and Gilgamesh re-enact creation in the same manner as the Genesis account,
and that the seven-day span of the deluge or the period prior to the opening of the ark in the Mesopotamian stories is a reverse analog to the seven days of creation in
Genesis chapters 1-2." David delivers to Solomon the divine pattern for the temple for him to execute (1 Chr. 28:11-12), and the "seven days and seven days" of
the Feast of Tabernacles dedicating the temple is a reenactment of the seven days of creation (1 Kgs. 8:65) as is the seven-year time period required to build the
temple (1 Kgs. 6:38), which Blenkinsopp suggests connects it with the creation narrative. Nephi explicitly appropriates this divine pattern in building his temple in the
promised land (2 Ne. 5:16). Holloway includes the ark in this category because the ark has the same dimensions as and in many ways is portrayed in the Bible as a
ziggurat, or temple; the ark and the temple of Solomon share the three-level design common to Near Eastern cosmogonies that the portable sanctuary could never
reproduce. After listing all the occurrences of the execution and completion formulas in what scholars call the "P" segment of the Pentateuch, Blenkinsopp points to
the two "physical constructs"ï¿½-Noah's ark and the Tabernacle. He claims that because these two are especially important manifestations of the completion formula
because they are physical creations that "are built according to divine specifications, there is a certain correspondence between the spatial and temporal axes of the
work. Thus, the whole of reality, in its spatial and temporal aspects, is shown to rest on the word first spoken at the creation." It does seem rather odd for me to
compare the divine pattern in tabernacle and temple to this ship. But the comparison is not mine:

Shortly after the episode of the Tower there is another episode which has a bearing on our theme. The building of the Ark by Noah provides us with what is perhaps
the closest parallel to the later making of the elaborate tent. The initial command comes from God: "Make thee an ark" (Gen. 6:14). There follow precise instructions
about the size and shape of the boat, and these Noah takes care to execute to the letter. When it is finally done we are told: "Thus did Noah; according to all that God
commanded him, so did he (6:22)."

The divine pattern is essential to the building of both boats. Josipovici continues to compare the tower of Babel incident with the golden calf incident. In both cases the
wicked take it upon themselves to construct an object of worship after a human pattern. In both the flood and the tabernacle narratives, the people glorify God by
following his pattern. Nephi is also insistent that we understand that he is following the divine pattern, not constructing a work according to human folly:

And the Lord did show me from Make thee an ark of gopher wood time to time after what manner I rooms shalt thou make in the ark, and
should work the timbers of the shalt pitch it within and without with
ship. Now I, Nephi, did not work pitch. And this is the fashion which
the timbers after the manner which thou shalt make it of . . . (Genesis
was learned by men, neither did I 6:14-15)
build the ship after the manner
of men; but I did build it after
the manner which the Lord had
shown unto me; wherefore, it
was not after the manner of
men. (1 Ne. 18:1-2)

The voice of the Lord came "And the Lord said unto
unto me, saying: Arise, and get Moses, Come up to me into the
thee into the mountain. And it mount, and be there: and I will
came to pass that I arose and give thee tables of stone and a
went up into the mountain, and law " (Ex. 24:12). [The
cried unto the Lord. And it narrative continues with Moses
came to pass that the Lord staying on the mount for forty
spake unto me, saying: Thou days and receiving the pattern
shalt construct a ship, after the for the tabernacle.] "And let
manner which I shall show them make me a sanctuary; that
thee, that I may carry thy I may dwell among them.
people across these waters. (1 According to all that I shew
1 Ne. 17:7-8) thee, after the pattern of the
tabernacle, and the pattern of
all the instruments thereof, even
so shall ye make it." (Exodus
25:8-9)

Josipovici continues by commenting that medieval artists knew what they were doing when they associated Noah's ark with the Christian church sailing on the stormy
waters of earth. "They read better than later scholars, who have been so busy matching instructions to archaeological evidence that they have failed to understand the
larger function of these buildings within the unfolding narrative."

Moses executes the divine pattern, and then he looks on the work of the tabernacle and pronounces it good (Ex. 39:42-43):

The linguistic parallels too between God looking at what he had done and Moses looking at the completed Tabernacle are striking: "And God saw every thing that he
made, and, behold, it was very good (Gen. 1:31)" "And Moses did look upon all the work, and behold, they had done it as the Lord had commanded, even so had
they done it" (Ex. 39:43). "Thus the heavens and the earth were finished" (Gen. 2:1) "Thus was all the work of the tabernacle of the tent of the congregation
finished" (Ex. 39:32). "God ended his work which he had made" (Gen. 2:2)" "So Moses finished the work" Ex. 40:33) and "God blessed the seventh day" (Gen. 2:3)
"And Moses blessed them" (Ex. 39:43).

Of course none of this escaped the ancient commentators. Already in antiquity, as my earlier quotation from Josephus demonstrated, the Tabernacle was seen as a
model of the cosmos or the heavens. And there are many examples from the ancient Near East of the temple of the god facing his heavenly dwelling and mirroring it.

Nephi also seems to be aware of the cosmological connections between his ship and other earthly copies of the divine pattern. Nephi explains that he has executed the
pattern as he has been commanded, just as Noah and Moses did:

And it came to pass that after Thus did Noah; according to all
I had finished the ship, that God commanded him, so did
according to the word of the he. (Gen. 6:22)
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tabernacle of the tent of the
congregation finished: And the
And it came to pass that after Thus did Noah; according to all
I had finished the ship, that God commanded him, so did
according to the word of the he. (Gen. 6:22)
Lord . . . (1 Ne. 18:4) Thus was all the work of the
tabernacle of the tent of the
congregation finished: And the
children of Israel did according
to all that the Lord commanded
Moses , so did they. (Ex. 39:32)
And he reared up the court round
about the tabernacle and the altar,
and set up the hanging of the
court gate. So Moses finished the
work. (Ex. 40:33)
Thus were the heavens and the
earth finished. (Gen. 2:1)

This "execution formula" ("the Lord's servant did according to what the Lord had commanded him to do") appears time and again in three general locations in the
Hebrew Bible, especially as a conclusion formula: (1) the creation, (2) the building of the tabernacle, and (3) the division of the land among the tribes of Israel. But
Blenkinsopp also notes that the formula appears "regularly throughout the history" ranging from the building of Noah's ark to the allotment of residences for the Levites.
The completion formula we have here in Nephi's record (the "finishing of the work") is more specific than the execution formula. The completion formula marks a new
stage in history: for the Israelites the finished creation marks the beginning of time; the tabernacle marks the culmination of the Abrahamic covenant; and the
apportioning of the land to the tribes and to the Levites marks the completion of the conquest. In Nephi's story the completion formula marks the new beginning of
the people as they set out irrevocably toward the promised land. A noteworthy feature of Nephi's creation repetition is that the Spirit of God presides over it as it did
over the previous creation narratives; "the divine spirit is mentioned only three times in P, all crucial points in the historical narrative: the creation of the world (Gen. 1:2),
the construction of the sanctuary (Ex. 31:3;35:31), and the commissioning of Joshua as successor to Moses (Num 27:18; Dt 34:9)." The Spirit of God is also present
at Nephi's creation narrative so powerfully that his brothers dare not rebel against him further (1 Ne. 17:52-55).

Just as God beheld his work and pronounced it good at the end of his creation, Moses, Noah, and Nephi also pronounce their work good. Except in Nephi's case,
ironically, Nephi's rebellious brothers, who believed he could not build a ship, look on the work and pronounce it good:

My brethren beheld that it According to all that the Lord
was good, and that the commanded Moses, so the
workmanship thereof was children of Israel made all the
exceedingly fine (1 Nephi work. And Moses did look upon
18:4) all the work, and, behold, they
had done it as the Lord had
commanded, even so had they
done it: and Moses blessed them.
(Ex. 39:42-43)
And God saw every thing that he
had made, and, behold, it was very good.
(Gen. 1:31)

All of the work of building a ship or tabernacle follows the same cycle: the Lord gives the pattern and the command, the order is executed exactly, the finished result is
viewed and pronounced good. Brisman suggests that the formula "as the Lord directed Moses" (Ex. 40:16-33) and the formula "Moses finished the work" suggests the
creation story when God also finished his work. The Priestly writer re-creates the creation narrative in the dull business of recording the construction of the sanctuary,
infusing the idea "that the 'work' of the tabernacle is an image of the 'work' of Creation. Both nature and worship are given mythological origins, representations of when
they first occurred." This analysis depends on the notion of eternal return and of repetition. The Book of Mormon narrative fits the pattern as well as the narratives
from the Bible do.

The final note about the creation reenactment from 1 Nephi requires explanation. Nephi later relates the pronouncement that the workmanship is "good" and
"exceedingly fine" (1 Ne. 18:4). But it is not just that the workmanship is good, it is also unusual:

We did work timber of See, I have called by name
curious workmanship. And Bezaleel. . . . And I have filled
the Lord did show me from him with the spirit of God, in
time to time after what wisdom, and in understanding,
manner I should work the and in knowledge and in all
timbers of the ship. Now I, manner of workmanship, to
Nephi, did not work the devise cunning works, to work in
timbers after the manner gold, and in silver, and in brass,
which was learned by men, and in cutting of stones, to set
neither did I build the ship them, and in carving of timber, to
after the manner of men. (1 work in all manner of
1 Ne. 18:1-2) workmanship. (Ex. 31:2-5)

In this microcosm of the cosmos and the creation, the workmanship of the hands of the creator must be variedï¿½-for God glories in dappled things. Josipovici says
that the translation "to devise cunning works" could alternatively be translated "to make makings," "to encunning cunningness" when it refers to craftsmanship. He
equates it with the Homeric translation "dappled," "cunningly wrought," and the Latin "artificial," "adorned," "variegated." Just as the creation requires a variety of
animals and that variety is repeated in the delugeï¿½-in the parade of animals entering and exiting the arkï¿½-the construction of the tabernacle possesses a rich variety
of material and workmanship. Nephi's creation also has its own curious workmanship.

Just as the spirit of God moves about the waters of creation, it also moves through the workman Bezaleel: "the human artist is a craftsman who is filled with the 'spirit of
God' (Ex. 35:31), the same rï¿½ah 'elohï¿½m mentioned in Gen. 1:2 as moving over the waters of the primordial world of creation." Note that the spirit of God is
also present at Nephi's construction of his work of curious workmanship (1 Ne. 17:52).
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But the ship as a cosmogonic work is not the only bit of curious workmanship in the Book of Mormon. During the sea voyage Nephi resorts to using the compass to
still the waters of chaos. Nephi followed no human pattern in building his shipï¿½-consequently, the ship is a work of curious workmanship because it is built after a
Just as the spirit of God moves about the waters of creation, it also moves through the workman Bezaleel: "the human artist is a craftsman who is filled with the 'spirit of
God' (Ex. 35:31), the same rï¿½ah 'elohï¿½m mentioned in Gen. 1:2 as moving over the waters of the primordial world of creation." Note that the spirit of God is
also present at Nephi's construction of his work of curious workmanship (1 Ne. 17:52).

But the ship as a cosmogonic work is not the only bit of curious workmanship in the Book of Mormon. During the sea voyage Nephi resorts to using the compass to
still the waters of chaos. Nephi followed no human pattern in building his shipï¿½-consequently, the ship is a work of curious workmanship because it is built after a
divine pattern. Likewise, also, when Lehi walks out of his tent as the group is about to begin their exodus through the wilderness, he finds "a round ball of curious
workmanship" (1 Ne. 16:10). In later generations, the Nephites explicitly connect the curious workmanship with the divinity of the pattern: Alma speaks to his son
Helaman saying, "concerning the thing which our fathers call a ball, or directorï¿½-or our fathers called it Liahona, which is, being interpreted, a compass; and the Lord
prepared it. And behold, there cannot any man work after the manner of so curious a workmanship. And behold, it was prepared to show unto our fathers the course
which they should travel in the wilderness" (Alma 37:38-39). The ball, circle, or compass is a symbol of the cosmogony. At the beginning of Lehite history, when the
group has severed all relations with the Jews at Jerusalem, when God creates this new people by leading them on an exodus through the wilderness, God gives them
this circle/compass. When Nephi is endangered by the chaotic forces of the sea, he takes out his compass and prays to the creator. Small wonder the Liahona is one of
the symbols of kingship prized by later generations of Nephites: the plates of brass, the sword of Laban, and the "ball or director, which led our fathers through the
wilderness, which was prepared by the hand of the Lord" (Mosiah 1:16). Thomasson's analysis of the ball imagery points to it as a symbol of the earth, the globe.
The bit of curious workmanship parallels the one fashioned after a divine pattern by Nephi.

So the exodus (specifically the tabernacle construction) is connected to the deluge and both are connected to the creation. Nephi's construction of the ship is connected
to all three of the biblical archetypes of new creations, as shown in table 1 (see pp. 82-83).

The cosmogonic imagery in this narrative is not only essential at the creation of the new people, but it is also closely connected to the exodus just preceding it.
Anderson locates the main "fulcrum of Israel's faith" in the exodus rather than the creation. He suggests that the first creation is the exodus, and that we should then read
backward to the creation: "The creation accounts at the beginning of the Bible are written from the standpoint of the meaning disclosed in the event of the Exodus. The
history that is now recorded forwards must be read backwards, so to speak, through the faith of the believing community." The purpose of biblical creation is the
later creation of the children of Israel: "From the Exodus, Israel looked back to the creation, confessing that the God who was active at the beginning of her history was
likewise active at the beginning of the world's history." We should not be surprised to see the exodus and creation symbols linked in the Book of Mormon just as
they are linked in the tabernacle narrative.

Among the cosmic connotations of the many waters and the sea voyage, Nephi is also telling us something about the journey to the promised land. "Settlement in a new,
unknown, uncultivated country is equivalent to an act of Creation." Eliade cites the Scandinavian settlers of Iceland as an example. "Their enterprise was for them
only the repetition of a primordial act: the transformation of chaos into cosmos by the divine act of Creation." To settle in a new land is to repeat the cosmogony.
This act of creating is exactly what the Lehi colony does. We should not be surprised then when the settlers finish their sea voyage and begin fulfilling the creation
injunction to subdue the earth: "And it came to pass that we did begin to till the earth, and we began to plant seeds; yea, we did put all our seeds into the earth, which
we had brought from the land of Jerusalem. And it came to pass that they did grow exceedingly; wherefore, we were blessed in abundance" (1 Ne. 18:24). The
creation of the earth ends with the command that man go forth on the earth, multiply and be fruitful (Gen. 1:28) Blenkinsopp's parallel incident of the conquering of the
promised land and the subsequent partitioning of it also ends with the same subduing (Josh. 18:1, 19:51). Noah and his group are commanded likewise to "be fruitful
and multiply" (Gen. 8:17). "The image of the 'seed of all living' issuing from the bowels of the arks is the primary expression of abundance and prosperity in the Deluge
stories. A minor concretion of the same ideology in Gilgamesh is probably reflected in the cargo and skills of the individuals admitted into the ark." Nephi's
cosmogony ends with the going forth on the land, planting the seeds (they had carried with them from Jerusalem) in the earth as God did, and exercising dominion.

Seeds of Faith Seeds of Scholarship

The narrative that tells us about Nephi's building his ship is much more sophisticated and deserves far more analysis than I have given it here. My point is that if
revisionists can be selective about those assumptions and evidence from biblical criticism that serve their ideological purposes, then those of us who believe in the Book
of Mormon can also-ï¿½everyone who takes up the text does that: explores it partially and with particular interests. Rather, we ought at least to point out the conflicting
views within biblical scholarship. Biblical scholarship is not inimical to belief in the Bible or the Book of Mormon.

Table 1. Biblical Archetypes of Creation Compared to Nephi's Construction of the Ship.

Creation Work De- Completion Blessing
clared Good Formula Pronounced
Gen. 1:31 Gen. 2:1 Gen. 2:3
"And God saw "Thus the "And God
everything that heavens and the blessed the
he had made, earth were seventh day,
and, behold, it finished, and all and sanctified
was very good" the host of them it"

Multiply and Fill Curious Mountain
the Earth Workmanship Theophany
Gen. 1:28 Gen. 1:11-12,
"And God said 20-22, 24-25
unto them, Be The variety of
fruitful, and species is
multiply, and emphasized.
replenish the earth"

Deluge Work De- Completion Blessing
clared Good Formula Pronounced
Gen. 9:11-17 Gen. 6:22;7:5 Gen. 9:1
God establishes "Thus did "And God
a covenant Noah; blessed Noah
according to all and his sons"
that God
commanded
him, so did he"
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Multiply and Fill Curious Mountain
the Earth Workmanship Theophany
according to all and his sons"
that God
commanded
him, so did he"

Multiply and Fill Curious Mountain
the Earth Workmanship Theophany
Gen. 8:17;9:1 Gen. 6:14-16
"Bring forth with Divine pattern for
thee every living building the ark
thing . . . that they specified
may breed
abundantly in the
earth, and be
fruitful, and multiply
upon the earth"

Tabernacle Work De- Completion Blessing
clared Good Formula Pronounced
Ex. 39:43; cf. Ex. 39:32; cf. Ex. 39:43
39:43 39:43; 40:33 "And Moses
"And Moses "And the children blessed them"
did look upon of Israel did
all the work, according to all
and, behold, that the Lord
they had done it commanded Moses,
as the Lord had so did they"
commanded,
even so had
they done it"

Multiply and Fill Curious Mountain
the Earth Workmanship Theophany
Josh. 18:1 Ex. 31:3-4 Ex. 24:12
"And the whole "I have filled "And the Lord said
congregation of [Bezaleel] with the unto Moses, Come
Israel assembled spirit of God, in up to me into the
together at Shiloh, wisdom, and in mount"
and set up the understanding, and
tabernacle of the in knowledge, and
congregation there. in all manner of
And the land was workmanship. To
subdued before devise cunning
them" works in gold, and
in silver, and in brass"

Nephi's Work De- Completion Blessing
Ship clared Good Formula Pronounced
1 Ne. 18:4 1 Ne. 18:4 1 Ne. 18:24
"And it came to "And it came to "Wherefore,
pass that after I pass that after I we were
had finished the had finished the blessed in
ship, according ship, according abundance"
to the word of to the word of
the Lord, my the Lord . . ."
brethren beheld
that it was good"

Multiply and Fill Curious Mountain
the Earth Workmanship Theophany
1 Ne. 18:24 1 Ne. 18:1; cf. 18:2 1 Ne. 17:7; cf. 17:8
"And it came to "We did work the "The voice of the
pass that we did timbers of curious Lord came unto
begin to till the workmanship. And me, saying: Arise,
earth, and we the Lord did show and get thee into
began to plant me from time to the mountain. And
seeds" time after what it came to pass that
manner I should I arose and went
work the timbers of up into the mountain,
the ship" and cried unto the
Lord"

During our journey through the wilderness and across the sea with the Book of Mormon, we have carried with us many seeds. Those seeds produce fruit after their
own kind; implicit in the idea of creation is the notion that the variety of the harvest is good in itself. We ought to rejoice that we can find a species of biblical criticism
that opens the Book of Mormon text up in ways we never before imagined. We should plant the implicit seeds of faith that have been our cargo all these years.

  Such approaches by a linguistic oddity are still referred to as literary analysis by historical criticsï¿½-I don't use the term in this way.
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  Sï¿½ren Kierkegaard, Fear and Trembling and Repetition, vol. 6 in Kierkegaard's Writings, ed. and trans. by Howard Hong and Edna Hong (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1983).
that opens the Book of Mormon text up in ways we never before imagined. We should plant the implicit seeds of faith that have been our cargo all these years.

  Such approaches by a linguistic oddity are still referred to as literary analysis by historical criticsï¿½-I don't use the term in this way.

  Sï¿½ren Kierkegaard, Fear and Trembling and Repetition, vol. 6 in Kierkegaard's Writings, ed. and trans. by Howard Hong and Edna Hong (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1983).

  Mircea Eliade, Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Return, trans. Willard K. Trask (New York: Harper and Row, 1959), 5.

  Eliade, Cosmos and History, 35.

  Ibid., 121.

  Bernhard W. Anderson, Creation versus Chaos: The Reinterpretation of Mythical Symbolism in the Bible (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 31.

  Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, trans. Rosemary Sheed (New York: New American Library, 1958), 430.

  Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, 431.

  Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1957), 81-82.

  Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Poetry (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 23-24.

  Richard J. Clifford, The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), 123-24.

  Kearney provides an extended comparison of the P material in Ex. 25-40, comparing the building of the tabernacle to the creation narrative in Genesis. Peter J.
Kearney, "Creation and Liturgy: The P Redaction of Ex. 25-40," Zeitschrift fï¿½r alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 89/2 (1977): 375-87.

   Steven W. Holloway, "What Ship Goes There: The Flood Narratives in the Gilgamesh Epic and Genesis Considered in Light of Ancient Near Eastern Temple
Ideology," paper presented at the Institute for the Advanced Study of Religion, Divinity School of the University of Chicago, 9 November 1988, 7.

  Holloway advances the claim that in ancient Near Eastern cultures, any time God "commands a human being to construct a building, that building is a temple."
Holloway, "What Ship Goes There," 9. He includes the ark in this category because the ark has the same dimensions and is portrayed in the Bible as a ziggurat, or
temple.

  Joseph Blenkinsopp, "The Structure of P," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 38/3 (July 1976): 283.

  Ibid., 286.

  Ibid., 277.

  Gabriel Josipovici, The Book of God: A Response to the Bible (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 98.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 102.

  Joseph Blenkinsopp, Prophecy and Canon: A Contribution to the Study of Jewish Origins (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1977), 60.

  Ibid., 61.

  Blenkinsopp, "The Structure of P," 282.

  Leslie Brisman, "On the Divine Presence in Exodus," in Harold Bloom, ed., Exodus (New York: Chelsea House, 1987), 106.

  Josipovici, The Book of God, 105.

  Harold Fisch, Poetry with Purpose: Biblical Poetics and Interpretation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 24.

  Gordon C. Thomasson, "Mosiah: The Complex Symbolism and the Symbolic Complex of Kingship in the Book of Mormon," F.A.R.M.S. preliminary report, 1982.

  Ibid., 4.

  Anderson, Creation versus Chaos, 35.

  Ibid., 38.

  Eliade, Cosmos and History, 10.

  Ibid.

  Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 65.

  Blenkinsopp, Prophecy and CanonI, 68.

Copyright
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Ancient Aspects of Nephite Kingship in the Book of Mormon
  Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane, 65.

  Blenkinsopp, Prophecy and CanonI, 68.

  Holloway, "What Ship Goes There," 18.

Ancient Aspects of Nephite Kingship in the Book of Mormon
Todd R. Kerr

Abstract: Nephite kings were expected to fulfill the same roles that kings played in other ancient civilizationsï¿½-commander of the military forces, chief judicial official,
and leader of the national religion. A king's success depended not only on the extent to which he performed each role, but also on the motives behind his service.
Selfless rule by Benjamin-type kings commanded the respect and praise of the people, while King Noah's quest for personal gain roused Old World disdain for the
monarch. The Nephite experiment with kingship confirms that between "kings and tyrants there's this difference known; kings seek their subject's good; tyrants their
own." [Robert Herrick, 1591-1674]

Introduction

Ancient Near Eastern civilizations held conflicting views of their kings. In Mesopotamian and Egyptian societies, royalty constituted the primary form of government,
and kings were revered "as being the adopted offspring of deity." Other cultures, however, displayed less favorable attitudes toward kingly rule. The Israelites, for
example, not only rejected the theory of divine kingship, but viewed monarchy as a potentially oppressive institution only tolerated by God and usually "demanded"
by those in society bent on mimicking neighboring nations. Indeed, Samuel voiced much contempt for monarchs when he warned that Israel would some day "cry
out" after its king confiscated its land and property and carried off its sons to war (1 Sam. 8:11-18).

The writings of King Mosiah in the Book of Mormon evidence a similar ambivalence toward kingship. In Mosiah 29, King Mosiah declares:

Now I say unto you, that because all men are not just it is not expedient that ye should have a king or kings to rule over you. . . . Ye cannot dethrone an iniquitous king
save it be through much contention, and the shedding of much blood. For behold, he has his friends in iniquity, and he keepeth his guards about him; and he teareth up
the laws of those who have reigned in righteousness before him; and he trampleth under his feet the commandments of God. (Mosiah 29: 16, 21-22)

Although a few of Mosiah's statements reflect Old Testament suspicion toward monarchy, Mosiah himself could not deny that kingship, endowed on certain men in
certain circumstances, could form an effective system of government. Mosiah even admitted:

If it were possible that you could have just men to be your kings, . . . yea, if ye could have men for your kings who would do even as my Father Benjamin did for this
peopleï¿½-I say unto you, if this could always be the case then it would be expedient that ye should always have kings to rule over you. (Mosiah 29:13)

The questions Mosiah begs us to ask are (1) what was meant by "just men," and (2) what did King Benjamin "do" that made his reign so admirable? This report
explores possible answers to those questions, examining Nephite and other ancient dynasties in hopes of delineating the royal attributes and functions capable of
justifying Mosiah's argument for perpetual monarchy.

Admittedly, such an investigation is somewhat problematic. Ancient accounts of monarchs are few in number and provide only a glimpse into the scope and framework
of kingly rule. The Book of Mormon, for instance, describes only a handful of Nephite kings in pertinent detail. Nevertheless, there is sufficient evidence to support at
least a few conclusions. First, "just" Nephite kings, like many of their Old World counterparts, performed three functions vital to societal well-being-ï¿½military
commander-in-chief, chief judge over the legal system, and leader of the national religion. Second, Nephite kings, with the exception of Noah, followed King
Benjamin's example of treating the crown as an instrument of royal servitude and stewardship, as opposed to dominion and oppression.

Guardian of the People

Ancient nations could not establish internal peace or stability without first securing their borders and maintaining national security. Effective military leadership by the
king, therefore, was vital to the society's well-being. Whether Nephite or Near Eastern, ancient kings fulfilled their duty as guardian of the nation by personally
commanding military forces in time of war, and by supervising building and storage activities designed to strengthen national security.

Chieftain Warrior

One of the most important roles of the Hebrew king "was that of being a leader in war. That is to say, primarily it was his duty to defend his people from aggressive
action on the part of their neighbors." Hebrew kingship initially developed because of pressing needs for military leadership in Israel's territorial scuffles with
surrounding nations. As the Lord told Samuel, "I will send thee a man [Saul] out of the land of Benjamin, and thou shalt anoint him to be captain over my people
Israel, that he may save my people out of the hand of the Philistines" (1 Sam. 9:16).

Many Israelite kings rose to national prominence because of their superior feats in battle and spent much energy in waging war against Israel's enemies. Saul, for
example, broke out of obscurity by "attracting the attention of the people by his prowess in arms against the Ammonites, as a result of which they took him to Gilgal and
formally made him king." Similarly, David first found favor in the people's eyes by slaying the Philistine giant Goliath in battle (1 Sam. 17), and then spent many years
fighting and subduing the Philistine, Moabite, Syrian, Edomite, and Ammonite armies (2 Sam. 8-10).

In the New World, Jaredite monarchs endured countless security problems and military campaigns. Jaredite history, in fact, was characterized by one "fierce and
unrelenting struggle for power" after another. Beginning with Corihor's rebellion against his king-father Kib (Ether 7:4-5), rivals to the throne often withdrew into the
wilderness to gather materials and manpower sufficient to challenge the crown. "When the aspirant to the throne finally becomes strong enough to dispose of his
rivals by assassination, revolution, or a pitched battle, the former bandit and outlaw becomes king and has to deal in turn with a new crop of rebels and pretenders."

To survive such hostile political environments, Jaredite monarchs became masters of strategy and secrecy, as well as fearless combatants on the battlefield. Because
ancient Asiatic tradition viewed every war as a "personal combat between two kings, it was customary for [Jaredite kings and their rivals] to challenge each other to
single combat." Thus, scenes of "Shiz and Coriantumr hacking away at each other" in a great and final battle should come as no surprise.

Enemy encroachment also contributed to the establishment of Nephite monarchy. At the time Nephi was appointed king (2 Ne. 5:18-19), Lamanite hatred toward the
Nephites was strong (2 Ne. 5:14), and Nephi's subjects turned to him for protection. As Jacob noted, the Nephites "loved Nephi exceedingly, he having been a
great protector for them, having wielded the sword of Laban in their defence, . . . Wherefore, the people were desirous to retain in remembrance his name" (Jacob
1:10-11).
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King Benjamin also rose to power and influence during a period of "serious war and much bloodshed between the Nephites and the Lamanites" (Omni 1:24). Each time
the "armies of the Lamanites came down out of the land of Nephi, to battle against his people . . . king Benjamin gathered together his armies, and he did stand against
Enemy encroachment also contributed to the establishment of Nephite monarchy. At the time Nephi was appointed king (2 Ne. 5:18-19), Lamanite hatred toward the
Nephites was strong (2 Ne. 5:14), and Nephi's subjects turned to him for protection. As Jacob noted, the Nephites "loved Nephi exceedingly, he having been a
great protector for them, having wielded the sword of Laban in their defence, . . . Wherefore, the people were desirous to retain in remembrance his name" (Jacob
1:10-11).

King Benjamin also rose to power and influence during a period of "serious war and much bloodshed between the Nephites and the Lamanites" (Omni 1:24). Each time
the "armies of the Lamanites came down out of the land of Nephi, to battle against his people . . . king Benjamin gathered together his armies, and he did stand against
them; and he did fight with the strength of his own arm, with the sword of Laban" (W of M 1:13). King Benjamin's military generalship, as well as his personal combat
skills on the battlefield, gave the Nephites serious advantage over the Lamanites, insomuch that King Benjamin drove the Lamanites out of the land of Zarahemla (Omni
1:24).

Equally impressive were King Zeniff's heroics while defending his kingdom against Lamanite invasion. Zeniff protected his people not only by setting "guards round
about the land, that the Lamanites might not come upon [them]" (Mosiah 10:2), but also by sending out spies into enemy territories to discover Lamanite movements
and preparations for war (Mosiah 10:7). When the Lamanites finally attacked, Zeniff led virtually the entire male population into battle, including all old and "young men
that were able to bear arms" (Mosiah 10:9). Zeniff emphatically noted, "even I, in my old age, did go up to battle against the Lamanites" (Mosiah 10:10). Thus, although
Zeniff's people went "up in the strength of the Lord to battle" (Mosiah 10:10), victory was due in no small part to King Zeniff's tactical prowess and battlefield valor.

Building Activities

Commanding armies and chariotry in the field was only one aspect of the king's duty to protect the nation. Standing armies demanded food, clothing, weapons, and
appropriate training. Positions of strategic importance (such as national borders) also required physical reinforcement against enemy attack. As a result, procurement of
munitions and fortification of cities and borders were vital components to any national security program.

History attests to the military and political significance of royal building projects. Assyrian kings, for instance, "constantly founded new cities and peopled them with
prisoners of war" pursuant to a policy of forced urbanization. These building activities pacified and secured regions surrounding the nation "by enabling pressure to be
exerted upon unstable population elements and by securing the trade routes." In Egypt, the Pharaoh commanded the construction of "large fortified cities and
fortresses in the eastern Delta." This effort protected the area from attacks by surrounding enemies who "usually attacked the small, unprotected settlements, while
avoiding the larger fortified cities." Despite their nomadic traditions, Jaredite kings also paused from their expansive military campaigns to engage in building activities.
    Not to be outdone by their own neighbors, many Hebrew kings built "fortifications at strategic points throughout the realm" while developing and maintaining a
standing military force. "The biblical texts state that Solomon rebuilt and fortified the cities of Gezer, Hazor, Lower Beth-Horon, Baalath and Tamar among others, in
addition to building store-cities and cities for his chariots and horses" (1 Kgs. 9:15-19;10:26). David and Solomon also built a network of fortresses along the Gulf
of Aqaba and the Red Sea to secure vital highways and trade routes.

Nephite kings supervised similar building and fortification programs. A formidable challenge to King Nephi after fleeing from the Lamanites (2 Ne. 5:5-8) was to cause
his "people to be industrious, and to labor with their hands" (2 Ne. 5:17). Nephi taught his people "to build buildings, and to work in all manner of wood, and of iron,
and of copper, and of brass, and of steel, and of gold, and of silver, and of precious ores" (2 Ne. 5:15). In time, the Nephites became exceedingly rich "in fine
workmanship of wood, in buildings, and in machinery, and also in iron and copper, and brass and steel, making all manner of tools of every kind to till the ground, and
weapons of war" (Jarom 1:8). King Noah even built towers, "many elegant and spacious buildings," and an elaborate system of vineyards (Mosiah 11:8-14). He also
contributed "all manner of fine work within the walls of the temple" (Mosiah 11:10).

Nephite kings were quick to put scientific know-how to military use. Nephite metal technology, for example, allowed Nephi to arm his forces with many swords made
after the manner of the sword of Laban (2 Ne. 5:14).          Nephite armories contained various weapons, such as "the sharp pointed arrow, and the quiver, and the
dart, and the javelin" (Jarom 1:8). Zeniff's band possessed a similarly impressive array of weapons, including bows, arrows, swords, cimeters, clubs, slings, and "all
manner of weapons which [the Nephites] could invent" (Mosiah 9:16).

Nephite kings employed the nation's building capabilities to fortify cities and lands against repeated Lamanite attacks (Jarom 1:7). It is significant that the first item on
King Zeniff's agenda after obtaining permission from the Lamanite king to possess the land of Lehi-Nephi was to "build buildings, and to repair the walls of the
city" (Mosiah 9:8). In the end, Nephite defense forces, armed with a wide array of weapons and occupying fortified strategic positions, became formidable obstacles to
marauding Lamanite armies. Having been prepared by their kings, the Nephites did not allow the Lamanites to "prosper" against them, and became "conquerors" over
them (Jarom 1:9; Jacob 7:25; Mosiah 11:18-19).

It should be noted that royal building programs served numerous nonmilitary functions as well. Temple building, for example, centralized national religious worship and
legitimized the royal office. For this reason, Nephi built a temple "after the manner of the temple of Solomon" shortly after his people separated from the Lamanites (2
Ne. 5:16). Moreover, building and urbanization policies extended "the arm of central administration . . . throughout the country making the different groups of people
aware that they were united."

Civil Servant

Because civilizations were destroyed by forces from within as well as outside their borders, ancient kings were expected "not only to safeguard the liberty of the state
[from foreign attack], but also to defend the rights of his individual subjects."   The ancient "king was commissioned to preserve the life of the nation by the practice
of justice, for only by justice is order in the land and harmony among the peoples maintained." To maintain that "practice of justice," ancient kings assumed important
judicial and administrative duties.

Judge

Kings in the ancient Near East served as judges or chief judges of the people. In Babylon, "the office of king . . . essentially [was] to be understood as the office of
judge." Hammurabi, who described himself as the "just king," provided a glimpse into the notion of a judge-king:

May the king who shall be [raised up] in the land observe the just words which I have inscribed on my monument; may he not alter the judgement of the land which I
have judged and the decisions of the land which I have decided nor mar my carved figures.

If that man has authority and so is able to give justice to the land, let him give heed to the words which I have inscribed on my monument, that that monument may show
him custom [and] rule, the judgment of the land which I have judged [and] the decisions of the land which I have decided, that he may so give justice to his dark-haired
folk, that he may judge their judgments [and] decide their decisions.

In another Babylonian text, King Nebuchadnezzar II is shown performing similar functions as judge:
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He was not negligent in the matter of true and righteous judgment, he did not rest night or day, but with council and deliberation he persisted in writing down judgments
and decisions arranged to be pleasing to the great lord, Maduk, and for the betterment of all the peoples and the settling of the land of Akkad.
folk, that he may judge their judgments [and] decide their decisions.

In another Babylonian text, King Nebuchadnezzar II is shown performing similar functions as judge:

He was not negligent in the matter of true and righteous judgment, he did not rest night or day, but with council and deliberation he persisted in writing down judgments
and decisions arranged to be pleasing to the great lord, Maduk, and for the betterment of all the peoples and the settling of the land of Akkad.

Judicial responsibilities similarly were included in the job descriptions of other Near Eastern kings. Legend has it that Krt's inability to perform vital judicial functions
almost cost him his throne, and the king in Ugarit was the "focal point of the legal system" and "performed the function of judge."

The king's duties and responsibilities as judge in ancient Israel are much harder to delineate and the subject of intense debate. Some commentators contend that the
king was the supreme judge, and that his "function as ruler was essentially to act as judge." Other scholars disagree, asserting that "until very late in the period of the
kings, the Israelite state had so little to do with the practical administration of the law that one can scarcely attribute to it any essential part in the actual making of the
law."

The more correct view probably lies between the two extremes; although Israel's king often made himself available to serve as a judge, his legal jurisdiction and power
was surprisingly limited. Royal judicial power was not allowed to trample the authority originally "reserved to the local courts" or other legal institutions, and jurisdiction
over many common matters remained with the premonarchical form of judiciary. Family law, for example, fell under the jurisdiction of the paterfamilias. Councils of
elders usually handled town disputes, and local priests assumed authority over cases too difficult for the town council. Moreover, although royal courts may have
been available to lower courts in an advisory capacity, the monarchy never established "itself as a superior court to which appeal could be made against decisions of the
city courts." Israel's kings were given little original jurisdiction, except for authority over matters involving interests of the crown. Most biblical accounts depict the
crown exercising judicial authority only over military cases, matters involving the royal household, or actions arising in the capital city of Jerusalem.

Admittedly, the concept of ancient kings as trustworthy and diligent judges exist only in theory. There is much evidence that the exercise of royal judicial power was
not as smooth or idealistic as ancient records would have us believe. For example, it may not be realistic to believe that, as a practical matter, "any oppressed man who
has a cause" had access to King Hammurabi's ear, or even to "the temple at Esargila where the stele was erected." In addition, some commentators believe that the
"prologue-epilogue framework" found in Babylonian and other Near Eastern law codes simply assured the population (and subsequent readers) that the king had
upheld his duty to judge with fairness. Such commentaries perhaps said little about how the law really was enforced or administered.

Finally, even though the book of Psalms expresses a favorable opinion of kingship, the judicial conduct of several Jewish kings often fell short of the ideal. Like many
other ancient rulers, David and Solomon used monarchical judicial authority to "legitimize political machinations advantageous to the crown." But whatever the
distinction between royal judgeship in practice and theory, it appears that ancient kings were expected to make at least a good faith effort to exercise judicial authority
in the proper manner.

The Book of Mormon contains few extensive accounts describing the judicial activities of kings. The story of Abinadi's trial before King Noah, however, is an
exception and provides a glimpse at the scope of royal judicial authority in ancient Nephite society. An understanding of the king's role as judge in ancient Israel also
explains some of the oddities associated with Abinadi's trial (Mosiah 12-18).

As explained in Mosiah 12, King Noah's subjects charged Abinadi with two counts of false prophecyï¿½-one against the people, and the other against the king
(Mosiah 12:9-10). Although King Noah coordinated most of the trial and pronounced the final verdict against Abinadi, Noah's priests also exercised much power
over the proceedings. In fact, Noah's first act after receiving custody of Abinadi was to command "that the priests should gather themselves together that he might hold
a council with them what he should do" (Mosiah 12:17). The priests eventually exercised significant control over the trial, raising additional accusations on their own
initiative and conducting the actual examination of Abinadi. At one point, the priests even countermanded Noah's decision to release Abinadi (after he successfully
defended himself against accusations of blasphemy), and then carried out Abinadi's execution by fire.

That Noah shared jurisdiction with his priests is not surprising given the limited judicial role kings played in ancient Israel. Israel's king seldom participated in everyday
judicial matters because his jurisdiction was confined to military disputes, the rights and obligations of the royal family, and cases arising in the capital city. Similarly,
King Noah participated in Abinadi's trial probably because the case arose in the capital city and involved charges of lying against the king (and his household).
Because the claims against Abinadi also involved priestly matters (i.e., the charge of false prophecy against the people), King Noah could not adjudicate the case
without respecting the jurisdiction of his priests. Noah's numerous strategy sessions with his priests evidences unfamiliarity with judicial procedure and precedent,
perhaps further indicating that Noah "was not regularly involved in judicial affairs." The role of priests at Abinadi's trial, therefore, was as much a matter of practical
necessity as legal formality.

All of this says nothing, of course, as to the motives behind King Noah's participation in Abinadi's trial. Given his wicked disposition, Noah cared more about ridding
himself of the prophet-antagonist Abinadi than discharging his judicial duties over matters reserved to the king. Nevertheless, Abinadi's trial provides some evidence
that royal judicial authority in Nephite society, at least in theory, did not extend to everyday proceedings and was limited to matters pertaining to the military, royal
household, or capital city.

Civil Administrator

Even in ancient times, the legal needs of large populations were too burdensome for one supreme judge. Moses, for example, became "so oppressed by the duty of
hearing all the cases brought before him" that he teetered on the point of physical collapse, forcing the appointment of a lower "system of judges for the people, in which
Moses [would] still hear the most important cases, but [would] be relieved of the great mass of minor ones." Thus, in addition to hearing their own cases, ancient
kings were forced to appoint (and monitor) other judicial and law enforcement officials working to ensure peace and order throughout the realm.

The foundation of Israel's judicial system was established during Moses' time. Saul, Israel's first monarch, built upon this early administration by appointing priests and
herdsmen as permanent officials to the crown. By the time of David's reign, the crown presided over a sophisticated and centralized legal system, complete with its
own military leaders, judges, recorders, spokesmen, priests, scribes, and chief rulers. During the Solomonic period, Israel's judicial structure also included royal
administrators and tax collectors:

So king Solomon was king over all Israel. And these were the princes which he had; Azariah the son of Zodak the priest, Elihoreph and Ahiah, the sons of Shisha,
scribes; Jehoshaphat the son of Ahilud, the recorder. And Benaiah the son of Jehoiada was over the host; and Zadok and Abiathar were the priests: And Azariah the
son of Nathan was over the officers: and Zabud the son of Nathan was principal officer, and the king's friend: And Ahishar was over the household: and Adoniram the
son of Abda was over the tribute. (1 Kgs. 4:1-6)

The presence of legal officials and administrators under the command of Nephite kings is less apparent. The Book of Mormon contains no long lists of legal officials like
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those found in the Bible. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to assume that Nephite kings in fact presided over some form of judicial administration. That Page
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sole judge in Nephite society is clearly evidenced by Abinadi's trial, during which Nephite priests exercised jurisdiction over matters not involving the crown. King
Noah, furthermore, could not have established and administered his oppressive taxation system without the aid of numerous collectors and administrative officials.
son of Nathan was over the officers: and Zabud the son of Nathan was principal officer, and the king's friend: And Ahishar was over the household: and Adoniram the
son of Abda was over the tribute. (1 Kgs. 4:1-6)

The presence of legal officials and administrators under the command of Nephite kings is less apparent. The Book of Mormon contains no long lists of legal officials like
those found in the Bible. Nevertheless, it is reasonable to assume that Nephite kings in fact presided over some form of judicial administration. That the king was not the
sole judge in Nephite society is clearly evidenced by Abinadi's trial, during which Nephite priests exercised jurisdiction over matters not involving the crown. King
Noah, furthermore, could not have established and administered his oppressive taxation system without the aid of numerous collectors and administrative officials.
Finally, the book of Mosiah frequently speaks of kings having "charge concerning all the affairs of the kingdom" (Mosiah 1:15;6:3). Such extensive responsibilities most
likely required assistance from a corps of civil servants.

Lawgiver

Effective administration of the law was and still "is the process whereby law is made to function equitably. . . . It involves supervision, adjustment, amendments."        As
nations grew and developed, modifications to the practice of law and justice became inevitable. Consequently, it was not unusual for ancient kings to issue
proclamations or to promulgate specific laws in their capacity as heads of the legal system.

Jewish kings often established new laws affecting Israel's armed forces, system of taxation, and supply of forced labor. David, for instance, issued new regulations
regarding the distribution of military booty (1 Sam. 30:23-25), and King Zedekiah issued a proclamation freeing all slaves within Israel's borders. King Amaziah's
execution of the servants who killed his father was also promulgated "in the standard form of a royal decree." Finally, in addition to reforming Jewish religious
practices, King Jehoshaphat established a national system of legal administration, including judges, priests, judicial officers, chief priests having jurisdiction over "matters
of the Lord," and other rulers exercising authority over matters of the king (2 Chr. 19:5-11).

Nephite accounts provide healthy evidence of royal proclamations. King Benjamin instructed his son Mosiah to make a "proclamation throughout all [the] land" of
Zarahemla ordering the people to gather together to witness Mosiah's selection as successor to the crown (Mosiah 1:10). Likewise, King Limhi "sent a proclamation
among all his people, that thereby they might gather themselves together to the temple, to hear the words which he should speak unto them" (Mosiah 7:17). More
significantly, King Mosiah "established laws, and they were acknowledged by the people; therefore they were obliged to abide by the laws which he had made" (Alma
1:1). King Mosiah even authorized Alma to "establish churches throughout all the land of Zarahemla" (Mosiah 25:19-24), and enacted judicial improvements rivaling
Jehoshaphat's reform. After convincing his people to abolish the monarchy, Mosiah issued royal edicts appointing a system of judges in its place (Mosiah 29:41-47). A
chief judge presided over the judges in the land, and all judges, whether higher or lower, were held accountable if they did not judge "according to the law" (Mosiah
29:28-29, 42).

This is not to say that Nephite kings were lawgivers in the strictest sense. Mosiah's laws, for example, "probably did not make radical changes in the substantive rules of
the Law of Moses. . . . Nephite judges [were still instructed] to 'judge according to the laws . . . given [by their] fathers,' and twenty-two years later the Nephites were
still 'strict in observing the ordinances of God, according to the law of Moses.' " A Nephite king was obliged to deliver "the laws 'which the Lord commanded him to
give unto the people,' " and empowered to make only those procedural changes necessary for the enforcement and execution of the substantive law. Nephite kings,
therefore, generally were viewed as messengers rather than drafters of the law.

It should be noted that a few distant civilizations did view the monarch as the actual source and originator of law. In ancient Babylon, King Hammurabi drafted the laws
of the kingdom as he explained in his Code:

In the days to come, for all time, let the king who appears in the land observe the words of justice which I wrote on my stela; let him not alter the laws of the land which
I enacted, the ordinances of the land which I prescribed; let him not rescind my statutes!

Additionally, Egyptian society viewed its pharaohs as Gods or the offspring of deity.       This divine nature enabled the Egyptian pharaoh to promulgate law, as "the law
was merely his formally expressed will."

The Book of Mormon, on the other hand, seems to square with the presumption in ancient Israel against the creation of new substantive legislation. "Though
commissioned by God to administer justice, Israelite kings were not, at least in theory, to act as legislators." "The law was not the creation of kingship, but its basis
and pre-requisite." As one commentator explains, "not only is Moses denied any part in the formulation of the Pentateuchal laws, no Israeli king is said to have
authored a law code, nor is any king censored for doing so. The only legislator the Bible knows is God; the only legislation is that mediated by a prophet (Moses and
Ezekiel)."

Religious Leader

The third, but by no means the least, area of royal responsibility concerned religious practices. That ancient kings were associated with national cultic activities should
come as no surprise. In Jewish society, "Hebrew tradition did not distinguish between norms of religion, morality and law. As befitting their common divine origin, man
was bound to obey all of them with equal conscientiousness." Because of this overlap of temporal and spiritual biblical law, "it stands to reason that the consecrated
king, . . . is responsible for all functions and institutions of the religious state." Even in the Hittite nation, where a distinction between religious norms and the law was
made, kings still played critical religious roles. The Hittites believed that their kings "became[priest[s] of the Gods at [their] accession to the throne. . . . Thus the offices
of kingship and priesthood were inseparable, whether at a local or a national level."

Regardless of form, religious worship inevitably involved political overtones, over which a monarch had much control. When a society accepted God as ruler of the
nation, religion became "an expression of the life of a community, and therefore constituted a part of the political system." Thus, whatever the initial expectations of
ancient Near Eastern kingship, it is clear that the functions of monarchs never were "confined to generalship in war and a partial exercise of civil jurisdiction."

Near Eastern histories contain numerous reports of monarchs playing important religious roles. The Hittite king, for example, presided over ceremonies and festivals
consisting "invariably of sacrifices and libations to a long series of deities, accompanied by music and formal utterances and actions by subordinate classes of priests."
The number of Hittite tablets (located in the royal archives of Hattusas) "devoted to the priestly functions of the king is enormous."

Jewish kingship also had its own religious associations and responsibilities, resulting in tremendous influence over the worship of Yahweh. "The royal administration
included the organization of the clergy as well as the civil service. Occupying the role of the ancient tribal chief, the king was ex officio master of the cult (1 Sam. 13:9).
Hence, the clergy were considered to be part of the civil service, appointed and dismissed by the king."

Additionally, Hebrew kings often led the nation in worship on important occasions, as evidenced by David escorting the Ark of the Covenant to a new resting spot in
the holy temple. On that occasion, King David filled the leading religious role by "wearing a linen ephod, beginning and ending the procession with an act of sacrifice,
dancing wildly before the Ark as it is borne along, and finally, when it has reached its destination, following up the concluding sacrifice by pronouncing a blessing upon
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the people in(c)the2005-2009, Infobase Media
                    name of Yahweh."     SimilarCorp.
                                                 events occurred at Solomon's dedication of the temple (1 Kgs. 8). Solomon not only blessed the people, Page but 31
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"proceeded to offer prayer in intercession for both the dynasty and the nation, and then, rising to his feet, again pronounced words of blessing over the assembled
worshippers."
Additionally, Hebrew kings often led the nation in worship on important occasions, as evidenced by David escorting the Ark of the Covenant to a new resting spot in
the holy temple. On that occasion, King David filled the leading religious role by "wearing a linen ephod, beginning and ending the procession with an act of sacrifice,
dancing wildly before the Ark as it is borne along, and finally, when it has reached its destination, following up the concluding sacrifice by pronouncing a blessing upon
the people in the name of Yahweh." Similar events occurred at Solomon's dedication of the temple (1 Kgs. 8). Solomon not only blessed the people, but also
"proceeded to offer prayer in intercession for both the dynasty and the nation, and then, rising to his feet, again pronounced words of blessing over the assembled
worshippers."

The many sacral aspects of Nephite kingship are similarly evident. Some Nephite kings were "anointed" or "consecrated" before assuming the royal office (Jacob 1:9;
Mosiah 6:3), symbolizing divine approval of, and association with, the new king. After coronation, Nephite kings were given charge over "all the affairs of the
kingdom," and received possession of the brass plates, the sword of Laban, and the liahona (Mosiah 1:15-16). Possession of the royal genealogy, staff, and sphere
identified the holder as a spiritual leader and guardian of the faith. This perhaps explains why Mormon described King Benjamin, among other things, as a "holy man"
who worked "with the assistance of the holy prophets" to establish peace in the land, and who spoke "the word of God with power and with authority" (W of M 1:16-
18).

Nephite kings also exercised much influence over the organization of religious worship, sometimes to the detriment of the national faith. King Noah, for example, "put
down all the priests . . . and consecrated new ones in their stead" willing to implement his wicked agenda (Mosiah 11:5). On a more positive note, however, both
Nephi and Benjamin consecrated righteous priests and appointed religious teachers throughout the kingdom (2 Ne. 5:26; Mosiah 6:3). Moreover, King Mosiah
authorized Alma to "establish churches throughout all the land of Zarahemla; and gave him power to ordain priests and teachers over [the] church" (Mosiah 25:19).
When the church came under much criticism and persecution, King Mosiah even sent out a proclamation "throughout the land round about that there should not any
unbeliever persecute any of those who belonged to the church of God" (Mosiah 27:2).

Mediator of Covenant

Another important religious function of the king, at least in Israel, was to act as mediator of the covenant between God and the people. The importance of covenants
in ancient times cannot be overemphasized. By making pledges in ritual situations, the people hoped to secure "for themselves a peaceful, harmonious, and wholesome
existence. They enter once again into the order in which man lives in accord with God and with his fellow man within the divine plan."

The Hebrew covenant ceremonies began with the Sinai Covenant mediated by Moses. As Ex. 24 explains, Moses convened the people and read the book of the
covenant, after which the people replied, "All that the Lord hath said will we do, and be obedient" (Ex. 24:1-7). The Bible also reports covenant renewal rituals at
Shechem (Josh. 24) and at Mizpah (1 Sam. 10), both of which included the same components as the ceremony at Sinai: "i) a leader; ii) an assembly of the people;
iii) a document of a legal nature; iv) the public reading of this document; v) the writing of the contents; [and] vi) the cultic act." Although many early ceremonies were
conducted by prophets like Moses and Joshua, the Hebrew king played the main ceremonial role in the act of covenant making once the Hebrew nation embraced
monarchy. "Not only is it [the king] who convokes the assembly, but it is he also who reads out to it the words of the book of the law, which is the basis of the
covenant."

Not surprisingly, Nephite kingship was "inextricably connected" with covenants. King Benjamin's speech, for example, illustrates royal mediation of covenants and
contains the six ceremonial components found in biblical texts. King Benjamin "made a proclamation throughout all the land, that the people gathered themselves
together throughout all the land" (Mosiah 2:1). After the people assembled, King Benjamin gave a public address concerning God's commandments (Mosiah 2:1;4:4).
Although King Benjamin's speech may not have referenced legal documents like the stone tablets at Sinai, it is clear that King Benjamin admonished obedience to a
particular body of Nephite legal and religious law:

And now, my brethren, I would that ye should do as ye have hitherto done. As ye have kept my commandments, and also the commandments of my father, and have
prospered, and have been kept from falling into the hands of your enemies, even so if ye shall keep the commandments of my son, or the commandments of God which
shall be delivered unto you by him, ye shall prosper in the land, and your enemies shall have no power over you. (Mosiah 2:31)

The reduction of King Benjamin's remarks to writing also parallels Israelite covenant patterns. Because the entire Nephite nation could not physically hear the address
from the tower, King Benjamin caused "that the words which he spake should be written and sent forth among those that were not under the sound of his
voice" (Mosiah 2:8). King Benjamin also ordered the inscription of "the names of all those who had entered into a covenant with God to keep his
commandments" (Mosiah 6:1).

At the conclusion of King Benjamin's speech, the people expressed their desire "to enter into a covenant" with God, saying:

And we are willing . . . to be obedient to his commandments in all things that he shall command us, all the remainder of our days, that we may not bring upon ourselves
a never-ending torment, as has been spoken by the angel, that we may not drink out of the cup of the wrath of God. (Mosiah 5:5)

The actual act of entering into the covenant was symbolized by various cultic activities, constituting the final component of the covenant ceremony. First, the entire
assembly "cried [out] with one voice, saying: Yea, we believe all the words which thou hast spoken unto us; and also, we know of their surety and truth, . . . And we
are willing to enter into a covenant with our God to do his will" (Mosiah 5:2, 5). King Benjamin then reaffirmed the assembly's decision and gave his people a new
name:

Ye have spoken the words that I desired; and the covenant which ye have made is a righteous covenant.

And now, because of the covenant which ye have made ye shall be called the children of Christ, his sons, and his daughters; for behold, this day he hath spiritually
begotten you; for ye say that your hearts are changed through faith on his name; therefore, ye are born of him and have become his sons and his daughters. (Mosiah
5:6-7)

Finally, the Nephites brought firstlings of their flocks to the great assembly to perform["sacrifice[s] and burnt offerings according to the law of Moses" (Mosiah 2:3).

When compared to King Benjamin's speech, King Mosiah's address to the Mulekites suddenly takes on the appearance of another covenant making ceremony. As
reported in Mosiah 25, King Mosiah gathered his people together (Mosiah 25:1) and read to them the "records of Zeniff" (Mosiah 25:5), as well as the "account of
Alma and his brethren" (Mosiah 25:6). After Mosiah "had made an end of reading the records, his people who tarried in the land were struck with wonder and
amazement" (Mosiah 25:7). They then["raise[d] their voices and [gave] thanks to God" (Mosiah 25:10), and "took upon themselves the name of Nephi, that they might
be called the children of Nephi and be numbered among those who were called Nephites" (Mosiah 25:12). The scene even culminated in a ritualistic act, when "Alma
did go forth into the water and did baptize them" (Mosiah 25:18).

Table 1 (see pp. 110-11) compares Benjamin's and Mosiah's covenant ceremonies with very similar rituals in the Old Testament: This comparison suggests that
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Nephite kings not only mediated national covenant-making ceremonies, but also followed the six-step pattern inherited from their Israelite forefathers.

Teacher
be called the children of Nephi and be numbered among those who were called Nephites" (Mosiah 25:12). The scene even culminated in a ritualistic act, when "Alma
did go forth into the water and did baptize them" (Mosiah 25:18).

Table 1 (see pp. 110-11) compares Benjamin's and Mosiah's covenant ceremonies with very similar rituals in the Old Testament: This comparison suggests that
Nephite kings not only mediated national covenant-making ceremonies, but also followed the six-step pattern inherited from their Israelite forefathers.

Teacher

After mediating the covenant between God and the people, righteous Nephite kings taught the people how to uphold their sacral obligations. The Book of Mormon, in
fact, often equates the office of king with teacher. Whether Jewish kings performed a similar function in ancient Israel is of much debate. 2 Chr. 17:7-9 provides
some evidence of teaching by a monarch:

Also in the third year of his reign he [Jehoshaphat] sent to his princes, even to Ben-hail, and to Obadiah, and to Zechariah, and to Nethaneel, and to Michaiah, to teach
in the cities of Judah.

And with them he sent Levites, even Shemaiah, and Nethaniah, and Zebadiah, and Asahel, and Shemiramoth, and Jehonathan, and Adonijah, and Tobijah, and
Tobadonijah, Levites; and with them Elishama and Jehoram, priests.

And they taught in Judah, and had the book of the law of the Lord with them, and went about throughout all the cities of Judah, and taught the people.

But while the king may be charged with the "reading" and teaching of the torah, it is "not the same as being himself . . . the teacher, the instructor. The king only acts
as reader." Indeed, "whenever the reading of the Torah is mentioned, either as a command (Deut. 27) or as part of a ceremony (2 Kgs. 23), the king, as before
Moses and Joshua, reads; he never teaches or expounds. This is so because the accredited teachers of the Torah were none other but the levitical priests."

Nephite kings also delegated their fair share of teaching duties to subordinate priests and teachers. Nephi instructed Jacob to teach the people the words of Isaiah (2
Ne. 6-24), and both Benjamin and Mosiah appointed priests and teachers to instruct the people according to the law (Jarom 1:11; Mosiah 2:4;6:3;25:19).
Nevertheless, Nephite kings often were found personally teaching throughout the realm. Although King Benjamin "caused" that his sons should be taught in the
"language of his fathers"ï¿½-and most certainly the affairs of the kingdom (Mosiah 1:2)-ï¿½he also "taught them [his sons] concerning the records which were engraven
on the plates of brass" (Mosiah 1:3). This suggests that King Benjamin played an active role in the spiritual training of his successors/sons, even though other portions of
their schooling may have been delegated to someone else.

Table 1: Benjamin's and Mosiah's Covenant Ceremonies Compared With Old Testament Rituals.

Components Sinai Shechem
Ex. 24 Josh. 24

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Mizpah Benjamin Mosiah
1 Sam. 10 Mosiah 1-6 Mosiah 25

Leader Sinai Shechem
Moses Joshua

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Mizpah Benjamin Mosiah
Samuel Benjamin Mosiah

Assembly Sinai Shechem
read in the gathered all the
audience of the tribes of Israel to
people (7) Shechem (1)

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Mizpah Benjamin Mosiah
called people the people caused that all together unto gathered the people
the Lord at throughout all should be
Mizpeh (17) the together gathered (1)
land (2:1)

Legal Document Sinai Shechem
book of the set them a statute
covenant (7) and an ordinance
(25)

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Mizpah Benjamin Mosiah
manner of the mine, my
kingdom (25) father's, my
son's and God's
commandments
(2:31)

Public Reading Sinai Shechem
read in hearing said unto the
of the people people (22)

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Mizpah Benjamin Mosiah
told the people opened his read and
the manner of mouth and caused to be the kingdom began to speak read (5)
(25) (4:4; cf. 2:9)

Copyright
Writing Sinai(c)Shechem
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wrote all the wrote the words in
words of the the book of the law
told the people opened his read and
the manner of mouth and caused to be the kingdom began to speak read (5)
(25) (4:4; cf. 2:9)

Writing Sinai Shechem
wrote all the wrote the words in
words of the the book of the law
Lord of God of God (26)
(4)

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Mizpah Benjamin Mosiah
wrote it in a words which he
book (25) spake should be
written (2:8)

Cultic Act Sinai Shechem
built an altar (4) took a stone and
set it under an oak
by the sanctuary of
the Lord (26)

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Mizpah Benjamin Mosiah
laid it up before sacrifices and baptism (17)
the Lord (25) ordinances ac-
cording to law
of Moses (2:3);
names recorded (6:1)

More significantly, some Nephite monarchs attested to their own teaching efforts. In his address at Zarahemla, King Benjamin stated,["[I] have taught you that ye
should keep the commandments of the Lord, in all things which he hath commanded you" (Mosiah 2:13). King Mosiah also left no doubt as to his own attempts to
teach his subjects:

And even I myself have labored with all the power and faculties which I have possessed, to teach you the commandments of God, and to establish peace throughout
the land, that there should be no wars nor contentions, no stealing, nor plundering, nor murdering, nor any manner of iniquity. (Mosiah 29:14)

Compared to their Hebrew counterparts, some Nephite monarchs appear to have been the more active teachers.

Some Important Differences

What emerges from the foregoing examination is a model of Nephite kingship fashioned in large part after the three roles characteristic of Israelite and other ancient
monarchiesï¿½-general, judge, and priest. This tripartite division of royal responsibility became an integral feature of Nephite law and government, and continued to
exist even during the reign of Nephite judges. Alma the Younger, in fact, divided up the powers of the chief judge into three distinct offices; chief judge over the people
(Alma 4:17), the office of high priest (Alma 4:18), and chief captain of the Nephite armies (Alma 16:5).

On a cautionary note, however, one should not assume too much uniformity among ancient monarchs. Kings in different societies tended to carry out their military,
legal, and religious duties in diverse ways, oftentimes to further personal agendas or meet special societal needs. The following summarizes just a few of the apparent
differences between Nephite and other ancient monarchies in an effort to paint a more accurate picture of Nephite kingship.

Restraining Military Power

Nephite kings exercised much restraint in military affairs. Despite substantial weaponry and manpower at their disposal, Nephite kings engaged in armed conflict only as
a matter of defense. There is little evidence of Nephite kings deploying armed forces in pursuit of any offensive gains. To the contrary, the Book of Mormon portrays
Nephite kings standing against rather than stalking Lamanite armies (W of M 1:13; Mosiah 10:9). This defensive posture not only kept Nephite armies out of long
military engagements, but served to free time for other matters of the crown, such as judicial or religious duties.

This aspect of Nephite monarchy stands in stark contrast to the use of military power by other Old World monarchs. The reigns of most Jaredite kings, for example,
were consumed in civil war, or by military campaigns against foreign attack. Before everything else, Jaredite kings were leaders and combatants on the battlefield, and
had little time or energy for other concerns of the realm.

Less Bureaucracy and Political Fanfare

Compared to other Old World governments, Nephite monarchial rule appears less extravagant and bureaucratic. According to biblical accounts, both David and
Solomon presided over a large body of administrative officials and an entourage of household servants (2 Sam. 8:16-18;20:23-26; 1 Kgs. 4:1-6). Moreover, the
extensive taxing power of Jewish and other Near Eastern monarchs carried with it much bureaucratic baggage (and greater burdens on the community).

It appears that the royal courts and households of Nephite kings (such as Benjamin and Mosiah) did not rise to the size and splendor of those found in the ancient Near
East. Perhaps more important, many Nephite kings (such as Benjamin) never taxed their subjects, nor "sought gold nor silver nor any manner of riches" through the
powers of the crown (Mosiah 2:12). Granted, King Noah relied upon substantial taxes and a large royal court to accumulate riches, vineyards, elaborate palaces, and
other forms of wealth to support himself, his wives, and his concubines (Mosiah 11:4-16). But King Noah's reign appears to be the exception to the Nephite rule, and
simply illustrates that power always is subject to abuse.

Delivering Laws

Nephite kings, like kings in ancient Israel, never acted as legislators or drafters of the law. Rather, Nephite kings publicized and enforced the laws that God already had
revealed. The Nephite king, therefore, was bound to the law like anyone else, and was authorized to make only the minor procedural changes required by a growing
community. A wicked Nephite king, in fact,was branded as one who "teareth up the laws of those who have reigned in righteousness before him; and . . . trampleth
under his feet the commandments of God" (Mosiah 29:22).
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Such was not the case in other ancient civilizations. As previously noted, King Hammurabi was quick to claim original draftsmanship of his Code. Moreover,
because of an alleged divine origin, Egyptian Pharaohs lived above the law, and were empowered to make substantive promulgations at will. Finally, many Jaredite
Nephite kings, like kings in ancient Israel, never acted as legislators or drafters of the law. Rather, Nephite kings publicized and enforced the laws that God already had
revealed. The Nephite king, therefore, was bound to the law like anyone else, and was authorized to make only the minor procedural changes required by a growing
community. A wicked Nephite king, in fact,was branded as one who "teareth up the laws of those who have reigned in righteousness before him; and . . . trampleth
under his feet the commandments of God" (Mosiah 29:22).

Such was not the case in other ancient civilizations. As previously noted, King Hammurabi was quick to claim original draftsmanship of his Code. Moreover,
because of an alleged divine origin, Egyptian Pharaohs lived above the law, and were empowered to make substantive promulgations at will. Finally, many Jaredite
kings were laws unto themselves, ruling their kingdoms according to their own desires (see, e.g., Ether 10:5).

Religious Participation

Although most ancient kingships were linked in some way to the national cult, not every ancient king actively participated in religious activities. Some kings merely
symbolized divine office or power, while other monarchs (most notably Jaredite kings) were too preoccupied with military engagements or civil strife to become
involved with religion. In Nephite society, however, kings (such as Benjamin) frequently ventured beyond any symbolic religious function to personally teach the people
concerning God's commandments (Mosiah 1:3;2:13;29:14).

Noble Servitude

Perhaps the most admirable feature of Nephite kingship is not found in any specific feat or accomplishment, but in the manner in which royal duties and obligations were
carried out. To be sure, most Nephite kings rendered extremely diligent and selfless service to their people.

The Nephites were not alone in stumbling upon the notion of "kingly service." The same concept earlier was "epitomized by the Macedonian philosopher-king
Antigonos Gonatas (320-239 BCE) in his rebuke to his son concerning the oppression of citizens: 'Do you not understand, my son, that our kingdom is held to be a
noble servitude?'" A similar episode is reported in 1 Kgs. 12, where King Rehoboam faced a popular rebellion caused by heavy taxation. When asked to give
counsel regarding the matter, Rehoboam's elders answered, "If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day, and wilt serve them, and answer them, and speak good
words to them, then they will be thy servants for ever" (1 Kgs. 12:7). The basic message conveyed during the crisis was thisï¿½-"the king who financially exploits his
subjects is destined to fail."

The Deuteronomic view of royalty also stresses the importance of royal service and condemns a monarch's exploitation of his subjects. According to Deuteronomy, the
king is not to "make himself a magnificent pomp, harem, or treasury" at the expense of his subjects. Rather, the king must diligently read the book of law "all the days
of his life: that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep all the words of this law and these statutes . . . That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren" (Deut.
17:19-20). In this way, Deuteronomy "emphasizes the limitations placed upon the king rather than his powers," and reminds the royal house that it is "subject to the rule
of law and bound to respect the ancient equality of the people."

Arguably more than any other ancient text, the Book of Mormon stands as a testament to the virtues of noble servitude. If there is a single renowned characteristic of
Nephite kings such as Benjamin, it is an unflinching devotion and service to all members of the realm. As shown in his prefatory remarks before the gathering at the
temple, King Benjamin never viewed his kingship with pomposity, nor did he believe he was above the law:

I have not commanded you to come up hither that ye should fear me, or that ye should think that I of myself am more than a mortal man.

But I am like as yourselves, subject to all manner of infirmities in body and mind; yet I have been chosen by this people, and consecrated by my father, and was
suffered by the hand of the Lord that I should be a ruler and a king over this people; and have been kept and preserved by his matchless power, to serve you with all
the might, mind and strength which the Lord hath granted unto me. (Mosiah 2:10-11)

Humility and meekness not only motivated the king to perform royal service to others, but hopefully evoked a reciprocal sense of duty and loyalty in the hearts of the
people. As Benjamin reminded his congregations, "Behold, ye have called me your king; and if I, whom ye call your king, do labor to serve you, then ought not ye to
labor to serve one another?" (Mosiah 2:18)

King Benjamin's exemplary military, civic, and religious service is not disputed. As previously noted, Benjamin stood against the Lamanites in battle, "and he did fight
with the strength of his own arm" (W of M 1:13). After securing the nation from outside attack, Benjamin labored "with all the might of his body and the faculty of his
whole soul" to cease the "contentions among his own people," mainly by punishing false Christs and false prophets "according to their crimes" (W of M 1:12, 15-16,
18). Finally, at the end of his reign, King Benjamin publicly reported the successful administration and enforcement of the law, without even a hint of oppression or
exploitation:

I say unto you that as I have been suffered to spend my days in your service, even up to this time, and have not sought gold nor silver nor any manner of riches of you;

Neither have I suffered that ye should be confined in dungeons, nor that ye should make slaves one of another, nor that ye should murder, or plunder, or steal, or
commit adultery; nor even have I suffered that ye should commit any manner of wickedness, . . .

And even I, myself, have labored with mine own hands that I might serve you, and that ye should not be laden with taxes, and that there should nothing come upon you
which was grievous to be borne. (Mosiah 2:12-14)

It is not a coincidence that King Mosiah, another righteous king, made a similar accounting to the Nephites at the end of his reign,

And even I myself have labored with all the power and faculties which I have possessed, . . . to establish peace throughout the land, that there should be no wars nor
contentions, no stealing, nor plundering, nor murdering, nor any manner of iniquity;

And whosoever has committed iniquity, him have I punished according to the crime which he has committed, according to the law which has been given to us by our
fathers. (Mosiah 29:14-15)

Conversely, King Noah illustrates the antithesis of the noble king-servant. Not only did King Noah fail to protect his kingdom from Lamanite attack (Mosiah 11:17), he
enacted burdensome taxes "to support himself, and his wives and his concubines; and also his priests, and their wives and their concubines; . . . in their laziness, and in
their idolatry, and in their whoredoms" (Mosiah 11:4-7). Instead of administering peace and order throughout the land, King Noah built spacious palaces and "placed
his heart upon his riches, . . . and spent his time in riotous living" (Mosiah 11:8-9, 14).

In sum, it appears that Nephite society assessed their kings in terms of humble service to the kingdom. A monarch such as Noah, who did little for anyone except
himself, was viewed "as a tyrant who was seeking for gain, yea, for that lucre which doth corrupt the soul" (Mosiah 29:40). On the other hand, kings possessing the
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Benjamin-like attitude of noble servitude were embraced by their subjects, insomuch as the people would "esteem [the just king] more than any other  man" (Mosiah
29:40).
his heart upon his riches, . . . and spent his time in riotous living" (Mosiah 11:8-9, 14).

In sum, it appears that Nephite society assessed their kings in terms of humble service to the kingdom. A monarch such as Noah, who did little for anyone except
himself, was viewed "as a tyrant who was seeking for gain, yea, for that lucre which doth corrupt the soul" (Mosiah 29:40). On the other hand, kings possessing the
Benjamin-like attitude of noble servitude were embraced by their subjects, insomuch as the people would "esteem [the just king] more than any other man" (Mosiah
29:40).

Conclusion

Nephite monarchs, like other ancient kings, were charged with a host of military, civic, and religious responsibilities. The proper discharge of such duties not only
secured the well-being of the nation, but generated the respect for the crown necessary for a stable and loyal kingdom. With one main exceptionï¿½-King Noah-
ï¿½Nephite kings performed their three-fold mission with a degree of dedication and moral accountability perhaps unmatched by any other Old World ruler. Based on
the Benjamin model of kingship, Mosiah had good reason to sanction perpetual monarchy.

  Stephen D. Ricks, "The Ideology of Kingship in Mosiah 1-6," in John W. Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and
F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 115.

  See, e.g., Dale Patrick, Old Testament Law (Atlanta: Knox, 1985), 120 (Israelite law reduced kings "to a concession and subordinated them to the law imposed
upon the entire people").

    1 Sam. 8:19: "Nevertheless the people refused to obey the voice of Samuel; and they said, Nay; but we will have a king over us"; 1 Sam. 8:22: "And the Lord said
to Samuel, Hearken unto their voice, and make them a king."

  These kings include Nephi, Benjamin, Mosiah 2 , Zeniff, and Noah. Only limited references are made to other kings, such as Mosiah 1 .

   In Israel, "the king functions as judge and military leader as the anointed of God: he is consecrated to the service of God in obedience to His Torah." Erwin I. J.
Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarchy," Journal of Jewish Studies 9 (1958): 6. "That the Hittite king was not only leader in war and supreme judge but
also chief priest of the national cults, is well established." O. R. Gurney, "Hittite Kingship," in S. H. Hooke, ed., Myth, Ritual, and Kingship (Oxford: Clarendon, 1958),
105.

  Aubrey R. Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," in Hooke, ed., Myth, Ritual, and Kingship, 205. See also C. R. North, "The Religious Aspects of Hebrew
Kingship," Zeitschrift fur die Alttesta-mentliche Wissenschaft (1932): 9: "Kingship in Israel . . . was primarily military."

   See Ze'ev W. Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times (Jerusalem: Wahrmann, 1964), 44: "The resistance to the Philistine rule called for a national leadership"; North,
"The Religious Aspects of Hebrew Kingship," 9: "1 1 Sam. 8:5-20 shows that 'the immediately pressing need [in Israel] was for a war-king and administrative head
rather than for a priest-king' "; Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarchy," 3: "Philistine encroachment necessitated a more permanent and comprehensive
national leadership which could guarantee a settled life in peace and independence"; K. W. Whitelam, The Just King (Sheffield: JSOT, 1979), 68: "the all-imposing
Philistine threat necessitated a unification of hitherto disparate groups that needed a central authority if they were to survive." See also 1 Sam. 8:2: people demanded a
king to "go out before us, and fight our battles."

  Erwin R. Goodenough, "Kingship in Early Israel," Journal of Biblical Literature 48 (1929): 169, 186 (citing 1 Sam. 11).

  See Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," 205.

  Hugh W. Nibley, The World of the Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1980), 192.

  See also Ether 7:14-16;8:2-4;10:8-10;10:14-15;10:31-32.

  Nibley, The World of the Jaredites, 193.

   Many Jaredite kings relied upon secret oaths and combinations to overthrow or preserve power, as illustrated in the "Salome Episode," in which the daughter of
Jared asked, "is there not an account concerning them of old, that they by their secret plans did obtain kingdoms and great glory?" (Ether 8:9).

   Nibley, The World of the Jaredites, 230. Nibley also reminds us that "what the Jaredite kings did was a conscious imitation and unbroken continuation of the ways of
the 'ancients' " in central Asia. Ibid., 222.

  Ibid., 230 (citing Ether 15:28-32). See also Ether 7:9 (Shule gave battle unto Corihor); 7:15-16 (Noah gave battle unto Shule); 7:21 (Shule did slay Cohor); 9:27
(Heth slew his father with his own sword); 10:15 (Levi did make war against the king); 10:32-33 (Com went to battle against the king Amgid); 11:15 (mighty man
battles Moron); 13:16 (Coriantumr was studied in all the arts of war and gave battle to all challengers); 14:11-12 (Coriantumr fought with Lib).

   2 Ne. 6:2: "my brother Nephi, unto whom ye look as a king or a protector, and on whom ye depend for safety."

  See also W of M 1:14: "And in the strength of the Lord they did contend against their enemies, until they had slain many thousands of the Lamanites."

  A. Leo Oppenheim, "A Bird's-Eye View of Mesopotamian Economic History," in K. Polanyi, C. M. Arensberg, H. W. Pearson, eds., Trade and Market in the
Early Empires (New York and London: 1965), 36 (cited in G. W. Ahlstrom, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine [Leiden: Brill, 1982], 1).

  Ahlstrom, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine, 1.

  Ibid., 10.

  Ibid.

    The book of Ether, for example, reports that Coriantum (Ether 9:23), Shez (Ether 10:4), and Morianton (Ether 10:12) built up large and mighty cities. Nibley points
out that one of the greatest paradoxes of history "is that the nomads of the [Asiatic] steppes were perhaps the greatest builders of all time, though their normal type of
'city' was 'more suggestive of an ordo-like tent-city than a town in the usual sense.' " Nibley, The World of the Jaredites, 227.
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  Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," 205.
    The book of Ether, for example, reports that Coriantum (Ether 9:23), Shez (Ether 10:4), and Morianton (Ether 10:12) built up large and mighty cities. Nibley points
out that one of the greatest paradoxes of history "is that the nomads of the [Asiatic] steppes were perhaps the greatest builders of all time, though their normal type of
'city' was 'more suggestive of an ordo-like tent-city than a town in the usual sense.' " Nibley, The World of the Jaredites, 227.

  Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," 205.

  Ahlstrom, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine, 36-37.

  Ibid., 38-39.

  Zeniff also caused "that there should be weapons of war made of every kind, that thereby [he] might have weapons for [his] people" (Mosiah 10:1).

  Zeniff also caused "that there should be weapons of war made of every kind, that thereby [he] might have weapons for [his] people" (Mosiah 10:1).

  Ahlstrom, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine, 2.

  Ibid., 37.

  Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," 207. See also Whitelam, The Just King, 17: "Clearly the function of the king was twofold: to ensure the safety of his
people by 'force of arms' against internal threat of rebellion or external threat of invasion and to ensure the 'well-being' of the nation through the establishment of justice."

    29 Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," 207. See also Whitelam, The Just King, 17: "Clearly the function of the king was twofold: to ensure the safety of
his people by 'force of arms' against internal threat of rebellion or external threat of invasion and to ensure the 'well-being' of the nation through the establishment of
justice."

  Helen A. Kenik, "Code of Conduct for a King: Ps. 101," Journal of Biblical Literature 95 (1976): 391, 395. Kenik also notes that the essential theme of Ps. 101 is
"peace and order among the people living in the 'city of Yahweh,' made possible by the practice of justice." Ibid., 393.

  Hans J. Boecker, Law and the Administration of Justice in the Old Testament and Ancient East (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1980), 25.

  Code of Hammurabi, Epilogue, 75-95.

  Whitelam, The Just King, 21 (citing Lambert, "Nebuchadnezzar King of Justice," 1, 8).

   Whitelam, The Just King, 25: "By slow degrees thou art growing old, And in the sepulchral cave thou wilt abide. Thou hast let thy hands fall into error. Thou dost not
uphold the case of the widow, Nor decide the suit of the oppressed. Sickness is as thy bedfellow, Disease as thy concubine. Descend from thy rule that I may become
king, From thy government that I may be enthroned."

  Ibid., 24.

  Boecker, Law and the Administration of Justice in the Old Testament and Ancient East, 41 (citing I. Benzinger, Hebraische Archï¿½ologie [1927]: 278).

  Ibid., 41 (citing Alt, "The Origins of Israelite Law," in Essays on Old Testament History and Religion [Oxford, 1966], 101).

   See Whitelam, The Just King, 69; Macholz, "Die Stellung des Kï¿½nigs in der Israelitischen Gerichtverfassung," ZAW 84 (1972): 177. Falk also notes that the
"introduction of the monarchy did not bring about the abolition of the former democratic institutions. The temple of Jerusalem carried on the amphictyonic tradition of
the tribes of Israel. So did the prophets, who emphasized the kingdom of God and the obligations of the temporal king towards the people." Falk, Hebrew Law in
Biblical Times, 46-47.

  Whitelam, The Just King, 46. Boecker also notes that the advent of Israelite kingship did not effect a tremendous reorganization of the law. Boecker, Law and the
Administration of Justice in the Old Testament and Ancient East, 43.

  Macholz, "Die Stellung des Kï¿½nigs in der Israelitischen Gerichtverfassung," 177 (cited in Boecker, Law and the Administration of Justice in the Old Testament and
Ancient East, 43).

   Aubrey Johnson contends that the story of the woman of Tekoa (2 Sam. 14:1-20), whom Joab sent to David to plead in parable fashion the cause of Absalom,
"affords a clear indication of the right of appeal to the king which was enjoyed by even the humblest in the land." Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," 206. It
must be noted, however, that this was a dispute clearly involving the royal household, as Absalom had been implicated in the death of David's son.

   Boecker, Law and the Administration of Justice in the Old Testament and Ancient East, 42-43. Boecker relies upon 1 Sam. 22:6-19 as an example of royal
jurisdiction over military forces, and 2 Sam. 19:16-24 as an example of the king's judicial authority over his household and administration.

  Some commentators warn that many descriptions of kings set forth only the "ideal" version of monarchy. See, e.g., Whitelam, The Just King, 18.

  Ibid., 22 (emphasis added).

  See, e.g., J. J. Finkelstein, "Ammisaduqa's Edict and the Babylonian Law Codes," Journal of Cuneiform Studies 15 (1961): 103 (cited in Whitelam, The Just King,
22-23).

   Ps. 72:1-4 reads, "Give the king thy judgments, O God, and thy righteousness unto the king's son. He shall judge thy people with righteousness, and thy poor with
judgment. The mountains shall bring peace to the people, and the little hills, by righteousness. He shall judge the poor of the people, he shall save the children of the
needy, and shall break in pieces the oppressor."

   Whitelam, The Just King, 89, 118-21, 165; 2 Sam. 1:1-16, execution of Amalekite was for political reasons, to remove any question of David's complicity in Saul's
death; 2 Sam. 4, execution of murderers of Ishbaal dispelled suspicions regarding David's connection with the crime; 2 Sam. 3:6-39, David refused to punish Joab for
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the murder of Abner, an influential member of the Saulide faction; 1 Kgs. 1;2:13-15, 28-35, 36-46, Solomon may have had Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei     killed
contrived judicial murder in order to preserve the image of a just king.
needy, and shall break in pieces the oppressor."

   Whitelam, The Just King, 89, 118-21, 165; 2 Sam. 1:1-16, execution of Amalekite was for political reasons, to remove any question of David's complicity in Saul's
death; 2 Sam. 4, execution of murderers of Ishbaal dispelled suspicions regarding David's connection with the crime; 2 Sam. 3:6-39, David refused to punish Joab for
the murder of Abner, an influential member of the Saulide faction; 1 Kgs. 1;2:13-15, 28-35, 36-46, Solomon may have had Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei killed by
contrived judicial murder in order to preserve the image of a just king.

  The book of Ether makes only passing references to certain Jaredite kings "executing" judgment throughout the land (Ether 7:1, 11, 24, 27;9:21;10:11).
Unfortunately the exact details of "executing judgment" are never spelled out.

  For a detailed explanation of Abinadi's trial, see John W. Welch, "An Ancient Legal Setting for the Book of Mormon" (unpublished manuscript), 31-85.

  Ibid., 42; King Noah convened the court and had sufficient authority to command the priests to follow his orders.

   Ibid., 43. See also Mosiah 12:19: "And they began to question him, that they might cross him, that thereby they might have wherewith to accuse him"; Mosiah 17:7-
8: "Abinadi, we have found an accusation against thee, and thou art worthy of death. For thou hast said that God himself should come down among the children of
men."

   Mosiah 17:11-12: "And now king Noah was about to release him, . . . But the priests lifted up their voices against him, and began to accuse him, saying; He has
reviled the king. Therefore, the king was stirred up in anger against him, and he delivered him up that he might be slain."

  Welch, "An Ancient Legal Setting for the Book of Mormon," 45.

  Ibid., 42.

  It was not uncommon in ancient Israel for monarchs to use their judicial authority for their own political purposes. See pp. 96-97 above.

  Goodenough, "Kingship in Early Israel," 179 (citing Ex. 18:13-27).

  Whitelam, The Just King, 72 (citing 1 Sam. 14, 22:9 and 21:8).

  Boecker, Law and the Administration of Justice in the Old Testament and Ancient East, 38 (citing 2 Sam. 8:16-18;20:23-26). Another list of high ranking officials in
David's administration is found in Ahlstrom, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine, 28-29.

   Mosiah 11:6-13 (taxes levied upon the people supported Noah's wickedness and idolatry, and financed construction of his many spacious buildings and palaces);
Ether 10:4-8 (a large civil service probably was required to operate Riplakish's extensive taxation and prison systems).

  E. A. Speiser, "Early Law and Civilization," Canadian Bar Review 31 (1953): 874 (cited in Whitelam, The Just King, 20).

  According to Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times, 28, "From time to time there was probably need [in ancient Israel] for new political and administrative rules."

  Ibid.

  For an in-depth discussion, see Whitelam, The Just King, 212-16 (citing Jer. 34:8-9).

  MacKenzie, "The Forms of Israelite Law," 152 (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation) (cited in Whitelam, The Just King, 215).

  For a general discussion of the many judicial reforms set in motion by Jehoshaphat, see Whitelam, The Just King, 185-206.

   The Book of Mormon also describes Lamanite and Jaredite kings issuing decrees and proclamations of law. See Alma 23:1-3: "the king of the Lamanites sent a
proclamation among all his people, that they should not lay their hands on Ammon, or Aaron, or Omner, or Himni, nor either of their brethren who should go forth
preaching the word of God, . . . Yea, he sent a decree among them, that they should not lay their hands on them to bind them, or to cast them into prison"; Ether 7:24-
25: King Shule "did execute a law throughout all the land, which gave power unto the prophets that they should go whithersoever they would."

   John W. Welch, "The Law of Mosiah," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 158-59 (citing Mosiah 29:25, Alma 30:3).

  Ibid. (citing Hel. 4:22).

  Code of Hammurabi (emphasis added) (cited in Whitelam, The Just King, 207).

  See also Ricks, "The Ideology of Kingship in Mosiah 1-6," 115.

  Edgerton, "The Government and the Governed in the Egyptian Empire," JNES 6 (1947): 154 (cited in Whitelam, The Just King, 209).

  Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times, 45 (citing 2 Sam. 14:17).

  Ibid., 20.

   Moshe Greenberg, "Some Postulates of Biblical Criminal Law," in Menahem Haran, ed., Yehezkel Kaufmann Jubilee Volume: Studies in Bible and Jewish Religion
(Jerusalem: Magnes, 1960): 11 (cited in Whitelam, The Just King, 209).

   See, e.g., North, "The Religious Aspects of Hebrew Kingship," 8: "Kingship in the ancient East, like early kingship generally, was largely dominated by religious
ideals."

  Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times, 19.
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  Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarchy," 16.

  Gurney, "Hittite Kingship," 105.
ideals."

  Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times, 19.

  Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarchy," 16.

  Gurney, "Hittite Kingship," 105.

  Ahlstrom, Royal Administration and National Religion in Ancient Palestine, ix.

  North, "The Religious Aspects of Hebrew Kingship," 10.

  Gurney, "Hittite Kingship," 106.

  Ibid., 105.

  Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times, 50.

   83 Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times, 50.

  See Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarchy," 16. See also Aubrey R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff: Univ. of Wales, 1967), 13.

  Johnson, "Hebrew Conceptions of Kingship," 212 (citing 2 Sam. 6).

  Ibid., 212-13.

  See also 2 Sam. 5:3 (David anointed king over Israel).

  Stephen D. Ricks, "The Coronation of Kings," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 124-25.

  Rosenthal argues that the king's part in covenant making should not be overrated, as it is obvious "that the head of the people should be instrumental in so vital a
matter." Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarchy," 14. However, Widengren insists that the "king's function as the mediator of the covenant between
Yahweh and his people Israel" was most important and often neglected; see Geo Widengren, "King and Covenant," Journal of Semitic Studies 2 (1957): 1.

  Kenik, "Code of Conduct for a King: Ps. 101," 398.

  For a detailed discussion, see Zafrira Ben-Barak, "The Mizpah Covenantï¿½-The Source of the Israelite Monarchic Covenant," in Zeitschrift fï¿½r die
Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 91 (1979): 30.

  Ben-Barak, "The Mizpah Covenant," 31.

  Widengren, "King and Covenant," 3, 19.

  Ibid., 3.

  Ricks, "The Ideology of Kingship in Mosiah 1-6," 116.

  The analysis and chart of the biblical ceremonies originally was completed by Ben-Barak, "The Mizpah Covenant," 32.

  See 2 Ne. 5:19; Mosiah 2:29.

  See also Widengren, "King and Covenant," 16; Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarchy," 16.

  Rosenthal, "Some Aspects of the Hebrew Monarch," 16.

  Ibid., 15.

  Teachers in some Lamanite societies also were appointed by the crown (Mosiah 24:1-6).

  See Welch, "An Ancient Legal Setting for the Book of Mormon," 24.

  Nibley, The World of the Jaredites, 226.

  See, e.g., Hel. 4:22.

  See Whitelam, The Just King, 207.

  Ibid., 209.

  For example, Hittite kings were believed to become["priest[s] of the Gods" at the time of accession to the throne. Gurney, "Hittite Kingship," 105.

  Moshe Weinfeld, "The King as the Servant of the People: The Source of the Idea," Journal of Jewish Studies 33 (1982): 190.

  For a more in depth discussion, see ibid., 190-93.

 Ibid., 192-93.
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  Goodenough, "Kingship in Early Israel," 202 (citing Deut. 17: 14-20).
  Moshe Weinfeld, "The King as the Servant of the People: The Source of the Idea," Journal of Jewish Studies 33 (1982): 190.

  For a more in depth discussion, see ibid., 190-93.

  Ibid., 192-93.

  Goodenough, "Kingship in Early Israel," 202 (citing Deut. 17: 14-20).

  Falk, Hebrew Law in Biblical Times, 44, 48.

  See also Mosiah 2:26: "And I, even I, whom ye call your king, am no better than ye yourselves are; for I am also of the dust."

  See also Mosiah 6:7: "And king Mosiah did cause his people that they should till the earth. And he also himself did till the earth, that thereby he might not become
burdensome to his people, that he might do according to that which his father had done in all things."

  See also Jacob 1:10: "The people having loved Nephi exceedingly, he having been a great protector for them, . . . and having labored in all his days for their
welfare."

Legal Perspectives on the Slaying of Laban
John W. Welch

Abstract: This article marshals ancient legal evidence to show that Nephi's slaying of Laban should be understood as a protected manslaughter rather than a criminal
homicide. The biblical law of murder demanded a higher level of premeditation and hostility than Nephi exhibited or modern law requires. It is argued that Ex. 21:13
protected more than accidental slayings or unconscious acts, particularly where God was seen as having delivered the victim into the slayer's hand. Various rationales
for Nephi's killing of Laban are explored, including ancient views on surrendering one person for the benefit of a whole community. Other factors within the Book of
Mormon as well as in Moses' killing of the Egyptian in Ex. 2 corroborate the conclusion that Nephi did not commit the equivalent of a first-degree murder under the
laws of his day.

When Nephi reentered the city of Jerusalem late at night in his final effort to obtain the plates of brass, he must have been completely in the dark about how the plates
could ever possibly fall into his possession. The city was asleep; the chance of any further meetings or negotiations with Laban was out of the question; appeals to
friends or intercession by Lehi's sympathizers seemed improbable; Nephi himself was the son of a prophet who was a fugitive from justice (at least in the minds of those
who thought he should be executed, just as the prophet Urijah ben Shemaiah had been; cf. Jer. 26:23). Nephi appears to have entered the city unarmed, having no
expectation of any specific way that he might gain access to the locked treasury that held the plates. Nephi must have been as surprised as anyone by the events that
unfolded that night.

The story of Nephi's unexpected success in 1 Ne. 4 can be viewed today from many perspectives, and obviously it was included in Nephi's record for several
significant reasons. For example, this dramatic account demonstrated the religious importance of the scriptures and the vital role of the law in God's desires for the
Nephite people. If the law was important enough that one man should perish so that an entire nation could have it, the message was clear that the nation should be
diligent not to dwindle in unbeliefï¿½-a lesson that was kept bright in the Nephite memory for many years (1 Ne. 4:13; Omni 1:14; Alma 37:3-10). Moreover, in
Nephi's mind the events that night validated the promises that the Lord had given to him personally about keeping the commandments, prospering in the land, and being
a ruler and a teacher over his brothers (1 Ne. 2:20;4:14, 17). Politically, the account undoubtedly came to play an important part among the founding narratives of
Nephite culture and society, for it showed how God miraculously put a copy of their fundamental laws into their hands (1 Ne. 5:8-10). The fact that Nephi alone was
able to obtain the platesï¿½-while his inept and unfaithful brothers were unable to complete the task their father had assigned themï¿½-legitimized Nephi's claim to
possess the plates and to lead the group. Indeed, for several subsequent centuries the Lamanites accused the Nephites of having robbed them of their rightful
possession of these plates (Mosiah 10:16), but the recorded facts about the events of that night went a long way toward showing that Nephi was the rightful owner of
the plates, was the legitimate successor to his father Lehi, and was able to succeed with God's help where his brothers not only had failed at the task but had said that it
could not be done. Accordingly, for the next six hundred years, one of the most important symbols of authority among the Nephites was possession of the plates of
brass (see Mosiah 1:16;28:20; 3 Ne. 1:2). The story of Laban, therefore, serves several purposes in the Nephite record: religious, political, historical, and personal.

The story also has significant legal dimensions. By its very nature the episode invites legal analysis and commentary: The story involves the killing of a man, to which the
legal consequences of the day normally would have attached. The terminology of the narrative is also legalistic: precise words and technical concepts used by Nephi
show that he wrote this story with biblical laws in mind that justifiably cast this episode in a favorable light. Accordingly, Nephi's slaying of Laban can be evaluated
profitably through the perspectives of the prevailing legal principles of Nephi's day. Those precepts are found primarily in Ex. 21:12-14, Deut. 19:4-13, and Num.
35:9-34, discussed below.

The following analysis presents several factors that substantially reduce Nephi's guilt or culpability under the law of Moses as it was probably understood in Nephi's
day, around 600 B.C. Nephi may have broken the American law of Joseph Smith's day, but it appears that he committed an excusable homicide under the public law
of his own day. This is not to say that Nephi would have been acquitted and declared free to walk the streets of Jerusalem again had he been brought before a Jewish
court in Jerusalem and tried for killing Laban, although Nephi could have raised several arguments in his own behalf if such a proceeding had ever taken place. As a
practical matter, however, Nephi's case probably never would have come before a formal court because the required two witnesses were lacking, making a capital
conviction technically impossible (Num. 35:30; Deut. 19:15). But if an action had been brought against Nephi, early biblical law appears to have recognized two types
of killingsï¿½-excusable and inexcusableï¿½-and the slaying of Laban arguably falls quite specifically into the excusable category.

The primary biblical text explaining the enforcement of the general command, "Thou shalt not murder (rasah)" (Ex. 20:13), is found in Ex. 21:12-14. It reads:

He that smiteth a man, so that he die, shall be surely put to death. And if a man lie not in wait, but God deliver him into his hand, then I will appoint thee a place whither
he shall flee. But if a man come presumptuously upon his neighbor, to slay him with guile; thou shalt take him from mine altar, that he may die.

The normal punishment under biblical law for murder at the time of Nephi was apparently death (Gen. 9:6), although the likelihood of paying ransom or compensation
(kofer), especially in cases involving unpremeditated acts or indirect causation, has been vigorously examined by biblical scholars. By way of comparison, the Hittite
laws (c. 1400-1300 B.C.) explicitly provided for slaves or other persons to be given in cases of unpremeditated killings that occurred in a quarrel or unintentionally
("[only] his hand doing wrong"), while they excused entirely aggravated killings that occurred in the heat of passion, thus increasing the possibility that Hebrew law
contained mitigating rubrics of its own.

Although the provisions of these ancient laws cannot be stated precisely, Ex. 21:13-14 clearly shows that not all killings were culpable under biblical law. If a killing
qualified as excusable under this provision, the law provided that the Lord would appoint "a place whither he [the slayer] shall flee." This did not mean that the killer
automatically
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                2005-2009,        that he was allowed
                                           Media      to flee to a city of refuge and remain there for trial (Num. 35:12). If it was then shown through witnesses
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slayer had come presumptuously upon his victim to kill him with guile or enmity, the slayer was taken from the city of refuge and put to death by one of the victim's
relatives acting as the so-called "avenger of blood" (Deut. 19:12). If it was found that the slayer had not planned the event in advance, he was still considered to be
tainted by blood but he would be granted safe refuge in a city of asylum until the death of the reigning high priest, at which time he could safely return to his former city.
contained mitigating rubrics of its own.

Although the provisions of these ancient laws cannot be stated precisely, Ex. 21:13-14 clearly shows that not all killings were culpable under biblical law. If a killing
qualified as excusable under this provision, the law provided that the Lord would appoint "a place whither he [the slayer] shall flee." This did not mean that the killer
automatically went free, only that he was allowed to flee to a city of refuge and remain there for trial (Num. 35:12). If it was then shown through witnesses that the
slayer had come presumptuously upon his victim to kill him with guile or enmity, the slayer was taken from the city of refuge and put to death by one of the victim's
relatives acting as the so-called "avenger of blood" (Deut. 19:12). If it was found that the slayer had not planned the event in advance, he was still considered to be
tainted by blood but he would be granted safe refuge in a city of asylum until the death of the reigning high priest, at which time he could safely return to his former city.
Nephi, of course, was prepared to flee-ï¿½not only from his city of residence, but from the land of Israel entirely; thus, even to the extent that he might have been
thought to have carried a blood taint due to his slaying of Laban, Nephi did not pollute the land, for he did not remain in it.

The crucial question, however, is whether or not the law of Ex. 21:13-14 would have applied to the case of Nephi's killing of Laban. In order to determine the answer,
we must carefully examine the two key elements that are mentioned there. The first involves the slayer's state of mind. As will be explained, the slayer must not have
been lying in wait, or in other words must not have come presumptuously (having planned the deed out in advance) to kill his victim with guile. The second involves the
role of the divine will: God must deliver the victim into the slayer's hand. Whether it was necessary to satisfy both of these elements, or only one, in order to prove that a
killing was legally excusable under the law of Moses, Nephi's slaying of Laban probably satisfies both. After discussing these two elements, I will consider briefly
biblical precedents and traditional attitudes in Jewish law which, under certain circumstances, allowed one person to be killed in order to save the lives of a whole city
or community. I will then end with evidence from the Book of Mormon and also from Moses' killing of the Egyptian in Ex. 2 to corroborate the conclusion that Nephi's
killing of Laban was not tantamount to murder under the law of Moses.

1. Nephi's state of mind. The basic facts regarding Nephi's state of mind in this case are well known. He entered Jerusalem late one night, probably unarmed, hoping to
obtain the plates of brass. He did not know beforehand what he should do. He stumbled onto Laban drunk in the street. He was constrained repeatedly by the spirit of
the Lord to kill Laban, and eventually he cut off Laban's head with his own sword. In killing Laban, Nephi sought no revenge, but acted reluctantly, without hatred, and
in good faith.

It is evident that the ancient concept of premeditation (if we may use such a term) was different from the concept of premeditation under modern American or British
law. The modern concept merely requires awareness and determination, and such determination need not have been formulated any earlier than the instant at which it is
given effect. The archaic concept of premeditation, however, required a murder to have been preplanned, thought out, schemed, or implemented through some kind of
treachery, ambush, sabotage, or lying in wait. "Lying in wait" is the term employed to describe the wily tactics of a hunter stalking his prey (as in Gen. 10:9;25:27-
28;27:3, 5, 7, 33) and the word "presumptuously" expresses "insolent defiance of law." Thus, Bernard Jackson has con-cluded: "Premeditation [in biblical law]
means that the action in question was the result of a preconceived design, not of a desire formed on the spur of the moment. Thus, not every intentional act is
premeditated."

Several strong clues indicate that Nephi had the ancient definition in mind when he wrote the story of Laban. He trusted implicitly that the Lord in some miraculous
unknown way would be "able . . . to destroy Laban," even as he had vanquished the Egyptians at the Red Sea (1 Ne. 4:3). He expressly emphasized the fact that he
did not know what he was to do as he entered the city of Jerusalem: "I was led by the Spirit, not knowing beforehand the things which I should do" (1 Ne. 4:6). This
point is crucial, for it shows that Nephi had not planned to find Laban and that he did not know that Laban would be out with the city elders, where Laban would be, or
that he would be drunk. The occasion presented itself spontaneously. Nephi was completely surprised to find Laban. His deed was not preplanned and, therefore, not
culpable.

A later and more commonly found interpretation of Ex. 21:13-14, however would limit its application to accidental killings irrespective of the slayer's state of mind. For
example, several biblical commentators, without examining or discussing the point, readily assume that these verses only provide "that the accidental homicide will have
a place appointed for him for flight" or that this grant of asylum was "limited to instances of accidental homicide only." If such a limited understanding of this text is
correct, Nephi's slaying of Laban would not be covered by the concepts of asylum in Ex. 21, for in no way can this killing be described as an accident.

The limited interpretation of negligent or excusable homicide in Ex. 21:13-14 and its related texts, however, is unpersuasive. While it is true that Deut. 19:4-5 gives as
an example of an excusable homicide the case where a man and his neighbor are chopping wood and an axe head accidentally flies off its handle and kills the neighbor,
this does not mean that the definition of excusable homicide includes only freak accidents. If that were the intent, there would have been no need for each of the three
definitive sections to require that the slayer had not "hated" his neighbor in time past (Deut. 19:4), had not come "presumptuously upon his neighbor to slay him with
guile" (Ex. 21:14), or had not injured him in "hatred" or with "enmity" (Num. 35:20, 22). Put another way, as Jackson has concluded: "Unpremeditated but intentional
homicide seems to be dealt with in the same way as purely accidental homicide"; in other words, the concept of excusable homicide includes more than purely
accidental killings. Ben Zion Eliash concurs: although it is "unclear what the exact relationship is between the manslayer's [state of mind] toward the victim, or his motive
to kill, and the classification of that murder as either intentional or unintentional," it is clear that "even a death brought about by an intentional blow is not intentional
homicide unless that blow was accompanied by enmity." Accordingly, if Nephi's intentions were neither maliciously nor hatefully preconceived, he would well come
within the definition of a protected slayer under the law of his day.

Evidently for this further reason, Nephi certified in some detail that he had no desire to kill Laban and that he did not do the deed of out malice because of any of
Laban's offenses against him and his family. Nephi reasoned with himself, "I also knew that he had sought to take away mine own life; yea, and he would not hearken
unto the commandments of the Lord; and he also had taken away our property" (1 Ne. 4:11), but he recognized that none of these rationalizations would justify the
slaying of Laban either at law or before the justice of God. He resisted the distasteful assignment, saying in his heart, "Never at any time have I shed the blood of a
man" (1 Ne. 4:10). He did not act out of hatred or enmity, although the meaning of the later term is somewhat unclear.

In addition, Num. 35:11, 15, and Josh. 20:3, 9, which seem to require that the killing occur "at unawares," should not be understood to limit the ability of a person in
Nephi's situation to flee to a city of refuge and seek exculpation simply because he had been conscious of his action at the time it took place. The Hebrew word
translated "unawares" is shegagah. Meaning "to sin ignorantly," this word also occurs in Num. 15:28 (compare Mosiah 3:11). It derives from the word shag'ag',
meaning to stray, sin, miss the mark, be deceived, or err, but not necessarily unconsciously. Depending on how these words are construed, they may imply that the
person acted perhaps negligently but at least unaware of the consequences of his action, or that he miscalculated or misjudged. Others in Jerusalem might have judged
Nephi to have acted in error, and ancient legal distinctions may have existed between various kinds of mistakes (i.e., ignorance of the law, mistakes of fact,
misjudgments of consequences, etc.), but no one could have doubted that if Nephi sinned he did so unaware of it being a sin and acted in good faith. Gauging by later
Jewish law, which may shed a little further light on the subject, "a murder by someone under the mistaken belief that his actions were permissible" was considered
grossly negligent, but the slayer was not subject to punishment; at least, it has been argued, he "should be treated less severely than one who kills another in
ignorance of the more fundamental command not to kill." Thus, Nephi's action would probably have come within the additional protection of wrongs committed
"unawares," if it were viewed as a wrongdoing to any extent.

The foregoing conclusion, based on an examination of the Hebrew terminology, is confirmed on other grounds by the Greek word that was used in the Septuagint to
translate shegagah in Num. 15:28. The Greek word is akousios, a contracted form of aekousios, literally meaning "unwillingly." Its root is hekousios, from hekon,
denoting
 Copyrightaction that is "voluntary,
             (c) 2005-2009,          willing,
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                                          Media      of free will," within one's control; and thus its opposite, akousios, is action that is "against the will, constrained,"
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"intended but not desired." This term was used as a legal term by Antipho, Plato, and Aristotle to refer to "involuntary action," including such actions as "involuntary
murder" or jettisoning the cargo of a ship in order to save the vessel and its passengers. Obviously, its meaning was broader than the English word involuntary.
Aristotle recognizes that many difficult philosophical questions are raised by "actions done through fear of a worse alternative, or for some noble object," and he
The foregoing conclusion, based on an examination of the Hebrew terminology, is confirmed on other grounds by the Greek word that was used in the Septuagint to
translate shegagah in Num. 15:28. The Greek word is akousios, a contracted form of aekousios, literally meaning "unwillingly." Its root is hekousios, from hekon,
denoting action that is "voluntary, willing, acting of free will," within one's control; and thus its opposite, akousios, is action that is "against the will, constrained,"
"intended but not desired." This term was used as a legal term by Antipho, Plato, and Aristotle to refer to "involuntary action," including such actions as "involuntary
murder" or jettisoning the cargo of a ship in order to save the vessel and its passengers. Obviously, its meaning was broader than the English word involuntary.
Aristotle recognizes that many difficult philosophical questions are raised by "actions done through fear of a worse alternative, or for some noble object," and he
concludes that these "mixed" actions approximate voluntary conduct at the time they are committed; but his main interest is not juristic and thus he does not pursue or
resolve the issue. Aristotle's discussion, however, shows that the issue was a live one in the ancient world: where an action was truly undesired by the human agent, it
certainly could be argued that it was equivalent to involuntary conduct for purposes of assessing legal culpability so long as the circumstances were meritorious.

Such concepts coming from the Greek world only a few centuries after the time of Nephi offer a valuable point of comparison in assessing Nephi's state of mind. Nephi
says, "And I shrunk and would that I might not slay him" (1 Ne. 4:10). This affirms that Nephi's action was strongly against his will and his desire, and hence was
involuntary under either the Hebrew or Greek conceptions. Moreover he states that he was "constrained by the Spirit that I should kill Laban" (1 Ne. 4:10). "Constrain"
was a strong English word in Joseph Smith's day, meaning "to compel or force; to urge with irresistible power, or with a power sufficient to produce the effect" and "to
produce in opposition to nature." Being "constrained," Nephi should not be viewed as acting willingly according to his predilections, but obedient to a higher authority
to achieve the lesser of two evils. Thus Nephi concludes this section of his account by saying, "And now when I, Nephi, had heard these words, . . . I did obey the
voice of the Spirit" (1 Ne. 4:14, 18). Accordingly, Num. 15:28;35:11, 15; and Josh. 20:3, 9 would have encompassed Nephi's action legally within the concept of
"involuntary" conduct and would not have taken him outside the principles of asylum or of mitigated culpability.

Having found that the definition of excusable homicide was broader than purely accidental killings and was not limited by what modern readers would consider to be
acts committed "unawares," we must next ask whether that law in Ex. 21 was broad enough to include even a slaying with a sword. Indeed, the application of Ex. 21 to
the slaying of Laban should not have been precluded in Nephi's mind by Num. 35:16, even though that slaying was by the sword. Num. 35:16 states: "If he smite him
with an instrument of iron, so that he die, he is a murderer." This provision, however, must be read in its surrounding context. The purpose of Num. 35:16-24, is in
essence, to establish the rule that the burden of proof must be borne by or for the avenger of blood who pursues a killer to a place of refuge, and that text sets forth
several evidentiary considerations that were to be weighed by the judges in reaching their judgment. If it could be proved that the killer was not entitled to the
protection of the sanctuary, the congregation was to judge between the slayer and the avenger of blood (Num. 35:24). Verses 16-18 seem to speak categorically,
creating rules of strict liability that were to operate without regard to the slayer's state of mind: They provide that if the killer struck the victim with an instrument of iron,
hit the victim by throwing a stone, or struck the victim with a weapon of wood, the killer was to be put to death. But while the use of such dangerous instruments,
weapons, or projectiles might raise a strong presumption that the slaying was not accidental but preplanned, verses 20-23 show that the earlier statements were not
intended to create an automatic judicial outcome based on that single fact alone. The text continues, "But if he thrust him of hatred, or hurl at him by lying of wait, that he
die; or in enmity strike him with his hand, that he die: he that smote him shall surely be put to death" (Num. 35:20-21). These qualifications show that "hatred" or "lying
in wait" must still be proven in addition to the probativeï¿½-but not necessarily conclusiveï¿½-evidence supplied by the nature of the weapon used. The text
concludes that if the killer "thrust him suddenly without enmity, or have cast upon him anything without lying of wait, or with any stone, wherewith a man may die, seeing
him not, and cast it upon him, that he die, and was not his enemy, neither sought his harm," then the congregation shall exonerate the slayer and allow him to remain in
the city of refuge until the death of the reigning high priest (Num. 35:22-23). Thus, it is possible, under some circumstances, for a person to be killed with an instrument
of iron and for that not to be counted automatically as a homicide requiring the death penalty or other criminal sanctions.

Obviously, the ground in antiquity between the two extremes of intentional homicide and negligent manslaughter was wide enough to raise several legal questions that
cannot be answered today with certainty. Although we cannot reformulate a precise law of negligent or excusable homicide with any degree of certainty for the biblical
period (and it is doubtful that a codified version of the foregoing principles ever existed), it is abundantly clear that several elements in Nephi's state of mind were
relevant factors in proving that a slaying was excusable and protected by ancient Israelite law. Thus, although "the Bible does not contain any abstract principles through
which one could determine exactly what criteria the court should use in determining whether a murder was intentional or unintentional," it is clear that culpable
slayings under biblical law had to involve some preplanned, treacherous, or hateful state of mind and that such a requirement was lacking in Nephi's case.

2. God's deliverance of Laban into Nephi's hand. In the end, Laban was killed for one and only one reason, namely because the Spirit of the Lord commanded it and
constrained Nephi to slay him, for "the Lord hath delivered him into thy hands" (1 Ne. 4:11, 12; see also 1 Ne. 3:29). Looking beyond Nephi's personal state of mind
on the matter, the ultimate reason for his action was God's deliverance of Laban into Nephi's hands. As the Spirit stated, it was the Lord who caused Laban's death:
"the Lord slayeth the wicked to bring forth his righteous purposes" (1 Ne. 4:13). And, parenthetically, the distinctive biblical punishment for inveterate, unrepentant
apostates was execution by the sword (Deut. 13:15).

The killing of Laban was not the only time in ancient Israel when God sanctioned certain slayings to promote the national existence and welfare of the righteous. During
the conquest of the Promised Land, Israel was commanded to kill the inhabitants of the region in order to occupy that land and to establish Israel, and accordingly
Jewish law recognizes a special legal classification of certain mandatory wars required when God commands. The wars of the kings were optional and limited, but
the requirements imposed by God in certain circumstances were mandatory.

Some people have wondered why God needed to have Nephi kill Laban instead of telling him simply to put on Laban's clothes and go forth in disguise to get the plates.
Leaving the drunken Laban alive, however, would probably have created serious problems in several ways: (1) Laban could have awakened, stumbled home, or could
have been helped home by someone else who found him drunk in the streets; if Laban had reentered his house while Nephi was there pretending to be Laban, Nephi
would have been extremely vulnerable as a housebreaker at night. (2) Even if Laban spent the night in the streets, the next morning he would have regained his senses
and would have been furious. He would have led a search party to pursue and kill Nephi and his brothers and recover the plates of brass. With Laban dead, however,
his family and kinsmen would have gone into mourning and would have immediately attended to the funeral and burial. They were less motivated to recover the plates
than Laban would have been (especially since they had already inherited Lehi's gold and silver from Laban). (3) Few members of Laban's family were probably much
aware of the negotiations and conflicts between Laban and the four sons of Lehi. With Zoram gone, people in Jerusalem could well have assumed that Zoram was the
one who had killed Laban, since the city of Jerusalem had every reason to believe that the four sons of Lehi had been scared out of town earlier and had never
returned. If Laban had not been killed, however, he would have known Zoram and the circumstances well enough to have suspected what had happened and to have
led an effective pursuit against Nephi and his brothers. These reasons explain why it was virtually essential to the completion of Nephi's task that Laban be killed, and
with a little imagination several other reasons can probably be suggested.

Be that as it may, Laban was not killed for any short-term practical need of the moment. As Nephi stood marveling over the drunken Laban, he must have been quite
astonished. He was drawn immediately to Laban's sword, which he removed from its sheath. The splendor of the workmanship and the sharpness of the steel blade left
an indelible impression on the young man's mind. As Nephi stood marveling at this weapon, the Spirit constrained Nephi that he should kill Laban (1 Ne. 4:10). Nephi
balked. The Spirit then said to him again, "Behold the Lord hath delivered him into thy hands" (1 Ne. 4:11). Three times Nephi tried to rationalize the commanded
deed, but the Spirit said again, "Slay him, for the Lord hath delivered him into thy hands" (1 Ne. 4:12).

The words of the Spirit were apparently a verbatim quote from Ex. 21:13, "And if a man lie not in wait, but God deliver him into his hand." These words or their
equivalent,
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certainly have learned this passage from Ex. 21. Deut. 6:6-7 required righteous parents in Israel to teach their children the law of Moses, to talk of these words when
they sat at the dinner table, to recite them as they walked down the path, to repeat them before going to bed, and to speak of them upon rising in the morning. One of
the most important texts of the law of Moses was Ex. 21-23, essentially an elaboration of the familiar Ten Commandments. Coming early in the first chapter of the
deed, but the Spirit said again, "Slay him, for the Lord hath delivered him into thy hands" (1 Ne. 4:12).

The words of the Spirit were apparently a verbatim quote from Ex. 21:13, "And if a man lie not in wait, but God deliver him into his hand." These words or their
equivalent, in my opinion, would have been recognized by Nephi as coming from the Code of the Covenant. Growing up in Israel as a young boy, Nephi would
certainly have learned this passage from Ex. 21. Deut. 6:6-7 required righteous parents in Israel to teach their children the law of Moses, to talk of these words when
they sat at the dinner table, to recite them as they walked down the path, to repeat them before going to bed, and to speak of them upon rising in the morning. One of
the most important texts of the law of Moses was Ex. 21-23, essentially an elaboration of the familiar Ten Commandments. Coming early in the first chapter of the
Covenant Code was the text cited by the Spirit to Nephi.

The Hebrew verb in Ex. 21:13 translated as "deliver" ('innah) occurs only four times in the Hebrew Bible. Mayer Sulzberger sees in this phrase a "subtle intimation that
Divine wisdom" causes events to occur "between persons not hostile to each other, in order to attain ends of justice which the narrow wisdom of human courts would
be unable to reach." Accordingly, this rare Hebrew expression or its equivalent indicated to Nephi in essence that God had caused Laban and Nephi to meet that
night, and that Laban's death was occasioned by an act of God, but not as that term is understood in its modern sense. Especially if the Spirit used this rare word
and not one of the more common Hebrew words for "deliver" (for example, natan, "to give over"; or hissï¿½l, "to snatch, rescue"), the connection between the Spirit's
words and Ex. 21 would have been far more obvious in Hebrew than it is even in English.

The implication of the Spirit's instruction could not have been lost on Nephi: he had not been lying in wait and the Lord had delivered Laban into his hands. Therefore,
in order to accomplish the Lord's purposes, under this unusual and extraordinary circumstance, the killing was on both counts legally justifiable and religiously
excusable. It was the kind of killing that would be protected by the mercy of God in a place of refuge within God's jurisdiction.

3. Better that one man perish than a whole nation. The Spirit, finally, gave the following explanation for Laban's death: "It is better that one man should perish than that a
nation should dwindle and perish in unbelief" (1 Ne. 4:13). This point of view concerning the relative rights of the individual or the group also has a long tradition in
biblical and Jewish legal history.

The Old Testament lays a narrative groundwork for the legal view that, under rare appropriate circumstances, a single person can be exposed to certain death for the
benefit of the whole. David Daube has shown that in early Israel there was little moral constraint protecting the individual in such a case:

Clearly, no such scruples are entertained by the Judeans in Judges [15:9-13] who, fearing what their mighty Philistine neighbours might do to settle accounts with the
indomitable Samson, propose to deliver him up in fetters.

And the case of Sheba, a rebel against King David in 2 Sam. 20, provided a further instance where peace was offered to an entire city in exchange for the life of a
single man (2 Sam. 20:21-22).

This point of law, along with its biblical precedents and ethics, was hotly debated between the Pharisees and Sadducees at the time of Christ: The initial position of the
Pharisees was "unbendingly negative: no one to be surrendered ever, even though extinction will ensue," while the Sadducees (notably Caiaphas in condemning
Jesus) were more liberal (John 11:50;18:14). Eventually the view of the Sadducees prevailed, as evidenced in the Genesis Rabba: "It is better to kill that man [Ullah]
so that they may not punish the congregation on his account." In the rabbinic period, Talmudic law went on to puzzle deeply over the meaning and implications of
these notions. Used judiciously, these debates confirm the fact that surrendering one person to be killed for the benefit of the entire group was a topic addressed in
biblical law.

In the Talmud, unpremeditated homicide was eventually subdivided into five categories: negligent, accidental, nearly avoidable, under duress, or justifiable. For
purposes of comparison with Nephi's case, justifiable killings included (1) those that prevented one man from killing another (and by analogy, Nephi's slaying of Laban
prevented him from causing Lehi's people to perish spiritually) and (2) surrendering a specific named individual to be killed when heathens threaten to kill a whole group
unless that one is delivered up. While the rabbis passionately and compassionately debated the limited circumstances under which the life of a specified individual
could be sacrificed for the benefit of the group, and whereas one case from the fourth century A.D. distinguished between an individual and a group ordered to put a
man to death (the individual must first offer himself to be killed), there can be little doubt that the possibility of killing one person for the benefit of the whole was
recognized under early Jewish law and that it was consonant with the rationale expressly stated in Laban's case ("better that one man should perish than a nation should
dwindle and perish in unbelief," 1 Ne. 4:13).

Indeed, logic was on the side of the rabbis who held that this rule applied especially when the victim had already committed a crime worthy of death, and this raises the
further possibility that Laban was justifiably consigned to die because he had committed such a crime. Falsely accusing a person of a capital offense was a capital crime
under biblical law (Deut. 19:19), as it had been in the ancient Near East since at least the time of Hammurabi (Code of Hammurabi 1). Since Laban had falsely accused
Laman of being a "robber" (a serious capital offense) and had sent his soldiers to execute the sons of Lehi on this pretext (1 Ne. 3:13, 25), Laban effectively stood
as a false accuser. Such an accusation, coming from a commanding officer of the city, was more than an idle insult; it carried the force of a legal indictment. Since Nephi
and his brothers were powerless to rectify that wrong, God was left to discharge justice against Laban.

Corroborating factors. Three pieces of circumstantial evidence corroborate the view that the prevailing law in Nephi's day counted the slaying of Laban as something
less than culpable or capital homicide.

First, it is significant that Nephi's brothers never accused him of breaking the law. Laman and Lemuel had ample reason to accuse Nephi. If he had broken the very law
that he so scrupulously claimed to observe, Laman and Lemuel would not have let that pass unnoticed. They accuse him of usurping power, of trying to become a ruler
and a teacher over them, of trying to trick them by his cunning arts and "foolish imaginations" (1 Ne. 16:37-38;17:20), but never do they accuse him of murder.
Moreover, their descendants taught their children to hate and murder the Nephites because Nephi "had taken the ruling of the people out of their hands" and robbed
them (Mosiah 10:15-17), but never do they depict Nephi as a murderer. This strongly implies that they accepted Nephi's explanation of the case as a justifiable killing.

Second, at or shortly after Nephi's coronation as king, Jacob addressed the young Nephite assembly. He pronounced ten woes upon those who work wickedness (2
Ne. 9:27-38). His ten woes are quite obviously patterned after the Ten Commandments. One of these woes pertains to murder: "Wo unto the murderer who
deliberately killeth, for he shall die" (2 Ne. 9:35). The conspicuous insertion of the word "deliberately" is an uncharacteristic qualification. Few of Jacob's strict woes are
accompanied by such a modifier. The thrust of his point is to be sure that only those who deliberately kill are considered guilty and punishable. Under Ex. 21:12-14,
that would require deliberation, lying in wait, or other similar planning and hatred. Categorically cursing all people who killedï¿½-particularly at the coronation of Nephi-
-would have been extremely undiplomatic. People immediately would have wondered, "But what about Nephi?" The answer is simple. As has been shown above,
Nephi had not killed "deliberately." Jacob's curse implies that he understood Ex. 21:13 to require a high degree of advance deliberation.

Third, of course, Nephi was not the only prophet in scripture to shed a man's blood. Moses killed an Egyptian when Moses saw the Egyptian beating a Hebrew slave;
when he looked around and saw that no one was watching, Moses killed the Egyptian and buried him in the sand (Ex. 2:11-12). Fearing that he might get caught,
Moses fled to the land of Midian. This background sheds further light on the meaning of intentionality in the law of homicide in Ex. 21. Moses, the lawgiver himself, just
like Nephi could
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slaying, but only that it was a protectable slaying. He fled and took refuge in the wilderness of Midian, perhaps thereby creating the very precedent out of which the
strange procedure of the cities of refuge emerged. Only rarely, however, has any connection between Moses' flight and the biblical asylum law been suggested. One
Jewish source imagined that Moses must have been happy when he received that section of the law from God, because "he that hath tasted of a food knoweth its
Third, of course, Nephi was not the only prophet in scripture to shed a man's blood. Moses killed an Egyptian when Moses saw the Egyptian beating a Hebrew slave;
when he looked around and saw that no one was watching, Moses killed the Egyptian and buried him in the sand (Ex. 2:11-12). Fearing that he might get caught,
Moses fled to the land of Midian. This background sheds further light on the meaning of intentionality in the law of homicide in Ex. 21. Moses, the lawgiver himself, just
like Nephi could have argued that his spontaneous action was not preplanned or premeditated in that sense. This, again, is not to say that Moses had not committed a
slaying, but only that it was a protectable slaying. He fled and took refuge in the wilderness of Midian, perhaps thereby creating the very precedent out of which the
strange procedure of the cities of refuge emerged. Only rarely, however, has any connection between Moses' flight and the biblical asylum law been suggested. One
Jewish source imagined that Moses must have been happy when he received that section of the law from God, because "he that hath tasted of a food knoweth its
flavor," and Moses "who had erstwhile been obligated to flee on account of having slain an Egyptian, knew the feelings of the man who is pursued on account of a
manslaughter that he had committed unawares." Accordingly, the concrete cases of Moses and Nephi offer us important practical glimpses into the meaning of
unintentional manslaughter in the biblical period.

Nephi's reference to Moses as he and his brothers moved quietly toward Jerusalem that dark night turns out to be more prophetic and more significant than Nephi
probably realized at the time. Nephi urged his brothers, "Let us be strong like unto Moses. . . . Let us go up; the Lord is able to deliver us, even as our fathers, and to
destroy Laban, even as the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 4:2-3). Although Nephi had the destruction of the Egyptian army in mind (he assumed he would encounter Laban's fifty),
in the end it was not an army that Nephi destroyed, but a single man. Nephi became strong like unto Moses, following the archetype who set into motion the exodus of
Israel from Egypt. Even so, the slaying of Laban inexorably sealed the destiny of Lehi's party as exiles from the land of Jerusalem until they likewise arrived at their new
Promised Land. In retrospect, the parallel between the actions of Moses and Nephi was surely strengthened by the fact that both had been involved in the excusable
killing of a man.

Concluding observations. Over the years Hugh Nibley has enjoyed telling a story about his Arab students in the early 1950s who were required to take the basic Book
of Mormon class at Brigham Young University. Knowing that the Laban episode had been troublesome to the moral sensitivities of many twentieth-century readers,
Nibley was puzzled when these students found the story somewhat implausible but precisely for the opposite reason he had expected. Instead of being troubled that
Nephi had killed the unconscious Laban, the students found it odd that he had hesitated so long. While the reaction of these Arab students cannot be taken as
evidence of the attitudes of the inhabitants of the city of Jerusalem around 600 B.C., it does reinforce the point that different cultures have unique values and
idiosyncratic legal expectations. Accordingly, modern readers should be willing to consider not only the implications and moral bearings of ancient scriptural events
upon contemporary society, but also to approach these developments in terms of the ancient dispositions and legal norms that would have operated as guiding
principles in the lives of people years ago.

While nineteenth-century vocabulary and concepts are in some ways useful in Book of Mormon exegesis, the Laban episode is a case where the nineteenth-century
environment offers little help. Joseph Smith's nineteenth-century audience was just as scandalized by Nephi's killing of Laban as is a modern audience. Early Book of
Mormon critics readily viewed this episode as a clear indication that the Book of Mormon was not inspired by God, a divine being who would never have commanded
a true prophet to kill, having already commanded, "Thou shalt not murder." That view, however, assumes only a nineteenth-century viewpoint.

But when analyzed in terms of ancient biblical law, the case is framed within the appropriate set of legal terms and issues. This is not to say that the slaying of Laban
presents us as modern readers with an easy case: neither was it an easy case for Nephi. In its ancient legal context, however, the slaying of Laban makes sense, both
legally and religiously, as an unpremeditated, undesired, divinely excusable, and justifiable killing-ï¿½something very different from what people today normally think of
as criminal homicide.

   See Noel B. Reynolds, "The Political Dimension in Nephi's Small Plates," BYU Studies 27 (1987): 15-37; and "Book of Mormon, Government and Legal History in
the," Encyclopedia of Mormonism (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 1:160-62.

  Gordon Thomasson, "The Complex Symbolism and the Symbolic Complex of Kingship in the Book of Mormon," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1982.

  The research paper by two law students, Fred Essig and Dan Fuller, "Nephi's Slaying of Laban: A Legal Perspective," F.A.R.M.S. preliminary report, 1981,
explores some of the hypothetical procedural and substantive arguments that might have been advanced for or against Nephi at just such a trial.

  Bernard S. Jackson, Essays in Jewish and Comparative Legal History (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 43-44, discussing also the views of Reuven Yaron and Moshe
Greenberg. Greenberg holds that "anyone who killed a human being personally and with intent to harm could not avoid the death penalty" by paying ransom. Moshe
Greenberg, "More Reflections on Biblical Criminal Law," Scripta Hierosolymitana 31 (1986): 16.

  Hittite Laws 1-4, 37-38, 174, in James B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 189-
90.

  For a discussion of this concept in the context of the Book of Mormon, see James L. Rasmussen, "Blood Vengeance in the Old Testament and Book of Mormon,"
F.A.R.M.S. preliminary report, 1981.

  For discussions of the ancient Israelite concerns about blood guilt and its polluting taint, see Henry McKeating, "The Development of the Law on Homicide in
Ancient Israel," Vetus Testamentum 25 (1975): 57-65; Jacob Milgrom, "Sancta Contagion and Altar/City Asylum," in J. A. Emerton, ed., Congress Volume, Vienna
1990 (Vetus Testamentum Supplement) (Leiden: Brill, 1981): 278-310. "Shedding an innocent man's blood, even unintentionally, involved bloodguilt, and no manslayer
was considered clear of this guilt"; Moshe Greenberg, "The Biblical Concept of Asylum," Journal of Biblical Literature 78 (1959): 127. Regarding the doctrine of
pollution that emerged in Greece shortly after the time of Lehi, see Robert J. Bonner and Gertrude Smith, The Administration of Justice from Homer to Aristotle, 2 vols.
(Chicago: University of Chicago, 1930; reprint New York: Greenwood, 1968), 1:53, 194-95, 203-5.

  It has been argued that the satisfaction of either one of these two elements was sufficient for a killing to be considered unintentional, since the waw in verse 13,
usually translated as "but," makes better sense grammatically and contextually when translated as "or," especially when compared with a similar construction in verse 16
where the waw can only mean "or." Bernard S. Jackson, Speakers Lectures, Oxford University, 1985, unpublished manuscript, VIII.5-8.

  See Mayer Sulzberger, "The Ancient Hebrew Law of Homicide," Jewish Quarterly Review 5 (1914-15): 127-61, 289-344, 559-614, esp. 290-91, citing Deut.
17:12-13;18:20, 22; Isa. 13:11.

  Jackson, Essays, 91; see also 154-55. On the meaning of human intentionality, and its theological connection in Jewish thought with conforming to the divine will, see
Howard Eilberg-Schwartz, The Human Will in Judaism: The Mishnah's Philosophy of Intention (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986); reviewed by Bernard S. Jackson, in
Jewish Quarterly Review 81 (1990): 179-88.

  Greenberg, "Biblical Concept of Asylum," 125 (emphasis added).
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  Alexander Rofï¿½, "The History of the Cities of Refuge in Biblical Law," Scripta Hierosolymitana 31 (1986): 207 (emphasis added). See also Anthony Phillips,
"Another Look at Murder," Journal of Jewish Studies 28 (1977): 121. As far as I am aware, those who hold this opinion do not discuss the matter in depth. Menachem
Elon is ambiguous: "The death penalty is prescribed only for willful murder [citations] as distinguished from unpremeditated manslaughter or accidental killing." Principles
Jewish Quarterly Review 81 (1990): 179-88.

  Greenberg, "Biblical Concept of Asylum," 125 (emphasis added).

   Alexander Rofï¿½, "The History of the Cities of Refuge in Biblical Law," Scripta Hierosolymitana 31 (1986): 207 (emphasis added). See also Anthony Phillips,
"Another Look at Murder," Journal of Jewish Studies 28 (1977): 121. As far as I am aware, those who hold this opinion do not discuss the matter in depth. Menachem
Elon is ambiguous: "The death penalty is prescribed only for willful murder [citations] as distinguished from unpremeditated manslaughter or accidental killing." Principles
of Jewish Law (Jerusalem: Keter, 1975), 475.

  Jackson, Speakers Lectures, VIII.8.

  Ben Zion Eliash, "Negligent Homicide in Jewish Criminal Law: Old Wine in a New Bottle," National Jewish Law Review 3 (1988): 65-98; quotation on 70-71.
Regarding Eliash's equating of "enmity" with "the intent to kill," see the discussion of Rosenbaum, below.

   It has been argued that the ancient concept of enmity ('ï¿½bah) went well beyond personal hatred and was a technical term that requires "a different kind of antipathy
than that which arises in the daily course of human events." Stanley N. Rosenbaum, "Israelite Homicide Law and the Term 'Enmity' in Gen. 3:15," Journal of Law and
Religion 2 (1984): 149. Rosenbaum suggests that this rare Hebrew term originally referred to a state of belligerency that had been declared by a head of state against
an enemy of the people and that such a conflict can "only be resolved by the death of one of them," ibid., 148-49. With respect to Gen. 3:15, Rosenbaum suggests that
God acted like such a king in declaring "enmity" between Satan and the seed of Adam and Eve, for "the real fruit of [Satan's] deception which took place in Eden was
murder," ibid., 150, and this conflict will not be resolved until either Satan or the king is dead. His theory implies that only God or the king as the divine representative
can rightfully declare such a state of enmity, and he infers that the royal power to declare 'ï¿½bah had been perverted by individuals in antiquity and thus "the purpose of
the legislation [in Num. 35:21-22] was to prevent individuals from declaring 'ï¿½bah against one another," ibid., 151. This observation, if correct, would bear on the
slaying of Laban, for it was indeed Godï¿½-and not Nephiï¿½-who declared such a state of enmity against Laban. When Laban was killed by Nephi it was not under
any kind of prohibited enmity that he as an individual had arrogated to himself the power to declare.

  For an interesting discussion of the ancient legal and literary treatments of tragic errors as opposed to morally insignificant accidents, see David Daube, "Error and
Accident in the Bible," Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquitï¿½ 2 (1949): 189-213. Daube, 209, concludes that no law developed distinguishing between error
and accident because "it is exceedingly difficult to mark off from any irrelevant error that sort and degree of error which you want to consider as exonerating a man."

  Eliash, "Negligent Homicide in Jewish Criminal Law," 88, citing Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Nezikin 6:10.

  Arnold Enker, "Mistake of Law and Ignorance of Law in Jewish Criminal Law," 2, summary of paper for the Conference of the Jewish Law Association, Paris, July
1992, full paper forthcoming in the Jewish Law Annual.

  Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), 27, 53, 514-15, 749-50.

  W. F. R. Hardie, Aristotle's Ethical Theory (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), 153.

  Antipho, II, 2, 6; see generally, Aristotle, Ethics III, 1, 8-9.

  The entire third book of the Nicomachean Ethics wrestles with the problems of classifying an action as voluntary (hekousia), involuntary (akousia), or mixed (mikte).
See Hardie, Aristotle's Ethical Theory, 152-59.

  Webster's American Dictionary of the English Language (New York: Converse, 1828).

   Num. 35 also establishes the right but not the duty of the slayer to seek refuge, although all aspects of the avenger's standing in the ensuing legal proceeding are not
specified. Eliash, "Negligent Homicide in Jewish Criminal Law," 68.

   This view is consistent with the conclusion others have reached that Num. 35 was written or used in connection with the judicial reforms of Jehoshaphat, c. 900 b.c.,
to guide judges in handling cases of asylum. "The passage may be attributed to Jehoshaphat's reform"; see Rosenbaum, "Israelite Homicide Law," 151, citing Albright
and Childs. Indeed, Jehoshaphat appointed priests and elders to judge "between blood and blood" in all the walled cities of Judah (2 Chr. 19:5-11). However, the rules
in Num. 35 direct the congregation in general and not a select body of priests or judges in these evidentiary matters (see Num. 35:24-25).

   Elon, Principles of Jewish Law, 475, asserts, to the contrary, that either element alone was sufficient: "willfulness or premeditation is established by showing either
that a deadly instrument was used (Num. 25:16-18) or that the assailant harbored hatred or enmity toward the victim (Num. 35:20-21)." This reading, however,
ignores Num. 35:22-23, which provides that a sudden thrust without enmity is excusable, even if it is made with a deadly instrument.

  For further reasoning along the same lines, see Eliash, "Negligent Homicide in Jewish Criminal Law," 70-71.

   27 For further reasoning along the same lines, see Eliash, "Negligent Homicide in Jewish Criminal Law," 70-71.

  Ibid., 69-71.

  Ibid., 69.

  For further details, see my "Law and War in the Book of Mormon," in Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin, eds., Warfare in the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake
City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 49.

  George Horowitz, The Spirit of Jewish Law (New York: Bloch, 1953), 147-48.

  Sulzberger, "The Ancient Hebrew Law of Homicide," 292.

    The Hebrew may be translated, "God [ha-Elohï¿½m] caused him to meet," Jackson, Essays, 91 n. 98; but this expression is otherwise unattested and thus its
meaning is not entirely certain. Eliash renders this phrase, "and the Lord caused it to come [by] his hand," see "Negligent Homicide in Jewish Criminal Law," 69. Paul
Hoskisson has suggested in private correspondence, 2 June 1981, that the Hebrew should be understood to mean that "God has caused the opportunity to come upon
him," namely the one killed. The Greek Septuagint translators three centuries after Nephi rendered these Hebrew words alla ho theos paredoken eis tas cheiras autou,
 Copyright
literally "but(c)
               God2005-2009,  Infobase
                    delivered [him] into Media  Corp.
                                         his hands."                                                                                                   Page
                                                     Despite the possible translational nuances here, the message should have been clear to Nephi in any       45 /had
                                                                                                                                                         case: God  919
caused him to stumble onto Laban, or had caused this outcome to come upon Laban, or had delivered Laban into his hands.
    The Hebrew may be translated, "God [ha-Elohï¿½m] caused him to meet," Jackson, Essays, 91 n. 98; but this expression is otherwise unattested and thus its
meaning is not entirely certain. Eliash renders this phrase, "and the Lord caused it to come [by] his hand," see "Negligent Homicide in Jewish Criminal Law," 69. Paul
Hoskisson has suggested in private correspondence, 2 June 1981, that the Hebrew should be understood to mean that "God has caused the opportunity to come upon
him," namely the one killed. The Greek Septuagint translators three centuries after Nephi rendered these Hebrew words alla ho theos paredoken eis tas cheiras autou,
literally "but God delivered [him] into his hands." Despite the possible translational nuances here, the message should have been clear to Nephi in any case: God had
caused him to stumble onto Laban, or had caused this outcome to come upon Laban, or had delivered Laban into his hands.

  God's involvement for purposes of Ex. 21:13 should not be confused anachronistically with the modern legal notion of "act of God," which has come to mean "an act
occasioned exclusively by violence of nature without the interference of any human agency." Black's Law Dictionary, rev. 4th ed. (St. Paul, MN: West, 1968), 43.

  David Daube, Appeasement or Resistance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 79.

  Ibid.

  See ibid., 86-88.

   Genesis Rabba 94 on 46.26, cited in ibid., 87.

  Elon, Principles of Jewish Law, 476.

  Ibid., 476.

   See TY Terumot 8:10, 46b, in The Talmud of the Land of Israel: A Preliminary Translation and Explanation, Alan J. Avery-Peck, trans. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1988), 6:418, which reads: It is taught [T. Ter. 7:20]: [As to] a group of men who were walking along and gentiles met them and said, "Give us one of
your number that we may kill him, and if not, lo, we will kill all of you"ï¿½-let them kill all of them, but let them not give over to them a single Israelite. But if they singled
one out, such as they singled out Sheba the son of Bichri [2 Sam. 20]ï¿½-let them give him to them, that they not all be killed. Said R. Simeon b. Laqish, "Now this
applies [only] if the man [already] is subject to execution, as was Sheba the son of Bichri." But R. Yohanan says,["[It applies] even if he is not subject to execution, as
was Sheba the son of Bichri." Similarly, it was permitted for a group of women to turn over one who was unclean to be raped in order to protect the cleanness of the
others. Ibid. While it was allowed to sacrifice the welfare of one for the whole, the rabbis taught that "the law for pious ones" advised against doing so. Ibid., 419.
Others held that the person singled out for death had to have "already forfeited his life to God by committing a capital offense against God's laws for which he had not
yet been punished," although this opinion was not held unanimously. Haim H. Cohn, Human Rights in Jewish Law (New York: KTAV, 1984), 38.

  David Daube, Collaboration with Tyranny in Rabbinic Law (London: Oxford, 1965), 26-27.

  Bernard S. Jackson, Theft in Early Jewish Law (Oxford: Clarendon, 1972), 13; against robbers "the laws of war operated," 16. I thank Paul Hoskisson for recently
reminding me of this point which we had discussed several years ago. It is also probable that Laban was among those who had wrongly accused Lehi of being a false
prophet, which was also a capital offense (Deut. 13:5;18:20).

   In this paper, I have been concerned with the laws of the society in which Nephi lived. God gave Nephi and all the ancient prophets and apostles additional private
rules that may have guided Nephi's actions or shaped his subsequent retelling of the events in 1 Ne. 4. See D&C 98:23-38. It is unknown, however, whether Nephi
received the two laws in D&C 98 before or after the Laban episode; he could have received them at the time he and his followers separated themselves from Laman
and his group, for those two rules deal with (1) defensively enduring threefold attacks by enemies on the righteous and their families and (2) offensively warning one's
enemies three times and offering peace before going to war against them. These rules of war fit the events in 2 Ne. 5, but they do not apply precisely to the case of
Laban. The statement "if he has sought thy life, and thy life is endangered by him, thine enemy is in thine hands and thou art justified" (D&C 98:31) might appear to have
overtones of the Laban episode, but it literally applies only to a case of self-defense, which was not the case with Nephi and Laban since Nephi's life was not
threatened at the time he found Laban drunk in the streets of Jerusalem. If Nephi had known this law at the time and had considered it as complete justification, he
might well have said so. He sees more in the case than this alone.

  "Jacob's Ten Commandments," in John W. Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992): 69-72.

   Dating the biblical texts about the cities of refuge and determining to what extent they were actually implemented is debatable. But in any event, they predate Lehi
and Nephi. Moshe Greenberg dates the asylum laws before the reforms of Josiah c. 625 b.c.; see "The Biblical Conception of Asylum," 126. Henry McKeating
adduces evidence of a custom of sanctuary in the early monarchy and shows that few are convinced that these practices are not at least as old as the seventh century
b.c. See "Development of the Law on Homicide in Ancient Israel," 53-54. Whether these laws were promulgated by Moses himself or patterned after him, his flight to
Midian could have influenced the development of the concept of refuge.

   Louis Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, 7 vols. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1938), 3:416 and n. 869. See also Rofï¿½, "The History of
the Cities of Refuge," 237, suggesting that Moses' flight to Midian, Absalom's escape to Geshur (2 Sam. 13:37;14:13, 32), and Cain's becoming a wanderer on earth
(Gen. 4:12-16) offer clear evidence that self-imposed exile from society was an alternative for the killer under ancient Israelite customary law.

   John W. Welch, "Hugh Nibley and the Book of Mormon," Ensign 15 (April 1985): 52.

   It is difficult to determine how the law of homicide was understood in Joseph Smith's community. Under the earliest colonial laws of New York, which were based
largely on biblical precedents, a capital homicide was defined as "wilful and premeditated." Earliest Printed Laws of New York 1665-1693, John D. Cushing, ed.
(New York: Michael Glazier, 1978), 124. Similarly, the Blue Laws of New Haven Colony (1656) spoke of "willfull murder . . . upon premeditated malice, hatred or
cruelty, (not in a way of necessary and just defence, nor by meere casualty against his will,) he shall be put to death." Blue Laws of New Haven Colony 1656,
compiled by an antiquarian (Hartford: Case, Tiffany, 1838). In the nineteenth century, even greater protection to life was given. Life "cannot legally be disposed of or
destroyed by any individual, neither by the person himself, nor by any other of his fellow-creatures, merely upon their own authority." Blackstone's Commentaries on
the Laws of England (Chicago: Callagan, 1872), 133. Laws, such as the Penal Code of the State of New York (1865), minimized the extent of premeditated
awareness that was required: ï¿½243: "A design to effect death sufficient to constitute murder, may be formed instantly before committing the act by which it is carried
into execution." Homicide was excusable under these statutes only in certain accidents; in lawfully correcting a child or servant; in doing a lawful act with ordinary
caution and without unlawful intent; when resisting an attempted murder; in lawful defense; apprehending a felon, suppressing a riot, or lawfully preserving the peace.

A Correlation of the Sidon River and the Lands of Manti and Zarahemla With the Southern
End of the Rio Grijalva (San Miguel)
John L. and Janet F. Hilton
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                                Page 46 / 919
Abstract: We construct a detailed geographical model of the Nephite homeland areas of Manti, Zarahemla, and the river Sidon using the Book of Mormon text of
around 80 B.C. This model assumes that these areas are located in Mesoamerica, that the names of their surrounding seas do not necessarily correspond to local
A Correlation of the Sidon River and the Lands of Manti and Zarahemla With the Southern
End of the Rio Grijalva (San Miguel)
John L. and Janet F. Hilton

Abstract: We construct a detailed geographical model of the Nephite homeland areas of Manti, Zarahemla, and the river Sidon using the Book of Mormon text of
around 80 B.C. This model assumes that these areas are located in Mesoamerica, that the names of their surrounding seas do not necessarily correspond to local
compass directions, and that the directions stated in the text are to be understood in the nontechnical normal English sense. We then describe the southern end of the
Grijalva river basin, located across the southern part of the Mexico-Guatemala border. We nominate this area as a possible candidate for the ancient Nephite homeland
because it corresponds to the text's topography from the most general to the most detailed parts of the description. Furthermore, significant geographical and climatic
changes in this area over the last 2000 years are unlikely. The number and detail of the topological matches encourage further careful study.

Introduction

We believe the Book of Mormon is a history of unique peoples who lived in a real place and time. We believe their historical account has inestimable spiritual value.
We might understand their history and message better if we could determine their physical surroundings. After studying internal Book of Mormon geography for thirty-
five years, fifteen years of which included intense study, we are disappointed to conclude that the text's internal geographical descriptions do not produce a unique,
complete geographical interpretation credible to most scholars. Textual ambiguity leads readers to quite different geographical models based on the assumptions each
reader chooses to bring to the study of the text.

To delimit these assumptions, we have focused on the Book of Mormon river Sidon, a river purportedly shallow enough to cross on foot yet deep and swift enough to
carry thousands of bodies out to sea (Alma 3:3;44:21-22). This description is sufficient to define the limits for the size of this river. We therefore began an extended
study of the hydrology of the Book of Mormon.

To prepare for the 1992 field study of the southern end of the Rio Grijalva in Mesoamerica (formerly the Rio San Miguel), we carefully studied recent detailed
topographical maps of the region and compared them to Book of Mormon geography. We found that if the Grijalva's southern section corresponded to the Manti-
Zarahemla part of the Book of Mormon Sidon river, a number of otherwise perplexing geographical relationships in the text seem to be resolved. To our surprise,
this location's characteristics not only compare to the water flow that we calculate to be necessary, but they also appear to compare to the area's topology as described
in the text, from the most general to the most specific details. This model then follows from consistently applied, plausible, researched assumptionsï¿½-not specific
assumptions previously thought important but ones we calculated according to the needed water flow, topographical map detail, measured river water flow rate, and
personal discussion with natives now living on the rivers. But because these assumptions permit detailed agreement between the text and an actual physical location, we
feel the model merits further investigation.

More than one third of the Book of Mormon covers Nephite activities in the time period from 90 to 70 B.C. For this study we selected the Nephite homelands of this
period: the city of Manti, the local land of Zarahemla, and the river Sidon because these regions possess extensive geographical descriptions, the most interrelated
references, and physical details recognizable on modern topographical maps. The hypothesized physical location lies in the southernmost part of the Mexico-Guatemala
frontier northward from the Continental Divide to the upper end of the Chiapas Central depression.

Background

In recent years the ability to seriously compare a Book of Mormon geographical model to the physical world has greatly improved. At the same time, Book of Mormon
scholars have increasingly recognized the need for more careful examination of the geographical information in the text itself. A detailed review by John L. Sorenson
of many of the early geographical studies reminds us that much greater care is needed if consensus is to be hoped for and the truth ultimately identified. The best overall
effort so far toward this needed careful scholarship is Sorenson's own book An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon . This paper accepts Sorenson's
invitation to probe deeper and presents models that finely detail the Manti area and the Sidon river downstream to Zarahemla. We hope that this "fine-tuning" and
corresponding identification of a physical area can help advance Book of Mormon geography.

This paper considers Book of Mormon hydrology and its implications on river size. We interpret the crossing of the river Sidon just above Manti (Alma 43:39-
40;44:22) to require not only a restricted water flow consistent with an army hurriedly wading across the river but also a river that could carry thousands of bodies out
to sea. Calculated field measurements verified a minimum and maximum estimate of the needed water flow rate. To carry thousands of bodies out to sea, the needed
water flow rate would measure about 10 cu m/sec or greater; for a river to accommodate pedestrian fording, we estimate the water flow to measure less than about 72
cu m/sec (for a river of perhaps 25 to 60 meters wide with a hard, flat bottom).

Of course, numerous other sets of assumptions have been and might be postulated to interpret this text. Other modern locations (unknown to us) might also correspond
to a textual interpretation in the detail that we see here. Therefore, whether the modern physical location of the Nephite sites of 80 B.C. has been actually identified on
our physical map must, of course, be established by further studies. Because this geographical model predicts very restricted site locations, thorough archaeological
investigation might presumably establish whether Nephite-type peoples occupied these sites at approximately 80 B.C.

Three Assumptions for the Models

ï¿½a We assume that in 80 B.C. the Nephite homeland was in Mesoamerica.
b. We assume the seas have names.
c. We assume the directions stated in the English text correspond loosely to the normal vernacular usage.

Repeated, careful readings of the text persuade us that the terms east sea (or sea east) and west sea (or sea west) are likely designated names rather than ones that give
local directions, similar to the North Sea's present name, which names a sea south of Scandinavia and west of central Europe. Perhaps the Nephite historians derived
the east sea and west sea names from the names the Mulekites gave the ocean they had just crossed when they first came to America (presumably first landing
somewhere in the Gulf of Mexico) and from the name Lehi's colony gave the Pacific Ocean that they had crossed (consistent with Hel. 6:10). Therefore, the seas'
names could have a correct directional meaning in only a few locations. As one moves about in Mesoamerica, the names west sea and east sea would lose all
directional meaning. This concept helps when we read "that Helaman did march [to] the borders of the land on the south by the west sea"(Alma 53:22). We understand
this to mean that he marched south to the borders of the Nephite lands by the Pacific Ocean.

This model accepts that the directions stated in the text equate to typical modern usage (as understood by the translator): that is, when the text reads the "wilderness to
the west," it means more or less west (as in, "the sun goes down in the west"). Nonetheless, it must be remembered that in the Americas (unlike directions specified in
the text for travels in the Arabian peninsula, e.g., 1 Ne. 16:13), the Book of Mormon only gives directions by specifying one of the four cardinal names with no
intermediate directional differentiation. Therefore, our text-derived models will always have rather large absolute directional uncertainty (e.g., at least up to plus or minus
45 degrees). In some cases the text uses terminology like "northward" and "southward," presumably trying to make it clear that directly north or directly south was not
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                            Page 47 / 919
necessarily intended.

The remainder of this paper will consider three topics: (1) a complete examination of relevant Book of Mormon references and the construction of our model, (2) the
the west," it means more or less west (as in, "the sun goes down in the west"). Nonetheless, it must be remembered that in the Americas (unlike directions specified in
the text for travels in the Arabian peninsula, e.g., 1 Ne. 16:13), the Book of Mormon only gives directions by specifying one of the four cardinal names with no
intermediate directional differentiation. Therefore, our text-derived models will always have rather large absolute directional uncertainty (e.g., at least up to plus or minus
45 degrees). In some cases the text uses terminology like "northward" and "southward," presumably trying to make it clear that directly north or directly south was not
necessarily intended.

The remainder of this paper will consider three topics: (1) a complete examination of relevant Book of Mormon references and the construction of our model, (2) the
matching of the text model to the locations on the modern map, and (3) the detailed comparison between the text and physical models for the battle across the Sidon
river immediately above the land of Manti in 74 B.C.

Construction of the Text Model Using Our Assumptions

Figure 1 shows a map which roughly illustrates the derived relative locations of the key regions: Manti, the river Sidon, and Zarahemla.

A. The city and land of Zarahemla and the city of Gideon. Families with herds could travel in approximately 21 to 22 days from the city Nephi to the large population
center of Zarahemla (Mosiah 18:4, 30-32; Mosiah 23:1-3; Mosiah 24:18-20; Mosiah 24:25).

After having been isolated from Zarahemla in the city of Nephi for fifty or sixty years, King Limhi sent a scouting party of men to contact their former countrymen in
Zarahemla (Mosiah 8:7-9). They apparently unknowingly bypassed the whole Nephite homeland area of Zarahemla and in some way mistakenly overshot it through the
"narrow neck of land" all the way northward to the Jaredite ruins, "and they having supposed it to be the land of Zarahemla returned to the land of Nephi" (Mosiah
21:26). Therefore, when traveling from Nephi to Zarahemla with only sketchy instructions, people could unknowingly bypass the Sidon river valley and Zarahemla and
still think they were on course.

The Mulekites occupied Zarahemla long before 130 B.C. when the text first described it as the Nephite city-state of Zarahemla. Within fifty years, Zarahemla had
become the capital

Figure 1. A hypothetical map showing the Manti-Sidon-Zarahemla area of about 80 B.C. derived from a complete study of the Book of Mormon text, where: (a) the
area is in Mesoamerica, (b) the seas have names (i.e., the east sea or sea east, etc.), and (c) the text's directions are taken to be consistent with the common English
vernacular of the translator.

of the Nephite nation which had gained control from sea to sea (c. 80 B.C.). Therefore, the name Zarahemla can designate the local area about the city or the whole
nation governed from the city; this paper most concerns itself with the local area of the city.

During the campaigns of Helaman and his 2000 sons (about 63 B.C.) near Manti "in the borders of the land on the south by the west sea" (Alma 53:22), Zarahemla
was the only place mentioned where prisoners of war could be safely kept, and "Zarahemla and the land round about" (Alma 57:6) provided food, military supplies,
and reinforcements during the years of these Manti area battles.

Later (about 50 B.C.), without warning, a fast-moving Lamanite army that managed to slip through the Nephite border-defense cities undetected (i.e., militarily
unimpeded) waged a surprise attack on "the great city" Zarahemla. Zarahemla is contrasted to the border-defense cities "round about in the borders . . . where the
strong armies" of the Nephites were deployed, while Zarahemla itself was "in the heart of their lands," "center of the land," and "the most capital parts of the land" (Hel.
1:15-27). When Zarahemla was thus unexpectedly attacked, a guard was at the "entrance of the city" and the "wall of the city" is first specifically mentioned (Hel. 1:19-
27). Again, the walls of the city are mentioned in conjunction with Samuel the Lamanite's prophesying at Zarahemla another fifty years later (Hel. 13:4;16:2, 7).

The capital city Zarahemla lay near the west bank of the Sidon river (Alma 2:25, 27, 34). A major battle was fought on the river's west bank (likely a little upstream
from the city Zarahemla)-ï¿½which required the hurried crossing of the river by a well-organized Nephite army of tens of thousands of fully armed men (Alma 2:12) at
about the same time that the enemy dead were cast into the river for sea burial (Alma 2:34;3:3). At the time of Christ's crucifixion, Zarahemla was burned and later
rebuilt (3 Ne. 8:8; 4 Ne. 1:8). Centuries after the destruction at the time of Christ's death, Mormon wrote much of the geographical description based on personal
knowledge.

Upstream from Zarahemla, within hours' travel on the other side of the river, lay the "hill Amnihu" adjacent to which lay the valley of Gideon (see Alma 2:15-37). A few
years after the battles recounted in Alma 2, the Nephites built "the city of Gideon in the valley that was called Gideon" (Alma 6:7). Probably a little further upstream and
across the river from the hill Amnihu was the land of Minon, on the same west side of the river as Zarahemla (Alma 2:24-25).

B. Manti's direction and distance from Zarahemla and its relationship to the river Sidon. The text lacks adequate information to specify a distance between Zarahemla
and Manti; it only establishes generally that these two cities were close enough to depend on each other for supplies but far enough apart to isolate themselves militarily
at times.

1. Manti was far enough from Zarahemla to be militarily isolated. Full communication between the "strongholds" of the city Manti and the capital city Zarahemla was at
times a serious problem. When politics divided the government at Zarahemla (Alma 58:1-9), Helaman's embassy from Manti to Zarahemla took months to produce
even a token show of support from the capital. Zarahemla's governmental instability delayed reinforcements and provisions. These delays were not surprising and likely
would have had little to do with the distance between the two centers. At other times the two centers appeared close enough together to allow soldiers, supplies, and
prisoners to be transported from one place to the other within days (for the general setting, see also Alma 16:5-6;56:24-25, 28, 35-42, 57;57:6, 11, 15-17).

The text mentions no other Nephite centers on the river Sidon between Manti and Minon, which was but hours' travel upstream from Zarahemla (Alma 2:24). We
conclude, therefore, that traveling between Manti and Zarahemla normally took days.

2. Manti was one of the cities on the south by the west sea. The text named Manti as the first of four Nephite cities to be captured by the Lamanites (and later the last
to be liberated), according to Helaman when he arrived with his 2000 sons "in the borders of the land on the south by the west sea" (Alma 53:22). Apparently at the
time of the invasion, the land of Manti was not well defended, since the Lamanites chose Manti to "commence an attack upon the weaker part of the people" (Alma
43:24). During the years of Helaman's large military campaign in the area, the garrison about Manti likely grew to perhaps ten thousand men or more, who depended
on Zarahemla or Melek for provisions (Alma 56:27;57:6). Therefore we conclude that normally a comparatively small Nephite population inhabited the Manti area, that
the terrain was unsuited for the raising of enough food to sustain the large army around Manti, that the closest significant population center where appreciable food
could be raised was likely the Zarahemla area, and that the distance to Zarahemla did not preclude transport of the needed provisions.

3. Manti lays southward from Gideon and Zarahemla. Gideon was located just across the river Sidon within hours' travel from Zarahemla (Alma 2;6:7-8 discussed
above) and was much closer to Zarahemla than Manti was. It follows then that the general direction from Zarahemla to Manti was "southward," the same as it was from
"Gideon southward, away to the land of Manti" (Alma 17:1).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                            Page 48 / 919
4. Manti was on the west side of the river Sidon, near the "head of the river Sidon." The Lamanites under the command of Zerahemnah, as they withdrew from the
Nephite cities near the east sea coast, "took their journey round about in the wilderness, away by the head of the river Sidon, that they might come into the land of
Manti" (Alma 43:22).
3. Manti lays southward from Gideon and Zarahemla. Gideon was located just across the river Sidon within hours' travel from Zarahemla (Alma 2;6:7-8 discussed
above) and was much closer to Zarahemla than Manti was. It follows then that the general direction from Zarahemla to Manti was "southward," the same as it was from
"Gideon southward, away to the land of Manti" (Alma 17:1).

4. Manti was on the west side of the river Sidon, near the "head of the river Sidon." The Lamanites under the command of Zerahemnah, as they withdrew from the
Nephite cities near the east sea coast, "took their journey round about in the wilderness, away by the head of the river Sidon, that they might come into the land of
Manti" (Alma 43:22).

Captain Moroni organized a large army to defend Manti. After the spies he assigned to watch the movements of the Lamanite invaders informed him when and from
where the enemy was coming, he deployed troops just upstream from Manti on the east of the river Sidon; then "the remainder he concealed in the west valley, on the
west of the river Sidon, and so down into the borders of the land Manti" (Alma 43:32).

5. The south wilderness continues "away up beyond the borders of the land of Manti." Zoram the Nephite military leader asked for prophetic information about where
he might rescue the Nephites taken captive by the Lamanites as they destroyed the city of Ammonihah. He was instructed by the prophet Alma who lived in Zarahemla
that "the Lamanites will cross the river Sidon in the south wilderness, away up beyond the borders of the land of Manti . . . and behold there shall ye meet them, on the
east of the river Sidon" (Alma 16:6). And they took their army "over the river Sidon . . . and marched away beyond the borders of Manti into the south wilderness,
which was on the east side of the river Sidon" (Alma 16:7).

6. The city Manti had a side that faced the wilderness from which Lamanite reinforcements came. A wilderness flanked the side of the fort-city Manti, from which
Lamanite supplies could be expected and on which side Helaman camped and decoyed the enemy army out of the city for a day-long march. When he finally turned
toward Zarahemla, the pursuing Lamanites anticipated an ambush and started back before camping for the night. Helaman continued on through the night "forward by
another way towards the land of Manti. . . . And behold, on the morrow we were beyond the Lamanites, insomuch that we did arrive before them at the city of Manti. .
. . And when the armies of the Lamanites did arrive . . . they did flee into the wilderness . . . out of all this quarter of the land. . . . And the Lamanites have fled to the
land of Nephi" (Alma 58:19-30, 38).

C. The river Sidon. The river Sidon was the only American river identified by name in the Book of Mormon. Yet we have no description of the river downstream
farther than Zarahemla other than that it empties into the sea.

A description of the geographical locations on the river Sidon, starting from its highest headwaters and moving downstream, follows:

1. "Away above Manti" in the south wilderness the river can still be called Sidon.

2. "Away above Manti" the river still has an east (and a west) side (Alma 16:6).

3. There is a northward-flowing river identifiable as the Sidon comparatively near to the west sea coast (Alma 16:7;53:22;56:31).

4. Just upstream from the land Manti, there is an east and a west side of the river (Alma 43:31-32).

5. Just upstream from the land Manti, open valleys flank either side of the river (Alma 43:31-32).

6. Just upstream from the land Manti, the river was readily fordable by a large army fleeing under enemy attack, yet it was also large enough to wash away thousands of
dead bodies.

7. Near Zarahemla, it has an east and a west side (Alma 2:34).

8. Near Zarahemla, the river could be crossed by an army of tens of thousands of men to engage the enemy immediately, while it could also wash away a multitude of
dead bodies (Alma 2).

9. The river generally flows northward (Alma 17:1).

10. The river Sidon empties into the sea downstream from Zarahemla (Alma 3:3, 44:22).

Therefore, the text describes the river Sidon as flowing northward with its high headwaters relatively near to the west sea. Assuming a Mesoamerican location, the
Sidon must then flow inland from near the Continental Divide, which is relatively near the Pacific Ocean. Then, as a good-sized river, it flows past Manti, down past
Zarahemla, and with unknown variations continues on to the sea.

D. The head of the Sidon river. Five references mention the term head of the river Sidon (Alma 22:27 and 29; Alma 43:22; Alma 50:11; Alma 56:25). They all seem to
refer to a specific location that constitute a prominent section of the river's headwaters.

1. Apparently, the most significant river crossing for a Lamanite army at Antiparah near the west sea would be the crossing of the head of Sidon, not the crossing of the
river Sidon itself if they wanted to return back into their own lands to cross the continent and attack the city of Nephihah near the east sea (Alma 56:25).

2. A Lamanite invasion for the purpose of occupying the land of Manti came into the land "away by the head of the river Sidon" (Alma 43:22).

3. Mormon gives three of the "head of Sidon" citations as part of his difficult-to-understand general descriptions of where the dividing line between the Lamanites and
Nephites was located (Alma 50:11;22:27, 29).

4. When using our assumptions, we determine the direction of the water flow of the head of the river Sidon to be east to west, as understood from the last part of Alma
22:27. This direction of the water flow of the head forms, of course, a right angle to the general direction of flow of the Sidon river itself, which was from south to
northward.

In the first part of Alma 22:27, the name "land of Zarahemla" appears to designate the overall land of the Nephite nation, which has a frontier against the overall nation
of the Lamanites, not the local land of Zarahemla. In the latter part of verse 27, the term "land of Zarahemla" must mean only the local land about the city, because it
is but one of a series of enumerated locations, all of which were contained within the overall "land of Zarahemla" nation. As we have assumed that the names of the seas
are not directions and, as seen above, that Manti is necessarily southward from the local "land of Zarahemla," we therefore derive a consistent interpretation of this
otherwise quite ambiguous textual geographical description that describes the north to southward relative locations of the east sea, the local lands of Zarahemla and
Manti,  and the
 Copyright    (c) head of the river
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From these involved geographical descriptions, it is difficult at times to identify what part provides the antecedent for some of the description. The latter part of Alma
22:27 describes a "narrow strip of wilderness," a no-man's-land separating the Lamanite and the Nephite nations. This narrow strip of wilderness "ran from the sea east
of the Lamanites, not the local land of Zarahemla. In the latter part of verse 27, the term "land of Zarahemla" must mean only the local land about the city, because it
is but one of a series of enumerated locations, all of which were contained within the overall "land of Zarahemla" nation. As we have assumed that the names of the seas
are not directions and, as seen above, that Manti is necessarily southward from the local "land of Zarahemla," we therefore derive a consistent interpretation of this
otherwise quite ambiguous textual geographical description that describes the north to southward relative locations of the east sea, the local lands of Zarahemla and
Manti, and the head of the river Sidon.

From these involved geographical descriptions, it is difficult at times to identify what part provides the antecedent for some of the description. The latter part of Alma
22:27 describes a "narrow strip of wilderness," a no-man's-land separating the Lamanite and the Nephite nations. This narrow strip of wilderness "ran from the sea east
to the sea west" and is described from its "east sea" end "on the north by the land of Zarahemla, through the borders of Manti, by the head of the river Sidon, running
from the east towards the west" (Alma 22:27). Since according to the text Manti is located southward of (local) Zarahemla, we therefore determine that this narrow
strip of wilderness indeed ran directionally from "the north" toward the south. Thus, in this description the strip of wilderness ran from the sea east, which from this
perspective was to the north, on to the sea west, which from this perspective was to the south. The narrow strip of wilderness then continued on "by Zarahemla, on
through the borders of Manti, and by the head of the river Sidon, running from the east towards the west." The antecedent for "runs from the east towards the west"
cannot be the "narrow strip of wilderness" described as running north to south; therefore, it must be the direction the water runs in the "head of the river Sidon."

The fifth reference to the head of the river Sidon appears near the end of Alma 22:29, which apparently suggests that the east to west head of the river Sidon is itself a
part of the dividing wildernesses separating the two nations.

The Modern Physical Model and Its Correspondences to the Text Model

A. The modern candidate location for the ancient river Sidon.

1. Have the canyons or water changed? After careful study and measurement, we have not been able to identify significant geological or climatic changes over the last
2000 years in the southern end of the upper Grijalva (San Miguel) river basin. Unlike some other Mesoamerican locations, this area does not appear to have changed
in any way important to this study. Soil erosion here is described as "slight to no erosion." Measurements reported in the "The Hydrology of the Book of Mormon
Working Papers" noted several scientific approaches, all of which show the region to be stable for the period of time in which we are interested.

As all objective evidence supports the thesis that there has not been appreciable change that would affect the size or cause major relocation of the rivers over the last
2000 years, we utilize the modern measurements of flow rates (made before the construction of the recent dams or modern irrigation projects) to estimate the water
flow in these rivers in 80 B.C. Of course, the exact shape of the river's meanderings through the alluvial deposits that exist at the bottoms of the geologically "old"
canyons are expected to vary a few meters from year to year as the high-water floods cause considerable local rechanneling.

2. A physical model for the Sidon river valley. Figure 2 shows the section of the river that we suggest as a modern candidate for the part of the ancient Sidon (the star
and large dot represent the proposed areas for Manti and Zarahemla respectively). This figure locates the key rivers across the southern parts of the frontier between
Mexico and Guatemala.

3. The cutoff from the head of the river Sidon valley to the north of the hill Riplah. Our study of the topographical maps alone could not explain to us how Zerahemnah's
Lamanite invasion of about 74 B.C. would logically arise from the Lamanite country and go down into the east to west Rio Cuilco valley into the Nephite lands, i.e., by
"the head of the river Sidon, that they might come into the land of Manti and take possession of the land" (Alma 43:22), and yet the text makes it clear that the invaders
did not follow the Cuilco valley all the way around its 90-degree turn into the Grijalva or Sidon valley for the attack on Manti, since it says "the Lamanites came up on
the north of the hill" Riplah (Alma 43:34), from which they descended to the east side of the Sidon river just upstream from Manti.

During our 1992 field exploration, we learned how this could have happened. Our former uncertainty gave way when we learned from the natives who live on the rivers
that they often climb up out of the end of the Rio Cuilco canyon, to cut across the end of the east and west Cuilco mountain range, which follows the north side of the
east-to-west Rio Cuilco until it makes a 90-degree turn to enter Mexico as a river flowing northward. Our local informants explained that, when they chose to climb up
over the north side of the Cuilco canyon, they could come down a mountain pass directly onto the east side of the Grijalva, a little downstream from its confluence with
the Rio Agua Caliente as it flows northward. Thus, the western end of the Cuilco mountain range that would be cut off could be identified with the Book of Mormon
"hill Riplah," so the descent down the mountain pass would be around the "north" side of the hill Riplah. After hearing this report from the native informants, we realized
that the southern end of the Rio Grijalva really matches topologically as the river Sidon and that the text (as interpreted according to our assumptions) fully corresponds
to the terrain.

4. The main part of the river starts at the joining of its two headwater streams. The likely location for the land Manti is just downstream from the confluence of the Rio
Cuilco, which had been flowing from east to west, and the northward-flowing Agua Caliente, where they form the southernmost end of what on recent maps is
identified as the upper end of the Rio Grijalva, which flows northward. (See the star within the encircled area on the map of figure 2.) The confluence is located just
inside Mexico on the Mexico-Guatemala border, about 20 kilometers down the northern slope from the Continental Divide. On fair days the Pacific Ocean, which is
another 60 kilometers further to the southwest, can be seen from the Continental Divide.

Figure 2. A map showing the southern parts of the frontier between Mexico and Guatemala. The area encircled identifies the river basins recently studied. The star
identifies this model's proposed location for the area of Manti, with the upper end of the Rio Grijalva modeled to the main stream of the Sidon river. The Cuilco river,
which flows from east to west, is proposed here as the head of the river Sidon. The area of Zarahemla is proposed here as being near the black dot downriver from
"Manti" in the modern Chicomuselo valley area.

B. The modern candidate for the land of Manti. A little below the confluence of the headwater streams on the west side of the river could be the location for the land of
Manti. It could lie across the river from the modern village of Mexico Nuevo. One kilometer further downstream from the river crossing near Mexico Nuevo on the
river's west side is the populated valley of the stream Lincum and the modern village of Cercadillo, which thus becomes a potential site for the city of Manti.

The natives who live in the area describe significant ancient unstudied ruins on both sides of the river and showed us magnificent polished-jade axe heads, which they
reported finding in the area, evidence of archaic occupations possibly from this Nephite time period.

C. Modern candidates for Zarahemla. If the location of Manti is correct, then by looking downstream from the confluence of the Cuilco and Auga Caliente rivers about
47 km along the river (possibly 35 km in a straight line), we find the first of three likely locations for Zarahemla. Here the valley around this part of the Grijalva opens
into a wide area that could support a large population. The large stretches of the flatter, modern farm land flank the west side of the river as the text depicts.

Coming down the river into the open valley area, one can see an unusual hill sufficiently separated from the other hills. This spectacular landmark with its unusual double
column of limestone rock rising perhaps 20 or 30 meters above the hill base is located just on the east side of the river. Immediately downstream from the hill is a
valley, which could correspond to the valley of Gideon, suggesting that this landmark hill might fit as the ancient Nephite hill Amnihu, which lay across the river and
likely a little upstream of the city Zarahemla (Alma 2).
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The hill Amnihu would have to have been sufficiently different from other nearby hills that during his secret negotiations with the Lamanite king, Amlici could have
identified it by description as a rendezvous area for the incoming Lamanite forces sent to join Amlici's rebel army in what turned out to be a very bloody, abortive
attempt at a military coup.
Coming down the river into the open valley area, one can see an unusual hill sufficiently separated from the other hills. This spectacular landmark with its unusual double
column of limestone rock rising perhaps 20 or 30 meters above the hill base is located just on the east side of the river. Immediately downstream from the hill is a
valley, which could correspond to the valley of Gideon, suggesting that this landmark hill might fit as the ancient Nephite hill Amnihu, which lay across the river and
likely a little upstream of the city Zarahemla (Alma 2).

The hill Amnihu would have to have been sufficiently different from other nearby hills that during his secret negotiations with the Lamanite king, Amlici could have
identified it by description as a rendezvous area for the incoming Lamanite forces sent to join Amlici's rebel army in what turned out to be a very bloody, abortive
attempt at a military coup.

Walking down the west side of the river, near the lip of a natural ravine, we found a smooth-sided earthen pyramid perhaps 10 or 15 meters tall. From its top we could
see what could have been several man-made earthen mounds, suggesting that a large population inhabited the area at one time.

We crossed the river and climbed the hill with some difficulty (which we tentatively identified as the hill Amnihu) and found at the base of the rock columns a number of
discarded potsherds and corn-grinding stones, which had apparently (within hours) been thrown out of a two-foot square, deep excavation pit by artifact looters. These
potsherds appear to resemble pottery of the post-Book of Mormon time period. The view of the river and large valley was very impressive and subjectively seemed to
compare to what we expected as a candidate area for the city Zarahemla. A native was net-fishing near the middle of the river with water below his waist; he
apparently needed no dugout to cross this location during this low-water time of the year (i.e., May 1992).

The Detail Matching of the Modern Candidate Physical Location to the Sidon River
Above the Land of Manti

The Sidon river battle described in the Book of Mormon (Alma 43:22-44:22) occurred slightly below the part of the river that would correspond to the headwater
streams, just above the land of Manti. It was a carefully deployed ambush set up by captain Moroni to repel an attack by a large Lamanite army intent on capturing the
land of Manti.

After the Lamanites evacuated their positions in the Jershon-Antionum area near the east sea, captain Moroni requested and received the foreknowledge, through the
prophet Alma, that the enemy "took their journey round about in the wilderness, away by the head of the river Sidon, that they might come into the land of
Manti" (Alma 43:22). We view this entrance into the land of Manti from the head of the river Sidon as coming down the beautiful, 40 km long, east-west valley of the
Rio Cuilco from the direction of Guatemala City (the presumed direction of the [local] land and city of Lehi-Nephi). "For they did not suppose that the armies of
Moroni would know whither they had gone" (Alma 43:22).

Captain Moroni set up his ambush just upstream of the land of Manti to intercept the invaders, as they attempted to cross the Sidon river and attack the land of Manti.
See the schematic representation of "Zerahemnah's invasion route" on figure 1. The location of this ambush corresponds to one of two likely places between 3 to 5 km
below the confluence of the Rio Cuilco and the northward-flowing river Agua Caliente. Local informants, who live on both the Guatemala and Mexico ends of the
Rio Cuilco valley/canyon, gave us detailed information about the present narrow foot trails that skirt the cliffs on both sides of the downstream end of the Rio Cuilco
valley as the river makes its 90-degree turn, as well as the other corner cutoff trail which continues "up over the top" of the end of the Cuilco mountain range. This cutoff
is a hard climb but a wider and shorter trail. We were told it could accommodate carrying large packages or taking donkeys. Even today, with good roads elsewhere,
the Cuilco valley trails are used by foot travelers traversing the country. Our informants said "wetbacks" from Guatemala looking for work northward in Mexico or the
United States continue to use this natural corridor. Because a road has never accessed the area, the informants explained that they regularly used both trail systems.
They described that there were optional trail heads if one chose to go "up" from the Cuilco river, maybe 8 km before the canyon's end, and climb the cutoff trail, "over
the top" of the end of the mountain (i.e., modeled for the Book of Mormon as the "hill" Riplah). The best descent from up there would be the easier downhill slope
through the mountain canyon pass to the Rio Grijalva near the modern village of Mexico Nuevo, after a 10 or 12 km up and down the "hill" cutoff.

Our model has the invading Lamanites taking the "up over the top" cutoff, "up on the north of the hill," which likely they would have thought was much wiser militarily.
As soon as Moroni, who was waiting with his troops on the west of Sidon just above Manti, was informed by his "spies" that the Lamanites were taking the up over the
top cutoff, he divided his troops. He first secreted a part of them, under the command of Lehi, on the east of the river "on the south of the hill Riplah," which would
correspond to the southwest end toe of the Cuilco mountain range. To reach this hiding place would require several hours of climbing away from where Moroni was
stationed on the west of the river, so an independent military leader would have been needed. We would think that once the enemy had reached the top of the cutoff
they could have camped for the night if they had wanted to, since there is plenty of room. Then they likely would have come down the easier Mexico Nuevo descent,
or they may have chosen one canyon further upstream. As soon as they had committed themselves to which canyon they were coming down "north of the hill," captain
Moroni's "spies" would again signal where and when to set up the ambush in the Sidon river valley below. Then Moroni divided his remaining troops into two sections
that he kept under his own command, secreting them on the west side of the river, hiding either in the undergrowth (if it was not during the driest time of year, when
there are few leaves) or in the dry gravel and sand washes along the flowing river bed. His upriver army would prevent any possible enemy escape to the west or up the
river, and the other downriver army would stop the enemy from escaping into the land of Manti downstream.

Moroni's trap worked perfectly and the battle started with a sharp engagement between the rear guard of the enemy column, as Lehi swung his troops in behind them.
Lehi's men with their superior personal armament chased the rear of the invading Lamanite army around the north of the "hill Riplah" across whatever valley was east of
the river where the rear of the Lamanites "were driven by Lehi into the waters of Sidon." Moroni and his army attacked the enemy in the west valley and first turned the
Lamanite force down towards the land of Manti, where they recoiled off of the part of Moroni's army secreted there; all the time Lehi's men on the east of the river
prevented any recrossing. In the end, the battle resulted in the killing of a large number of combatants, "yea, the number of their dead was exceeding great . . . and their
bodies were cast into the waters of Sidon, and they have gone forth and are buried in the depths of the sea" (Alma 43:40-44:22

The matching of the textual and the physical models for this battle "above Manti" are complete from the most general to the most specific details:

1. This battle was fought near Manti which was "in the borders of the land on the south by the west sea." The Continental Divide is yet some little distance (i.e., 20 km)
further south of this proposed Manti. From the Continental Divide on a clear day, one can see the west sea (i.e., the Pacific Ocean) which is about 60 km (less the
lagoons and marshes) further to the southwest.

2. The Lamanites came into this Manti area from what appears to have been the direction of the Lamanite homeland, by way of the east-to-west flowing head of the
Sidon river, identified as the modern Rio Cuilco.

3. The terrain permitted the enemy to climb "up" over the cutoff across the corner of the mountain (i.e., "the hill Riplah") just as they were approaching the end of the
"head of the river Sidon" before it makes its right angle to join the Agua Caliente river to form the upper end of the Rio Grijalva (San Miguel), the substantial-sized
northern flowing river, which corresponds to the main part of the river Sidon.

4. The Agua Caliente corresponds to that small part of the Sidon river headwaters that flowed from the highest part (away above Manti) of the south wilderness, where
the smaller river still had an "east" side.
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5. The main river just above Manti has an identifiable east and west side, across which this major battle was fought.

6. The valley floors on the sides of the river are large enough to accommodate maneuvering with large armies (e.g. many thousand of combatants).
northern flowing river, which corresponds to the main part of the river Sidon.

4. The Agua Caliente corresponds to that small part of the Sidon river headwaters that flowed from the highest part (away above Manti) of the south wilderness, where
the smaller river still had an "east" side.

5. The main river just above Manti has an identifiable east and west side, across which this major battle was fought.

6. The valley floors on the sides of the river are large enough to accommodate maneuvering with large armies (e.g. many thousand of combatants).

7. During seven months of a typical year the water flow rate and river size is such that the enemy army could quickly wade across the river, while it is always large and
fast enough to wash away the large number of the bodies of the dead.

8. The "over-the-top" mountain cutoff trail was long enough to accept the full enemy column of several thousand men.

9. There was a place to hide Lehi's men on the "south" of the hill Riplah that would not be discovered by the passing enemy column.

10. The mountain terrain is such that Lehi could easily confine the flanks of the end of the enemy column after they "came up on the north of the hill" Riplah and started
down the canyon leading to the Rio Grijalva or Sidon river, while Lehi's men were chasing the enemy down to the east side of the river valley and into and across the
river.

The details of the text's "up," "south," "north," "east," and "west"; the order of the deployment of Moroni's troops; and the appropriate timely information from the
"spies" appear to correspond completely to the needs imposed by the terrain.

Conclusion

It has been shown that by assuming that the seas' names (i.e., east sea, sea east, etc.) are not meant to be statements of local direction but rather the names of the
oceans, that the events described in the text took place in Mesoamerica, and that the directions stated in the text are to be understood as commonly used in the English
vernacular, we get a consistent internal text-geographical model of the Manti-Sidon-Zarahemla area.

A modern physical area has been identified as a candidate for Manti near the Mexico-Guatemala frontier on the high end of the north side of the Continental Divide.
This area appears to correspond completely to our construction of the terrain from the internal text model.

The completeness of the correlation between the topology of the southern end of the Grijalva (San Miguel) River Valley to that of our understanding of the Sidon River
Valley described in the Book of Mormon suggests that there is a reasonable probability that they may be one and the same. We feel this possibility is compelling
enough to move on to the next step by beginning a rigorous archaeological investigation to determine the dates and characteristics of the ancient inhabitants of the area.

   John L. Hilton, "Book of Mormon Hydrology Working Papers: Derived Information for the River Sidon Based on Pedestrian Fords near the Cities of Zarahemla
and Manti, 1991." Available from the author.

   For example, among the problems resolved is the relationship of Manti, Zeezrom, Cumeni, and Antiparahï¿½-all were "on the south near the west sea" (Alma
53:22;56:13); Antiparah was within portage distance of the west sea (Alma 56:31) traveling from this area to east-coast Nephihah would involve crossing "the head of
Sidon" (Alma 56:25) and others as discussed throughout this paper.

   John L. Sorenson, "The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book," F.A.R.M.S., 1990.

   John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1985).

  Among the participants in the 1991 field exploration were Ronald W. Lowe of the New World Archaeological Foundation, Janet F. Hilton, and John L. Hilton.
Participants in the 1992 exploration included Ronald W. Lowe, Noel B. Reynolds, and John L. Hilton.

   The first few lines of Alma 22:27 describe the overall lands of the Lamanite king. When we assume that the seas have names yet that general directions are to be
taken in their broadly accepted sense, an ambiguity in interpretation arises here: that is, either the overall Lamanite lands extend from an unnamed sea to the east (i.e., in
the Mesoamerican context likely the Gulf of Honduras), or otherwise this "sea on the east" becomes just another translational variation of the name for the regular "east
sea." Similar ambiguity in Alma 22:29 surrounds the term "east by the seashore." Under our assumptions, the term possibly describes the seashore of the sea named the
"east sea," or otherwise it could mean east of some place where the Nephites had previously been.

  Michael Brown, Robert Holtz, Clark Gill, James Weiller, and Stanley Arbingast, Atlas of Mexico (Austin: Bureau of Business Research, The University of Texas of
Austin, 1970).

  Hilton, "Book of Mormon Hydrology Working papers," 1991

   These include: (a) radioactive carbon-14 dating of river-side habitations before, during, and after the time of interest; (b) tree-ring calibration of the radioactive
carbon-14 dating measurements over the time of interest; and (c) the identification of all wild animal bones salvaged from the ancient garbage pits of the sites occupied
during the time, which are without exception from the same set of wild animals found in the region when the first Spaniards came and are still found today. These upper
Grijalva valleys and mountains are described as geologically "old" (as different from the low lands down near the Gulf of Mexico).

  The Rio Cuilco measured a near minimum 1992 water flow rate of 9.4 cu m/sec, just above the confluence. The minimum monthly water flow rate is quite constant
with a plus or minus 27% for the 95% extreme years. A near minimum flow is expected for March through May. Maximum flow rates are very irregular and are ten or
more times the minimum flow, usually occurring during August or September.

  The river Auga Caliente has come northward down from the Continental Divide to contribute about 0.5 cu m/sec of water at near its minimum flow rate for 1992,
perhaps a little less than a normal year.

The Prophetic Laments of Samuel the Lamanite
S. Kent Brown

Abstract:
 Copyright The
             (c)wide-ranging    sermon ofMedia
                 2005-2009, Infobase       SamuelCorp.
                                                   the Lamanite, spoken from the top of the city wall of Zarahemla, exhibits poetic features in a censuring passage,
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that bear similarities to laments found in the Bible, most notably in the Psalms. Like the laments in the Bible, those in Samuel's speech show contacts with worship. In
distinction to the biblical laments, but like the Thanksgiving Hymns of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the poetic pieces in Samuel's sermon exhibit a set of prophecies that find
fulfillment in later periods, including the days of Mormon, the compiler and editor of the Book of Mormon.
The Prophetic Laments of Samuel the Lamanite
S. Kent Brown

Abstract: The wide-ranging sermon of Samuel the Lamanite, spoken from the top of the city wall of Zarahemla, exhibits poetic features in a censuring passage, features
that bear similarities to laments found in the Bible, most notably in the Psalms. Like the laments in the Bible, those in Samuel's speech show contacts with worship. In
distinction to the biblical laments, but like the Thanksgiving Hymns of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the poetic pieces in Samuel's sermon exhibit a set of prophecies that find
fulfillment in later periods, including the days of Mormon, the compiler and editor of the Book of Mormon.

Quite unexpectedly I have discovered that the recorded words of Samuel the Lamanite include two laments, that is, psalms or poems that express sorrow. From what I
can learn, no one else seems to have noticed them as poetic pieces. Measured by the criteria for laments identified by scholars of the biblical Psalms, the two from
Samuel do not fit precisely. However, in my view, they exhibit enough characteristics to qualify as lament literature. Samuel himself apparently identifies them as
laments, at least in his contemporary terminology, when he introduces the first lament by saying, "And then shall ye lament" (Hel. 13:32). Moreover, a compelling point
is made in a mirroring lament uttered some forty years later over the destroyed city Moronihah, a lament that Mormon introduces with the words, "And in another place
they were heard to cry and mourn" (3 Ne. 8:25; more on this below). As Richard N. Boyce has noted, not only does one of the bases of the relationship of God and
his people lie in their cry to God, but also the cry to God is fundamental to the inspired and inspiring laments of the Old Testament. As I read this passage in 3 Nephi,
it is a similar notion that Mormon is expressing when he notes the cries of lament that followed the destruction of the city Moronihah.

To be sure, because we must rely on Joseph Smith's translation of the passage, we cannot be certain that we are taking account of all of the nuances that may have
been present in the text preserved on the Book of Mormon plates. As a result, we may not grasp the precise balancing that the composer intended between the various
parts of the poems, particularly in the second and longer piece. Even so, the texts of the laments are sufficiently clear, are apparently translated with sufficient literalism,
   and are bracketed distinctly enough in the text that one can offer a preliminary set of observations, including the fact that there exist formal structural frames within
each.

The two laments appear near the end of chapter thirteen of Helaman and form part of the long haranguing speech that Samuel delivered from the top of the city wall of
Zarahemla. As I read the text, one cannot determine whether he sang, chanted, or spoke these pieces on the occasion of his prophesying, although the possibility of
singing or chanting cannot be ruled out.

One of the more intriguing issues concerns whether these laments may have been composed spontaneously by the prophet. If so, such a composition would match what
is known about the uttered and written prophecies of biblical prophets whose works consist substantially or entirely of poetic or hymnic language. We must reckon
seriously with the possibility that Samuel had the ability to compose such pieces more or less on the spot, much as biblical prophets could. However, there exist
indicators in the second poem, and in later references to it, that he may have depended on a source for that one (see below).

1. the First Lament

The first poem is very short. Although it lacks the extended development that the second exhibits, it displays fine skill and balance in its conception. This first piece,
which appears to be an individual lament, can be arranged as follows, repeating Samuel's introductory words that set it off:

And then shall ye lament, and say:
O that I had repented,
and had not killed
the prophets,
and stoned them,
and cast them out. (Hel. 13:32-33)

The phrase "the prophets" is the only noun, and seems to constitute the middle element; as such, it is clearly emphatic. Even though Samuel's language is consistent with
the fact that he is addressing a crowd in Zarahemla, because of the plural pronoun "ye," the "I" of this piece is abrupt and therefore should probably be understood as a
reference to an individual. Moreover, all of the verbs in the passage are in the first person singular, agreeing with the pronoun "I." Hence, we are likely looking at an
individual lament, possibly composed for solo recitation.

In all individual laments in the Bible, the Lord is seen to be somehow connected to the suffering of the composer, usually by covenant. As a result, there regularly
appears either an affirmation of the person's desire to repent, in order to come under the protective umbrella of the Lord, or a defense of the person's innocence,
usually using legal terminology. In this first lament, the wish to repent on the part of the poet is broadly assumed.

Although short, the poem exhibits what Robert Alter has called "parallelism of specification," a very common feature of biblical poetry in which the language pattern
moves from a generalized statement to one that is more specific or focused. The result is that, when "the general term is transformed into a specific instance or a
concrete image, the idea becomes more pointed, more forceful." We can see this sort of development in the last three verbs of the lament: the notion of killing the
prophets becomes more specific by mentioning the action of stoning them, and this latter is made more graphic by the idea of casting them out, possibly specifying the
location of execution, and reflecting a legal necessity of taking a convicted person outside a city before execution.

Whether the few preserved lines represent the whole piece cannot be determined with certainty. To be sure, in his editorial notes Mormon states that he has not
repeated everything that Samuel had spoken (Hel. 14:1). And it is not clear from the passage in Hel. 13:33 whether Mormon had a longer piece in front of him and
therefore has reproduced only a few lines from it. However, a passage that both echoes and expands the first lament, and also exhibits poetic qualities, may bring us
closer to resolving this issue. The piece consists of a lament over the destroyed city of Moronihah. The passage can be arranged as follows, including Mormon's
introductory and summarizing words, so that one can see its possible poetic features:

And in another place they were heard to cry and mourn, saying:
A. O that we had repented
before this great and terrible day,
and had not killed
and stoned
the prophets,
and cast them out;
B. then would our mothers
and our fair daughters,
and our children
have  been spared,
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
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great city Moronihah.
And thus were the howlings of the people great and terrible. (3 Ne. 8:25)
B. then would our mothers
and our fair daughters,
and our children
have been spared,
and not have been buried up in that
great city Moronihah.
And thus were the howlings of the people great and terrible. (3 Ne. 8:25)

Several similarities and differences with the lament quoted by Samuel immediately present themselves. First the similarities. It is obvious that the same order of verbs
appearsï¿½-"repent," "stone," and "cast out." And the sentiment of the first verset remains as it appears in Samuel. On the other hand, the pronouns have been
altered from "I" to "we." Further, the poem has been expanded by the added second line in the first verset. In addition, an entire second verset has been appended
which decries the loss of loved ones. In this second verset, one notes the feature observable in the first part of this lament and in the version of the lament in Samuel,
namely, parallelism of specification. In the case of the lament over Moronihah, the verbal phrase "have been spared" is sharpened by the words "not have been buried
up." Moreover, the noun phrase "the prophets" is one place removed from where it is in the version preserved in the words of Samuel.

I cannot leave the discussion of Samuel's first lament and the responsum that is found in the last verse of 3 Nephi chapter 8 without discussing the apparently unusual
order of the verbs "stone" and "cast out." It seems that they reverse the order of execution, for usually one first casts out and then stones the condemned. Why would
an author reverse them? The answer may come from a narrative passage that preserves this proper ordering of events in the case of executing a condemned person. It
is in 3 Ne. 9:10 that we find what seems to be a more natural order, "cast out" and then "stone."

I caused [these cities] to be burned with fire, and the inhabitants thereof, because of their wickedness in casting out the prophets, and stoning those whom I did send. (3
Ne. 9:10)

In light of this passage, I judge that placing "cast out" last in Samuel's lament, and in the lament preserved in 3 Ne. 8:25, constitutes poetic license.

2. the Second Lament

The second piece, which immediately follows the other in the text, should probably be characterized as a communal lament. As one would expect, it is written in the
first person plural, using the pronouns "we," "us" and "our." Moreover, in a passage in which Mormon describes the fulfillment of the prophetic features of this lament
among people of his own day, Mormon specifically uses the term "lamentation" to describe the sorrowing that he had witnessed (Morm. 2:10-12).

Once again, Samuel introduces the text of the poem in a way that its beginning and end are plainly set off.

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½Yea, in that day ye shall say:
A. 1. O that we had remembered the Lord our God
in the day that he gave us our riches,
and then they would not have become
slippery
that we should lose them;
B. 5. Behold, we lay a tool here
and on the morrow it is gone;
and behold, our swords are taken from us
in the day we have sought them for
battle.
Yea, we have hid up our treasures
10. and they have slipped away from us,
because of the curse of the land.
C. O that we had repented
in the day that the word of the Lord
came unto us;
for behold the land is cursed,
15. and all things are become slippery,
and we cannot hold them.
D. Behold, we are surrounded by demons,
yea, we are encircled about by the angels
of him
who hath sought to destroy our
souls.
20. Behold, our iniquities are great.
O Lord, canst thou not turn away thine anger
from us?
And this shall be your language in
those days. (Hel. 13:33-37)

Although the two laments recited by Samuel should probably be seen as independent poems or hymns, they clearly bear a relationship to one another. For they both
point up the estrangement from God that the composer-ï¿½real or imagined by Samuel-ï¿½feels. Their independence seems assured, however, because the source of
estrangement in the earlier lament comes, first, from not repenting and, second, from actively opposing the agents of the Lord, which oppositionï¿½-as the poem
readsï¿½-is the result of not repenting. In the second lament, the community will feel a distance from the Lord because, initially, its members did not "remember" the
Lord God and, thereafter, because it did not repent as a group. As a result, the land is to be cursed and, what is worse, the community is finally to become "surrounded
by demons" (line 17). In my mind this piece clearly fits the character of a communal lament. The first person plural is the initial indicator. Further, the expected
connection between the actions of the Lord and the suffering of the community is clearly apparent. In addition, such laments typically exhibit a sense of trust that those
who recite them will be given a hearing by the Lord. And that is the force of the last line, which assumes that the Lord is listening to the petitioners. Moreover, such
laments have customarily been composed in the face of some disaster that threatens the community, such as invasion or famine. Obviously, this lament expects disaster,
not only of a physical type but also of a spiritual kind. Insofar as it does not envision a specific incident from the past, it must be seen as prophetic in its forward-looking
anticipation of disasters to come. This last detail, incidentally, has to be taken into account in any determination whether Samuel was the author or was borrowing an
already-composed lament for the occasion of his prophesying.

 Copyright
Clues       (c) 2005-2009,
      exist that               Infobase
                 this latter lament     Media Corp.
                                    was composed  to be sung or recited in worship. If so, Samuel was reciting it from memory. What are those clues?Page
                                                                                                                                                    Perhaps54
                                                                                                                                                            the /most
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compelling observation that Samuel was repeating a known communal lament arises from comments made by Mormon regarding the fulfillment in his day of the part of
Samuel's prophecies that is contained in, and virtually limited to, the second lament. The key passage is the following:
not only of a physical type but also of a spiritual kind. Insofar as it does not envision a specific incident from the past, it must be seen as prophetic in its forward-looking
anticipation of disasters to come. This last detail, incidentally, has to be taken into account in any determination whether Samuel was the author or was borrowing an
already-composed lament for the occasion of his prophesying.

Clues exist that this latter lament was composed to be sung or recited in worship. If so, Samuel was reciting it from memory. What are those clues? Perhaps the most
compelling observation that Samuel was repeating a known communal lament arises from comments made by Mormon regarding the fulfillment in his day of the part of
Samuel's prophecies that is contained in, and virtually limited to, the second lament. The key passage is the following:

The Nephites began . . . to cry even as had been prophesied by Samuel the prophet; for behold no man could keep that which was his own, [because of] the thieves,
and the robbers, and the murderers, and the magic art, and the witchcraft which was in the land. Thus there began to be a mourning and a lamentation in all the land
because of these things. (Morm. 2:10-11)

One first notes that the generally deteriorating situation had led to complaints that Mormon characterized as "lamentations." In addition, the content of these lamentations
coincided with the prophecy of Samuel, a detail that Mormon specifically noted. This observation leads implicitly to the conclusion that these lamentations were
verbalized in commonly known expressions of sorrow. And the expression that fits most closely is Samuel's second lament. This lament incorporates a unique set of
ideas which appear in only two passages, Samuel's sermon and the lamentations of Mormon's contemporaries.              In a relevant study, Walter Brueggemann has
noted that the ancients expressed grief in formal ways, and that those formal expressions persisted for generations within ancient societies. In the case of Samuel, the
formal lament repeated in Hel. 13:33-37 lies at the base of the expressions of grief uttered in Mormon's day, almost 350 years later.

Other clues point in the same direction. In the opening line of the lament, the verb "remember" is one that frequently denotes a recollection that takes place in worship
settings at which certain important events or doctrines are recited orally or are recalled in the actions of the celebrants. And this sense characterizes this verb in the
Book of Mormon, as well as in the Bible.

Second, the phrase "the Lord our God" in line one may point to a worship setting for this lament. In scriptural language, particularly from the Old Testament, the Lord is
often petitioned in important celebrations by his title "Lord God," particularly in the making of covenants. One immediately thinks of three crucial moments in the history
of the Lord's dealings with his children where this name/title is invoked: in the account of the Garden of Eden (Gen. 2:4-3:24 a series of events that has been celebrated
in worship for centuries; the covenant ceremony at Mount Sinai, at the heart of which was placed the Ten Commandments (Ex. 20:2-17) and the renewal of the
covenant led by Elijah on Mount Carmel in an attempt to turn the hearts of the children of Israel back to the Lord God of their fathers (1 Kgs. 18:30-39).

Walter Brueggemann has called the account of placing Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden and of their actions that led to expulsion a "drama in four scenes"; Jerome
Walsh has termed it a dramatic "series in seven scenes." As Brueggemann has noted, in the prior segment of Genesis "there is no action or development." It is only
beginning at Gen. 2:4 that one finds a narrative that can be acted out by dramatis personae, that is, by persons whose acting re-creates the drama in the Garden as a
worship celebration of what has been done in the past. Here, for the first time in scripture, the title "Lord God" is introduced, and it appears in Genesis only in this
passage. The obvious celebratory and therefore worship traits cannot be missed.

The covenant-making ceremony at the holy mount invokes the name/title "Lord God" as the author and authority of the Ten Commandments, the heart of the law
received that day. The Lord identifies himself as "the Lord thy God, which have brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage" (Ex. 20:2).
Obviously, it is the Lord himself who has tied this title to his miraculous act of delivering the Israelites from bondage, an event that has been celebrated in family worship
settings for centuries (Ex. 12:1-28). Moreover, it is reasonable to suppose that whenever one spoke of this event and God's role in it, one would mean that it was the
Lord God who had performed the feat, even if one referred only to the Lord or to the God of Israel. One need only think of the custom of swearing an oath on the
name of the "Lord God . . . that brought Israel up out of the land of Egypt" (2 Ne. 25:20; cf. Jer. 23:7).

A third passage that bears on the question is found in 1 Kgs. 18, the narrative of Elijah's contest with the priests of Baal, a passage full of references to worship and
covenant making. According to the account, after Elijah had made all the necessary preparations for the miracle, he began his prayer by saying, "Lord God of
Abraham, Isaac, and of Israel" (1 Kgs. 18:36; emphasis added). Besides recalling the name by which the Lord had revealed himself to Moses at the burning bush (Ex.
3:6), Elijah also employed the name/title that the Lord had used of himself when sending Moses to bring the Hebrew slaves out of Egypt, adding a covenantal promise
on that earlier occasion (Ex. 3:15-17). As Elijah continued to pray, he set out the purpose for requesting the miracle: "that this people may know that thou art the Lord
God" (1 Kgs. 18:37), emphasizing the connection between "Lord God" and the covenant that Elijah sought to reestablish with his people. In the end, after the fire
had fallen from heaven and consumed Elijah's sacrifice, and more, the gathered Israelites uttered the words that verified renewing the covenant, "The Lord is God, the
Lord is God" (1 Kgs. 18:39, NEB a declaration that "re-echoes a cry long established in the cult [worship]." Consequently, this covenantal affirmation that the Lord
is God clearly offers one of the important contexts for the use of the name/title "Lord God."

Evidence can be marshalled that a significant number of instances of the use of this name/title among Book of Mormon authors points to worship contexts. For instance,
at Alma 13:1, one reads that "the Lord God ordained priests, after his holy order." Moreover, one sees a worship connection in Ammon's establishment of synagogues
among the Lamanites, "that they might have the liberty of worshiping the Lord their God according to their desires" (Alma 21:22). A sense of worship and covenant
brims in the following words of Alma the Younger: "When I see many of my brethren truly penitent, and coming to the Lord their God, then is my soul filled with
joy" (Alma 29:10). In another passage, the soldiers of Moroni "cried with one voice unto the Lord their God" when facing a strong Lamanite army (Alma 43:49).
Examples could be multiplied of both explicit and implicit association of the title "Lord God" with worship and covenant making.

Thus, we conclude that the second lament was composed to be sung or recited during communal worship. While some may not want to rule out the possibility that it
was composed on the spot by Samuel, the evidence strongly suggests that Samuel was quoting a known piece that continued to be recited as a formal expression of
grief and sorrow.

General Structure

The introductory and concluding observations by Samuel serve as the inclusio of the poem. The frame or outline seems to rest on the three strong wishes, here
represented by the word "O" that appears in the beginning, middle, and final lines. The first and second occurrences are clearly parallel, both beginning with the wish,
"O that we . . . ." A second frame seems to consist of the two repetitions of the word "behold" in lines 5 and 17, with a third structure tied to the other three
occurrences of "behold" in lines 7, 14, and 20. Earlier in his sermon (Hel. 13:17-20), Samuel had pressed home the point that the land, the people, and their treasures
would be cursed "because of their wickedness and abominations." All of the elements that are to be cursedï¿½-land, people, treasuresï¿½-are repeated in this second
lament. Further, the references to property that has "slipped away" and to "the curse of the land" at the end of verset B leads by "catchword" association to verset C
which concerns the curse.

Not only do these structural elements support the view of the poetic character of this piece, but the occurrences of the verbal phrase "become slippery" that appear in
versets A and C also point to the independent composition of this piece apart from its context. Except for one further occurrence in Morm. 1:18, it is only in this second
lament and in a verse immediately preceding it (Hel. 13:31)ï¿½-which could be expected from Samuel as he was preparing his hearers for this lament-ï¿½that one finds
the verbal phrase "become slippery." In the case of Mormon, the person who edited Samuel's sermon, he was citing in his own book the prophecy that is embedded in
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the second lament to the effect that property in his day had become slippery because of God's curse on the land, just as Samuel had prophesied (Morm.      1:18-19).
Thus the use of this verbal phrase apparently arises in this lament and is found in no other passage in the Book of Mormon except in sections that are directly connected
with the lament and its prophecy of coming disasters.
Not only do these structural elements support the view of the poetic character of this piece, but the occurrences of the verbal phrase "become slippery" that appear in
versets A and C also point to the independent composition of this piece apart from its context. Except for one further occurrence in Morm. 1:18, it is only in this second
lament and in a verse immediately preceding it (Hel. 13:31)ï¿½-which could be expected from Samuel as he was preparing his hearers for this lament-ï¿½that one finds
the verbal phrase "become slippery." In the case of Mormon, the person who edited Samuel's sermon, he was citing in his own book the prophecy that is embedded in
the second lament to the effect that property in his day had become slippery because of God's curse on the land, just as Samuel had prophesied (Morm. 1:18-19).
Thus the use of this verbal phrase apparently arises in this lament and is found in no other passage in the Book of Mormon except in sections that are directly connected
with the lament and its prophecy of coming disasters.

Content

The first verset, of course, deals almost exclusively with possessions or "riches." It is important to note that, for Samuel, "riches" or possessions come as a gift from God
(Hel. 13:21; and Mormon's words in Hel. 12:2). The fact that they come from God gives him the right to hide them from unrighteous custodians, as the lament spells
out.

One can also sense a crescendo that builds through the poem, beginning on a low level and rising to a pitch. It has to do with the concept of the loss of riches set out in
verset A. The composer first notes that the Lord God had given "riches" (line 2), a term that is general in its application. Then the poem becomes more specific, when it
mentions the loss of "a tool" (line 5). Next, it is "our swords" (line 7) that disappear. In this movement from mentioning tools to swords I sense a slight heightening of the
drama of the lament. In general, a tool is not critical for one's well-being. Even the loss of a tool used to support life, such as a plow or scythe, is not critical since a
person has a "season" in which to plant or harvest, and thus can acquire another tool within the "season" to replace the one lost. But a sword, under certain
circumstances, can be very critical for protecting life and property. And one such circumstance of needed protection is noted in line 8: "in the day we have sought them
for battle." Here one senses the desperation of those whose swords have disappeared. After swords, the next item to be lost consists of "our treasures" (line 9). To be
sure, a treasure may not be critical for preserving life, but it may be necessary for sustaining it. In addition, depending on the nature of the treasure, it may be the kind of
possession that helps to give a person his or her identity or place in society. Moreover, the loss of treasure may not only doom the individual to an ill fate, but also have
a debilitating effect on one's extended family. Furthermore, the word itself implies a loss of much more than a tool or sword.

After treasures, it is "all things" (line 15) that are lost. While we cannot know the sweep of this concept in the mind of the composer, we can safely assume that it must
include the totality of one's personal wealth. Finally, the last loss consists of the loss of "our souls" (line 19), the most tragic loss of all. Thus the poem has led us from
the concepts of God's gift, and our loss of his gift of riches, to the loss of "all things," and finally to the forfeiture of "our souls."

Parallelisms

One of the important characteristics of Hebrew poetry and psalmody is the general balancing of component parts. Usually, this feature will appear in the form of parallel
language, either stating the same idea in similar terms or setting out opposite concepts. This trait can be seen in both laments. As I have noted in the first, one sees a
"parallelism of specification" in the sequence of the verbs "to kill" and "to stone."

The second lament, on the other hand, exhibits what may be termed synonymous and antithetic parallelisms, expected parallels that characterize Hebrew psalmody. We
have already seen an example of what has been called a specifying or intensifying parallelism, that builds from one concept to another, in the series of items lost,
beginning with the general idea of "riches" and concluding with the loss of "our souls." In verset A, one sees antithetic parallels between the following clauses:["[God]
gave us our riches" and "we should lose them." The expression has to do with riches, but the point of view alternates. On the one hand, God is the one who gives
riches; on the other, it is humans who lose them.

In verset D, one sees an instance of synonymous parallelism, an expression that complements another by saying essentially the same thing, but alternating the images.
One can see that the following clauses express similar ideas: "we are surrounded by demons" (line 17), and "we are encircled about by the angels of him who hath
sought to destroy our souls" (lines 18-19). However, it may be more accurate to say that these balancing ideas represent another instance of "parallelism of
specification," coupled with a circumlocution that defines more clearly the meaning of the second of two general terms. For the word "demons" seems rather general
(line 17). But the balancing term "angels" (line 18), while also general, is immediately defined more closely by the added phrase, "of him who hath sought to destroy our
souls" (lines 18-19).

A similar phenomenon occurs in verset B. The mention of "the morrow" in line 6 is rather vague. Two lines below, one reads of "the day we have sought them for
battle" (line 8), a much more specific reference which implies deeper consequences.

Versets B and C are tied together by an instance of chiasmus, a literary ordering in which the first and last constituents match, and the components immediately adjacent
to the extremes also match, and so on to the middle of the piece (i.e., a, b, c, c', b', a'). In the case of versets B and C, there are three elements that tie the two versets
together directly, arranged in a chiastic structure. First, something is said about the slippery character of property (lines 10, 15). Within these notices, one sees that the
last line of verset B reads "the curse of the land" (line 11). Three lines down in verset C we find the following: "the land is cursed" (line 14). The order of the
components of these particular phrases is curse, land, land, curse. Taking account of the fact that the notion of slipperiness stands at the extremes, within which the idea
of cursing appears, and within which mention of "the land" occupies the center spots, one sees the following chiastic arrangement: slippery, curse, land, land, curse,
slippery.

Between versets A and C, there is a clear parallelism in language. One need only notice the reiterated opening words, "O that we . . ." (lines 1, 12), whose verbs ("had
remembered" and "had repented"), in Midgley's view, are roughly equivalent. A further parallelism consists of the subsequent repeated phrase "in the day that . .
." (lines 2, 13). Further, as we have already noted, the final lines of these two versets both use the unique verbal phrase "become slippery," followed by short refrains
that are roughly equivalent, and form something of a synonymous parallel: at the end of verset A, "that we should lose them" (line 4), and "we cannot hold them" at the
end of verset C (line 16).

Between versets B and D, the parallelism breaks down. As one can see from the arrangement above, each segment is introduced by the word "behold," followed by
another "behold." Moreover, each incorporates a clause of explanation that begins with the word "yea." However, there is no balance in the arrangement of the clauses
associated with these terms. The "yea" clause in verset B comes after the second "behold" whereas the corresponding "yea" clause in verset D precedes the second
"behold." Part of the explanation for the differences between versets B and D may well arise from the differing subject matters, concern for the loss of property in B and
concern over the gripping power of the destroyer in the other. In this case, however, we should not claim that no connections exist between versets B and D. In fact,
we may be looking at what is termed an "emblematic" parallelism in which the first subject has to do with the physical world (e.g., treasures, riches, etc.) and the second
uses a metaphorical device to point to spiritual realities (e.g., demons, angels, etc.). A good example of this kind of parallelism appears in Ps. 42:1: "As the hart pants
after the water brooks, so my soul pants after thee, O God."

Conclusions

In this brief foray into the world of Book of Mormon poetry, it should have become clear that my focus has been rather narrow. I have looked at only two pieces
incorporated
 Copyright (c) within   the prophecies
                  2005-2009,           of Samuel
                                Infobase          the Lamanite. But from my investigation, I believe that I can conclude with some confidence that Samuel
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poet. It is the first and shorter lament that leads me to this view. It seems to be his own composition. In the case of the second and longer piece, Samuel was likely
quoting a hymn that was already known. I arrive at this observation principally because the formal expression of the hymn was known by a later generation that
lamented the loss of properties, and secondarily because of the indicators of a worship context that appear in the opening lines, namely, the use of the verb "to
Conclusions

In this brief foray into the world of Book of Mormon poetry, it should have become clear that my focus has been rather narrow. I have looked at only two pieces
incorporated within the prophecies of Samuel the Lamanite. But from my investigation, I believe that I can conclude with some confidence that Samuel himself was a
poet. It is the first and shorter lament that leads me to this view. It seems to be his own composition. In the case of the second and longer piece, Samuel was likely
quoting a hymn that was already known. I arrive at this observation principally because the formal expression of the hymn was known by a later generation that
lamented the loss of properties, and secondarily because of the indicators of a worship context that appear in the opening lines, namely, the use of the verb "to
remember" which is associated with the title "Lord God."

As one might expect, one also sees features in these pieces that mirror traits found in Hebrew poetry. My notations about these features have been anticipated in the
work of several others who have turned their attention to poetry in the Book of Mormon. But the one element that has struck me most forcibly is the prophetic
character of these laments. The first lament, set off in prophetic language by Samuel, finds fulfillment in the responsum recorded by Mormon which followed the
destruction of the city of Moronihah. The second, of course, was fulfilled, as Mormon reminds us, in his own day. This prophetic character reminds me of certain of the
Dead Sea Scroll Thanksgiving Hymns that also cast prophetic words about the last days in hymnic dress. But that is a subject for another study.

Notes and Communications

   The standard work has been Hermann Gunkel's Die Psalmen (Gï¿½ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1926), in which he identifies the chief characteristics of
laments among the biblical Psalms. These are summarized both by Gunkel, in The Psalms, A Form-Critical Introduction (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967), and A. R.
Johnson in his important article, "The Psalms," in H. H. Rowley, ed., The Old Testament and Modern Study (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1951), 162-209, esp.
169-70. See also the acclaimed work by Claus Westermann, Praise and Lament in the Psalms (Edinburgh: Clark, 1965). A recent study that challenges many of the
assumptions and observations of earlier studies on psalmic literature is that of Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Poetry (New York: Basic Books, 1985).

    Richard N. Boyce, The Cry to God in the Old Testament (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), 1-5, 68-69. A similar point is made by C. Westermann, The Praise of
God (Richmond, VA: Knox, 1965), 75. Walter Brueggemann, "The Costly Loss of Lament," Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 36 (1986): 63, has noted that
"it is the cry of Israel (Ex. 2:23-25) which mobilizes Yahweh to action that begins the history of Israel."

   Judging the character of the translation of the Book of Mormon text is largely a subjective matter. In the instance of the two poems under review, the balanced poetic
themes and other elements lead me to be rather confident that Joseph Smith's translation was faithful to the text of the hymns.

  According to Alter, The Art of Biblical Poetry, 6, one need only have the frame of a formal structure to have a poem, at least according to observations that can be
made regarding Hebrew poetry.

  From a brief examination, it is apparent to me that some prophetic discourses in the Book of Mormon incorporate poetic features. I have not yet determined how
much of this kind of psalmic writing and speech is due to the prophet who is speaking and how much lies in the words of the Lord, or in words quoted by one of his
agents, say, an angel. Three persons who have produced studies that deal with poetic characteristics appearing in the Book of Mormon text are Angela Crowell,
"Hebrew Poetry in the Book of Mormon," parts 1 and 2, in Zarahemla Record, nos. 32 and 33 (1986): 2-9, and no. 34 (1986): 7-12; Donald W. Parry, "Poetic
Parallelisms of the Book of Mormon," F.A.R.M.S. working paper, 1986; and Richard Dilworth Rust, "Poetry in the Book of Mormon," in John L. Sorenson and
Melvin J. Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 100-13.

  Johnson, "The Psalms," 171.

  Alter, The Art of Biblical Poetry, 20-21.

   Whether there is mirrored in the last line of the lament a requirement that a person must be taken outside of a city or village for execution must remain unresolved.
However, we must be open to the possibility that Samuel's words reflect such a legal necessity, already spelled out in the Old Testament and elsewhere (Num. 15:35;
cf. Lev. 24:14; Luke 20:15; John 19:17, 20; Acts 7:58).

  Donald W. Parry, The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted according to Parallelistic Patterns (Provo, UT: F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 393, has demonstrated that this
lament is joined to another in the prior verse concerning Zarahemla (3 Ne. 8:24).

   I have adopted the terminology of Alter, The Art of Biblical Poetry, 9, in calling units "versets" rather than "colons" or "stanzas," terms that are more appropriate for
the study and description of Western forms of poetry. In his parlance, a verset designates "the line-halves, or the line-thirds" found in the semantic parallelisms of
Hebrew poetry.

    On the basis of Ether 8:25, a note of warning added by Moroni, one could argue that the expected order would place "cast out" in the last spot. For in this passage
Moroni complains that the Jaredites, and others, "have murdered the prophets, and stoned them, and cast them out from the beginning" (emphasis added). However, it
is just as possible that this order in the expression is influenced by, or dependent on, the form found in the lament of Samuel. That formal poetic expression among the
ancients, especially that associated with lamentation, continues to influence speech has been pointed out by Walter Brueggemann in his essay, "The Formfulness of
Grief," Interpretation 31 (1977): 263-75.

  These characteristics of laments are noted in a variety of works; see, for instance, Duncan Cameron, Songs of Sorrow and Praise (Edinburgh: Clark, 1924), 125,
132, 136; and Johnson, "The Psalms," 166-67.

  Just before quoting the two laments in verses 33-37, Samuel declared that "the time cometh that [the Lord] curseth your riches, that they become slippery, that ye
cannot hold them; and in the days of your poverty ye cannot retain them" (Hel. 13:31). But this passage clearly depends on the second lament for its inspiration, as the
verbal phrase "become slippery" illustrates, a phrase that is otherwise unique to this lament.

    One set of ideas associated with the second lament is that of the loss of tool and sword, which is specifically tied to the notation that this loss was due to "the curse
upon the land" (lines 5, 7). Significantly, this arrangement of concepts is also combined in Moroni's summary of events that occurred in the last generation of Jaredite
history: "If a man should lay his tool or his sword upon his shelf, . . . behold, upon the morrow, he could not find it, so great was the curse upon the land" (Ether 14:1).
It is not clear whether Moroni's language here is influenced by that of Samuel or whether Moroni is saying that this set of observations was present in his copy of the
translation of the Jaredite record, and consequently that he is simply summarizing what he found there in terms already present in the translated copy. If the former, then
one could conclude that Moroni has adopted concepts expressed by Samuel in the second lament in order to depict the Jaredite situation. If the latter, it may be that the
link between these ideas was already known to Samuel, or the composer of the lament, through the general knowledge of the Jaredite record that was had among
Nephites and Lamanites (see Mosiah 28:11-13, 17-19; Alma 37:21, 27-30; 63:12), and therefore may have served as a source of inspiration for the lament.
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                                 to determine    Corp.
                                               which  alternative is closer to the truth.                                                                  Page 57 / 919

   14 One set of ideas associated with the second lament is that of the loss of tool and sword, which is specifically tied to the notation that this loss was due to "the
translation of the Jaredite record, and consequently that he is simply summarizing what he found there in terms already present in the translated copy. If the former, then
one could conclude that Moroni has adopted concepts expressed by Samuel in the second lament in order to depict the Jaredite situation. If the latter, it may be that the
link between these ideas was already known to Samuel, or the composer of the lament, through the general knowledge of the Jaredite record that was had among
Nephites and Lamanites (see Mosiah 28:11-13, 17-19; Alma 37:21, 27-30; 63:12), and therefore may have served as a source of inspiration for the lament.
Unfortunately, it is impossible to determine which alternative is closer to the truth.

   14 One set of ideas associated with the second lament is that of the loss of tool and sword, which is specifically tied to the notation that this loss was due to "the
curse upon the land" (lines 5, 7). Significantly, this arrangement of concepts is also combined in Moroni's summary of events that occurred in the last generation of
Jaredite history: "If a man should lay his tool or his sword upon his shelf, . . . behold, upon the morrow, he could not find it, so great was the curse upon the land" (Ether
14:1). It is not clear whether Moroni's language here is influenced by that of Samuel or whether Moroni is saying that this set of observations was present in his copy of
the translation of the Jaredite record, and consequently that he is simply summarizing what he found there in terms already present in the translated copy. If the former,
then one could conclude that Moroni has adopted concepts expressed by Samuel in the second lament in order to depict the Jaredite situation. If the latter, it may be
that the link between these ideas was already known to Samuel, or the composer of the lament, through the general knowledge of the Jaredite record that was had
among Nephites and Lamanites (see Mosiah 28:11-13, 17-19; Alma 37:21, 27-30;63:12), and therefore may have served as a source of inspiration for the lament.
Unfortunately, it is impossible to determine which alternative is closer to the truth.

  Brueggemann, "The Formfulness of Grief," 265-67, 273-74.

  Louis Midgley, "The Ways of Remembrance," in Sorenson and Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon , 168-76.

  Walter Brueggemann, Genesis: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and Preaching (Atlanta: Knox, 1982), 44-47; Jerome T. Walsh, "Genesis 2:4b-3:24: A
Synchronic Approach," Journal of Biblical Literature 96 (1977): 161-77.

  Brueggemann, Genesis , 44.

  Two important studies on ritual in the ancient Near East are that of Theodor Gaster, Thespis: Ritual, Myth, and Drama in the Ancient Near East (New York:
Gordian, 1961), and that of Ivan Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East, 2d ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1967). Engnell followed his disputed but
valuable volume with an important essay, " 'Knowledge' and 'Life' in the Creation Story," in Martin Noth and D. Winton Thomas, eds., Wisdom in Israel and in the
Ancient Near East (Leiden: Brill, 1955), 103-20, in which Engnell dealt with ritual elements in the Garden of Eden account. See the cautioning words of Howard N.
Wallace concerning some of Engnell's assumptions in The Eden Narrative (Atlanta: Scholars, 1985), 161-63.

   In Jer. 23:7, and in the secondary passage at 16:14, the oath runs, "The Lord liveth, which brought up the children of Israel out of the land of Egypt." But it appears
that the more complete name for God in the oath is preserved by Nephi, a contemporary of Jeremiah.

   To be sure, the Hebrew text could be translated "that thou Jehovah, art the God," a translation suggested by J. Hammond in I Kings, The Pulpit Commentary (Grand
Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1950), 426. But the definite article that precedes the word for God ("Elohim") should not blind us to the fact that, in this covenant context, it is
the name/title "Lord God" that carries both authority and power in the minds and hearts of the participants. After all, the Lord has been addressed thus a few verses
earlier in 1 Kgs. 18:36.

    John Gray, I & II Kings: A Commentary, The Old Testament Library, 2d ed. (London: SCM, 1970), 402. Gray suggests that the precedent for covenant renewal
in this form is as old as Joshua (Joshua 24:18).

   Other important passages, of course, consist of the restatement of the Decalogue, in which God says of himself, "I am the Lord thy God" (Deut. 5:6, and the
following verses). In Deut. 5:2, Moses makes the following point, using the title "Lord God": "The Lord our God made a covenant with us in Horeb." In the Pearl of
Great Price, one can also compare the worship dimensions implied in the command, "Choose ye this day, to serve the Lord God who made you" (Moses 6:33).

   One may ask why I have argued at length about the name/title "Lord God." To be sure, this title appears in contexts that have little or nothing to do with worship
(e.g., Judg. 11:21, 23). But the point is that at crucial junctures in God's relations with his children, which involve worship and/or covenant making, his title "Lord God"
has been the appellation by which he has been addressed. See the suggestive list of passages associated with worship in Umberto Cassuto, A Commentary on the
Book of Genesis, Part I (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1961), 97-100 (Ex. 9:30; 2 Sam. 7:22, 25; 1 Chr. 17:16-17; 2 Chr. 6:41-42; Ps. 84:8, 11).

  Midgley, "The Ways of Remembrance," 170, 176.

  See, for instance, Bonnie P. Kittel, The Hymns of Qumran (Chico, CA: Scholars, 1981), 56-80, esp. 71-73, on the hymn that appears in the Dead Sea
Thanksgiving Hymn scroll in column 3, lines 19-36, particularly her stanza D. This hymn is number five in the numbering of Geza Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in
English, 3d ed. (New York: Penguin, 1987), 172-74.

"Thus Saith the Lord": Prophetic Language in Samuel's Speech
Donald W. Parry

Ancient scriptures contain a number of revelatory speech forms or formulaic expressions which are unique to the prophetic writings. That is to say, the prophetic
speech forms are present in sections of scripture where God reveals his word directly to the prophets (i.e., Isaiah, Amos, Nephi, Joseph Smith). As might be expected,
the same prophetic forms are also present in the Book of Mormon, for it, too, consists of prophetic writings.

To demonstrate the usage of prophetic language in the Book of Mormon, we will take a brief look at the prophetic writings of Samuel the Lamanite (Hel. 13-15). Six
speech forms will be identified:

1. Messenger Formulaï¿½-"Thus saith the Lord" (found thirty-nine times in the Book of Mormon, e.g., 1 Ne. 20:17; Mosiah 3:24; Alma 8:17). Samuel twice used the
expression, "therefore, thus saith the Lord" (Hel. 13:8, 11). The formula introduces oracular language, and hence is often found at the beginning of a pericope or
section. Either God or a prophet is the speaker of the messenger formula. Its purpose is to indicate the origin and authority of the revelation.

2. Proclamation Formula-ï¿½"Listen to the words of Christ" (Moro. 8:8) or "Hearken to the word of the Lord" (Jacob 2:27; Hel. 12:23) or "Hear the words of
Jesus" (3 Ne. 30:1). Samuel told his audience to "hearken unto the words which the Lord saith" (Hel. 13:21). Similar to the messenger formula, the proclamation
formula is often found at the beginning of a revelation or announcement. It is used as an emphatic summons to hear the word of the Lord.

3. Oath Formulaï¿½-"As the Lord liveth" (1 Ne. 3:15, 4:32; 2 Ne. 9:16;25:20). The declaration is added to a testimony to accentuate the words of the speaker. For
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                                     as the LordCorp.
                                                 liveth shall these things be, saith the Lord" (Hel. 15:17; cf. Hel. 13:26).                    Page 58 / 919
4. Woe Oracleï¿½-An accusation form usually found as part of a judgment speech. Some forty examples of the woe oracle are attested in the Book of Mormon (1 1
Ne. 1:13; 2 Ne. 9:27; 2 Ne. 15:21). The characteristic woe oracle consists of the accusation, the addressee, the intent of the accusation, and the promise of judgment.
formula is often found at the beginning of a revelation or announcement. It is used as an emphatic summons to hear the word of the Lord.

3. Oath Formulaï¿½-"As the Lord liveth" (1 Ne. 3:15, 4:32; 2 Ne. 9:16;25:20). The declaration is added to a testimony to accentuate the words of the speaker. For
instance, Samuel stated, "as surely as the Lord liveth shall these things be, saith the Lord" (Hel. 15:17; cf. Hel. 13:26).

4. Woe Oracleï¿½-An accusation form usually found as part of a judgment speech. Some forty examples of the woe oracle are attested in the Book of Mormon (1 1
Ne. 1:13; 2 Ne. 9:27; 2 Ne. 15:21). The characteristic woe oracle consists of the accusation, the addressee, the intent of the accusation, and the promise of judgment.
The prophet Samuel uttered a number of woe oracles against the Nephites (Hel. 13:11-12, 14-17, 24;15:2-3). Hel. 13:16-17, for example, contains the following
elements:

Accusation: Yea, and wo

Addressee: be unto all the cities which are in the land round about

Intent: because of wickedness and abominations which are in them.

Promise of Judgment: And behold, a curse shall come upon the land, saith the Lord of Hosts

5. Announcement Formulaï¿½-"I say unto you." The revelation formula is well attested in the Book of Mormon. The Lord speaks to his audience (an individual or
group) in the first person (3 Ne. 12:22;20:15), or a prophet speaks to his audience using the formula, adding authority and emphasis to the revelation. The formula is
found at the beginning of a clause, often accompanied with the particles "yea," "behold," or "therefore." Samuel employs the formula three times (Hel. 15:6, 12, 14).

6. Revelation Formulaï¿½-"The word of the Lord came to me, saying" (Jacob 2:11; Alma 43:24; Ether 13:20). At the beginning of Samuel's ministry to the Nephites,
"behold, the voice of the Lord came unto him" (Hel. 13:3). Samuel told the Nephites that they would cry unto the Lord, "O that we had repented in the day that the
word of the Lord came unto us" (Hel. 13:36).

Six prophetic speech forms present in Samuel's speechï¿½-the messenger formula, the proclamation formula, the oath formula, the woe oracle, the announcement
formula, and the revelation formula-ï¿½are indicative of prophetic authority and prerogative. These speech forms and others dealing with the commission and divine
workings of a prophet are also present in other sections of the Book of Mormon. It is hoped that this brief report will give birth to additional and in-depth studies on the
topic of prophetic language in the Book of Mormon.

  For a complete study on the subject, see David E. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983),
88-100.

  Modern prophets have commented concerning the import of this expression (Joseph Fielding Smith, Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith (Salt Lake: Deseret,
1979), 136, Journal of Discourses, 23:370-72; Journal of Discourses, 22:291-92; Discourses of Brigham Young, (Salt Lake: Deseret, 1971), 38, 330.

"Secret Combinations" Revisited
Daniel C. Peterson

It has long been contended by critics of the Book of Mormon that its "Gadianton robbers" are merely nineteenth-century Freemasons, transparently disguised. As
one of their chief arguments for that notion, such writers as David Persuitte and Robert Hullinger have pointed out that the Book of Mormon refers to the Gadianton
robbers using the same phrase, "secret combination," with which contemporary newspapers referred to the Masons during the great anti-Masonic agitation of the late
1820s.

One can easily demonstrate, though, that the word "combination" was commonly used, in the nineteenth century and earlier, in the sense of "conspiracy." Thus, its use
for the robbers of Gadianton seems to bear little real significance for the question of Book of Mormon authorship, proving at best that the text's English vocabulary is
most likely that of a nineteenth-century American. But this was never in doubt.

However, in a 1989 article, Dan Vogel took the argument even further. "At the time of the Book of Mormon's publication," he claimed, "the term 'secret combinations'
was used almost exclusively to refer to Freemasonry." According to this viewï¿½-which soon tends to lose its modest "almost"ï¿½-it is the phrase as a whole that
uniquely denotes Freemasonry and, so, points to a nineteenth-century origin for the Book of Mormon as well as to the real identity of the (presumably fictional)
Gadianton robbers.

The obvious problem with such a view is that it is difficult to see why the joining of a common adjective like "secret" to a common term of the day like "combination"
should be regarded as a technical piece of esoteric jargon so distinctive as to constitute a definitive test of authorship or a conclusive refutation of the Book of
Mormon's historical authenticity. The evidence supporting Vogel's claim, furthermore, seems to have been drawn from an overly narrow sampling of documents, and to
be, simply, too sparse to sustain him. I noted this in 1990:

Vogel's own evidence-ï¿½which consists of seven anti-Masonic newspaper quotations-ï¿½merely demonstrates what has been known for many years, that the phrase
was indeed sometimes employed in reference to Masons. But this is a far cry from demonstrating that such was its exclusive use. . . .What is needed, before one can
confidently declare that the phrase "secret combination" was never used in non-Masonic contexts in the 1820s and 1830s, is a careful search of documents from that
period of American history that have nothing to do with the controversy surrounding the Masons. This has not yet been done.

I made a small effort in that direction for my 1990 article, but the results, while they were interesting and suggested that Vogel was probably wrong, remained
inconclusive. A computerized search of available nineteenth-century federal and state court opinions revealed ten occurrences of the phrase "secret combination(s)," not
one of which referred to the Masons. Unfortunately, though, the earliest of these dated only to 1850, fully two decades after the publication of the Book of Mormon.
This lack of pre-1850 references was, I believe, a merely accidental effect of the fact that court decisions of the first half of the nineteenth century remain largely
uncomputerized, and so could not be easily searched. Following a somewhat different research direction, I located a passionate 1831 attack on bar associations, by a
Massachusetts journalist named Frederick Robinson, in which such phrases as "secret bar association," "secret brotherhood of the bar," "combination," "conspiracy,"
"secret society," and "secret fraternity" all appeared in close proximity. It seemed mere bad luck that the precise phrase "secret combination" did not actually occur.

However, the fact remained that a non-Masonic occurrence of the precise phrase "secret combination" had not been located prior to 1850. At this point, though, I
elected to retire from the issue. I am a medieval Islamicist, not an American historian. I could only say in parting that the conservative character of legal language,
coupled with the fact that the phrase "secret combination(s)" occurred at least ten times in court decisions issued between 1850 and 1898, certainly suggested that
exploration of older court materials would likely find earlier occurrences of the phrase. And there remained the tens of thousands of pages of non-legal writing from
 Copyright America,
Jacksonian   (c) 2005-2009,
                       which Infobase    Media
                               I had neither     Corp.nor the patience to comb. "Can anyone doubt," I wrote rather resignedly, "that a more extensive search
                                             the time                                                                                                     Pagein59     / 919
                                                                                                                                                                   period
writings will locate precisely that phrase?"
However, the fact remained that a non-Masonic occurrence of the precise phrase "secret combination" had not been located prior to 1850. At this point, though, I
elected to retire from the issue. I am a medieval Islamicist, not an American historian. I could only say in parting that the conservative character of legal language,
coupled with the fact that the phrase "secret combination(s)" occurred at least ten times in court decisions issued between 1850 and 1898, certainly suggested that
exploration of older court materials would likely find earlier occurrences of the phrase. And there remained the tens of thousands of pages of non-legal writing from
Jacksonian America, which I had neither the time nor the patience to comb. "Can anyone doubt," I wrote rather resignedly, "that a more extensive search in period
writings will locate precisely that phrase?"

Indeed, I have now quite unintentionally located precisely that phrase, "secret combination," used in a plainly non-Masonic context, in a letter from late 1826. This
establishes that the phrase was being used to refer to things other than Freemasonry before Joseph Smith obtained the plates from which he translated the Book of
Mormon, as well as after.

The 1828 presidential campaign sank to depths that make today's "dirty campaigning" seem like a church choir rehearsal. For example, Charles Hammond, the editor
of the Cincinnati Gazette and a fervent partisan of Henry Clay, advanced the claim that Clay's rival, Andrew Jackson, had never actually been legally married to his
wife. Hammond was strident and shrill in his accusations. "Ought a convicted adulteress and her paramour husband to be placed in the highest offices of this free and
Christian land?" he demanded. This was just one of many brutal charges and countercharges traded during the election campaignï¿½-a leading Clay newspaper was the
Washington National Journalï¿½-but it was particularly resented by General Jackson. And when his wife died at the end of the campaign, Jackson held Clay personally
responsible. "A being so gentle and so virtuous," he said, "slander might wound but could not dishonor." Indeed, Jackson had long felt that Clay was behind such
attacks. Even "the aged and virtuous female," he had written to Sam Houston on 15 December 1826, could not escape "his secrete [sic] combinations of base slander."


The importance of this passage should be obvious. Here, as I have said, we have a non-Masonic occurrence of the term "secret combination" from the period
immediately prior to the translation of the Book of Mormon. Indeed, the individual using the phrase, Gen. Andrew Jackson, was himself a very prominent Mason.
Had he known the phrase as referring uniquely to Freemasonry, or even as predominantly associated with Freemasonry, it seems highly unlikely that he would have
used it in this pejorative way against a despised opponent. Yet by the date of Jackson's letter to Houston, 15 December 1826, the hysteria surrounding the murder or
disappearance of William Morgan-ï¿½which Brodie and others have imagined to be reflected in the Book of Mormon, and during which, we are told, the phrase
"secret combination" referred exclusively to Freemasonryï¿½-was already approximately three months old.

Thus we can now say without fear of contradiction that non-Masons could be accused of involvement in "secret combinations" both before and after the publication of
the Book of Mormon, and even, most particularly, during the anti-Masonic hysteria of the late 1820s.

It is not often that so neat a refutation of a historical claim presents itself. Yet, since my own desultory readings on American history and politics have supplied this
counterexample, one can confidently predict that a true search of period writings would furnish many more. The claim that the Book of Mormon's "secret
combinations"ï¿½-simply because they are called "secret combinations"-ï¿½necessarily betray their origins in nineteenth-century anti-Masonic paranoia can now be
definitively laid to rest.

  For a survey and preliminary evaluation of the arguments advanced for this proposition, see Daniel C. Peterson, "Notes on 'Gadianton Masonry'," in Stephen D.
Ricks and William J. Hamblin, eds., Warfare in the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 174-224.

  Robert N. Hullinger, Mormon Answer to Skepticism: Why Joseph Smith Wrote the Book of Mormon (St. Louis: Clayton, 1980), 114, nn. 30 and 31.

  See Peterson, "Notes on 'Gadianton Masonry'," 189-90.

   Dan Vogel, "Mormonism's 'Anti-Masonick Bible'," John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 9 (1989): 18.

  On 26 August 1989, Vogel and his sometime coauthor Brent Metcalfe, in a Salt Lake City conversation with me and my colleague, Prof. Stephen D. Ricks,
declared flatly that the phrase "secret combination" was never used at the time of the translation and publication of the Book of Mormon, except to refer to
Freemasonry.

  Peterson, "Notes on 'Gadianton Masonry'," 191. Italics in the original.

  Ibid., 195-97.

  Ibid., 191-93.

  Ibid., 197.

  Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (New York and London: Norton, 1991), 340.

  As was Henry Clay, although by this time he was not particularly active in the organization. See Remini, Henry Clay, 333-34.

  Remini, Henry Clay, 333; Fawn M. Brodie, No Man Knows My History: The Life of Joseph Smith, 2d ed. (New York: Knopf, 1975), 63.

A Note on the Name Nephi John Gee

Over forty years ago, Hugh Nibley raised the issue of Book of Mormon onomastica: Are the "personal names contained in the story . . . satisfactory for that period and
region"? While an answer to the larger issue of all the names in the Book of Mormon still awaits investigation, we seem to be in a position to comment on the
authenticity of the name Nephi, the first name to occur in the Book of Mormon (1 1 Ne. 1:1).

A Phoenician inscription discovered at Elephantine contains the name of a certain KNPY. This, by itself, is mere trivia., but the scholarly discussion of the name is of
interest in connection with the Book of Mormon. F. L. Benz has compiled a list of the personal names in Phoenician inscriptions and their derivations. He sees the name
KNPY as the Phoenician form of K-nfr.w, an attested Egyptian name. This equation was later confirmed by G. Vittmann, who added that the Aramaic spellings
KNWPï¿½ and QNPY were also attested. Further, the Aramaic KNWPY is attested in the Elephantine inscriptions. Vittmann also noted that the name
'HRNPY, attested in Aramaic inscriptions, was probably Egyptian 'nh-hr-nfr. The name element NPY seems to be the Semitic (i.e., Aramaic, Phoenician)
transcription of the Egyptian nfr, a common element of Egyptian personal names. The medial p in the Semitic form would have been taken as a l f/, so the vocalization
of NPY as Nephi poses no problem.

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While        (c) 2005-2009,
      both K-nfr.w             Infobase
                      and 'nh-hr-nfr   areMedia
                                          attestedCorp.                                                                                                  Page
                                                   Egyptian names containing the element nfr, Nfr itself is an attested Egyptian name. At this time (fifth       60B.C.)
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                                                                                                                                                                         in
Egypt, the final r had fallen out of the pronunciation of nfr, and this remained the case in Coptic, where the form was noufi. Though the name K-nfr.w has an /u/
vowel following the n, the verbal form of nfr.w is a stative (also known as a qualitative or old perfective), whereas Nfr is probably a participle; thus, the vowel was
'HRNPY, attested in Aramaic inscriptions, was probably Egyptian 'nh-hr-nfr. The name element NPY seems to be the Semitic (i.e., Aramaic, Phoenician)
transcription of the Egyptian nfr, a common element of Egyptian personal names. The medial p in the Semitic form would have been taken as a l f/, so the vocalization
of NPY as Nephi poses no problem.

While both K-nfr.w and 'nh-hr-nfr are attested Egyptian names containing the element nfr, Nfr itself is an attested Egyptian name. At this time (fifth century B.C.) in
Egypt, the final r had fallen out of the pronunciation of nfr, and this remained the case in Coptic, where the form was noufi. Though the name K-nfr.w has an /u/
vowel following the n, the verbal form of nfr.w is a stative (also known as a qualitative or old perfective), whereas Nfr is probably a participle; thus, the vowel was
likely not the same. Demoticists indicate that the vowel following the n in the participial form of nfr as well as in the verbal form transcribed as n-nfr is an /e/
(Coptic/Greek epsilon).

With this we can make a guess at the pronunciation of the name Nephi . Most European and Latin American Latter-day Saints are already pronouncing the name more
or less correctly as /nfi/ or /nefi/, since originally it was most likely pronounced "nefe" or "nafe" (rhyming with "heh fee/hay fee") rather than the current "nefi."
Nevertheless, the standard English pronunciation has a venerable history, and even this writer will probably continue to use it.

To sum up, Nephi is an attested Syro-Palestinian Semitic form of an attested Egyptian man's name dating from the Late Period in Egypt. It is appropriate that Nephi
notes early the connections between Egypt and Israel at his time (1 Ne. 1:3), for his own name is Egyptian. It is the proper form of a proper name of the proper gender
from the proper place and proper time.

About the Contributors

S. Kent Brown, Ph.D., is professor of Ancient Scripture at Brigham Young University and an associate editor of Brigham Young University Studies.

John Gee, M.A., is pursuing a Ph.D. in Near Eastern Lanugages and Civilizations at Yale University.

Alan Goff, a doctoral candidate in Humanistic Studies at the University at Albany, is adjunct professor of English at Mount Saint Mary College in New York.

John L. Hilton, B.A., is adjunct professor of Statistics at Brigham Young University.

Janet F. Hilton, B.A., is a Spanish scholar.

Todd R. Kerr, J.D., is an attorney with Brown & Bain, P.A., in Phoenix, Arizona.

Lindon J. Robison, Ph.D., is professor of Agricultural Economics at Michigan State University.

Donald W. Parry, Ph.D., is assistant professor of Hebrew at Brigham Young University.

Daniel C. Peterson, Ph.D., is assistant professor of Islamic Studies and Arabic at Brigham Young University.

John L. Sorenson, Ph.D., is professor emeritus of Anthropology at Brigham Young University.

John W. Welch, J.D., is professor of Law at Brigham Young University and editor of Brigham Young University Studies.

Book of Mormon Studies Spring 1993
ï¿½ Copyright 1993 by the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS). All rights reserved. Licensed by Infobases, Inc. for inclusion in the LDS
Collectors Library.

I would like to thank Theron Stanford for assisting me in obtaining a key source on short notice, and Matt Roper for his insistent prodding.

Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book
and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 1, citing W. F. Albright.

On the methodology of this subject, see Paul Y. Hoskisson, "An Introduction to the Relevance of and a Methodology for a Study of the Proper Names of the Book of
Mormon," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book
and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 2:126-35.

Mark Lidzbarski, Phï¿½nizische und aramï¿½ische Krugaufschriften aus Elephantine (Berlin: Reimer, 1912), 24.

Frank L. Benz, Personal Names in the Phoenician and Punic Inscriptions: A Catalog, Grammatical Study and Glossary of Elements (Rome: Biblical Institute, 1972),
192. Hermann Ranke, Die ï¿½gyptische Personennamen, 3 vols. (Glï¿½ckstadt: Augustin, 1935-77), 1:390. For an early Demotic attestation dating from the reign of
Amasis, see Wolja Erichsen, Auswahl frï¿½hdemotischer Texte, 3 vols. (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1950), 1:21, line 11.

G. Vittmann, "Zu den in den phï¿½nikischen Inschriften enthaltenen ï¿½gyptischen Personennamen," Gï¿½ttinger Miszellen 113 (1989): 95.

See A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century b.c. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1923), inscriptions 26:9, 21; and 50:7, pp. 89-90, 155.

Vittmann, "Zu den in den phï¿½nikischen Inschriften enthaltenen ï¿½gyptischen Personennamen," 94. The name is found in Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth
Century b.c., inscription 72:23, p. 183.

There are three-hundred ninety listed in Ranke, Die ï¿½gyptische Personennamen, 3:73-76.

E. Kautzsch and A. E. Cowley, Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1910), ï¿½ï¿½6n, 13b, 21, pp. 33-34, 56, 75-76.

It is attested as a man's name from Dynasty 1 through the late period (which Ranke takes as ending at the Alexandrian conquest of Egypt), and as a woman's name in
the Old Kingdom through the New Kingdom, and the Greek period; Ranke, ï¿½gyptische Personennamen, 1:194.

Vittmann,
Copyright"Zu
           (c) den in den phï¿½nikischen
               2005-2009,                Inschriften
                            Infobase Media   Corp. enthaltenen ï¿½gyptischen Personennamen," 93. The Egyptian -r was weak from the beginning;Page
                                                                                                                                                see Elmar Edel,
                                                                                                                                                       61 / 919
Altï¿½gyptische Grammatik, 2 vols., vols. 34/39 of Analecta Orientalia (Rome: Pontificum Institutum Biblicum, 1955), ï¿½ï¿½127-28, 1:56; Walter Till, Koptische
Grammatik (Leipzig: VEB, 1970) ï¿½39, p. 48.
It is attested as a man's name from Dynasty 1 through the late period (which Ranke takes as ending at the Alexandrian conquest of Egypt), and as a woman's name in
the Old Kingdom through the New Kingdom, and the Greek period; Ranke, ï¿½gyptische Personennamen, 1:194.

Vittmann, "Zu den in den phï¿½nikischen Inschriften enthaltenen ï¿½gyptischen Personennamen," 93. The Egyptian -r was weak from the beginning; see Elmar Edel,
Altï¿½gyptische Grammatik, 2 vols., vols. 34/39 of Analecta Orientalia (Rome: Pontificum Institutum Biblicum, 1955), ï¿½ï¿½127-28, 1:56; Walter Till, Koptische
Grammatik (Leipzig: VEB, 1970) ï¿½39, p. 48.

The southern dialects have noufe, the northern noufi; Jaroslav Cernyï¿½, Coptic Etymological Dictionary (Cambridge University Press, 1976), 116; Walter E. Crum, A
Coptic Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon, 1939), 240; Wolfhart Westendorf, Koptisches Handwï¿½rterbuch (Heidelberg: Winter, 1977), 133.

See Erichsen, Auswahl frï¿½hdemotisher Texte, 2:71. For examples of late period names with n-nfr see Ranke, ï¿½gyptische Personennamen, 1:169; and Miriam
Lichtheim, Demotic Ostraca from Medinet Habu (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), plate 28, text 144, line 2; for the Greek transcription of the Egyptian
name Nfr-htp as Nephotes, see Heinz J. Thissen, "ï¿½gyptologische Beitrï¿½ge zu den griechischen magischen Papyri," in Ursula Verhoeven and Erhart Graefe, eds.,
Religion und Philosophie im alten ï¿½gypten (Leuven: Peeters, 1991), 295.

Note the spelling of "Lehi" as "Lehigh" in M. J. Hubble's interview of David Whitmer, 13 November 1886, in Lyndon W. Cook, ed., David Whitmer Interviews: A
Restoration Witness (Provo, UT: Grandin, 1992), 210. Hubble was a non-Mormon and apparently had never seen the name spelled and thus spelled what he heard.
As David Whitmer had "cut loose from [Joseph Smith and the Church] in 1837" (Cook, David Whitmer Interviews, 6) likely his pronunciation of the names had not
altered from the initial period and thus the present American pronunciations of the names Nephi and Lehi were set within the first decade of the Church.

Editor's Introduction
Stephen D. Ricks

Last fall the premiere issue of the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies appeared. Response to it was gratifyingï¿½-the first printing was almost immediately exhausted
and a new printing was required. We trust that this issue will find an equally positive response.

With this issue we are introducing a slightly different publication schedule. Whereas the first volume of the Journal had only one number, beginning with volume two, it
will appear twice a year, once in the springtime and again in the fall.

The subjects of this issue range from history, linguistics, and theology, to archaeology, apologetics, and folklore, in short, some of the many fields that the Book of
Mormon touches on. In the last issue I wrote that I believed that there is-ï¿½and should beï¿½-no privileged access to the Book of Mormon. It was our hope that
those who contribute to the Journal would represent a broad cross-section of Church membership. I believe that we are succeeding in our hope, but would like to have
the net cast even wider. We wish again to encourage all of those who may have serious, thought-provoking work to submit it for consideration (a style sheet for
submissions is included at the end of this issue).

Normally, references to modern literature have been fully written out. In at least two instances, however, abbreviations have been used: the Journal of Discourses is
abbreviated JD, while the Documentary History of the Church is HC.

We wish to thank Michael Lyon and Elise Barrett for their artistic contributions that appear in this volume, and to Melvin Thorne and Brent Hall for editorial and other
timely assistance in its production.

"Nigh Unto Death": Nde Research and the Book of Mormon
Kevin Christensen

Abstract: This article suggests that contemporary near-death research casts light on several episodes in the Book of Mormon. Alma's conversion while "nigh unto
death" fits a common pattern of experience. Modern researchers have noticed distinctive after-effects among NDErs. In the Book of Mormon, both Alma and the
resurrected Christ demonstrate these aftereffects. Lehi's dream invites comparison with the otherworld journey literature of many nations. Nephi's interpretation of
Lehi's dream casts light on the tension between the literal and the symbolic elements of visionary experience. Finally, just as accurate out-of-body observations made by
NDErs argued for the reality of their experiences, so the testable aspects of the Book of Mormon give Joseph Smith a significance apart from others who may have
experienced similar visions.

Raymond Moody has written that the most prominent of the Western religions to accept the near-death experience (NDE) as a doorway to the spiritual world has been
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. Craig Lundahl's studies of Mormon NDE accounts from 1838 to 1975 show that they fall into the classic Moody
pattern. Mormons who have reported and collected NDEs take the accounts almost for granted in the context of the faith. Robert Fillerup and I separately gave
talks discussing ways that NDE and consciousness research may il luminate Mormon beginnings. Impressed by Lundahl and Moody, Ian Wilson observes that
Mormon teachings of the afterlife are more detailed than normative Christianity and match rather well the NDE. On the other hand, in his fascinating study of
children's NDEs, Dr. Melvin Morse claims that "I could find little similarity between Katie's experience [the LDS experiencer who triggered his interest] and any of her
religious teachings." Morse reports that his investigation of Mormon teachings involved "hours" of conversation with the family and conversation with a devout
Mormon at the hospital. He learned that Katie had been taught to believe in an afterlife, that the spirit leaving the body was like a hand leaving a glove, and that death
was "like sending someone on a long boat ride." Morse emphasizes that no one in Katie's family expressed a belief in spirit guides, guardian angels, or tunnels to
heaven. In context, Morse's report serves to distance Katie's experience from potential cultural conditional as part of his thesis that children's NDEs are less culturally
polluted than adult NDEs. Unfortunately, despite his obvious affection for Katie and her family, his statement also reflects poorly on the strengths of Latter-day Saint
teachings about the afterlife. We might wish belatedly that Morse had considered 1 Ne. 6:4-6, or various modern sources, before coming to his conclusion regarding
Mormon teachings about spirit guides and tunnels to heaven. In fairness to both Dr. Morse and his few informants, his remark reflects more the weaknesses of current
educational materials than the Mormon spiritual heritage. This study shows how NDE research can illuminate NDE episodes within the Book of Mormon.

Nde Research and Book of Mormon Ndes

The clearest and most concentrated descriptions of the afterlife experience in the Book of Mormon come from the books of Mosiah and Alma. Appropriately, Alma's
conversion appears to have occurred through an NDE. In Otherworld Journeys, Harvard's Carol Zaleski compares NDE narrative form to conversion accounts.

Otherworld vision stories resemble conversion narratives in two respects. Most obviously, they trace the protagonist's recovery from a condition of sin, melancholy,
malaise-ï¿½or from death itself, which is the fundamental reference point and emblem for all states of despair. . . .

The second, and more intriguing, similarity between conversion experiences and near-death visions is the way in which inner transformation colors perceptions of the
outer world.(c)
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                   The chief virtue of ourMedia
                               Infobase    tendency to conceive of another world may be that it provides a sense of orientation in this world, through which
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                                                                                                                                                               would
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otherwise wander without direction.

Alma first appears as a "wicked, and idolatrous man" (Mosiah 27:8). While going about "to destroy the church of God," an angel appeared to Alma and four
malaise-ï¿½or from death itself, which is the fundamental reference point and emblem for all states of despair. . . .

The second, and more intriguing, similarity between conversion experiences and near-death visions is the way in which inner transformation colors perceptions of the
outer world. . . . The chief virtue of our tendency to conceive of another world may be that it provides a sense of orientation in this world, through which we would
otherwise wander without direction.

Alma first appears as a "wicked, and idolatrous man" (Mosiah 27:8). While going about "to destroy the church of God," an angel appeared to Alma and four
companions (Mosiah 27:10). This encounter so astonished Alma that he fell to the earth "and it was for the space of three days and three nights that I could not open
my mouth, neither had I the use of my limbs" (Alma 36:10). Alma describes this period as "wandering through much tribulation, repenting nigh unto death" (Mosiah
27:28).

Not only does Alma declare himself as near death, but the formal response of those around him resembles the "Opening of the Mouth" rite for initiation and rebirth that
was intended to "reverse the blows of death." A religious leader called a multitude of people to gather to witness the event ritually (Mosiah 27:21). The priests
assembled and fasted and prayed for two days and nights that "God would open the mouth of Alma, that he might speak, and also that his limbs might receive their
strength" (Mosiah 27:22). Notice the word pairs in Mosiah 27:22-23, which collectively reinforce the notion of a ritual context: open the mouth-ï¿½speak, limbsï¿½-
strength, eyesï¿½-see and know.

While "nigh unto death," Alma had an experience which combines aspects of both positive and negative NDEs. Alma's first report of his NDE comes as he rises on the
third day of his crisis and addresses the waiting multitude.

After wading through much tribulation, repenting nigh unto death, the Lord in mercy hath seen fit to snatch me out of an everlasting burning, and I am born of God. My
soul hath been redeemed from the gall of bitterness and the bonds of iniquity. I was in the darkest abyss; but now I behold the marvelous light of God. My soul was
racked with eternal torment; but I am snatched, and my soul is pained no more. (Mosiah 27:28-29; cf. Alma 38)

While most reported modern NDEs lack the hellish aspects, such reports have been noted with much interest and were, according to Carol Zaleski's Otherworld
Journeys, a typical feature of medieval Buddhist, Muslim, Zoroastrian, and Judeo-Christian accounts. P. M. H. Atwater and Margot Grey have also shown the
point-for-point antithesis between positive and negative NDEs.

In place of elation, the emotions of fear and panic; similar though less pleasant sensations of being out the body; the plunging into a totally black void instead of an end-
lit tunnel; and not least, a sense of an overwhelming proximity of the forces of demonic evil.

Stanislav and Christina Grof, in Beyond Death, elaborate on three themes from hellish experience that also stand out in Alma's accounts:

--the polarities of the hellish and heavenly experience
--the subjective sense of eternal torment in finite duration
--the use of "rebirth" imagery

In retelling his experience, Alma artfully highlights this positive/negative polarity using the reflexive pyramidal poetic form, chiasmus (Alma 36). I have indented and
italicized key words to illustrate the form and inserted bracketed comments to emphasize parallels to Moody's NDE pattern.

I fell to the earth and I did hear no more. ["Nigh unto Death."] But I was racked with eternal torment, for my soul was harrowed up to the greatest degree and racked
with all my sins. Yea, I did remember all my sins and iniquities. [Life Review] . . .

So great had been my iniquities,
that the very thought of coming into the presence of my God
did rack my soul
with inexpressible horror.
Oh, thought I, that I could become extinct
both soul and body that
I might not be brought to stand in the presence of my God
to be judged of my deeds. . . .Yea, methought I saw, even as our father Lehi saw,
God sitting upon his throne, [Being of Light]
surrounded with numberless concourses of angels [Others]
in the attitude of singing and praising their God; [Music]
yea, and my soul did long to be there [Reluctance to Return]
But behold, my limbs did receive their strength again, and I stood upon my feet. [Rebirth] (Alma 36:11-23)

In the Grofs' discussion, the process of psychological death and rebirth "bears a striking similarity to the events described through the ages in shamanistic initiation, rites
of passage, temple mysteries, and in the ecstatic religions of many ancient and preliterate cultures." They identify the first of three stages as cosmic engulfment, related
to the onset of biological delivery, beginning with "an overwhelming feeling of anxiety and an awareness of a vital threat." This corresponds to Alma's shock at seeing
the angel.

The second stage is no exit, related to "the second stage of delivery in which uterine contractions encroach on the foetus, but the cervix is closed." Subjectively, "the
situation is inescapable and eternal. There is no hope and no way out either in space or in time."

Notice how Alma describes a longing for annihilation while he felt "racked with eternal torment," being "encircled about by the everlasting chains of death" (Alma 36:12,
18). Concerning "the ordeal of hell," the Grofs write:

The feeling that suffering is eternal is an essential experimental attribute of hell. The endlessness of this state does not consist in an extreme extension of linear time, but in
its transcendence. The individual undergoes tortures beyond any imagining which at that point are the only available reality; since the sense of the linear flow of time is
lost, there appears to be no way out. It is only when this situation is fully accepted that one has experienced hell, and the journey can continue.

In Alma's account of his torment, the terms "everlasting" and "eternal" do not refer to duration, but to quality. Alma reports that his "eternal torment" lasted for three
days (cf. D&C 19:1-21).

The third stage is the death-rebirth struggle. Again, the Grofs' description illuminates Alma's experience.
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The "death and rebirth" phase represents the termination and resolution of the "death-rebirth struggle." Suffering and agony culminate in an experience of total
annihilation on all levels-ï¿½physical, emotional, intellectual, moral, and transcendental. . . . Such annihilation is often followed by visions of blinding white or golden light
and a sense of liberating decompression and expansion. The universe is perceived as indescribably beautiful and radiant; subjects feel themselves cleansed and purged,
days (cf. D&C 19:1-21).

The third stage is the death-rebirth struggle. Again, the Grofs' description illuminates Alma's experience.

The "death and rebirth" phase represents the termination and resolution of the "death-rebirth struggle." Suffering and agony culminate in an experience of total
annihilation on all levels-ï¿½physical, emotional, intellectual, moral, and transcendental. . . . Such annihilation is often followed by visions of blinding white or golden light
and a sense of liberating decompression and expansion. The universe is perceived as indescribably beautiful and radiant; subjects feel themselves cleansed and purged,
and speak of redemption, salvation, moksha, or samadhi. Numerous images of emerging into light from darkness, glorious opening of the heavens, revelation of the
divine . . . and the final victory of the pure religious impulse, express this state of consciousness. . . . In death and rebirth mythologies, the correspondence is with the
revival and resurrection of the sacrificed god.

Alma's Teachings About Life After Death

Evidently, none of Alma's three accounts gave the full details of his experience. Alma associated his teachings on life after death with the angel whose appearance
triggered his NDE.

Now, concerning the state of the soul between death and the resurrection-ï¿½Behold, it has been made known unto me by an angel, that the spirits of all men, as soon
as they are departed from this mortal body, yea, the spirits of all men, whether they be good or evil, are taken home to that God who gave them life.

And then it shall come to pass, that the spirits of those who are righteous are received into a state of happiness, which is called paradise, a state of rest, a state of
peace, where they shall rest from all their troubles and from all care, and sorrow.

And then shall it come to pass, that the spirits of the wicked, yea, who are evilï¿½-for behold, they have no part nor portion of the Spirit of the Lord; for behold, they
chose evil works rather than good; therefore the spirit of the devil did enter into them, and take possession of their house-ï¿½and these shall be cast out into outer
darkness; there shall be weeping, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth, and this because of their own iniquity, being led captive by the will of the devil. (Alma 40:11-14)

The thing to notice is that Alma teaches from experience, not from philosophy, tradition, or speculation.

Alma and the Life Review

Alma's remarks indicate that a life review occurred during his NDE.

Yea, I did remember all my sins and iniquities; . . . yea, I saw that I had rebelled against my God. . . . I was harrowed up by the memory of my many sins. (Alma
36:13, 17)

Several of Alma's remarks resonate with modern accounts of the NDE life review. Alma conceives of life as a probation. "This life is the time for men to prepare to
meet God; yea, behold the day of this life is the day for men to perform their labors" (Alma 34:32). NDErs often comment on timelessness in God's presence. Alma
concurs, saying "all is as one day with God, and time only is measured unto men" (Alma 40:8). NDErs are often told that their "time" has not yet come. Alma remarks,
"God knoweth all the times which are appointed unto man" (Alma 40:10). NDErs discuss the life review in terms of self-judgment. Alma treats this theme frequently,
saying, "for behold, they are their own judges, whether to do good or evil" (Alma 41:7). Those who experience the life review often discuss how they felt the effects of
their good and bad acts on other people.

But when I was in that review there was no covering up. I was the very people that I hurt, and I was the very people I helped feel good. . . . When I die I am going to
have to witness every single action of mine again, only this time actually feeling the effects I've had on others.

What occurred was, every emotion I have ever felt in my life, I felt. And my eyes were showing me the basis of how that emotion affected my life, what my life had
done so far to affect other people's lives using the feeling of pure love that was surrounding me as a comparison.

Alma's discussion of restoration is suggestive in this context:

But the meaning of the word restoration is to bring back again
evil for evil,
or carnal for carnal,
or devilish for devilish-ï¿½
good for that which is good;
righteous for that which is righteous;
just for that which is just;
merciful for that which is merciful.
Therefore, my son see that you are
merciful unto your brethren;
deal justly,
judge righteously,
and do good continually;
and if ye do all these things then shall ye receive your reward;
yea, ye shall have mercy restored unto you again;
ye shall have justice restored unto you again;
ye shall have a righteous judgment restored unto you again;
and ye shall have good rewarded unto you again.
For that which ye send out shall return unto you again, and be restored. (Alma 41:13-15)

Other Nde Experiences in the Book of Mormon

At least three additional apparent NDEs occur in the Book of Mormon, all of them in the book of Alma. See the account of King Lamoni who "fell unto the earth, as if
he were dead" (Alma 18:42), then rose on a third day to prophesy, prompting a similar experience for his wife (Alma 19:1-34). Alma 22:18-23 recounts a similar
occurrence in the court of Lamoni's father.

Nde Aftereffects in the Book of Mormon
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Several researchers have commented on distinctive NDE aftereffects. As NDE survivors, both Alma and the resurrected Christ in the Book of Mormon demonstrate
nearly all of these traits.
occurrence in the court of Lamoni's father.

Nde Aftereffects in the Book of Mormon

Several researchers have commented on distinctive NDE aftereffects. As NDE survivors, both Alma and the resurrected Christ in the Book of Mormon demonstrate
nearly all of these traits.

--No fear of dying
--A sense of the importance of love
--A sense of the connection of all things (D&C 88)
--An appreciation of learning
--A feeling of responsibility for the course of their lives
--A sense of urgency
--Better developed spiritual side

This last of Moody's criteria deserves a close examination. All commentators see a tendency to be less materialistic.

I trust that ye have not set your hearts upon riches and the vain things of the world. (Alma 7:6)

Moody describes tendencies for NDErs to be less doctrinaire and more tolerant.

From Alma:

Why should I desire that I were an angel, that I could speak [with a voice of thunder] unto all the ends of the earth? For behold, the Lord doth grant unto all nations, of
their own nation and tongue, to teach his word, yea, in wisdom, all that he seeth fit that they should have. (Alma 29:7-8)

From the risen Christ:

Neither shall there be disputations among you concerning the points of my doctrine, as there have hitherto been. . . . Behold, this is not my doctrine, to stir up the hearts
of men with anger, one against another; but this is my doctrine, that such things should be done away. (3 Ne. 11:28, 30)

Six of Kenneth Ring's seven tendencies for NDE spiritual orientation       group nicely here under Moody's "better developed spiritual side." They serve to extend
Moody's definition.

1. A tendency to characterize oneself as spiritual rather than religious per se [Alma 5:14-16; 3 Ne. 17:5-25].
2. A feeling of being inwardly close to God [Alma 5:46, 3 Ne. 19:23].
3. A deemphasis of the formal aspects of religious life and worship.

Ring's informants like to contrast inner religious feelings and outward, formal religious behavior.       According to Ring, they express distaste for:

--formal aspects of religious life (ritual and trappings)
--doctrinal disputes
--the layer of dogma that often encrusts the religious impulse.

In Ring's accounts, these complaints often arise in the context of an NDErs frustrated search for a formal religious setting that speaks to their experience. One NDEr
said that "what [the NDE] did was propel me back into church to find one that spoke to the things I knew and I didn't find one."

Other modern experiencers join churches or become ministers, which argues that some formal religious settings can speak to an NDEr. Medieval accounts cited in
Zaleski typically favored a particular monastic order. Many of the Mormon accounts mention temple work, and therefore, explicitly endorse certain formal religious
acts. Therefore, I see the specific frustrations as being more fundamental to the NDErs than the deemphasis of formal religion altogether.

Alma's reaction to the Zoramites (Alma 31:12-31, 32:9) conforms to the specific objections Ring's informants raise. The Zoramites gathered together weekly to pray,
but otherwise never spoke of God. Their rote prayer included the phrase, "thou hast elected us to be saved, whilst all around us are elected to be cast by thy wrath
down to hell; for the which holiness, O God, we thank thee" (Alma 31:17). Alma demonstrates typical NDE values in being appalled by their hypocrisy and
materialism.

In his Book of Mormon ministry, notice that the resurrected Christ puts an end to the rituals of sacrifice (3 Ne. 9:19-20), criticizes doctrinal disputations (3 Ne. 11:22,
28), and limits what should be called the "doctrine of Christ" to a few simple essentials (3 Ne. 11:31-40).

4. A conviction that there is life after death, regardless of religious belief [Alma 40; 3 Ne. 26:4-5].
5. An openness to the idea of reincarnation (and a general sympathy toward Eastern religions).

Of Ring's criteria, this "openness to the idea of reincarnation" is absent in Alma and Christ. However, as Ring admits (and Ian Wilson emphasizes), this openness to
reincarnation appears not as a general response to the NDE, but a moderate tendency in NDEr beliefs when compared to the beliefs prevailing in the surrounding
American society. Ring observes that the moderate percentage who shift towards reincarnation do so (in most cases) not because of anything in their experience, but
as part of their life reading afterwards. Notice too that Ring includes "a sense of homecoming" in his NDE profile. If reincarnation is the only familiar concept that
accommodates this "sense of homecoming," or "premortal existence," it seems quite natural that an NDEr, knowing no other alternatives, could tilt in that direction. Ring
himself demonstrates how this can happen as he remarks that "while variants of this doctrine were acceptable to and promulgated by the early Church Fathers,
reincarnation was declared heretical and expunged from Christian dogma in the six century." However, Ian Wilson points out that the Council of Constantinople in
A.D. 553 actually rejected Origin's belief in premortal existence, "a very different thing from successive lives."

Nevertheless, Alma 29 and 3 Ne. 16:1 (Christ's descriptions of his "other sheep") satisfy Ring's "sympathy to Eastern religions."

6. A belief in the essential underlying unity of all religions [Alma 29; also 2 Ne. 11:4;26:33;29:11;31:3].

Note especially how Alma claims that the Lord teaches "all nations, of their own nation and tongue to teach his word, all that he seeth fit that they should have," and
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Jacob      (c) that
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                                                 given of God from the beginning of the world, unto man, are the typifying of [Christ]" (2 Ne. 11:4). Page 65 / 919

7. A desire for a universal religion embracing all humanity [see Alma 29 (!) and 3 Ne. 12:43-45].
6. A belief in the essential underlying unity of all religions [Alma 29; also 2 Ne. 11:4;26:33;29:11;31:3].

Note especially how Alma claims that the Lord teaches "all nations, of their own nation and tongue to teach his word, all that he seeth fit that they should have," and
Jacob remarks that "all things which have been given of God from the beginning of the world, unto man, are the typifying of [Christ]" (2 Ne. 11:4).

7. A desire for a universal religion embracing all humanity [see Alma 29 (!) and 3 Ne. 12:43-45].

Moody, Ring, and Atwater all report that NDErs tend to say that "denominations don't matter." Surprisingly, this thought is a Book of Mormon leitmotif, where God
"inviteth them all to come unto him and partake of his goodness; and he denieth none that come unto him, black and white, bond and free, male and female; and he
remembereth the heathen; and all are alike unto God, both Jew and Gentile" (2 Ne. 26:33).

All the Mormon scriptures emphasize that group membership has nothing to do with personal worthiness or righteousness (D&C 1:30-34). Alma insists that judgment
occurs in relation to opportunities for improvement (including social and cultural conditioning), not against an absolute standard (see Alma 9:14 -24). Those privileged
with greater knowledge are reminded that where much is given, much is expected.

Nde and Temple Mysteries in Book of Mormon

Ring, Michael Grosso, and the Grofs compare the NDE to various ancient temple mysteries in Greece and Egypt. The appearance of the resurrected Christ in 3 Ne. 8-
29 constitutes the spiritual climax of the Book of Mormon. The action takes place at the temple. In effect, the multitude in 3 Ne. 8-29 undergoes symbolic death and
judgment, meets dead loved ones, encounters a messenger, experiences a community life review, encounters a Being of Light, and is reborn. The whole experience can
be seen as a ritual equivalent to the Moody-type NDE. The Book of Mormon, therefore, anticipates current research in showing the kinship between the NDE and
temple mysteries.

Lehi's Dream and Cultural Influence on the Nde

The Grofs remark that "comparative studies of concepts of afterlife have revealed far reaching similarities" among different cultures. However, Zaleski points out that
"between those whose attention is captured by the discrepancies among different visions, and those who are dazzled by their similarities, there is a temperamental
distance, unlikely to be bridged by logical arbitration." Carol Zaleski's Otherworld Journeys attempts a cross-cultural view of the NDE, and by so doing directly
confronts the issue of the influence of culture on visionary experience.

Paul's famous uncertainty, "whether in the body or out of the body, I know not: God knows," recurs in new forms. . . . The more telling question has become "whether
in my culture or out of my culture, I know not, God knows."

The account of Lehi's dream emerges as the best ground for discussion of the issue of culture and revelation. Lehi's dream shows parallels both with modern and
ancient otherworld journey literature. In chapter 20 of An Approach to the Book of Mormon , Nibley demonstrated that the dream imagery is culturally specific to
Lehi's desert lifestyle. The dream is also archetypally symbolic compared to the medieval accounts discussed by Carol Zaleski, and with the cross-cultural
representations of heaven and hell gathered by Stanislav and Christina Grof. For example, Zaleski's description of the guide in medieval accounts applies equally to
Nephi's experience.

The guide . . . escorts the visionary from place to place, pushing the story forward and interpreting the inner significance of otherworld scenes; he thus calls attention to
the symbolic character of the other world, and the need for spiritual instruction in this life and the next.

Lehi's account of the iron rod, and many people being lost in mists of darkness, and falling into the filthy river echoes many of the medieval "Test Bridge" accounts in
Zaleski. Common motifs in the medieval visionary literature include the "river of hell, the flowery meadows of paradise, the white-clothed throngs in heaven, the test-
bridge." According to Zaleski, the test bridge of medieval vision literature "symbolizes safe passage" across the river but also "intensifies the dangers of crossing
otherworld boundaries. Whoever sets foot on its narrow planks is singled out for the attention of forces seeking the soul's downfall." The righteous "cross easily to
the meadows on the opposite shore while the unjust lose their footing and fall." The iron rod in Lehi's vision performs a symbolic function equivalent to the test bridge
of medieval visions.

Combinations of symbols in some of the judgment scenes in Beyond Death also invite comparison with Lehi's dream. Despite the different cultures-ï¿½Aztec,
medieval Christian, Haitian, Zoroastrian, and Buddhist-ï¿½we recognize the filthy rivers as boundary and obstacle, test bridges, symbols of heaven and hell, trees of life,
and the judgments of wicked and the just.

In discussing heaven and hell, the Grofs remark that "It is not always clear whether those images that are sufficiently concrete for pictorial representation were believed
to be literal and accurate descriptions of the afterlife experiences, or metaphors for states of mind that cannot be captured directly by any artistic means."

How should we understand the Book of Mormon descriptions of punishments, as prophets mention "unquenchable fires," or "the everlasting gulf of misery," or the "lake
of fire and brimstone?" In several cases, such terms are express metaphors for intense shame and guilt (see Mosiah 3:25, Alma 12:17; and D&C 19). The "awful
gulf" (1 Ne. 15:28) represents hell and separation from God. Nephi's brothers ask whether the symbols represent "the torment of the body in the days of probation, or
doth it mean the final state of the soul after the death of the temporal body, or doth it speak of things which are temporal?" (1 Ne. 15:31).

Nephi's answer anticipates Zaleski's grand question and her thoughtful answer about NDEs. Nephi tells his brothers that the symbols refer to both temporal and
spiritual things (1 Ne. 15:32). Zaleski argues that NDEs are works of a socially condi tioned religious imagination, but that the symbols participate in the reality that they
represent. She treats them as "socially condi tioned, imaginative, and yet nonetheless real and revelatory."

In Lehi's dream, everything is unashamedly symbolic. We accept his culturally specific symbols because we accept the source of the dream as divine, and the symbols
as corresponding to reality. Far from discounting cultural influence in the revela tions, Nephi insists that Isaiah, for example, cannot be understood properly without
knowledge of Isaiah's Hebrew culture (2 Ne. 25:5). The Doctrine and Covenants and the Book of Mormon both claim that revelation comes to people "in their
weakness, according to their language and understanding" (2 Ne. 31:3). Joseph Smith often taught that God adapted himself to our capacity to understand. For
example, during a 1909 NDE an American Catholic priest met his father "looking exactly as he had in the last few years of his life," wearing the "last suit of clothes he
had owned." Father Tucker wrote, "I knew that the clothes Father wore were assumed because they were familiar to me, so that I might feel no strangeness in seeing
him, and that to some lesser extent, his appearance was assumed also."

Still, if we agree with Carol Zaleski that the culturally specific and symbolic aspects of the NDE prevent us from mapping the otherworld, "the otherworld journey motif
remains potent only as long as it retains at least a hint of correspondence to a sensed, dreamed, or imagined reality."
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                                                                                                                                                            while   they
claimed to be out of their bodies. Accurate out-of-body observations cannot be explained in terms of cultural symbolism, or psychology. The most striking test of the
reality of out-of-body reports has been Michael Sabom's research. He asked thirty-two patients who claimed to have watched their resuscitation to describe the
Still, if we agree with Carol Zaleski that the culturally specific and symbolic aspects of the NDE prevent us from mapping the otherworld, "the otherworld journey motif
remains potent only as long as it retains at least a hint of correspondence to a sensed, dreamed, or imagined reality."

Modern NDEs keep their potency despite culturally specific elements because NDErs often bring back testable observations of what happened around them while they
claimed to be out of their bodies. Accurate out-of-body observations cannot be explained in terms of cultural symbolism, or psychology. The most striking test of the
reality of out-of-body reports has been Michael Sabom's research. He asked thirty-two patients who claimed to have watched their resuscitation to describe the
medical procedure involved. None made mistakes. Then he asked a control group of twenty-five "medically savvy" patients to describe the procedure. Twenty-three of
the twenty-five made major mistakes.

Mormonism and the Validity of the Nde

From the perspective of Mormonism, can we accommodate non-Mormon NDE accounts, and non-Mormon spiritual experiences? Certainly, if we agree with the
explicit teachings of the Book of Mormon. I find that Mormon spiritual experiences tend to gain validity when considered against the world context.

But how well can the world context absorb Mormonism?

Theologians, as much as other intellectuals, might wish to ignore experimental claims in order to avoid having to weigh testimony that either conflicts with accepted
religious or scientific principles or brings the mysteries of life, death, and the hereafter embarrassingly close. It is safer to treat the other world journey solely as a
metaphor or literary motif that illustrates a psychological or moral truth. In this way, we render it harmless; we attenuate the visionary virus until it is so weak that it
produces immunity instead of contagion.

Zaleski, in passing, mentions Mormonism in an interesting context:

Otherworld journey narration is a "wave" phenomenon rather than a constant. It seems to recur . . . when the way society pictures itself and its surrounding universe is
so changed as to threaten to dislocate the human being. . . . This has been the case for most categories of otherworld journey narrative, for Judeo-Christian
apocalypses and Islamic mi'raj traditions, for The Divine Comedy and the Zoroastrian Book of Arda Viraz, and for such modern American movements as Mormonism,
Shakerism, spiritualism, and the Ghost Dance religion.

This approach attempts to explain Mormonism as a "motif," as one more variation of "visionary virus," as one more "revitalization movement." As a common motif,
rather than a unique anomaly, Mormonism becomes harmless. However, according to our scriptures, we should not expect uniqueness as a revelatory religion (D&C
1:34; Alma 13:22; Alma 29:8; and so forth). We possess something outstanding that merits us a designation as a "well-pleas[ing]" (cf. D&C 1:30) and fully authorized
gathering, but we are not the only people with whom the Lord has any active concern. I believe that the "true and living" epithet has a distinct meaning (perhaps as a
merismus) that summarizes the reasons behind Joseph Smith's call. NDE study (and other consciousness research, as Foster points out so well) does open the
question of the uniqueness of many of Joseph Smith's visionary experiences (and those of other Mormons), but nevertheless supports the plausibility of his accounts.
NDE research also serves as a background against which to appreciate the uniqueness of Joseph Smith's contributions. In the current NDE literature, according to
Zaleski:

There is no match here for the revelatory literature of the great religious traditions; and it seems unlikely that a Gregory the Great or a Dante will emerge to shape near
death testimony into a religiously sophisti cated or artistically ordered statement. Neither could the medieval visions we considered stand on their own; they thrived
insomuch as they exemplified a larger tradition.

I would argue that the Book of Mormon matches the revelatory literature of the great traditions. Mormon NDE accounts thrived long before Moody's work appeared
because of the environment created by Joseph Smith's visions and the Book of Mormon. Just as testable out-of-body observations check the power of cultural and
psychological explanations of the NDE, the testable claims of the Book of Mormon check the power of sociological and psychological explanations of Mormonism. As
Foster argues, the uniqueness of the Book of Mormon in particular checks the power of the current academic trend that attempts to explain Mormonism as just another
movement, and Joseph as just another visionary.

In any case, whether testing NDEs or the Book of Mormon, we can only test the plausibility of competing explanations. For anyone impressed by the possibilities
embodied in the Book of Mormon, whether Mormon or non-Mormon, experiencer or seeker, skeptic or believer, Alma gives good advice.

And now behold, is your knowledge perfect?
Yea, your knowledge is perfect in that thing,
and your faith is dormant; and this because ye know,
for ye know that [the seed] hath sprouted up,
that your understanding doth begin to be enlightened, and your mind doth begin to expand.
Oh then is this not real?
I say unto you, Yea, because it is light;
and whatsoever is light is good,
because it is discernible,
therefore ye must know that it is good;
and now behold, after ye have tasted this light
is your knowledge perfect?
I say unto you, Nay. (Alma 32:34-36)

   1 Raymond Moody, The Light Beyond (New York: Bantam Books 1988), 88-91.

  Craig Lundahl, A Collection of Near Death Research Readings (Chicago: Prentice Hall, 1982), 165-78.

  Ian Wilson, The After Death Experience (New York: Morrow, 1988), 192.

  Melvin Morse, Closer to the Light (New York: Ivy, 1990), 7-8.

  Ibid.

  Carol Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 199-201.
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  Hugh W. Nibley, The Message of the Joseph Smith Papyri (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1975), 106-8.

  Cf. ibid., 106.
  Ibid.

  Carol Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 199-201.

  Hugh W. Nibley, The Message of the Joseph Smith Papyri (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1975), 106-8.

  Cf. ibid., 106.

   Near-death experiencer P. M. H. Atwater contrasts the two kinds of experience as follows: Positive Negative friendly beings lifeless apparitions beautiful
environment barren or empty expanses conversations threats or silence acceptance and danger and the overwhelming possibility sensation of love of violence a feeling
of heaven, a feeling of hell, warmth coldness P. M. H. Atwater, Coming Back to Life (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989), 33. For other negative accounts, see also
Raymond Moody, Reflections on Life after Life (New York: Bantam, 1977); Moody, The Light Beyond; Kenneth Ring, Life at Death (New York: Quill, 1980); and
Stanislav and Christina Grof, Beyond Death (London: Thames and Hudson, 1980).

  Wilson, The After Death Experience, citing Grey, 161.

  Grof and Grof, Beyond Death, 14, 26-27.

  Ibid., 26.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 27.

  Ibid., 77.

  Ibid., 28-29.

  Moody, The Light Beyond, 47.

  Kenneth Ring, Heading toward Omega (New York: Morrow, 1984), 71.

  Cf. John Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," in Noel Reynolds, ed., Book of Mormon Authorship (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1982), 48.

  Moody, The Light Beyond, 38-49.

   Moody claims "this is a difficult concept for [his informers] to define," and, consequently, this is the most difficult to parallel in Alma's accounts. Even so, Alma's
discussion of restoration parallels the informants' explanation on page 42 of The Light Beyond. Christ's discussion of ". . . lilies of the field. . . . Solomon in all his glory,
was not arrayed like one of these" (3 Ne. 28-29) also resonates with Moody's informant. Mormons wanting a more precise description of this sense of interconnection
can look to D&C 88:6-13, 41, astonishing passages which compare dramatically to the core NDE experiences in Ring, Heading toward Omega, 50-89.

  Ring, Heading toward Omega, 146.

  Ibid., 153.

  Ibid., 149-50.

  Ibid., 154.

   See Wilson, The After Death Experience; see also Ian Wilson's Mind Out of Time? (London: Gallancz, 1981), later published as All in the Mind. Wilson provides a
formidable counterexplanation of reincarnation reports, especially from the context of hypnotic "regression."

  Ring, Heading toward Omega, 159.

  Ibid., 83.

  Ibid., 158.

  Wilson, The After Death Experience, 50.

  Grof and Grof, Beyond Death, 13.

  Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys, 180.

  Ibid., 92.

  Hugh W. Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3d ed., vol. 6 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S.,
1988), 253-64.

  Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys, 187.

  Ibid., 61-69.

  Ibid., 30.

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  Ibid., 66.
  Ibid., 30.

  Ibid., 65.

  Ibid., 66.

  Grof and Grof, Beyond Death, 42, 54-55, 78-79.

  Ibid., 13.

  Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys, 198.

  Joseph Fielding Smith, ed., Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1964), 162.

  Lundahl, A Collection of Near Death Research Readings, 33.

   Ibid.; cf. Duane Crowther, Life Everlasting (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1965), 81, and Wilson, The After Death Experience, 155. This kind of experience may
account for Joseph Smith's controversial impression (reported in the King Follet sermon) that we'd resurrect at the age we died. (Remember that Joseph reported
seeing Alvin in heaven.) If so, this gives Joseph's controversial and questionable idea an experimental, rather than philosophical, basis. Perhaps on this minor interpretive
point, he assumed more than the experience justified.

  Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys, 184.

  Michael Sabom, Recollections of Death (New York: Harper and Row, 1982).

  Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys, 184.

  Ibid.

  A. F. C. Wallace, cited in Lawrence Foster, "First Visions: Personal Observations on Joseph Smith's Religious Experience," Sunstone 8/5 (September-October
1983): 39.

   I'm attempting to publish a paper which demonstrates that the biblical "true and living" imageryï¿½-(true vine, living bread, tree of life, living waters, and so forth)
directly parallels what D&C 1 describes as the need for faith, revelation, authority, and ordinances, and so forth, that justifies Joseph Smith's calling and defines the
Latter-day Saint charter.

  Foster, "First Visions," 40-42.

  Zaleski, Otherworld Journeys, 204.

  Foster, "First Visions," 43.

Mosiah: the Complex Symbolism and Symbolic Complex of Kingship in the Book of Mormon
 gordon C. Thomasson

Abstract: The significance of major scriptural personalities is discussed, contrasting the lessons we can learn from the positive and negative experiences of such
individuals with the role models set for us in Christ and little children. Internal textual sources are examined with relation to the composition of the book of Mosiah
within the context of a particular literary tradition and style. An argument is advanced that the text employs a "dialectical" style or stylistic device, based on the "law of
opposition in all things," which juxtaposes individuals, such as righteous and wicked kings, to illuminate gospel principles. The place of royal treasures, symbolism, and
iconography (including objects such as the Liahona and the sword of Laban) are explored from several Old World and Book of Mormon perspectives. Views of ideas
such as religious freedom, taxation, and agency and responsibility are contrasted, and duties of parents and kings are compared.

Scriptural Personalities As Symbols and Types

Regardless of a man's actions, we cannot know his heart as the Father does, and we remain incapable of understanding others' real motives. The Lord counsels, "Judge
not unrighteously, that ye be not judged; but judge righteous judgment" (JST, Matt. 7:2). Therefore, we can only assess the character and personality of Book of
Mormon figures such as Mosiah, the son of Benjamin, with a humility and tentativeness that makes every statement at best a guess, and at worst, libel.

Why, then, study scriptural personalities? The Savior did not hold them up to us as models. The scriptures consistently point out the weaknesses and failures of
prophets, apostles, and others (as in the case of Mosiah's failure to communicate the gospel effectively to his children), as well as indicating some of their strengths. In
fact, the examples the Savior said are worthy of emulationï¿½-little children-ï¿½lack the characteristics we normally praise. Besides little children, who are without sin,
the only perfect example we have is the Savior.

We can, however, study the scriptures to see how others faced their problems, sometimes failing and sometimes succeeding, and we can benefit from the lessons they
learned (Morm. 9:31). We can "liken the scriptures unto ourselves," drawing perspectives from the texts, taking them to the Lord as guidelines and seeking confirmation
from him (D&C 9). In discussing Mosiah we will try to discover what we can learn aboutï¿½-and with-ï¿½a king, a descendant of kings, who had his own problems
and lived in a world in many ways different from ours.

A Style of Its Own

The Book of Mormon reflects the work of many editors over the centuries, including that of Mormon, its principal abridger (W of M 1:3-6), Mosiah himself (Mosiah
28:11-17), and others. Even with all the editing, careful analysis of its books-ï¿½their styles, form, sources, symbols, types, and images-ï¿½can help us better
understand the purpose of the book as a witness that Jesus is the Christ. Jacob provides an example of editing. He wrote the summaries of inspired teachings (Jacob
1:4), preserving "a few of the things" which he considered "most precious" (Jacob 1:2) and abbreviating others. He notes his editing with phrases such as "and a
hundredth part of the proceedings of this people . . . cannot be written" (Jacob 3:13; cf. 2 Maccabees 2:19-32). Due both to the difficulty in engraving plates (Jacob
 Copyright
4:1)         (c) fact
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                      that writers        Media
                                   of the Book ofCorp.
                                                 Mormon were trying to summarize countless records from a long and complex history, we constantlyPage         69 / 919
                                                                                                                                                      find phrases
indicating editorial condensations and omissions. One such phrase is "And many more things did king Benjamin teach his sons, which are not written in this
book" (Mosiah 1:8) and "many more things did Mosiah write unto them" (Mosiah 29:33). Nevertheless, the Book of Mormon is an inspired book. In its final form it is
28:11-17), and others. Even with all the editing, careful analysis of its books-ï¿½their styles, form, sources, symbols, types, and images-ï¿½can help us better
understand the purpose of the book as a witness that Jesus is the Christ. Jacob provides an example of editing. He wrote the summaries of inspired teachings (Jacob
1:4), preserving "a few of the things" which he considered "most precious" (Jacob 1:2) and abbreviating others. He notes his editing with phrases such as "and a
hundredth part of the proceedings of this people . . . cannot be written" (Jacob 3:13; cf. 2 Maccabees 2:19-32). Due both to the difficulty in engraving plates (Jacob
4:1) and to the fact that writers of the Book of Mormon were trying to summarize countless records from a long and complex history, we constantly find phrases
indicating editorial condensations and omissions. One such phrase is "And many more things did king Benjamin teach his sons, which are not written in this
book" (Mosiah 1:8) and "many more things did Mosiah write unto them" (Mosiah 29:33). Nevertheless, the Book of Mormon is an inspired book. In its final form it is
thoughtfully structured and written, and it is evident that conscious planning, not chance, went into its composition.

The book of Mosiah is possibly the most carefully composed book in the Book of Mormon concerning a single period of history. Parts of it were written by Mosiah,
son of Benjamin, and he incorporated the records of others (Limhi, Alma, et al.) in his work. Others later condensed the record and wrote certain things Mosiah was
unlikely to have said about himself, putting such comments in the third person (Mosiah 6:6-7), and adding details such as the death of Mosiah (Mosiah 29:46-47). At
some point in the text's history, it was given its overarching and undergirding chiasmic form and what I have chosen to call its "dialectical style." Mosiah's reign was
important in Nephite history in the eyes of those who abridged the book. The book, as we have it, is clearly an interpretive and analytical retrospective history, not a
daily journal or chronology.

It is clear that the Book of Mormon prophets considered Mosiah's reign to be a crucial episode in Nephite history, and they abridged it from a rich documentary
tradition to give us as com plete a picture as possible of what Mosiah accomplished. There are more than twenty texts, types of texts (including whole doc umentary
traditions), and oral sources referred to in the book of Mosiah,3 giving us a broad perspective on the events during the reign of Mosiah and their causes and effects.
Combining so many records suggests a great deal of concern in writing. Mormon passed on a mere fraction of what previous prophets had already condensed;
nevertheless, he saw fit to include more material in his abridgment from the reign of Mosiah than from that of any other king except Nephi, the son of Lehi. Yet,
Mormon gave us only some one hundred verses dealing with Mosiah himself. This should be a clue that something crucial took place at that time that went beyond the
person of the king himself. While Mosiah was at the center of much action, it seems that Mormon's concern was the recording of the process of bringing people to
Christ.

The book of Mosiah was written about Mosiah, his father Benjamin, their people, the peoples who came under Mosiah's rule, their histories, the enemies of these
peoples, etc. But this is on a shallow level. On another level, the book is an extended treatise on good and bad government. It employs a dialectical style (apparently
based on Lehi's dialectical epistemology or theory of knowledge based on opposition in all things; 2 Ne. 2:11-16), and clearly juxtaposes an unrighteous ruler (Noah)
and the dire consequences such a man could bring on his people, with rulers who tried to follow the Lord. From a literary perspective, the book of Mosiah is one of the
most impressive and complex sections of latter-day scripture. On the historical level, it remains an outstanding witness of its writers' involvement in the ritual of the
ancient world. On the deepest and most important level, it is a witness for Christ and a powerful analogy of the plan of salvation and man's relationship to God.

Symbols of Kingship

It is Mosiah whose reign we find most interesting. Mosiah was obviously a king. His grandfather Mosiah (like Lehi before him) fled the land of Nephi with a group of
Nephites who wished to live the gospel under his rule (Omni 1:12-13). These refugees encountered the descendants of Mulek and his followers in the land of
Zarahemla. The two peoples, united under the first Mosiah, were taught by the king and the priests and prophets who had accompanied the Nephites. These prophets,
including Amaleki, taught from the brass plates, the large plates of Nephi or royal histories, and the small plates of Nephi or prophetic histories. These people generally
prospered under the first Mosiah's son Benjamin, who in time turned the kingdom over to his own son Mosiah. Mosiah 2 was named Mosiah, but, like his ruling
forefathers, he was also called a "Nephi" (Jacob 1:11). Thus, those who united under him were called "Nephites" (Jacob 1:14). This cultural pattern of naming a people
after their first king is repeated among the Lamanites (Mosiah 7:21-22) and also in Amaleki's description of the people of Zarahemla prior to their union with Mosiah's
people (Omni 1:14).

Mosiah (hereafter I will refer only to Benjamin's son by that name) received tangible symbols of his authority when he became king. In the private investiture and
transfer of power (Mosiah 1:10-16) that preceded Benjamin's public coronation of Mosiah (Mosiah 2-5), we find Mosiah receiving the essentials of traditional
regalia from his father. This obvious, and yet neglected, historical detail merits our attention, for it highlights Mosiah's authority and the complex pattern of Old World
kingship, of which Mosiah was a part. Prior to assembling the people through the new King Mosiah's proclamation (Mosiah 2:1), Benjamin gave his son the Nephite
national treasures, which are representative of those that a real king was required to possess anciently (Mosiah 1:16). The first of these, the plates of brass, contained
among other things much of the Old Testament as we know it, a book of Joseph (2 1 Ne. 4:2), and a genealogy of Lehi's forefathers back to Joseph (1 1 Ne. 5:14).
These, coupled with the genealogy and records of the kings of the Nephites on the large plates (1 Ne. 6:1;9:4), proved Mosiah's right to rule by the legitimacy of his
descent. Other kings of antiquity required royal genealogists to concoct similar-appearing records to rationalize their claim to the right to rule (whatever their real
ancestry). The countless forged genealogies produced by successive dynasties or royal houses to justify their usurpation of a throne prove nothing as much as the
necessity for kings at least to claim royal descent. Myths of the semi-divine and divine ancestors of royal progenitors, most of whom came to power by force, can also
be found around the world, each seeking to justify a dynasty's existence.

The second treasure, the regal sword (in this case the sword of Laban), is often seen in royal and religious art as a

Figure 1. Engraving of Charles V, by Pieter Balten, 1580. It is clear by comparing numerous portraits of this and other rulers that what is important is not the exact
likeness of the ruler, but rather that the symbols of royalty, the sword and orb, be present so that there is no question as to the status of the person portrayed.
Iconographic legibility was far more of a concern than photographic realism. From Pï¿½l Kelemen, Baroque and Rococo in Latin America (New York: Dover, 1967),
vol. 2, pl. 89d.

Figure 2. Royal orb (Reichsapfel) of the Holy Roman Empire, twelth century. Semiprecious stones and gold on wooden core. Hofburg Treasury, Vienna. Redrawn
from Percy E. Schramm, Sphaira-Globus Reichsapfel (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1958).

symbol of power and rule. In pacific reigns it may be represented less often than a sceptre or stylized arrow, but it is always in the background, at least implicitly,
around the world (fig. 1). Until the King of Peace comes, the sword as a symbol of power, or its modern-day equivalent, will remain with us.

The last of the treasures that Benjamin entrusted to Mosiah, the Liahona, deserves special attention. The Liahona was a "ball or director, which led our fathers through
the wilderness, which was prepared by the hand of the Lord that thereby they might be led, every one according to the heed and diligence which they gave unto
him" (Mosiah 1:16). The Liahona was, in fact, a royal treasure, passed from father to son by Nephi's descendants. Few details in the Book of Mormon have been
ridiculed more than the Liahona, and yet few more accurately reflect what one might find in an authentic ancient record. By the time we find possible parallels to the
Liahona in later European art, they are stylized almost beyond recognition, and their original use and the power which made them work is completely forgotten.

Royal treasures like the Liahona were once well known, such as the one pictured in the Emperor Charles V's left hand (fig. 1). It is an orbis terrarum, Reichsapfel, or
orb. The earth or heavenly globe with a cross atop it is also common in the religious art of the period (fig. 2). This symbol of royalty is traceable at least to the time of
the late Roman period and arguably to Babylonia as far back as 600 B.C. The orb in some cases is clearly a polished rock crystal, a "crystal ball," or perhaps
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refers to the "earth as a sea of glass" (figs. 3 and 4). It is a symbol of earthly rule and heavenly power, and its use in royal and religious iconography is an implicit
claim to worldly dominion, symbolizing its possessor's power over this earth. It represents an assertion of "holding the world in the palm of
Royal treasures like the Liahona were once well known, such as the one pictured in the Emperor Charles V's left hand (fig. 1). It is an orbis terrarum, Reichsapfel, or
orb. The earth or heavenly globe with a cross atop it is also common in the religious art of the period (fig. 2). This symbol of royalty is traceable at least to the time of
the late Roman period and arguably to Babylonia as far back as 600 B.C. The orb in some cases is clearly a polished rock crystal, a "crystal ball," or perhaps
refers to the "earth as a sea of glass" (figs. 3 and 4). It is a symbol of earthly rule and heavenly power, and its use in royal and religious iconography is an implicit
claim to worldly dominion, symbolizing its possessor's power over this earth. It represents an assertion of "holding the world in the palm of

Figure 3. Crystal ball (Kristallkugel), suspended in the von Picquigny crypt, fifth or sixth century. Rock crystal and gold. Oxford, Ashmolean Museum. Redrawn from
Schramm, Sphaira-Globus Reichsapfel, pl. 9, fig. 21.

Figure 4. Christ as Salvator Mundi with the crystal sphere of the firmament (kristallene Himmelskugel) as royal orb. Oil painting by Johann Kemmer, 1537. Provincial
Museum, Hanover. From Schramm, Sphaira-Globus Reichsapfel, pl. 50, fig. 105.

one's hand" (figs. 5 and 6). In the medieval period, the orb was often inscribed as a map, in an abstract form that appears to be a capital letter T (fig. 5). The
deceptively simple shape was not a reflection of the geographical ignorance of medieval cartographers, but was an idealized representation of the "known" world,
charted in accord with theological principles. Above the top of the T we read the word ASIA. To the left of the base of the T we read EVROPA, and to its right we
read AFRICA. The significance of the map begins to emerge when we realize that the intersecting lines are not a T but rather three of

Figure 5. Caesar Augustus (Octavian) seated on the usual lion couch/throne with a tripartite disk (dreigeteilten Erdkreis). Manuscript illustration, twelfth century (Codex
Gent. Universitï¿½ts-Bibliothek 92f. 138r). This is a typical example of a medieval "T" map. Redrawn from Schramm, Sphaira-Globus Reichsapfel, pl. 35, fig. 73a.

the four arms of a cross. Rotating the orb ninety degrees clockwise puts Asia in the East, as we are accustomed to looking at maps ("orienting" them with north at the
top). In this way Europe and Africa are in a clear position relative to each other and to Asia. The visible parts of the cross represented the Mediterranean, Black, and
Red seas respectively. The "world" in this map, and in the medieval mind, was seen as a huge cathedral built on the medieval cruciform plan: Gibraltar is the

Figure 6. God as the master builder/mason/architect of the world (Weltenbaumeister). Redrawn from Bible Moralisï¿½e, frontispiece, c. 1220-1230. Oxford, Bodleian
Library. As the world rests in the palm of God's left hand, the "compass" is used in its design and construction.

nave of the cathedral, and Jerusalem is the apse. From this perspective, the top, or fourth arm of the cross does not project into Asia, but instead ascends vertically
from Jerusalem into heaven (linking into Jacob's ladder, the earth-navel or world center, the tree of life symbolism, and a host of other images). Such a map
corresponds to spiritual rather than geographical realities in this fallen world, and the orb in the king's hand suggested not only his divine investiture within this
cosmological framework, but also the king's knowledge of his kingdom. That knowledge was also made concrete in "the royal progress," an institution in which the king
traveled around his realm.

The King As Symbol

In the book of Mosiah, then, we have a careful combination of Nephite regal and priestly records and histories, accurate even though condensed, down to the minutiae
of their royal treasures. Such care on the part of the writers and editors of the book of Mosiah would suggest that we should not take this symbolic complex lightly. Just
as "there is none other people that understand the things which were spoken unto the Jews like unto them, save it be that they are taught after the manner of the things
of the Jews" (2 Ne. 25:5), we cannot hope to understand the things of the Nephites, their culture, their lives, and their world in a vacuum. A fiction writer can invent for
us the "thoughts" and "motives" of the characters he creates, as well as their actions. But while we can learn a great deal about the cultural background of scriptural
figures of the past, we have only the evidence actually in the scriptures as to their personalities. Their actions and words may be recorded and can provide valuable
lessons for us.

We do not, however, know their true personalities, their feel ings, and the sincerity of their motives that prompted them to act as they did. And so we look at the
evidence-ï¿½Mosiah's role in Nephite history, what he did and said, and why he played a pivotal role in the New World history of the Nephites prior to the coming of
Christ.

Mosiah, like the sons of prophets and kings before him, had "been taught in the language of the Egyptians" (Mosiah 1:4). Such an education was not a mere academic
exercise. The plates of brass and Nephi's plates were written in this language. Through study of the scriptures recorded thereon, Benjamin sought to help his sons come
to value the scriptures and become "men of understanding; and that they might know concerning the prophecies" (Mosiah 1:2), as well as the commandments and the
mysteries of God (cf. Mosiah 1:3). It is not surprising that the descendants of Joseph, especially the members of a ruling family within that tribe, continued to use this
language for their own records and scriptures. Only gradually did Nephite writing evolve into what Moroni described as the "reformed Egyptian" in which Mormon
transcribed the scriptures he abridged and eventually passed on to us (Morm. 9:32-33). However, Egyptian was probably the language of only a small royal and
priestly minority, being used for scriptures and concise, permanent record-keeping. The Book of Mormon texts imply that other materials more perishable than metal
plates were used for some documents (Jacob 4:2). The majority of the Nephites were probably literate (in Hebrew?), since Mosiah used written documents to
communicate generally with his subjects (Mosiah 29:33). We also know that other peoples were literate and had their own scriptures: the priests of Noah questioned
Abinadi out of their scriptures (Mosiah 12:20) and later taught the Lamanites to read (Mosiah 24:4-6). Also, Abinadi's response to his inquisitors was to "read" the
remainder of the commandments of God (Mosiah 13:11) as he bore witness to them.

The book of Mosiah teaches principles of truth by illustrating them in a dialectical style suggestive of Lehi's law of opposition in all things (or the ancient doctrine of the
two ways), emphasizing that all things can be used either for good or evil. For example, Benjamin taught Mosiah and his other sons to read, following Lehi's example,
so that they could be "men of understanding" (Mosiah 1:2) and could teach their children and their subjects the gospel (Mosiah 1:4). Teaching literacy so that men might
come to know God was a righteous act and tended to have constructive consequences. In contrast, when Amulon and the priests of Noah taught the Lamanites to read
and write the "language of Nephi" it was an aid to commerce and military operations. The Lamanites consequently waxed great in trade and plunder, but they were not
taught anything concerning "the Lord their God, neither the law of Moses; nor did they teach them the words of Abinadi" (Mosiah 24:5). Thus, the Lamanites became
"a cunning and a wise people, as to the wisdom of the world," but they also came to["[delight] in all manner of wickedness" (Mosiah 24:7).

The few verses in the book of Mosiah that deal directly with Mosiah are eloquent because of a constant, implicit juxtaposing of the application of just principles in his
reign against the ways of King Noah. Mosiah and Noah then become, respectively, type and antitype of a just, though human, ruler. Mosiah "did walk in the ways of
the Lord, and . . . did keep his commandments in all things" (Mosiah 6:6), whereas Noah did not keep the commandments and walked "after the desires of his own
heart" (Mosiah 11:2). Mosiah commanded his people to obey the laws of their fathers, including Benjamin's royal imperative, "I would that ye should impart of your
substance to the poor" (Mosiah 4:26). This command to support the poor financially through taxes was also given by Alma (Mosiah 18:27). Mosiah labored to
support himself (Mosiah 6:7), while Noah taxed people heavily, not for the benefit of the poor, but for his own benefit and that of his court (Mosiah 11:3-14).

Mosiah championed religious freedom among his people and refused to judge those who dissented or criticized his religion (Mosiah 26:12). The Lord gave Alma
authority, only in specific cases, to number such individuals in the church no longer (Mosiah 26:32-36). Noah, in contrast, caused those who disagreed with him and his
 Copyright
priests to be(c) 2005-2009,
              hunted,         Infobase
                      imprisoned,   tried,Media Corp.
                                          and killed                                                                                                Page
                                                     (Mosiah 12:17-19;17:1, 5-13). While Mosiah was taught in the ways of the Lord and was spiritually      71being
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                                                                                                                                                                    a
"seer" (Mosiah 8:12-17), he was quick to turn over leadership of the Church to another prophet, Alma (Mosiah 25:19;26:8). This contrasts with Noah, who appointed
priests unto himself (Mosiah 11:5), including Alma (before he repented), and ordered that Abinadi be killed (Mosiah 17:1, 12). Mosiah's proclamation of religious
support himself (Mosiah 6:7), while Noah taxed people heavily, not for the benefit of the poor, but for his own benefit and that of his court (Mosiah 11:3-14).

Mosiah championed religious freedom among his people and refused to judge those who dissented or criticized his religion (Mosiah 26:12). The Lord gave Alma
authority, only in specific cases, to number such individuals in the church no longer (Mosiah 26:32-36). Noah, in contrast, caused those who disagreed with him and his
priests to be hunted, imprisoned, tried, and killed (Mosiah 12:17-19;17:1, 5-13). While Mosiah was taught in the ways of the Lord and was spiritually gifted, being a
"seer" (Mosiah 8:12-17), he was quick to turn over leadership of the Church to another prophet, Alma (Mosiah 25:19;26:8). This contrasts with Noah, who appointed
priests unto himself (Mosiah 11:5), including Alma (before he repented), and ordered that Abinadi be killed (Mosiah 17:1, 12). Mosiah's proclamation of religious
freedom (Mosiah 27:1-2) contrasts with Noah's persecutions of Alma's church (Mosiah 18:31-34). Mosiah was always concerned with his people. This is exemplified
in his seeking out those who had left the land of Zarahemla under Zeniff (Mosiah 7:1) and his joy at their return (Mosiah 22:14;24:25). Mosiah peacefully reunited the
people of Limhi, the followers of Alma, and the repentant children of the priests of Noah into one people. All the people residing in Zarahemla took upon themselves
the name of Nephites, because the king was a descendant of Nephi (Mosiah 25:1-13). Moreover, he allowed Alma to establish churches throughout all the land of
Zarahemla (Mosiah 25:19). The fruits of Noah's reign, on the other hand, were the division and partial destruction and enslavement of his people.

Mosiah recognized some of the contrasts between the actions of a just king and King Noah's actions, for he explicitly used King Noah as an example in his argument
against kingship to his people (Mosiah 29:18-23). After Mosiah's sons had repented of their evil way of life and tried to repair the damage they had done among the
Nephites, they requested their father's permission to go on a mission to the Lamanites (Mosiah 28:1). This, too, contrasts with Amulon and the efforts of the rest of
Noah's priests among the Lamanites (Mosiah 24:1-9). After seeking the Lord's will, Mosiah allowed his sons to go (Mosiah 28:6-8). Finally, none of Mosiah's sons
was willing to inherit the kingship from him, desiring instead to devote their time to serving the Lord directly (Mosiah 28:10).

Much can be said concerning the temptation to have kings and to be a king. In Mosiah's letters to his people (Mosiah 29) after his sons refused the kingship, we find
statements on government which are of interest even today. But few of us think in terms of ever being faced with the option of becoming, or accepting rule by, an
earthly king. Still, however remote a possibility that might seem, we can all profit from lessons to be drawn from the end of Mosiah's reign. As President Kimball said,
in warning the Saints against the idolatry of material security,

As I study ancient scripture, I am more and more convinced that there is significance in the fact that the commandment "Thou shalt have no other gods before me" is the
first of the Ten Commandments.

Few men have ever knowingly and deliberately chosen to reject God and his blessings. Rather, we learn from the scriptures that because the exercise of faith has
always appeared to be more difficult than relying on things more immediately at hand, carnal man has tended to transfer his trust in God to material things.

Like Mosiah's sons, we have the option to accumulate our treasures on earth, rather than in heaven. Mosiah's sons had the choice to risk the temptations of earthly
kingship or to serve the Lord as missionaries. Their opportunity, though on a somewhat larger scale than ours, perhaps, to "gain the whole world" (Matt. 16:26), had a
priceï¿½-and they refused to pay that price.

The Righteous King As a Symbol of Planned Obsolescence

One of the prices of kingship is that a king must assume personal responsibility for many of the iniquities of his subjects (Mosiah 29:30-34, 38). Mosiah specifically
wanted to protect his sons from this burden. He desired "that the burden should come upon all the people, that every man might bear his part" (Mosiah 29:34), and that
each be willing "to answer for his own sins" (Mosiah 29:38). This directly contrasts with the understanding of the people of Noah (Mosiah 12:13-14). We ask, "How is
it that a king could bear the burden of his peoples' sins? Isn't every man and woman responsible for his or her own salvation?"

We believe in God's children having agency to act and to be responsible for their actions. There is no contradiction between Mosiah's words and this principle. In the
resolution of this seeming paradox a most relevant message of the book of Mosiah becomes visible. Mosiah holds kingship up to us as a type and example of a basic
gospel principle and its unrighteous opposite. Stated succinctly, the ideal relationship of a king to his subjects is like that of parents to their children and of God to all his
children. Mosiah, though fallible like us, typifies this relationship, just as a wicked king does the opposite. It is the responsibility of parents in Zion to teach their children
just principles (D&C 68:25-28). They are to allow them to exercise their free agency, enlarge their personal stewardships, and ultimately to help them towards being
joint heirs of all our Father possesses. If parents fail to fulfill this responsibility, "the sin be upon the heads of the parents." Mosiah taught his people true principles and
guided them to the point where he could justifiably relinquish responsibility for their actions to them and thus literally make them stewards over themselves and the
inheritors of his kingdom. The roles of parents and kings are both reflections of the plan in which God places us here on earth, teaches us, and sets us free to enlarge
our stewardship or magnify our talents and to choose for ourselves whether or not we will be joint heirs of all he possesses. Moreover, in spite of our failures, he
provides a Savior for us. This lesson is implicit in the entire book of Mosiah. It serves as a complex type to the plan of salvation; and King Noah, like Satan, is a
reflection of the other plan-ï¿½not teaching his people correct principles, not allowing them freedom, leaving them ultimately disinherited, driven from their lands and
hunted-ï¿½in short, leading them to physical and spiritual death.

Having children, much like being a king, is a great re sponsibility. Those "people who belonged to king Benjamin" (Mosiah 1:1), whom he described as "my people,"
and over whom he then placed Mosiah, charging him to lead "this people, whom the Lord our God hath given us" (Mosiah 1:10), were like children, and answered only
for a correspondingly limited stewardship. It was Mosiah's responsibility, just as it is every parent's, to expand the capacity or stewardship of all the spirit children of
God entrusted to him, helping them develop the fulness of their potential.

Each of us is a capable of becoming a king or queen. Each of us has within the potential to attain to the complete glory of a true kingï¿½-not to be one of the tawdry
glitter and tinsel imitations that rule over a small part of this globe-ï¿½but a king or queen in fact and deed, following, as did Mosiah, the pattern set by the King of
Kings, accepting the responsibility to teach some of our Father's children, setting them free as mature adult agents unto themselves, and ultimately sharing our entire
kingdom with them, as our Father will with us.

Mosiah's life is not just a bit of arcane, though accurate, history. It is a prototype of how every one of us, preparing to be kings and queens unto the Most High God,
must live our lives and raise our children. Rather than constantly hedging them in and preventing their growth, we have the responsibility to open the universe to them,
thereby expanding their agency and preparing them to be heirs of the Kingdom.

I would like to thank George S. Tate of Brigham Young University and Robert S. Wicks of Miami University of Ohio for their assistance on an earlier version of this
paper and Michael Lyon for redrawing some of the figures.

   Mosiah's own history seems similar to that of the first Nephi, who, "having seen many afflictions in the course of my days," subsequently made "a record of my
proceedings in my days" (1 Ne. 1:1).

  See John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 10/1 (Autumn 1969): 69-84. See also John W. Welch, Chiasmus in Antiquity (Hildesheim:
Gerstenberg Verlag, 1981), 205.

Copyright
  See Hugh(c)
            W.2005-2009,
                Nibley, "OldInfobase MediainCorp.
                              World Ritual   the New World," in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , vol. 6 in The Collected Works of Hugh Page Nibley, 72  / 919
                                                                                                                                                       3d ed. (Salt
Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 295-310, and Gordon C. Thomasson, "Togetherness Is Sharing an Umbrella: Divine Kingship, the Gnosis, and
Religious Syncretism," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City:
  See John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 10/1 (Autumn 1969): 69-84. See also John W. Welch, Chiasmus in Antiquity (Hildesheim:
Gerstenberg Verlag, 1981), 205.

  See Hugh W. Nibley, "Old World Ritual in the New World," in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , vol. 6 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley, 3d ed. (Salt
Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 295-310, and Gordon C. Thomasson, "Togetherness Is Sharing an Umbrella: Divine Kingship, the Gnosis, and
Religious Syncretism," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 523-61.

   The public coronation has been treated rather thoroughly by Nibley, "Old World Ritual in the New World," 295-310. The private ceremony has been heretofore
largely neglected. Other themes peculiar to the Old World symbolic complex associated with kingship abound, including Nephi as hunter and Nephi as blacksmith. See,
for example, the smith's apron as a Persian "title of liberty" in Giorgio di Santillana and Hersha von Deschend, Hamlet's Mill: An Essay on Myth and the Frame of Time
(Boston: Gambit, 1969), appendix 11, 370-71; cf. Hugh Nibley, "A Strange Order of Battle," in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 216-18.

  The importance of genealogical records is not unprecedented, of course. Cf. Neh. 7:64-65.

  Even today in Southeast Asia, the kris, or Malay dagger, retains much of the royal sword's symbolism.

  That such ridicule is unjustified is also illustrated in Hugh W. Nibley, Since Cumorah, vol. 7 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley, 2d ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 251-55.

  For a good general discussion of this topic, see Percy E. Schramm, Sphaira-Globus Reichsapfel (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1958).

  Tonio Hï¿½lscher, Victoria Romana (Mainz am Rhein: Verlag von Zabern, 1967), 41-47.

  Cf. J. T. Milik, The Books of Enoch (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976), 17, for an English version of the famous Babylonian world map.

   Cf. the crystalline spheres in Plato, Republic X, 616D; Hero of Alexandria, The Pneumatics 46, describes a cosmic model made of two glass hemispheres; a related
discussion on precious stones is found in Hugh W. Nibley, The Message of the Joseph Smith Papyri: An Egyptian Endowment (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1975),
120-24; cf. also Facsimile 2 of the book of Abraham.

  Cf. the thirteenth-century Ebstorf map in which Christ holds the usual T-map with Jerusalem in the center; in Niedersï¿½chsische Landesbibliothek, Hanover.

  See Hugh W. Nibley, "Tenting, Toll, and Taxing," in The Ancient State, vol. 10 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and
F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 33-98; cf. Gordon C. Thomasson, "Togetherness Is Sharing an Umbrella: Divine Kingship, the Gnosis, and Religious Syncretism," in John M.
Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S.,
1990), 1:538-50.

   That government officials received "wages" is obvious in Alma 11:1-3. Obviously the "judges" and "officers" must have received compensa tion from public monies in
the cases of indigent defendants. There is no evidence that judges got contingent fees, but rather were paid for time employed, and thus "did stir up the people . . . that
they might have more employ, that they might get money according to the suits which were brought before them" (Alma 11:20).

  It is noteworthy, however, that the antimonarchical sentiments voiced by Mosiah bear no resemblance to the "Fourth of July" rhetoric common in Joseph Smith's time
and before in the United States. See Richard L. Bushman, "The Book of Mormon and the American Revolution," BYU Studies 17:1 (Autumn 1976): 3- 20.

  Spencer W. Kimball, "The False Gods We Worship," Ensign 6 (June 1976): 4.

The Sword of Laban As a Symbol of Divine Authority and Kingship
Brett L. Holbrook

Abstract: Swords have often been seen as symbols of divine authority and kingship. Numerous examples from the mythology, literature, and history of the world attest
to distinct patterns. The sword of Laban from the Book of Mormon fits these patterns and can be compared to the sword of Goliath. The sword of Laban can also be
traced as part of the royal regalia that gives authority throughout Nephite history, and later as it appears in the Restoration. The sword of Laban as it is associated with
Joseph Smith came to be an additional witness of his authority and of the divine sanction for his work.

Symbols are powerful tools found in literature, cultures, and religions all over the world. As a universal language, symbols are defined as "something that represents
something else by association, resemblance or convention, especially a material object used to represent something invisible." Anthropological, literary, and biblical
studies have utilized the methodology of interpreting symbols (symbology) to understand the world-views and traditions of people.

Many histories and traditions have included weapons as symbols of authority and royalty: the spear, bow, axe, and mace. Since the evolution of the bronze blade
around 3000 B.C., the sword has also become a fixture in world history and literature. As an object of war and ceremony, the sword came into prominence during the
beginning of the second millennium as harder metals enabled the sword to supplant the mace and axe. Specific swords of cultic importance have since appeared in
almost every culture. An example of such a symbolic sword is the sword of Laban, first mentioned in the Book of Mormon in 1 Ne. 4:9.

In Jerusalem around 600 B.C., the powerful Laban was slain by the young Nephi with Laban's sword. Nephi then brought the sword with his father's family across the
ocean to the Americas. The sword was revered in Nephite history and preserved until the nineteenth century, which hints at the importance of the blade. Because of its
limited appearances not much is known about the sword, but it has shown up enough throughout time to justify investigating the purpose of its preservation.

The existing theories about the sword of Laban have suggested it as a standard high-quality Near Eastern sword, a sacred implement of war, or a metaphorical
symbol for the word of God. As a literary type, some have stated that the sword of Laban was a fixation of the Nephites that took on powerful symbolic importance.
That symbolism, though, was of the violent paradigms in the human condition. The sword has also been declared as the only constant in the Book of Mormon: a
symbolic reminder and ensign of the Lord's providence. John Taylor compared the preservation of the sword of Laban and other Nephite artifacts to the memorials
found in Israel's Ark of the Covenant. They were manifestations and types of laws and ordinances belonging to the priesthood and purposes of God.

Gordon C. Thomasson has noted that the sword of Laban was part of the royal treasures Book of Mormon kings possessed anciently as a tangible sign of their
authority. In a survey of historical and mythical literature, two patterns of swords appeared: the kingly and the heroic. Both types function as symbols of divine
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                                                                                                                                                                     919
authority. The sword of Laban can be included among them as a combination of the two patterns. Indeed, it is comparable with an ancient Near East        prototype:
biblical sword of Goliath. Tracing the significance and preservation of the sword of Laban through Nephite history and its role in the restoration of the Church of Jesus
Christ in the latter days will suggest that it was a symbol of divine authority.
found in Israel's Ark of the Covenant. They were manifestations and types of laws and ordinances belonging to the priesthood and purposes of God.

Gordon C. Thomasson has noted that the sword of Laban was part of the royal treasures Book of Mormon kings possessed anciently as a tangible sign of their
authority. In a survey of historical and mythical literature, two patterns of swords appeared: the kingly and the heroic. Both types function as symbols of divine
authority. The sword of Laban can be included among them as a combination of the two patterns. Indeed, it is comparable with an ancient Near East prototype: the
biblical sword of Goliath. Tracing the significance and preservation of the sword of Laban through Nephite history and its role in the restoration of the Church of Jesus
Christ in the latter days will suggest that it was a symbol of divine authority.

The Kingly and Heroic Sword Patterns

In almost every culture legendary swords have existed. Most of those specifically noted in history, literature, and mythology can be categorized as kingly or heroic.
Although each pattern has its differences, each is closely linked; both ultimately point to the sword as a symbol of divine authority.

The kingly pattern of swords was that which established the possessor as the chosen ruler on whom divine kingship was conferred. Kingship was a political institution
found in nearly every ancient and medieval civilization, and the king was believed to be appointed by heaven. The swords of kingship originated in association with
historic figures or deities and ratified one's office. Anciently, and even in some cultures today, military, religious, and civil offices were often combined in the person of
the king. This tripartite responsibility defined "the king's role in the protection of society as warrior, the guarantor of justice as judge and the right ordering of worship as
priest." As a symbol of power in war, the sword came to be part of the regalia (royal objects) owned by kings that justified their kingship and rule. The sword was
passed on to the heir as a transfer of authority, and the giving of a sword to the new king was a widespread feature of coronation ceremonies. Societies defined
kingship in various ways, but the sword's symbolism in the royal regalia was the temporal representation of divine power in the sovereign. Swords of a royal pattern
appear in literature and history from Europe, the Far East, and even Africa.

Like the kingly pattern, the heroic pattern of swords, found mainly in literature and mythology, established the possessor as one invested with divine authority. In the
heroic traditions the sword was preserved or bestowed by deity, often given to a hero for a specific deed. Consequently the hero who possessed the magical and
personalized sword had the grace of the gods. In a way similar to kings, epic heroes were given divine authority and power with their swords, and the fortunes of each
hero depended upon his sword.

In Europe one such epic hero is the mighty Beowulf of Anglo-Saxon fame who used the magical swords Naegling, Hrunting, and an unnamed blade to overcome the
monster Grendel. Using a sword against primordial monsters is a common motif; in this Beowulf has been compared with Nephi. The swords gave heroes power
because they represented blades used by the gods and manifested the "divine cutting power" of deity. In Indian mythology, the creature Asi ("The Sword") was
created to protect the gods, much like God the Father in Judaeo-Christian tradition protected the garden of Eden with a "flaming sword" (Gen. 3:24). Yahweh
himself is known to have a sword that he used in the cosmogonic battle before creation, and his word was frequently equated with a sword. As the Messiah of
Christianity, Jesus Christ was to come a second time wielding a sword in the last days of judgment (Rev. 14:14-16). Heroes with a sword in history and legend
derived their symbol of divine power from such figures of deity, and this pattern can also be found throughout the world.

The Kingly and Heroic Patterns Combined

In some tales of swords, the elements from both the kingly and heroic are combined to symbolize complete divine kingship and authority. The most famous tale of a
sword that symbolized this was that of King Arthur from medieval England. His sword with which he defeated the Saxons was originally known as "Caliburn," but
writers later renamed it "Excalibur." Many additions to the tale led to Sir Thomas Malory's 1485 story of the sword in the stone, which depicts Arthur drawing
Excalibur from the stone, an act which symbolized his divine right to kingship. Further Christian symbolism suggested that Arthur was made king by Christ's election.
Excalibur was a symbol of justice given from God, which justice was the primary function of kingship.

From examples in history, literature, and legend, common elements reveal the sword as a symbol of divine authority and kingship. In many cultures, the sword was a
necessary part of the royal regalia the king received as part of his enthronement. The sword in both patterns was a tangible sign of authority for the people to recognize
that the king or hero was divinely appointed. In addition to the discussion of swords as symbols of authority in literature, iconography has depicted them as such.
Statues and portraits of royalty often presented them with sword in hand (cf. fig.1, p. 27; and fig. 5, p. 30).

Many times the swords of heroes and kings disappeared or were lost, but other swords took their place as if they were the original. The swords carried the same
authority, for the symbolism was more important to the people than the object. Swords that came from both kings and heroes were unique and were invested with a
divine sanction-ï¿½the blessing of deity gave the owner power.

Swords From the Near East

The symbolism and patterns of swords established here were also prevalent in the Near East. The establishment of kingdoms relied heavily on the ability to achieve
legitimacy through symbolic forms and divine sanction. In ancient Near Eastern ritual coronations investiture of the king with royal insignia or regalia played an
important role. The symbols of the regalia provided the justification for kings to rule. Iconography was the prevailing mode of representation in the ancient Near East,
   aside from iconoclastic Israel, as textual histories were few.

The gods often possessed magical weapons of cutting power, like the blade the Hittite gods had with which they cut heaven and earth asunder. Thirteenth-century
B.C. rock carvings from Yazilikaya in Anatolia depicted Hittite warrior-gods bearing swords. In the Ugaritic myths, Baal wielded a blade in his right hand before the
divine council and the war goddess Anat killed Mot with a sword. From the Akkadian myths, the hero-king Gilgamesh had a sword with which he killed the
wilderness monster Huwawa and the Bull of Heaven. As noted previously, Yahweh, the God of Israel, has been referred to as using a sword. Many of his servants
who visited mortals in his name also wielded a sword: the "captain of the host of the Lord" to Joshua and the "angel of the Lord" to Balaam and David (Josh. 5:13-15;
Num. 22:23, 31; 1 Chr. 21:16). Such divine beings equipped with swords also appeared in Canaanite and Akkadian texts and iconography.

Sumerian stele from 2500 B.C. showed Eannatum, king of Lagash, armed with the earliest type of sickle sword. Ornamented short swords from the same period
were found in royal tombs at Ur and Anatolia, and as early as the eighteenth century B.C. there was a clear connection between kingship and swords from royal burials
in the Syro-Palestine area. The sword grew in prominence in Egypt during the New Kingdom, and Yigael Yadin stated it was then that "it became the symbol of
Pharaonic authority." In Persian iconography, a common theme depicted the king slaying a standing lion with a sword.

Herodotus reported in the fifth century B.C. that the Scythians worshipped an ancient iron sword as the image of Ares and sacrificed horses to it. Eight centuries later in
the same region the Alani worshipped their war-god as a naked sword stuck in the ground. Jewish amulets from the Greco-Roman period depicted the Egyptian
gods Set and Iao with a sword instead of an ankh in hand. In 160 B.C. during the Jewish Maccabean revolt in Israel, Judas Maccabee told his troops of a dream he
had. Onias the high priest and Judas were praying for divine providence, and Jeremiah the prophet appeared to them. He continued:
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Jeremiah stretched out his right hand and gave to Judas a golden sword, and as he gave it he addressed him thus: "Take this holy sword, a gift from God, with
you will strike down your adversaries." (2 Maccabees 15:11-16)
the same region the Alani worshipped their war-god as a naked sword stuck in the ground. Jewish amulets from the Greco-Roman period depicted the Egyptian
gods Set and Iao with a sword instead of an ankh in hand. In 160 B.C. during the Jewish Maccabean revolt in Israel, Judas Maccabee told his troops of a dream he
had. Onias the high priest and Judas were praying for divine providence, and Jeremiah the prophet appeared to them. He continued:

Jeremiah stretched out his right hand and gave to Judas a golden sword, and as he gave it he addressed him thus: "Take this holy sword, a gift from God, with which
you will strike down your adversaries." (2 Maccabees 15:11-16)

This sword has even been identified as the one which the Frankish king Charlemagne later used.

Other swords have also come out of the Near East with a kingly or heroic pattern. For the sultans of Turkey the girding on of the sword of Osman was the symbol of
authority at their inauguration. Another example was the Islamic tradition of the sword of the prophet Muhammad called "Dhu 'l-Faqar." It became important regalia
for the caliphs, because whichever house possessed the sword held the Imamate. The sword was believed to have been brought by Gabriel from the heavens, and it
personified the strength of Allah. The Shi'ites believed the Prophet passed it to Ali, and traditionally it was transmitted to the next Imam. Islam also had a tradition of
al-Mahdi, the Shi'ite Messiah who will come wielding a sword to cleanse the earth. The above examples show that swords have played a role as symbols of
authority in the ancient Near East. Not only was the sword an authoritative symbol for kings, but the gods themselves used magical blades that served as patterns for
the swords of heroes.

The Sword of Goliath and the Sword of Laban

The combination of the kingly and heroic patterns was also attested in the ancient Near East and is best exemplified by the sword of Goliath. As an ancient Near
Eastern model and forerunner of the sword of Laban, the sword of Goliath is compared in Table 1 to the sword of Laban in striking parallels, indicating they were
symbols of divine authority:

Table 1. A Comparison of the Swords of Goliath and Laban

1. Each sword was originally wielded by a man of might.

ï¿½ï¿½Goliath Laban
The Philistine Goliath from Laban from Jerusalem was a
Gath was a champion, six mighty man who Nephi's
cubits and a span tall, whose brothers believed could com-
coat alone weighed five thou- mand and slay fifty men. He
sand shekels. His large stature was wealthy and powerful, and
caused Saul and all of Israel to most likely a military
fear (1 Sam. 17:4-7, 11). commander with connections
to Jewish religious leaders (1
1 Ne. 3:14, 31).

Both David and Nephi overcame a mighty opponent with divine help.

2. The sword's owner had his head cut off with his own sword by a faithful youth.

ï¿½ï¿½Goliath Laban
After David hit Goliath with his Similarly, Nephi "took Laban
sling, he "stood upon the by the hair of the head, and
Philistine, and took his sword, [he] smote off his head with his
and drew it out of the sheath own sword" (1 Ne. 4:18).
thereof, and slew him, and cut
off his head therewith" (1
1 Sam. 17:51).

Both Goliath and Laban were decapitated in a similar manner with their own swords. David and Nephi were fairly young and acted on faith (1 Ne. 3:7;4:1, 10-11,
18; 1 Sam. 17:29, 34-37, 45-47). It is interesting to note that their actions personified the later words of the Lord who said,["[I] will draw forth my sword out of his
sheath, and will cut off from thee the righteous and the wicked" (Ezek. 21:3).

3. The sword was unusual in appearance.

ï¿½ï¿½Goliath Laban
Some time after he slew When Nephi first drew Laban's
Goliath, David, running from sword from the sheath he noted
Saul, stopped by the city of that "the hilt thereof was of
Nob for supplies. The sword of pure gold, and the
Goliath was there, and workmanship thereof was
Ahimelech the priest said, "if exceedingly fine, and I saw that
thou wilt take that [the sword], the blade thereof was of the
take it: for there is none other most precious steel" (1 Nephi
save that here. And David said, 4:9).
There is none like that, give it This description was
to me." It was unusual because similar to other ceremonial or
it was made of iron, a royal swords, many of which
technology that belonged to have been found in Bronze Age
the Philistines, and the burials. Israelites used inferior bronze The detail Nephi used
(1 Sam. 21:9;13:19, 22). It in describing the sword denotes
is debated whether it was long its unusual character and indi-
and double edged as was cates that it was probably not a
typical of the sea-peoples, or if common blade.
it was a curved sickle-sword
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common to the time.

Both of the swords were finely crafted for their time and were unique.
is debated whether it was long its unusual character and indi-
and double edged as was cates that it was probably not a
typical of the sea-peoples, or if common blade.
it was a curved sickle-sword
common to the time.

Both of the swords were finely crafted for their time and were unique.

4. The swords were revered by the people.

ï¿½ï¿½Goliath Laban
Josephus recorded that after The sword of Laban was pro-
David slew Goliath he "carried tected and kept by Nephi, who
the head of Goliath into his brought it across the ocean into
own tent, but dedicated his the promised land. In
sword to God, [at the taber- establishing his people, Nephi
nacle.] used the sword as a prototype The sword was then to fashion other swords. It also
later kept with the ephod and became part of the sacred relics
priestly garments in Nob, that were passed down among
where the tabernacle most the kings, and the people
likely was at the time (1 followed the righteous leaders
1 Sam. 21:9). The sword of who possessed it (2 Nephi
Goliath was highly revered and 5:14; Mosiah 1:16; Alma
kept with the implements of 37:14; Words of Mormon
spiritual authority. When Saul 1:13).
found out specifically that
David had obtained the "sword
of Goliath" (mentioned by
name), he was afraid and slew
all the priests in Nob that
helped David. Apparently Saul
also respected the weapon and
what it stood for, and feared
when David possessed it.

5. The sword was used to lead people.

ï¿½ï¿½Goliath Laban
Although there is no direct The sword of Laban was often
mention of the name of the used throughout Nephite his-
sword again, it is assumed that tory by the kings. When Nephi
David retained and used it. grew old and anointed a new
Right after David acquired the king, these words paid tribute
sword of Goliath from Nob, to his life: "The people . . .
the Lord instructed him to loved Nephi exceedingly, he
battle against the Philistines. having been a great protector
In that battle David and his for them, having wielded the
men were victorious. Later on, sword of Laban in their
when David led his men, defense" (Jacob 1:10). Of all
specific mention was made that the things to remark about
he girded on his sword (1 Nephi's reign in retrospect,
1 Sam. 23:1-5; 25:13). mention of the sword of Laban
was significant.

6. The swords were symbols of authority and kingship.

ï¿½ï¿½Goliath Laban
It was directly after David slew With the sword of Laban,
Goliath that the women sang, Nephi led his people. As Nephi
"Saul hath slain his thousands, became king, and in fulfillment
and David his ten thousands" of the word of the Lord that he
(1 Sam. 18:6-7). Already should be the ruler, he was
David was lauded and had divinely appointed (2 Nephi
supporters, for he made his 5:18-19; 6:2; Jacob 1:9, 11,
name against Goliath and 15). The sword became part of
became one of the greatest the regalia, and was passed
soldiers in the history of down among rulers as a sacred
Israel. relic used by the leaders Although David had (Mosiah 1:15-16; Words of
previously been anointed king Morm. 1:13).
by Samuel, the people needed a
tangible sign of kingship, which
David provided by slaying
Goliath. It was also directly
after David acquired the sword
of Goliath from Nob again that
he gained a following of four
hundred men (1 Sam. 16:13;
 CopyrightAnd
22:1-2)2).    (c) 2005-2009,
                   once he hadInfobase Media Corp.                                          Page 76 / 919
the sword the priest Abiathar
joined David, bringing with him
after David acquired the sword
of Goliath from Nob again that
he gained a following of four
hundred men (1 Sam. 16:13;
22:1-2)2). And once he had
the sword the priest Abiathar
joined David, bringing with him
the ephod that gave David
added legitimacy (1 Samuel
22:20; 23:6, 9; 30:7). After
David had the sword, Saul
admitted to him, "I know well
that thou shalt surely be king,"
and David was finally anointed
king of Israel in Hebron (1
1 Sam. 24:20; 2 Sam. 5:3).
No specific mention was made
later of the sword of Goliath
being used or passed down to
subsequent kings or leaders in
the Bible. According to legend,
David's sword was passed to
the next king, his son Solomon.
Near his death Solomon took
the sword out of the temple and
sent it out to sea on a ship he
built. The sword was to be
found on the ship by one of his
descendants and only the
rightful heir could then possess
it. This sword became known
as Excalibur of Holy Grail and
Arthurian fame.

For both David and Nephi, the swords of Goliath and Laban were symbols of obedience and divine authority, for it was by faith and obedience that they were able to
slay their antagonist. The swords became not only a symbol of divine authority to the people, but also of kingship, for whoever possessed the swords possessed God's
favor and retained the right to rule and administer.

The Sword of Laban in Nephite History

The sword of Laban was preserved and revered throughout Nephite history. From the time of its acquisition, the sword of Laban was brought over to the Americas
and Nephi "did take the sword of Laban, and after the manner of it did make many swords" (2 Ne. 5:14). William Hamblin and Brent Merrill note that "the text does
not say that Nephi instructed his people how to make swords, but rather that he made the swords himself." The sword is also only mentioned by the Nephites three
times after that, which "suggests that the weapon was not only well known, but also unique, wielded by kings, with no comparable weapon being used by others." In
this sense, the sword was strictly part of the regalia and was not used or handled by any individuals beside the king.

Held by the Nephite kings and leaders, the people saw the sword of Laban as a religious symbol and a sign of the leader's kingship and power. As mentioned, Nephi
used the sword, as did King Benjamin, who against the Lamanites "did fight with the strength of his own arm, with the sword of Laban" (W of M 1:13). As was the
case with the reference to Nephi, this scripture came in a summary of the deeds in King Benjamin's reign, and his possession and use of the sword of Laban was
important to mention. In battle, the prophet/king led his people, wielding the symbol of power and authority, while the warriors used swords patterned after it. As a
rallying point, this increased morale and the conviction that the favor of God was on their side. It was also common in other cultures that the regalia was "brought forth
in times of public disaster for the purpose of staying the evil." The scant references to the sword of Laban in the Book of Mormon are all associated in some way
with victory.

The sword of Laban was preserved through the centuries along with the plates, the Urim and Thummim, and the Liahona, items which formed a collection of sacred
relics. These sacred implements were passed down by the leaders throughout Book of Mormon history. Of these "national treasures a real king was required to
possess anciently," the sword of Laban was "a symbol of power and rule." When King Benjamin transferred "charge concerning all the affairs of the kingdom" to his
son Mosiah about 130 B.C., he also bequeathed the sacred relics, including the sword of Laban (Mosiah 1:15-16). It has even been suggested that the sword King
Mosiah's son Ammon used against Lamanite raiders forty years later was the very sword of Laban (Alma 17:37-39).

As in other cultures, Book of Mormon kings held the tripartite offices of military, religious, and civil leaders. From King Mosiah the sacred relics were passed on to
Alma the Younger, who was the high priest and reigning ecclesiastical authority (Mosiah 28:20). With the death of King Mosiah came an end to the reign of kings. A
new system of judges was instituted, and Alma, who possessed the regalia, became the first chief judge (Mosiah 29:42). Most often in the Book of Mormon, the
passing of authority was associated with the plates, a major part of the regalia. Even though the sword is not always mentioned, textual clues show that it was still
part of the sacred implements of authority. When Mosiah passed them to Alma, he gathered not only the plates of brass and of Nephi, but also "all the things which he
had kept and preserved according to the commandment of God" (Mosiah 28:11).

During a trying period for the Nephites, Alma turned over the office of chief judge to Nephihah so he could concentrate on his priestly duties. He also attempted to pass
on the regalia to Nephihah, possibly as a way of reinforcing the judge's civil authority and uniting the people (Alma 4:11-18;50:37-38).    Nephihah refused, and Alma
later gave the regalia to his son, Helaman, who did many things. With the sword of Laban in his possession, Helaman reestablished the church, served as high priest,
and became the great military commander who led the two thousand stripling warriors (Alma 45:22;46:6;53:18-22;56). Thereafter the regalia was passed on and kept
continuously. In another episode of serious difficulty in Nephite history, successive chief judges were murdered, and there was contention in the land. The voice of the
people appointed Helaman the son of Helaman, who had been in possession of the regalia, to fill the judgment seat (Hel. 1:1-9, 13, 21;2:1-2; Alma 63:11-13). These
examples show how those in possession of the sword of Laban and the regalia were looked upon by the people as having authority. The line of succession that traced
the transfer of the sword of Laban and the regalia can be seen in Table 2.

In the line of succession there is a gap in the records of the kings prior to King Benjamin. After the time of Nephi it was known that kings were anointed and were
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
mighty men who led the people (Jacob 1:9-14; Jarom 1:7). They may have acted also in a religious office as they "taught the people the ways of Page            77(Jarom
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1:7). The main record of the people was kept by these kings with the other regalia, even until the time of Mosiah the father of Benjamin (Omni 1:11, 14; W of M 1:10-
11). Many of those who later possessed the regalia as prophet/high priest were also the chief judge or military leader. Of the three possible offices for a king to hold,
examples show how those in possession of the sword of Laban and the regalia were looked upon by the people as having authority. The line of succession that traced
the transfer of the sword of Laban and the regalia can be seen in Table 2.

In the line of succession there is a gap in the records of the kings prior to King Benjamin. After the time of Nephi it was known that kings were anointed and were
mighty men who led the people (Jacob 1:9-14; Jarom 1:7). They may have acted also in a religious office as they "taught the people the ways of the Lord" (Jarom
1:7). The main record of the people was kept by these kings with the other regalia, even until the time of Mosiah the father of Benjamin (Omni 1:11, 14; W of M 1:10-
11). Many of those who later possessed the regalia as prophet/high priest were also the chief judge or military leader. Of the three possible offices for a king to hold,
later Nephite leaders usually filled two or more of them.

Table 2. the Transfer of Regalia in Nephite History

Key * definite reference to regalia other than the plates
**Other known positions held by recipient of the regalia
k = king
j = judge
p = priest/prophet
m = military leader

Transfer Reference Regalia Other
Mentioned **

Nephi 1 ï¿½ Others Jacob 1:9 No km
Jacob 1:7 (Omni 1:14) (p)

Others ï¿½ Mosiah 1 Omni 1:12 No kpm
(Omni 1:14)

Mosiah 1 ï¿½ Benjamin Omni 1:12 No kpm
(Words of
Morm. 1:10)

Benjamin ï¿½ Mosiah 2 Mosiah Yes* kp
1:15-16

Mosiah 2 ï¿½ Alma 2 Mosiah 28:11, Yes* jpm
20

Alma 2 ï¿½ Helaman 2 Alma 37:1-2, Yes* pm
14; 50:38

Helaman 2 ï¿½ Shiblon Alma 63:1-2 Yes jp

Shiblon ï¿½ Helaman 3 Alma 63:10-13 Yes jp

Helaman 3 ï¿½ Nephi 2 Hel. 3:37 No jp

Nephi 2 ï¿½ Nephi 3 3 Ne. 1:1-2 Yes* p

Nephi 3 ï¿½ Nephi 4 4 Nephi No --
(heading) (4 Ne. 1:19)

Nephi 4 ï¿½ Amos 1 4 Ne. 1:19 Yes --

Amos 1 ï¿½ Amos 2 4 Ne. 1:21 Yes --

Amos 2 ï¿½ Ammaron 4 Ne. 1:47 Yes p

Ammaron ï¿½ Mormon Mormon 2:17 Yes pm

Mormon ï¿½ Moroni Mormon 6:6 Yes p

When Alma passed the sacred relics to his son Helaman, he explained why:

And now remember, my son, that God has entrusted you with these things, which are sacred, which he has kept sacred, and also which he will keep and preserve for a
wise purpose in him, that he may show forth his power unto future generations. (Alma 37:14)

The records had an impact both then and now, but why was the sword of Laban preserved? It was clear that the sword of Laban was sacred, was revered by many
people, and was an instrument of religious significance. It symbolized kingship during the reign of kings, and divine authority and leadership under the rule of judges and
thereafter.

As Moroni finished writing his record to close the Book of Mormon, he sealed up the records, and at the same time he "sealed up the interpreters [Urim and
Thummim], according to the commandment of the Lord" (Moro. 10:2; Ether 4:5). It is possible he meant that the other sacred relics, the Liahona and the sword of
Laban, were also sealed up for future generations.

The Sword of Laban in the Latter Days

In the restoration of the Church of Jesus Christ to the earth in A.D. 1830, the sword of Laban appeared as an additional witness to the divine authority and leadership
of the Prophet
 Copyright   (c) Joseph SmithInfobase
                 2005-2009,    and that the Lord's
                                         Media     kingdom on earth would be restored through him. In the early stages of the Restoration, the Lord gave
                                               Corp.                                                                                                 PageJoseph
                                                                                                                                                             78 charge
                                                                                                                                                                 / 919
over the plates to translate and apparent charge over the other relics. But did Joseph ever possess or utilize the sword of Laban?

Though no documented proof exists, many other things suggest that when Moroni buried the gold plates, he included with them the sword of Laban and other relics. In
The Sword of Laban in the Latter Days

In the restoration of the Church of Jesus Christ to the earth in A.D. 1830, the sword of Laban appeared as an additional witness to the divine authority and leadership
of the Prophet Joseph Smith and that the Lord's kingdom on earth would be restored through him. In the early stages of the Restoration, the Lord gave Joseph charge
over the plates to translate and apparent charge over the other relics. But did Joseph ever possess or utilize the sword of Laban?

Though no documented proof exists, many other things suggest that when Moroni buried the gold plates, he included with them the sword of Laban and other relics. In
media produced by The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the sword is implied to have been buried with them. In all of Joseph Smith's accounts of his
history, the angel Moroni only told him that the plates and the breastplate with the Urim and Thummim were buried (Joseph Smith History 1:35, 42). This could be
because he referred only to those items needed for the translation.

When Joseph actually went to the hill, he again mentioned only what was named by Moroni as being in the stone box. But when he described the box, Joseph talked of
the stones on which "lay the plates and the other things with them" (Joseph Smith History 1:52). In fact, in Lucy Mack Smith's version of his 1824 visit to the hill,
Joseph set down the plates to cover the box up with earth, thinking "probably there was something else in the box besides the plates, which would be of some
pecuniary advantage to him." The "other things" and "something else" left open the possibility that the sword of Laban could have been in the box, but there were no
clues from any other of Joseph Smith's accounts. It might be asked why Moroni made a seemingly large stone box for just a set of plates if he didn't include the sword.
Oliver Cowdery noted that "this box was sufficiently large to admit a breast-plate, such as was used by the ancients to defend the chest," again with no mention of a
sword.

More directly, Catherine Salisbury, the oldest surviving sister of Joseph Smith and active in the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, recorded in
1886:

I remember well the trials my brother had, before he obtained the records. After he had the vision, he went frequently to the hill, and upon returning he would tell us, "I
have seen the records, also the brass plates and the sword of Laban with the breast plate and the interpreters."

An even earlier account was written by Mormon critic John Hyde in 1857, who wrote in passing, "Joseph Smith says he found, with these [Moroni's] plates, . . . the
sword of Laban." He also recorded that when Joseph finally got the plates on September 22, 1827, that

besides the plates, he had, according to his third story, a breast-plate of brass, Laban's sword, the crystal interpreters, [and] the "brass ball with spindles" director of
Lehi.

The mention of the sword allows that some believed that he had it, or at least that he had seen it although it remained in Moroni's possession. Fawn Brodie wrote:
"Joseph related that he found the plates in a stone box along with a sword and breastplate." She did not, however, include an explanation or note.

Edward Stevenson, who was personally acquainted with the Prophet Joseph Smith, included in his pamphlet Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet an engraving of
Joseph receiving the plates from the angel Moroni (fig. 1). In describing the picture Edward wrote:

We see him receiving the treasure, as pictured in the engraving. He is holding the book in his hands, while the breast-plate rests on the edge of the stone box, with the
sword of Laban nearby.

There is a good possibility that Joseph had the sword of Laban at some time, because it was referred to often in connection with the plates and the Urim and Thummim
he did have.

Figure 1. The Angel Moroni Delivering the Golden Plates to Joseph Smith. Engraving in Edward Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet (Salt Lake City:
Stevenson, 1893), 21.

In 1829 the Lord echoed the words given to Helaman by Alma when he said, "I have reserved those things which I have entrusted unto you, my servant Joseph, for a
wise purpose in me, and it shall be made known unto future generations" (D&C 5:9). At the same time the Lord promised that "the testimony of three of my servants"
would be added to Joseph's, and that unto these three "I will show these things" (D&C 5:11). What were "these things" that the Lord reserved and would show, the
same "sacred things" referred to many times in the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 28:11, 20; Alma 37:1-2, 14;50:38;63:1, 11; 3 Ne. 1:1-2)? To the three witnesses Oliver
Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Martin Harris, the Lord promised:

You shall have a view of the plates, and also of the breastplate, the sword of Laban, the Urim and Thummim, . . . and the miraculous directors which were given to
Lehi. (D&C 17:1)

Not only were they to see the objects, but "testify of them, by the power of God . . . that I may bring about my righteous purposes unto the children of men in this
work" (D&C 17:3-4).

The testimony of the three witnesses, in the Documentary History of the Church, mentioned only that they saw the plates, but other accounts reported that they also
saw the sword of Laban. In Martin Harris's dying testimony he said:

Just as sure as you see the sun shining, just as sure am I that I stood in the presence of an angel of God with Joseph Smith, and saw him hold the gold plates in his
hands. I also saw the Urim and Thummim, the breastplate, and the sword of Laban.

David Whitmer told George Q. Cannon that "he was plowing when Joseph and Oliver came to him to speak about his being one of the witnesses." He then related:

They went out and sat upon a log, conversing upon the things to be revealed, when they were surrounded by a glorious light which overshadowed them. A glorious
personage appeared unto them and exhibited to them the plates, the sword of Laban, the Directors which were given to Lehi (called Liahona), the Urim and Thummim,
and other records.

In other accounts and interviews of the event, some stated that the sword of Laban appeared on a table. Even though many accounts (Joseph Smith, Lucy Mack
Smith, etc.) didn't mention the sword in connection with the plates, it was likely among the relics. Like the testimony of the three witnesses found in the Documentary
History of the Church, the sword was there but not mentioned. They saw the sword of Laban, and it was an additional witness of the divine call of Joseph Smith.

The early members of the Church knew of the sword of Laban and understood it as an object of power and authority as in the Book of Mormon. In 1831 there were
many spiritual phenomena and false visions in the Church that prompted the Lord to reveal section fifty of the Doctrine and Covenants. John Whitmer recorded that
"some would
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                            Infobase   they had the sword of Laban, and would wield it as expert as a light Dragoon [armed mountain soldier]." The
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sword as power was a strong image for the Saints. The scriptures of the Restoration are replete with references to the sword as a divine instrument of the Lord.
Joseph Smith often saw the formation of stars in the night sky as a sword, or a stream of light in the heavens in the form of a broadsword which many others witnessed.
History of the Church, the sword was there but not mentioned. They saw the sword of Laban, and it was an additional witness of the divine call of Joseph Smith.

The early members of the Church knew of the sword of Laban and understood it as an object of power and authority as in the Book of Mormon. In 1831 there were
many spiritual phenomena and false visions in the Church that prompted the Lord to reveal section fifty of the Doctrine and Covenants. John Whitmer recorded that
"some would fancy to themselves that they had the sword of Laban, and would wield it as expert as a light Dragoon [armed mountain soldier]." The symbol of a
sword as power was a strong image for the Saints. The scriptures of the Restoration are replete with references to the sword as a divine instrument of the Lord.
Joseph Smith often saw the formation of stars in the night sky as a sword, or a stream of light in the heavens in the form of a broadsword which many others witnessed.


If Joseph Smith did possess the sword of Laban, or was at least aware of its existence, the angel of the Lord took it back prior to the completion of the translation of
the plates. This is surmised from the famous "cave story" told in a discourse by Brigham Young on June 17, 1877, at Farmington, Davis County, Utah. In the middle
of his sermon about the treasures which the Lord has stored up in the earth, Brigham related a story from the life of Oliver Cowdery. He prefaced it by saying, "I tell
these things to you, and I have a motive for doing so . . . that they may grow to an understanding of some things that seem to be entirely hidden from the human family."
Brigham continued:

When Joseph got the plates, the angel instructed him to carry them back to the hill Cumorah, which he did. Oliver says that when Joseph and Oliver went there, the hill
opened, and they walked into a cave, in which there was a large and spacious room. He says he did not think, at the time, whether they had the light of the sun or
artificial light; but that it was just as light as day. They laid the plates on a table; it was a large table that stood in the room. Under this table there was a pile of plates as
much as two feet high, and there were altogether in this room more plates than probably many wagon loads; they were piled up in the corners and along the walls. The
first time they went there the sword of Laban hung upon the wall; but when they went there again it had been taken down and laid upon the table across the gold plates;
it was unsheathed, and on it was written these words: "This sword will never be sheathed again until the kingdoms of this world become the kingdom of our God and
his Christ."

Heber C. Kimball delivered an earlier discourse in 1856 and mentioned the same event:

How does it compare with the vision that Joseph and others had, when they went into a cave in the hill Cumorah, and saw more records than ten men could carry?

Here it is declared a vision, but the authenticity of it is strengthened by at least six other accounts, some with variations that the sword was on a trunk or that a
messenger angel in the room spoke the words written on the sword. Whether it was a vision or a physical event, the meaning of it was real and the principles in it just
as relevant. From this story of the sword in the cave, three main things are learned. First, if it was an actual event, the sword of Laban was always in the cave or was
returned there from Joseph's possession prior to the completion of the translation of the plates around July 1, 1829. Secondly, Brigham Young emphasized the
importance of the sword and that it was preserved by the Lord. After the story he further stated:

I relate this to you, and I want you to understand it. I take this liberty of referring to those things so that they will not be forgotten or lost. . . . I would like the people
called Latter-day Saints to understand some little things with regard to the workings and dealings of the Lord with his people here upon the earth.

The urgency with which Brigham reported the event came just over two months before his death.

The third, and most important, point of the story for this study, was the appearance of words written upon the sword. Even if it was a vision, the symbolic meaning and
the words are still true. It is reminiscent of the words of the Lord to Ezekiel:

Seeing then that I will cut off from thee the righteous and the wicked, therefore shall my sword go forth out of his sheath against all flesh from the south to the north: that
all flesh may know that I the Lord have drawn forth my sword out of his sheath: it shall not return any more. (Ezek. 21:4-5)

The same language engraved on the sword that declared that it will never be sheathed again was also stated by Joseph Smith in Nauvoo. Joseph was Mayor and
Lieutenant General of the Nauvoo Legion, and had the three roles of prophet, military leader, and civil administrator.

On June 18, 1844, just prior to his death and with enemies on all sides, Joseph assembled the Nauvoo Legion. In full uniform, he gave his last public address to the
troops, during which time he drew his sword, presented it to heaven, and said:

I call God and angels to witness that I have un sheathed my sword with a firm and unalterable de termination that this people shall have their legal rights.

Others who witnessed the event recorded it as follows:

I can see him now, as he stood with his sword drawn and lifted toward heaven, as he declared the things which should take place on the earth, that the sword should
not be sheathed until the earth was cleansed from wickedness.

There he stood between the Heavens and Earth and prophesied concerning our enemies. He said if they did persist in taking away our rights and we did unshield [sic]
the sword we would not sheath it again until all our enemies were under our foot.

(Drawing his sword out of its scabbard and[rais[ing] it above his head), "I will call upon the Gods to bear witness of this. I will draw my sword and it shall never be
sheathed again until vengeance is taken upon all your enemies."

At one time he straightened himself up in a very erect and bold position and drew his sword out of its scabbard and presenting it before him said, "The sword is
unsheathed and shall never return to its sheath again until all those who reject the truth and fight against the kingdom of God are swept from the face of the earth."

Then, Said He, I will die for you. Drew his sword and raised it up to heaven and said it should never be sheathed again until Zion was redeemed.

The sword Joseph used at this time was not the sword of Laban, but language similar to that said to be engraven on the sword of Laban in the cave was used in
conjunction with his Nauvoo military blade. Standing before his troops as their military leader, the sword had the same symbolic meaning as the sword of Laban. To
Joseph and the rest, it represented the sword of Laban, and the people rallied around him as their leader with divine authority.

The Saints looked upon Joseph Smith as a leader fighting for their cause with the sword symbolizing the strength of God. In the October 1838 journal of Albert P.
Rockwood, which was sent in installments as letters, he wrote to his family about the Mormon militia at Far West and the Battle of Crooked River. He implored his
father:

Come   to Zion and fight for the religion of[Jesus[.] many a hoary head is engaged here, the prophet goes out to the battle as in days of old. he has the sword that Nephi
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took from Laban. is not this marvellous? well when you come to Zion you will see many marvellous things, which will strengthen your faith, and which    Page      80 / 919
                                                                                                                                                           is for the
edification of all the saints.
Rockwood, which was sent in installments as letters, he wrote to his family about the Mormon militia at Far West and the Battle of Crooked River. He implored his
father:

Come to Zion and fight for the religion of[Jesus[.] many a hoary head is engaged here, the prophet goes out to the battle as in days of old. he has the sword that Nephi
took from Laban. is not this marvellous? well when you come to Zion you will see many marvellous things, which will strengthen your faith, and which is for the
edification of all the saints.

In another manuscript of Rockwood's journal that he kept for himself, he wrote:

Many a hoary head is seen with their armour about them bold to defend their Master's cause.--You may ask if the Prophet goes out with the saints to battle? I answer
he is a Prop[h]et to go before the people as in times of old & if you wish to know what sword he carries, just turn to the book of Mormon & see the sword that Nephi
took from Laban when he slew[him[.] you will there see what he has got.

Whether Joseph actually used the sword of Laban was not im portant; what is important is that the sword he used had the same symbolism.

Some at least believed at the time that Joseph possessed the sword. Immediately following the above excerpts in both manuscripts, Rockwood wrote, "The Prophet
has unsheathed his sword and in the name of Jesus declares that it shall not be sheathed again untill he can go unto any County or state in safety and in peace."
Written more than five years prior to the Legion declaration, Joseph must have used the phrase previously or at least his association with the phrase on the sword of
Laban was known.

Another interesting early mention of the sword of Laban was made by Mormon dissident Francis Gladden Bishop. Bishop was a member of the Church from 1832-
1842, before being cut off for teaching heretical doctrines. He wrote at times in support of Joseph's prophetic calling, emphasizing Joseph's possession of the regalia.
The full regalia, according to Bishop, comprised seven items, including the sword. Bishop claimed that the work of this dispensation resembled former dispensations
only "in the use of the sacred things which have been hid up unto the Lord," and that "none could authoritively claim the inheritance" without them. He continued:

Joseph, by means of the sacred things which were put into his hands, was constituted a Prophet, a Translator, or a Law-giver, and a Leader, as Moses, unto his
people. So also when the Prophet like unto Moses, who is the last leader of God's people, is raised up, he must be established in his calling, by having the sacred things
put into his hands also.

Bishop's claim to being Joseph's successor as prophet and leader was based on the possession of the sword of Laban and the other sacred things, which would give
him divine authority. He even gave a description of the sword and an account of its history:

It was caused to be made by Joseph, of old, in Egypt, by the direction of God, and was in the hands of Joshua when he led the house of Israel into the land of Canaan.
And after him it came down in the lineage of Joseph to Laban, from whom it was taken by Nephi, according to the account given in the Book of Mormon; and since
the fall of the Nephites it has been preserved with the other sacred things, to come forth into the hand of a descendant of Joseph of old, in the line of Ephraim, and it is
regarded in the scriptures as an emblem of justice.

Despite many heretical teachings, F. G. Bishop expressed the idea that the sword of Laban was known to exist amongst the saints, was possessed by Joseph, and gave
him divine authority.

It is not exactly clear if or for how long Joseph may have had the sword, but it is evident that the sword of Laban was part of the sacred relics kept by the Nephites and
handed down by Moroni. At least some of the relics were known to be in Joseph's possession, and all of them appeared in the Restoration. Joseph may periodically
have had the sword and then kept it, as he held on to the Urim and Thummim. The sword was thought by some in Joseph's day to be possessed by him, and its
symbolic meaning was an added witness to the Restoration. Some viewed Joseph Smith as their leader wielding the sword of Laban for their cause. The sword Joseph
carried as a military commander took on the same symbolic meaning as the sword of Laban. Whether Joseph had the sword of Laban or not, he was viewed as being
called of God and having divine authority.

Conclusion

The sword of Laban was a symbol of kingship and divine authority. It fit the patterns of both kingly and heroic swords that are found in history, mythology, and
literature from all over the world. These patterns are also evident when compared to another sword from the ancient Near East, the sword of Goliath. The sword of
Laban was preserved throughout Nephite history, and it served as part of the regalia held by their leaders. Its preservation until the restoration of the Church of Jesus
Christ in 1830 was remarkable enough, but it also played a role as an independent divine witness of the calling of Joseph Smith as the leader of the dispensation. With
the sword of Laban and what it symbolized, some viewed Joseph as having divine authority in his civic, military, and prophetic duties. As a symbol, the sword of Laban
represented the power and strength of God for whoever possessed it. The sword served its purpose for the Nephites and Joseph Smith and may be preserved for
further use. It could still be needed by the Lord to bring about his "righteous purposes unto the children of men" and "show forth his power unto future
generations" (D&C 17:3). The sword apparently remains unsheathed "until the kingdoms of this world become the kingdom of our God and his Christ" (cf. Rev.
11:15).

  The American Heritage Dictionary, 2d ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1985), s.v. "Symbol"; Joseph F. McConkie and Donald W. Parry, A Guide to Scriptural
Symbols (Salt Lake City, UT: Bookcraft, 1990), 1; see E. W. Bullinger, Figures of Speech Used in the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1968), 769.

  See Janet L. Dolgin et al., eds., Symbolic Anthropology (New York: Columbia University, 1977), 3-44, 183-94; Hazard Adams, Philosophy of the Literary
Symbolic (Tallahassee, FL: University Presses of Florida, 1983), 177-99, 263-86; Helen M. Luke, The Inner Story: Myth and Symbol in the Bible and Literature
(New York: Crossroad, 1982).

  See J. E. Cirlot, A Dictionary of Symbols, trans. Jack Sage, 2d ed. (New York: Dorset, 1971), s.v. "Weapons"; H. J. T. Johnson, "Regalia," in James Hastings, ed.,
Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (New York: Scribner's, 1951), 636; James Hoyle, "The Weapons of God in Samuel," This World 7 (Winter 1984): 120.

  Yigael Yadin, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, trans. M. Pearlman (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963), 1:60-61.

  William J. Hamblin and A. Brent Merrill, "Swords in the Book of Mormon," in Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin, eds., Warfare in the Book of Mormon
(Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 343.

   John A. Tvedtnes, "Book of Mormon Tribal Affiliation and Military Castes," in Ricks and Hamblin, Warfare in the Book of Mormon , 313, 321.

 Barney Madsen,
Copyright         "A Compass,
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  Eugene England, "A Second Witness for the Logos: The Book of Mormon and Contemporary Literary Criticism," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds.,
By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 2:106-9.
(Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 343.

   John A. Tvedtnes, "Book of Mormon Tribal Affiliation and Military Castes," in Ricks and Hamblin, Warfare in the Book of Mormon , 313, 321.

  Barney Madsen, "A Compass, a Sword, and Stones-ï¿½and Sight: Reflections on Book of Mormon Artifacts," a paper in possession of author, Provo, Utah, 3.

  Eugene England, "A Second Witness for the Logos: The Book of Mormon and Contemporary Literary Criticism," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds.,
By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 2:106-9.

  Joseph F. McConkie and Robert L. Millet, Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon , vol. 2, Jacob through Mosiah (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1988), 6;
vol. 4, 3 Nephi through Moroni (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1992), 384.

   John Taylor, The Mediation and the Atonement (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1882), 122-23.

  Gordon C. Thomasson, "Mosiah: The Complex Symbolism and the Symbolic Complex of Kingship in the Book of Mormon," in this volume, pages 21-38.

  See listings in Gertrude Jobes, Dictionary of Mythology, Folklore and Symbols (New York: Scarecrow, 1962), 2:1518-20, 3:422-27; and Stith Thompson, Motif-
Index of Folk-Literature, 3 vols. (Bloom-ington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1966), 2:300-301, 3:222-25.

  Stephen D. Ricks, "King, Coronation, and Covenant in Mosiah 1-6," in John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt
Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 209; see also Gordon C. Thomasson, "Togetherness Is Sharing an Umbrella: Divine Kingship, the Gnosis, and
Religious Syncretism," in Lundquist and Ricks, By Study and Also By Faith, 1:523-61; Todd R. Kerr, "Ancient Aspects of Nephite Kingship in the Book of Mormon,"
Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 1/1 (1992): 85-118.

  Keith W. Whitelam, "Israelite Kingship: The Royal Ideology and Its Opponents," in R. E. Clements, ed., The World of Ancient Israel (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1989), 130; see also Daniel J. Elazar, "Dealing with Fundamental Regime Change," in Jacob Neusner, ed., From Ancient Israel to Modern Judaism:
Essays in Honor of Marvin Fox (Atlanta, GA: Scholars, 1989), 105-6.

  Johnson, "Regalia," 636; Ricks, "King, Coronation, and Covenant," 214.

  Richard W. Thurn, "Blades," in Mircea Eliade, ed. Encyclopedia of Religion, 16 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1987), 2:237.

   See the examples in Michael D. Coe et al., Swords and Hilt Weapons (New York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1989), 36, 148, 209-13; see also Cirlot, Dictionary
of Symbols, s.v. "Sword"; Johnson, "Regalia," 635-38; David Cannadine and Simon Price, eds., Rituals of Royalty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987),
145, 171, 320-25; Thurn, "Blades," 237; John A. MacCulloch, ed., The Mythology of All Races, 8 vols. (Boston: Jones, 1928), 8:228, 304; Yves Bonnefoy, ed.,
Mythologies, trans. Gerald Honigsblum (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 2:990-91.

  Jobes, Dictionary of Mythology, s.v. "Sword."

  Robert E. Nichols, Jr., "Beowulf and Nephi: A Literary View of the Book of Mormon," Dialogue 4 (Autumn 1969): 40-47. Interestingly, years after his heroic deeds
Beowulf became king among the Geats. Kyle Gray, "Mightier Than the Pen," Dragon 46 (February 1981): 12; Ad deVries, Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery
(Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1974), s.v "Sword."

  Thurn, "Blades," 237.

  MacCulloch, The Mythology of All Races, 6:109; see also Ezek. 21:15; Ronald S. Hendel, "The Flame of the Whirling Sword: A Note on Gen. 3:24," Journal of
Biblical Literature 104 (December 1985): 671-74.

  According to Isa. 27:1: "In that day the Lord with his sore and great and strong sword shall punish leviathan the piercing serpent, even leviathan the crooked serpent;
and he shall slay the dragon that is in the sea"; cf. also Isa. 66:16; Deut. 32:41; Judg. 7:18-20; Frank Moore Cross, Jr., "The Divine Warrior in Israel's Early Cult," in
Alexander Altmann, ed., Biblical Motifs (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), 11-30; G. G. D. Kilpatrick, This Book of Isaiah , vol. 6 in The Interpreter's
Bible, 12 vols. (New York: Abingdon, 1956), 356.

   George Elliot, "Does God Have and Use a Sword?" Methodist Review 40 (December 1924): 934-40; Hoyle, "The Weapons of God," 120, 126, 130-34; see Eph.
6:17; Heb. 4:12; Rev. 1:16.

  Cirlot, Dictionary of Symbols, s.v. "Sword."

  William Sayers, "Fergus and the Cosmogonic Sword," History of Religions 25 (August 1985): 30-56; Proinsias Mac Cana, "Ferghus mac Roich," in Eliade, ed.,
Encyclopedia of Religion, 5:314; Maria Leach, ed., Funk and Wagnall's Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend (New York: Funk and Wagnall's, 1950), s.v.
"Swords"; The Nibelungenlied, trans. A. T. Hatto (London: Penguin, 1969), 28, 128, 283; Coe, Swords, 154; MacCulloch, The Mythology of All Races, 12:290-91;
Joan O'Brian and Wilfred Major, In the Beginning: Creation Myths from Ancient Mesopotamia, Israel and Greece (Chico, CA: Scholars, 1982), 55-56; MacCulloch,
The Mythology of All Races, 1:80.

  Similar tales such as Theseus from Greek and Sigmund from Scandinavian mythology express the same motif; see Thomas Bulfinch, The Age of Fable (New York:
Penguin, 1962), 188-89; deVries, Dictionary of Symbols, 453.

  Norris J. Lacy, "Excalibur" and "Sword in the Stone," in Norris J. Lacy, ed., The Arthurian Encyclopedia (New York: Garland, 1986); Rosemary Morris, The
Character of King Arthur in Medieval Literature (New Jersey: Rowman & Littlefield, 1982), 42-43; Folklore, Myths and Legends of Britain (London: Reader's Digest,
1977), 494-96.

  In a painting called the Nine Worthies, three Pagans (Hector, Caesar, Alexander), Jews (Joshua, David, Judas Maccabaeus) and Christians (Arthur, Charlemagne,
Godfrey) were all portrayed with a sword as a symbol of their authority and power. Geoffery Ashe, King Arthur, the Dream of a Golden Age (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1990), 74, 86. In a sketch by Jacques L. David of the coronation of Napoleon, he depicted Napoleon in front of the Pope crowning himself while holding a
sword. Antoine Schnapper, David, temoin de son temps (Paris: Bibliotheque des Arts, 1980), 22.

Copyright
 Johnson, (c)  2005-2009,
           "Regalia," 632; Infobase
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                                                                                                                                                          Eliade, The
Myth of the Eternal Return, trans. Willard R. Trask (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971), 21-27, 34-37.
Godfrey) were all portrayed with a sword as a symbol of their authority and power. Geoffery Ashe, King Arthur, the Dream of a Golden Age (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1990), 74, 86. In a sketch by Jacques L. David of the coronation of Napoleon, he depicted Napoleon in front of the Pope crowning himself while holding a
sword. Antoine Schnapper, David, temoin de son temps (Paris: Bibliotheque des Arts, 1980), 22.

 Johnson, "Regalia," 632; The use of sacred articles that have been passed down or represent past items marks a regeneration of sacred time; see Mircea Eliade, The
Myth of the Eternal Return, trans. Willard R. Trask (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971), 21-27, 34-37.

  Keith W. Whitelam, "The Symbols of Power," Biblical Archaeologist 49 (September 1986): 166-68; Whitelam, "Israelite Kingship," 121.

  Ricks, "King, Coronation, and Covenant," 213.

  William W. Hallo, "Texts, Statues and the Cult of the Divine King," in J. A. Emerton, ed., Congress Volume: Jerusalem, 1986 (Leiden: Brill, 1988).

  Hans G. Guterbock, "The Hittite Version of the Hurrian Kumarbi Myths: Oriental Forerunners of Hesiod," American Journal of Archaeology 52 (1948): 129.

  Yadin, The Art of Warfare, 1:79, 205; see also reliefs that de picted the Hittite Elder weather-god with a sword, 2:359; O. R. Gurney, The Hittites (London:
Penguin, 1990), pl. 28.

   John Gray, Near Eastern Mythology (New York: Bedrick, 1982), 77; James B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 140.

  Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 79-80, 85.

  Hendel, "The Flame of the Whirling Sword," 674.

  Yadin, Art of Warfare, 1:45, 135.

  Ibid., 140-41; Graham Philip, Metal Weapons of the Early and Middle Bronze Ages in Syria-Palestine (Oxford: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1989), 171.

  Yadin, The Art of Warfare, 1:79, 204; 2:350.

  Richard N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia (Cleveland: World, 1963), pl. 20, 68, 93.

  42 Herodotus, The Histories, trans. Aubrey de Selincourt (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1972), 290; Johnson, "Regalia," 636; C. Scott Littleton, "War and
Warrior," in Eliade, ed., Encyclopedia of Religion, 15:347.

  Erwin R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period (New York: Pantheon, 1953), 2:267, 280.

  D. A. Trotter, "Judas Maccabaeus, Charlemagne and the Oriflamme," Medium Aevum 54/1 (1985): 127-29.

  Johnson, "Regalia," 636.

  Ibid., 635; Abdulaziz A. Sachedina, Islamic Messianism (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981), 21; Habibeh Rahim, "Ali Ibn Abi Talib," in Eliade,
Encyclopedia of Religion, 1:208-9; Coe, Swords, 138.

  Al-Mahdï¿½ will also be known as Saï¿½hib al-Sayf, or "Master of the Sword"; cf. Sachedina, Islamic Messianism, 23, 39, 64, 75, 159, 172, 175.

  Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Work of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and
F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 97; John L. Sorensen, "The Brass Platesand Biblical Scholarship," Dialogue 10 (Autumn 1977): 33; Sidney B. Sperry,Book of Mormon
Compendium (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1968), 102, 514; 1 Ne. 4:22.

  Note that in most traditional legends, evildoers die by their own swords. See Leach, Funk and Wagnall's Dictionary of Folklore, s.v. "Swords," and Jobes,
Dictionary of Mythology, s.v. "Sword."

  For a treatment of the existing steel at the time, see Hamblinand Merrill, "Swords in the Book of Mormon," 344-47; Hugh Nibley, The Prophetic Book of Mormon ,
vol. 8 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989), 245, 256 n. 6.

   Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, 108; Coe, Swords, 14, 18; Philip,Metal Weapons, 141, 151, 154-55, 162, 165, 170-72; Yadin, The Art of Warfare, 1:140-41; Alan
R. Millard, "King Og's Bed," Bible Review 6 (April 1990): 19.

  William Wilson, Old Testament Word Studies (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel, 1978), 433; Louis P. Hartman, Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Bible (New York:
McGraw Hill, 1963), s.v. "Sword"; Merrill C. Tenney, ed., The Zondervan Pictoral Encyclopedia of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan,1975), s.v. "Armor,
Arms"; Yadin, Art of Warfare, 1:79-80, 2:250; Paul Y. Hoskisson, "Scimitars, Cimeters! We Have Scimitars! Do We Need Another Cimeter?" in Ricks and Hamblin,
Warfare in the Book of Mormon , 352-59.

    53 Flavius Josephus, The Complete Works of Josephus, trans. William Whiston (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel, 1981), 135. 1 Sam. 17:54 NIV records that "David . .
. put the Philistine's weapons in his own tent."

   Flavius Josephus, The Complete Works of Josephus, trans.William Whiston (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel, 1981), 135. 1 Sam. 17:54 NIVrecords that "David . . . put
the Philistine's weapons in his own tent."

  Josephus, Works 139n.

  Hoyle, "The Weapons of God," 124; Elazar, "Regime Change,"107-8.

  Elazar, "Regime Change," 109.
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  Barbara W. Tuchman, Bible and Sword (New York: Ballentine Books, 1984), 17-18; Richard Cavendish, King Arthur and The Grail (New York: Taplinger,
1979), 168, 174; M. Victoria Guerin, "The King's Sin: The Origins of the David-Arthur Parallel," in Christopher Baswell and William Sharpe, eds., The Passing of
  Hoyle, "The Weapons of God," 124; Elazar, "Regime Change,"107-8.

  Elazar, "Regime Change," 109.

  Barbara W. Tuchman, Bible and Sword (New York: Ballentine Books, 1984), 17-18; Richard Cavendish, King Arthur and The Grail (New York: Taplinger,
1979), 168, 174; M. Victoria Guerin, "The King's Sin: The Origins of the David-Arthur Parallel," in Christopher Baswell and William Sharpe, eds., The Passing of
Arthur (New York: Garland, 1988), 15-17;Arthur E. Waite, The Holy Grail (New York: University Books, 1961), 69-73,89, 184-87.

  Hamblin, "Swords in the Book of Mormon," 344-45.

  For examples of cultures where the touching, using, or even the imitation of the objects of the regalia by those of nonroyal status are believed to cause disease or
death, see Johnson, "Regalia," 632.

  Ibid.

  Thomasson, "Complex Symbolism," in this volume, pages 26-27.

  Tvedtnes, "Book of Mormon Tribal Affiliation," 321.

  Ibid., 313.

   The importance of genealogical records is not unprecedented, see Neh. 7:64 and Ezra 8:2-14. In antiquity kings concocted false genealogies to prove their right to
rule; cf. Thomasson, "Complex Symbolism," in this volume, page 26; and Johnson, "Regalia," 633.

   Most agree that, logically, the sword of Laban was kept and passed on with the records, as they appear together later on; see Tvedtnes, "Book of Mormon Tribal
Affiliation," 315. There seems to be a strong connection between the records and a sword that extended from Book of Mormon times to the latter days. There are
some interesting passages in the journal of L. John Nuttal, who worked with Brigham Young in the Saint George Temple. In January 1877 from the 18th to the 26th he
mentioned the use of a sword while performing ordinances in the temple: Thursday, 16th- "I officiated as Recorder-- used the sword" Friday, 19th--"I was Recorder &
used Sword" Friday, 26th--"At the Temple officiated as Recorder with the Sword." L. John Nuttal, "Diary of Dec 1876--Mar 1884," Special Collections, Harold B.
Lee Library, 1948, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 12-15. Each mention was in conjunction with doing sealings and endowments for that day, and the sword
is mentioned only with the office of recorder. That office was described by Elder Edward Stevenson in his history: "On 29 June [1842] the 'Law of the Lord' and
books belonging to the temple were transferred to William Clayton; and on 3 Sep President Joseph Smith charged William Clayton to take care of the records and
papers; and from this time I appoint you temple recorder. When revelations are to be transcribed, you shall write them." Joseph G. Stevenson, ed., Autobiography of
Edward Stevenson, 1820-1897 (Provo: Stevenson's Genealogical Center, 1986), 83. As keeper of the records of the temple and of revelations a sword was used.
This corresponds to the Book of Mormon where the keeper of the plates also kept the sword of Laban.

  Note that according to Alma 50:38 Nephihah refused "to take possession of those records and those things which were esteemed by Alma and his fathers to be
most sacred." "Those things" most likely included the Liahona and the sword of Laban.

   67 "According to the reigns of the kings" refers to the pattern of kingship in Judah, which was now established amongst the Nephites; see Ricks, "King, Coronation,
and Covenant," 214.

  The 1988 Latter-day Saint Church movie "How Rare a Possession," made under the direction of the First Presidency, showed the sword of Laban in the stone box
where Moroni buried the plates. Russ Holt, director of the production, said that the Church was not making a statement about the sword in the movie, but only that it
was a possibility. This question about the sword had been posed to him before, and when the General Authorities were asked, word came back that "nobody knows"
and there was no concrete evidence. Russ Holt, telephone interview by author, Salt Lake City, Utah, 19 November 1990.

  Milton V. Backman, Jr., Eyewitness Accounts of the Restoration (Orem, UT: Grandin, 1983), 42-47. His mother Lucy also only spoke of Joseph having the plates
and breastplate with the Urim and Thummim as he hid the items from a mob; see Lucy Mack Smith, History of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1958), 112.

  Smith, History of Joseph Smith, 83.

  Oliver Cowdery, "Letter VIII," Messenger and Advocate 2 (October 1835): 196.

  Katharine (Catherine) Salisbury, "Dear Sisters," The Saints Herald 33 (1 May 1886): 260 (emphasis added).

   John Hyde, Mormonism: Its Leaders and Designs (New York: Fetridge, 1857), 215, 244 (emphasis added).

  Fawn M. Brodie, No Man Knows My History: The Life of Joseph Smith (New York: Knopf, 1979), 39.

  Edward Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet (Salt Lake City: Stevenson, 1893), 2, 19, 21.

  William Pilkington to Vern C. Poulter, 28 February 1930, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah (emphasis added).

  George Q. Cannon, "Church History," The Juvenile Instructor 19 (1 April 1884): 107 (emphasis added). See additional accounts of his tes timony in Lyndon W.
Cook, ed., David Whitmer Interviews (Orem, UT: Grandin, 1991), 11, 15, 20, 86, 127, 192, 198, 213.

  See Joseph Fielding Smith, Life of Joseph F. Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1969), 242-43; Edward Stevenson, "Letter to President D. H. Wells," The
Historical Record 6 (May 1887): 212; Mary A. S. Anderson, ed., Joseph Smith III and the Restoration (Independence, MO: Herald House, 1952), 311;
"Mormonism," Millennial Star 43 (4 July 1881): 421-23, 437-39.

  F. Mark Mckiernan and Roger D. Launis, eds., An Early Latter- day Saint History: The Book of John Whitmer (Independence, MO: Herald House, 1980), 62.

   The Lord has his sword in heaven (D&C 1:13) it is one of justice (Alma 26:19;60:29; Hel. 13:5; 3 Ne. 20:20;29:4, Ether 8:23), destruction (D&C 97:26; 3 Ne.
2:19), indignation (D&C 101:10), vengeance (D&C 121:5; Morm. 8:41), and almighty wrath (Alma 54:6). The Lord also has the sword of his spirit (D&C 27:18), and
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  HC 5:300-301, 304; John J. Stewart, Joseph Smith the Mormon Prophet (Salt Lake City: Hawkes, 1966), 154-55; Stevenson, ed., Autobiography of Edward
  F. Mark Mckiernan and Roger D. Launis, eds., An Early Latter- day Saint History: The Book of John Whitmer (Independence, MO: Herald House, 1980), 62.

   The Lord has his sword in heaven (D&C 1:13) it is one of justice (Alma 26:19;60:29; Hel. 13:5; 3 Ne. 20:20;29:4, Ether 8:23), destruction (D&C 97:26; 3 Ne.
2:19), indignation (D&C 101:10), vengeance (D&C 121:5; Morm. 8:41), and almighty wrath (Alma 54:6). The Lord also has the sword of his spirit (D&C 27:18), and
his word is as a double-edged sword (D&C 6:2;11:2;12:2;14:2;33:1).

   HC 5:300-301, 304; John J. Stewart, Joseph Smith the Mormon Prophet (Salt Lake City: Hawkes, 1966), 154-55; Stevenson, ed., Autobiography of Edward
Stevenson, 90; see also Orson Hyde's account of seeing a glittering sword in heaven enroute to the Holy Land in Stewart, Joseph Smith, 154; cf. with 1 Chr. 21:16.

  David Whitmer claimed that angels were appointed guardians of the plates and "other things," and that they handled the transportation (taking and giving) of the items
and showing them to witnesses, see P. W. Poulson, Ogden, Utah, to editors of the Deseret News, 13 August 1878, Deseret News, published on 16 August 1878, 2.

  JD 19:38 (emphasis added).

   Ibid., 4:105 (emphasis added). David Whitmer also spoke of "the caves [that] hold other records that will not come forth till all is peace." Cook, David Whitmer
Interviews, 7, 22, 127.

  See Paul T. Smith, "A Preliminary Draft of the Hill Cumorah Cave Story Utilizing Seven Secondary Accounts and Other Historical Witnesses," unpublished paper,
March 1980; Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 14-15; William H. Dame, "Diary," 14 January 1855, Manuscripts, Harold B. Lee Library, Provo,
Utah; Brigham Young Manuscript History, 5 May 1867, Church Archives, Latter-day Saint Church, Salt Lake City, Utah; Scott G. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff's
Journal (Midvale, UT: Signature Books, 1984), 6:508-9; John M. Whitaker, "Daily Journal," Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University,
Provo, Utah, 1:348-49; A. Karl Larson and Katharine M. Larson, Diary of Charles Lowell Walker (Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 1980), 2:525-26.

   The cave probably represented either where Ammaron deposited all the records (Morm. 1:3;2:17) or where Mormon made his abridgment (Morm. 6:6). Orson
Pratt claimed that this great sacred depository located on the hill Cumorah had "its contents under the charge of holy angels, until the day should come for them to be
transferred to the sacred temple of Zion"; N. B. Lundwall, Masterful Discourses of Orson Pratt (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1962), 390-91.

  JD19:38.

  HC 6:497-99; Stevenson, ed., Autobiography of Edward Stevenson, 103.

  Wandle Mace, "Journal (1809-1890)," Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, 1959, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 134.

  Joseph G. Hovey, "Biography of Joseph Grafton Hovey," Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 2.

  William B. Pace, "Diary," Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, 1941, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 6.

  George Morris, "Autobiography," Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 17.

  Larson, Diary of Charles Lowell Walker, 524.

  Joseph Smith's Nauvoo Legion sword was an early 1800 calvary issue, and is today on display in the Museum of Church History and Art in Salt Lake City. After
Joseph's death it was passed on to Wilford Woodruff, who later became prophet of the church. See Matthias F. Cowley, Wilford Woodruff: History of His Life and
Labors (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1909), 43; Millennial Star 27 (1865): 195.

  Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker, "The Last Months of Mormonism in Missouri: The Albert P. Rockwood Journal," Brigham Young University Studies 28
(Winter 1988): 25 (emphasis added).

  Ibid., 39 n. 97 (emphasis added).

  Ibid., 25.

   A month later in November of 1838 Rockwood recorded that in a meeting Joseph Smith, Sr., spoke: "The Patriarch whished us to be humble and united at a throne
of[Grace[.] he also remarked that the sword was unsheathed and could not be sheathed again until sin was swept from the face of the Earth & Christ come to reign
with his saints." Ibid., 31.

   HC 2:241, 284-85; 4:105, 550. For the most part Bishop supported Joseph and his calling as a prophet, but felt himself divinely called to do a greater work that
built on Joseph's. Although Bishop was reinstated after being removed from fellowship many times, Parley P. Pratt referred to him as a "thing" and Brigham Young
declared him to be "a poor dirty curse" and "so low and degraded in his spirit, feelings and life"; JD 1:83, 86; 2:125. Joseph Smith stated at his trial in 1842 that "he
was a fool and had not sens sufficient for the Holy Ghost to enlighten him." Dean C. Jessee, ed., Journal, 1832-1842, vol. 2 in The Papers of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake
City: Deseret Book, 1992), 368-69 n. 1. Bishop's main conflict with the brethren were his professed visions and visitations by heavenly beings which called him to be
the successor to Joseph. For a full treatise on his life, see Richard L. Saunders, "Francis Gladden Bishop and Gladdenism: A Study in the Culture of a Mormon
Dissenter and his Movement," Master's thesis, Utah State University, 1989.

  The seven items were: The gold plates (which included the Book of Mormon, the Book of Ether, and the sealed portion or the Book of Life); the Interpreters or
Urim and Thummim; the Breast-plate; the sword of Laban; the Directors or Liahona; a small silver crown of Israel representing the Aaronic priesthood; and a larger
gold crown of Glory representing the Melchizedek priesthood. Francis Gladden Bishop, A Proclamation from the Lord to His People Scattered throughout all the Earth
(Kirtland, OH: Author, 1851), 1-2; Francis Gladden Bishop, An Address to the Sons and Daughters of Zion, Scattered Abroad, Through all the Earth (Kirtland, OH:
Author, 1851), 11-12, 27-29, 48-49; Saunders, "Francis Gladden Bishop," 92.

  Bishop, An Address, 3-4.

   Ibid., 21, 47. Bishop claimed that the sacred items were brought to him repeatedly by one of the three Nephites named Nephi. He wrote that "The Sword of Laban
was presented and suspended before me, the blade of which appeared as a flame of fire, which greatly astonished me, when I was informed by the Angel that this
sword was the emblem of God's Justice and Wrath, which is spoken of in the Scriptures as a flame of fire." After seven days Bishop was washed, anointed, robed and
in vision placed upon a throne, and the sword of Laban was placed in his hand; ibid., 26-29. To Bishop, this completed his calling, as upon him was conferred divine
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  The description is as follows: "The blade of this Sword is somewhat dagger shapedï¿½-i.e. broad at the hilt, having two sharp edges and terminating in a sharp point.
   Ibid., 21, 47. Bishop claimed that the sacred items were brought to him repeatedly by one of the three Nephites named Nephi. He wrote that "The Sword of Laban
was presented and suspended before me, the blade of which appeared as a flame of fire, which greatly astonished me, when I was informed by the Angel that this
sword was the emblem of God's Justice and Wrath, which is spoken of in the Scriptures as a flame of fire." After seven days Bishop was washed, anointed, robed and
in vision placed upon a throne, and the sword of Laban was placed in his hand; ibid., 26-29. To Bishop, this completed his calling, as upon him was conferred divine
authority and kingship.

    The description is as follows: "The blade of this Sword is somewhat dagger shapedï¿½-i.e. broad at the hilt, having two sharp edges and terminating in a sharp point.
It is about three feet in length, and is fine polished steel. The hilt, or handle is pure gold, and four square, and opposite each square is a most beautiful guard, of fine gold
also. Each guard is composed of three bars, upon each of which is set a precious stone, making twelve in all, of various hues, and are of the same kind as those twelve
precious stones set in Aaron's breastplate. Upon the top of the hilt is fixed a gold Cross, each end of which is joined to the top of the four guards, respectively; and on
the lower end of the hilt, the four guards are joined in one piece, upon which is fixed a most beautiful pearl." Bishop, A Proclamation, 2; An Address, 49; Francis
Gladden Bishop, Zion's Messenger (Council Bluffs, IA: Author, 1854), 68.

  Bishop, A Proclamation, 2. He also says that the sword "was the sceptre of Joseph in Egypt"; Bishop, An Address, 19. The origination of the sword with Joseph in
Egypt is not without basis. The plates of brass Nephi took along with the sword were written in Egyptian (1 Ne. 3:19; Mosiah 1:2-5) and John Sorenson claims they
"could have begun as early as the visit of [Abraham] to Egypt and certainly no later than the time of Joseph, the Egyptian vizier." John L. Sorenson, "The 'Brass Plates'
and Biblical Scholarship," Dialogue 10 (Autumn 1977): 36; cf. Daniel N. Rolph, "Prophets, Kings, and Swords: The Sword of Laban and Its Possible Pre-Laban
Origin," in this volume, pages 73-79.

Prophets Kings and Swords: the Sword of Laban and Its Possible Pre-Laban Origin
Daniel N. Rolph

Abstract: The sword of Laban plays a prominent role in the Book of Mormon narrative as a Nephite national treasure. Scholarly analysis of this regal heirloom has
primarily concentrated upon its physical construction in relation to ancient Near Eastern metallurgical technology. However, when examined within the cultural milieu of
the ancient world, along with data from Church history, the scriptures, and Jewish tradition, the sword of Laban takes on new significance. Though the Book of
Mormon reveals that the sword of Laban served as an ancestral and hereditary sword of the ancient Nephite prophets, evidence suggests that the weapon may have
been the birthright sword of biblical tradition, a sacred heirloom that may have been wielded by the patriarchs up until the time of Joseph of Egypt. Laban, being a
descendant of Joseph, inherited the birthright sword and the plates of brass, both treasures eventually coming into the possession of Nephi, who was both a prophet
and a descendant of Joseph, as was Joseph Smith, Jr.

Until quite recently, scholarly investigation concerning the sword of Laban, or the pre-Columbian weapon wielded by the ancient Nephite kings and prophets, has
almost exclusively been restricted to an examination of the physical characteristics of the sword. Although the technological or metallurgical capabilities of early Near
and Middle Eastern cultures are relevant issues in discussing the sword, pertinent data contained within the scrip tures, Church history, Jewish tradition, and certain
social customs of antiquity imply that the provenance and true significance of the Nephite heirloom may have hitherto been completely overlooked.

In the beginning of the Book of Mormon record, Nephi informs us that the sword of Laban was a weapon with a hilt "of pure gold, and the workmanship thereof was
exceedingly fine," while "the blade thereof was of the most precious steel" (1 Ne. 4:9). Soon after his arrival in the land of promise, the sword served as a model or
pattern by which he made "many swords," fighting all the while with the sword against the Lamanites (2 Ne. 5:14; Jacob 1:10). Most importantly, we discover that
though almost five hundred years pass away between Nephi and King Benjamin, the latter ruler "did fight with the strength of his own arm, with the sword of
Laban" (W of M 1:13), eventually transmitting the weapon to his son and regal successor, Mosiah, in about 124 B.C. (cf. Mosiah 1:16). Apparently, the sword of
Laban and the other Nephite heirlooms, such as the "plates of brass," failed to perish, rust, or be "dimmed any more by time" (1 Ne. 5:18-19) until the latter days.

In June of 1829 at Fayette, New York, Joseph Smith received a revelation from the Lord permitting Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Martin Harris to view the
sacred treasures of the Nephite patriarchs, namely, "the breastplate, the sword of Laban, the Urim and Thummim, . . . the miraculous directors," and, of course, the
golden plates (D&C 17:1). Though on a separate occasion Joseph had previously seen the above artifacts, he fails to mention the sword of Laban as being present
within the stone receptacle during his initial visits to the Hill Cumorah repository (D&C 17:5). However, Brigham Young, while speaking at Farmington, Utah, in
1877, declared that Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery, on subsequent visits to a cavern located within the hill, observed the sword of Laban as it "hung upon the wall,"
and "laid upon the table across the gold plates . . . unsheathed, and on it . . . written these words: This sword will never be sheathed again until the kingdoms of this
world become the kingdom of our God and his Christ."

The uniqueness of the sword of Laban is apparent, since by Joseph Smith's day the instrument was at least twenty-five hundred years of age, and evidently in excellent
condition. Joseph Smith, Jr., was the first individual permitted to view the ancient sword and its accoutrements long after their interment at Cumorah by Moroni; though
he was a Latter-day prophet of God, Joseph Smith was also directly descended from the biblical patriarch, Joseph of Egypt. As we have seen, these sacred objects
of veneration were formerly transmitted through the lineage of the Nephite prophets, who also stemmed from Joseph, just as other treasures of a sacred nature were
passed down to Abraham, and by the Jaredites from "the fathers" (cf. Abr. 1:2-4, 31; Ether 8:9;15:33; Mosiah 21:27). Could ancestry thus play an important role in
relation to the sword of Laban prior to Laban's ownership?

The prophet Nephi and his successors fail to mention or reveal the provenance of the sword previous to its possession by Laban and, since the sword bears his name,
one naturally assumes the blade was forged within Laban's day, though the ancient technique of producing iron and steel is lost in antiquity. This lack of knowledge
concerning the sword's possible pre-Laban origin is not surprising, for Lehi, prior to obtaining the "plates of brass," appears either to have been unaware that he
descended from Joseph of Egypt (1 Ne. 5:14), or else to have had no documentation other than oral tradition. Most importantly, Laban also was "of Joseph, wherefore
he and his fathers had kept the records" (1 Ne. 5:16).

But what of the sword? Had the weapon, like the brass plates, come down from the fathers, as a regal treasure of Joseph? Was it accidental, or an act of Providence,
that Nephi brought the sword as well as the plates out of Jerusalem to the land of promise? It is interesting to learn that, according to Jewish tradition, the antediluvian
patriarch Methuselah slew myriads of demons with a "wonderful sword," a weapon Abraham is said to have inherited, by which he "conquered the kings. . . . Esau
thus received it, as heirloom, from Isaac, since he was the first-born. This sword passed to Jacob when he purchased the birth-right." This miraculous sword of
Methuselah, described as being "more [precious] than money," was not the only treasure secured by Jacob from Esau. A special rod, known later as the "rod of
Aaron," was also procured by Jacob, who eventually "bequeathed it to his favorite son Joseph."

The birthright, or rights of inheritance connected with the firstborn, generally included land acquisition, along with the authority to preside (see, for example, Abr. 2:9-
11; Gen. 48 and 49; Deut. 33:13-17; D&C 86:8-10). Since Jacob and Leah's eldest son Reuben had "defiled his father's bed" (1 Chr. 5:1), thus losing his right to
succession, his birthright and inheritance passed to the eldest son of Jacob and Rachel, "unto the sons of Joseph" (1 Chr. 5:1). Though out of Judah would come the
Christ or the "chief ruler," the "birthright was Joseph's" (1 Chr. 5:2). As a result of this event, the birthright sword and other sacred regalia of the patriarchs would
naturally come into the possession of Joseph and his descendants, which included both Laban and Nephi.

The Bible also
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have "cut into pieces" Agag, the Amalekite king, with an unidentified sword, "before the Lord in Gilgal" (1 Sam. 15:33). Phineas or Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron
(Ex. 6:25), considered to be a descendant of Levi, is traditionally stated to have descended also through the lineage of Joseph. Moses reportedly bestowed upon
him the leadership of the people while the Israelites were fighting the Midianites of the trans-Jordan region, along with the ark of the covenant, the Urim and Thummim,
succession, his birthright and inheritance passed to the eldest son of Jacob and Rachel, "unto the sons of Joseph" (1 Chr. 5:1). Though out of Judah would come the
Christ or the "chief ruler," the "birthright was Joseph's" (1 Chr. 5:2). As a result of this event, the birthright sword and other sacred regalia of the patriarchs would
naturally come into the possession of Joseph and his descendants, which included both Laban and Nephi.

The Bible also contains a number of passages attesting to an interrelationship existing in antiquity among prophets, kings, and swords. The prophet Samuel is stated to
have "cut into pieces" Agag, the Amalekite king, with an unidentified sword, "before the Lord in Gilgal" (1 Sam. 15:33). Phineas or Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron
(Ex. 6:25), considered to be a descendant of Levi, is traditionally stated to have descended also through the lineage of Joseph. Moses reportedly bestowed upon
him the leadership of the people while the Israelites were fighting the Midianites of the trans-Jordan region, along with the ark of the covenant, the Urim and Thummim,
and the gold plate of the mitre that rested on the high priest's forehead. Balaam, a renegade prophet who sold out to the Moabites, is specifically addressed by Phineas
as an archetype for that "Aramaean Laban who tried to destroy our father Jacob," and, like the Laban of Nephi's time, this Laban/ Balaam's head was struck off by
Phineas with a special sword.

Another sword figures prominently in later Israelite history, when David, like Nephi, slew and decapitated his adversary Goliath with the enemy's own sword (1 Sam.
17:51), and then deposited the weapon at Jerusalem or in the sanctuary of the priest at Nob in the lands of Benjamin. As a fugitive fleeing from the wrath of Saul,
David later obtained Goliath's sword from the priest Ahimelech (1 Sam. 21:8-9). Eventually, this weapon is said to have been inherited by David's famous son and
successor, King Solomon.

Accounts of swords (herev or hereb) as emblems of sacred kingship and authority are prevalent in antiquity. Semitic nations such as the Babylonians and Assyrians
venerated particular swords. Tiglath-Pileser I, one of Israel's conquerors, dedicated his "copper lightning flash" as "a trophy of victory, in a chapel built on the ruins of
one of the vanquished cities." The Assyrian god Ramman is also frequently represented on monuments as armed with a "two-bladed flaming sword."

The ancient Scythian people worshipped an iron scimitar, to which they offered yearly sacrifices of cattle and horses, while the Japanese revered a mirror, sword, and
jewel as the regalia inherited from the ancestral sun goddess, Amaterasu, "Heaven Shining." Among the Germanic tribes of Northern Europe, swords were highly
valued as treasure and were transmitted through successive generations. The Anglo-Saxon tale of Beowulf speaks of that warrior's gomele lafe, or "ancient
heirloom," an iron sword inherited "from long ago," while the English king Aethelstan, in his will dated from 1015, bequeathed a sword to his brother Edmund, reputedly
owned by old King Offa who lived some two hundred years previously.

According to medieval tradition, the famed Germanic hero Siegfried, of the Niebelungenlied, obtained a certain sword which enabled him by "ancient law" to acquire
"the rights of the first born." Often such inherited swords were buried or "stored for another generation, to be given to a descendant for a further lifetime of use."
The Pandyan prince, Kumara Kampana, before going into battle against the Muslims, was given a "divine sword" by a goddess, while another sacred weapon came
into the possession of the Rajput kingdom of Mewar, where the blade was "handed down from generation to generation."

As Hugh Nibley has aptly stated, the "kings and leaders of the people, as the trustees of the heritage of culture and dominion, are the regular keepers of the record,
'which is had by the kings' (Omni 1:11), handed down from father to son . . . along with the national treasures." Occasionally these records and artifacts fall into the
possession of unrighteous men, as in the case of Laban and Omni (1 1 Ne. 3:23-26; 4:13, 17; Omni 1:2), though they still are held by individuals belonging to the
proper lineage or royal seed.

Just as the discovery of ancient writings on metal plates supports the Book of Mormon account, ancient tradition and custom strongly suggest that Laban inherited his
sword from the "fathers," a weapon important because of its history as well as its construction, a "birthright sword" wielded by the patriarchs of old, perhaps centuries
before Laban's or Nephi's time. Though impractical as an instrument of self-defense in Joseph Smith's day or our own, its presence in the hand of a Latter-day prophet,
descended from Joseph of Egypt, who held the birthright in ancient Israel, testifies to the world that "the holy scriptures are true, and that God does inspire men and call
them to his holy work in this age and generation, as well as in generations of old; thereby showing that he is the same God yesterday, today, and forever" (D&C 20:11-
12), and that "his course is one eternal round" (D&C 3:2).

   See, for example, "Iron Sword from the Time of Jeremiah Discovered near Jericho," Ensign 17 (June 1987): 57; Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of
the Jaredites/There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 108-9; William J. Hamblin
and A. Brent Merrill, "Swords in the Book of Mormon," in Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin, eds., Warfare in the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 329-51.

  HC 1:16-18.

  JD 19:38.

   For Joseph Smith as a descendant of Joseph of Egypt, see 2 Ne. 3:7-19; JST Gen. 50:24-38; D&C 113:1-6; see also the Prophet's patriarchal blessing, as given by
his father, Joseph Smith, Sr., in Our Lineage (Salt Lake City: Genealogical Society of Utah, 1933), 14.

  See "Recent Studies on the Book of Mormon," Ensign 19 (June 1989): 50; G. A. Wainwright, "The Coming of Iron," Antiquity 10 (1936): 17-18; Oleg D. Sherby
and Jeffrey Wadsworth, "Damascus Steels," Scientific American 252 (February 1985): 112-20; J. P. Lepre, The Egyptian Pyramids: A Comprehensive Illustrated
Reference (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1990), 245; Immanuel Velikovsky, Ramses II and His Time (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1978), 222-37.

   Laban and Lehi's "fathers" may have been among those fugitives of Ephraim and Manasseh who fled to the Kingdom of Judah during the reign of King Asa in about
955 b.c. (see 2 Chr. 15:8-9), or were part of the "children of Israel which dwelt in the cities of Judah" during the kingship of Rehoboam (1 Kgs. 12:17), not long after
the formation of the Northern and Southern kingdoms.

  Louis Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, 7 vols. (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1913-25), 1:141.

  Ibid., 5:165.

  Ibid., 1:321.

  Ibid., 5:412. For a rod in connection with Joseph Smith, Jr., see D&C 8:6-9; Hyrum L. Andrus, Doctrinal Commentary on the Pearl of Great Price (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book, 1967), 5-6.

  Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, 3:409-11.

  Ibid. In the Aggadah, Laban is identified with Balaam's father Beor (Num. 22:5), the name Laban being interpreted as "he shone with wickedness," an excellent
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009,
characterization             Infobase named
                 of Nephi's adversary Media Laban;
                                             Corp. see C. Roth, "Laban in the Aggadah," in C. Roth, ed., Encyclopedia Judaica, 15 vols. (Jerusalem:
                                                                                                                                                 Page   87 / 919
                                                                                                                                                    Macmillan   and
Keter, 1971), 10:1315-17; T. K. Cheyne, W. M. Mï¿½ller, and S. A. Cook, "Phinehas," in T. K. Cheyne and J. Sutherland Black, eds., Encyclopedia Biblica, 4 vols.
(New York: Macmillan, 1899-1903), 3:3727-30; Num. 31:8; Josh. 13:22. Traditionally, Levi beheld a vision of the third heaven where an angel of God gave him a
  Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, 3:409-11.

   Ibid. In the Aggadah, Laban is identified with Balaam's father Beor (Num. 22:5), the name Laban being interpreted as "he shone with wickedness," an excellent
characterization of Nephi's adversary named Laban; see C. Roth, "Laban in the Aggadah," in C. Roth, ed., Encyclopedia Judaica, 15 vols. (Jerusalem: Macmillan and
Keter, 1971), 10:1315-17; T. K. Cheyne, W. M. Mï¿½ller, and S. A. Cook, "Phinehas," in T. K. Cheyne and J. Sutherland Black, eds., Encyclopedia Biblica, 4 vols.
(New York: Macmillan, 1899-1903), 3:3727-30; Num. 31:8; Josh. 13:22. Traditionally, Levi beheld a vision of the third heaven where an angel of God gave him a
shield and a sword. See Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, 2:194-96.

  Cf. 1 Sam. 17:54; Maurice A. Canney, "Sword," in Cheyne and Black, eds., Encyclopedia Biblica 4:4828.

  Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, 6:287.

  Gaston Maspero, The Dawn of Civilization: Egypt and Chaldea (London: SPCK, 1922), 642, 662.

  Ibid., 662. See also T. K. Cheyne, "Goliath," in Cheyne and Black, eds., Encyclopedia Biblica 2:1755.

   Herodotus, trans. by Aubrey de Selincourt (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1972), 290; Neil G. Munro, Prehistoric Japan (Yokohama: Morice, 1908), 456; G.
B. Sansom, Japan: A Short Cultural History (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1978), 272.

  H. R. Ellis Davidson, The Sword in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1962), 118-21.

   Caroline Brady, " 'Weapons' in Beowulf: An Analysis of the Nominal Compounds and an Evaluation of the Poet's Use of Them," Anglo- Saxon England 8 (1979):
107; H. R. Ellis Davidson, "The Sword at the Wedding," Folklore 71 (March 1960): 7. It is not known conclusively whether "Offa" refers to the king of the eighth or
that of the fourth century. Traditionally, Aethelstan also received the sword from Duke Hugh of the Franks in a.d. 926, a weapon said to have originally belonged to the
Emperor Constantine; see Charles Kightly, Folk Heroes of Britain (London: Thames and Hudson, 1982), 59-60; Frank Barlow, Edward the Confessor (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1970), 34-35.

  Helen M. Mustard, "The Niebelungenlied," in Medieval Epics (New York: Random House, n.d.), 230.

  R. Ewart Oakeshott, The Sword in the Age of Chivalry (London: Arms and Armour, 1981), 16; also by same author, see The Archaeology of Weapons (New
York: Praeger, 1963), 103.

  David Kinsley, The Goddesses' Mirror: Visions of the Divine from East to West (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 18-19.

  Hugh W. Nibley, Enoch the Prophet, vol. 2 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1986), 137.

The Mortal Ministry of the Savior As Understood By the Book of Mormon Prophets
Richard D. Draper

Abstract: The mortal Savior was not man, not human (Alma 34:10). Infinite and eternal, he received his physical life not from a son of Adam but from the Father of
Adam, God. He took upon himself the image of man, but in truth he was the model, not the copy. Though mortal, he was still God, able to suffer and to redeem as only
a god could. He was Son, because he received physical life from his Father, and Father, because he used his divine powers to give eternal life to others. Though not
man, he experienced mortality, which allowed him to understand and love mortals.

While in mortality the Savior was not man, not human. According to Alma 34:10, "It is expedient that there should be a great and last sacrifice; yea, not a sacrifice of
man, neither of beast, neither of any manner of fowl; for it shall not be a human sacrifice; but it must be an infinite and eternal sacrifice." The question naturally arises:
what kind of mortal being was he? The Book of Mormon answers that question by presenting aspects of his life and ministry not found in the other Standard Works. It
stresses his uniqueness. This paper will focus on that uniqueness, showing why he was neither human nor man, and the importance of his distinction from other mortals.

No Book of Mormon prophet ever knew the mortal Lord. All the information they received concerning that aspect of his eternal ministry came through revelation. But
what they did know is noteworthy. As one examines the revelations which deal with the mortal ministry, that material which God deemed necessary to give, two points
become clear: first, there were certain elements the Nephites needed to know in order to have faith in Christ; and second, those elements concerned the nature of his
person, character, and ministry. There is no extraneous material.

These revelations carry the burning witness that the mortal Christ was the ever-living omnipotent Lord. King Benjamin expressed his understanding by saying:

The time cometh, and is not far distant, that with power, the Lord Omnipotent who reigneth, who was, and is from all eternity to all eternity, shall come down from
heaven among the children of men, and shall dwell in a tabernacle of clay. (Mosiah 3:5-6)

The prophet's words focus on the eternal nature of the mortal Christ. His mortal nature and ministry must be understood in terms of his eternal nature and ministry. His
mortality was, however, neither adjunct nor ancillary to his eternal nature, but absolutely essential. Indeed, the focus of all the faith that came before and all the
confirmation that came after centered on what he was and did in mortality. Conversely, at no point did his mortality either restrain or eclipse his eternity. He never
ceased being God, the Eternal God, at any moment. Further, the whole thrust of his mortal ministry focused on eternity and on eternal lives. His actions and teachings
were not calculated to bring women or men into the terrestrial or telestial glory but into everlasting life.

The testimony which Amulek bore against the antagonistic Zeezrom bears this out. Their dialogue goes as follows:

And Zeezrom said unto him: Thou sayest there is a true and living God [meaning Elohim]? And Amulek said: Yea, there is a true and living God. Now Zeezrom said: Is
there more than one God [or Elohim]? And he answered, No. Now Zeezrom said unto him again, How knowest thou these things? And he said: An angel hath made
them known unto me. And Zeezrom said again: Who is he that shall come? Is it the Son of God? And He said unto him, Yea. . . . Now Zeezrom saith again unto him,
Is the Son of God the very Eternal Father? And Amulek said unto him: Yea, he is the very Eternal Father of heaven and of earth, and all things which in them are; he is
the beginning and the end, the first and the last; And he shall come into the world to redeem his people; and he shall take upon him the transgressions of those who
believe on his name; and these are they that shall have eternal life, and salvation cometh to none else. (Alma 11:26-33, 38-40)

The Savior came into mortality as the Eternal Father bequeathing eternal life to those who believed on him. The greatest work he did, that which brought meaning to all
he accomplished as a premortal God and power as a postmortal God, was grounded in his mortal ministry.
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The Book of Mormon witnesses that this eternal yet mortal God was something special, something unique. He was different from all his mortal kin in that he was never
man, and he was never human. The term man designates one who descends from Adam "the first man of all men" (Moses 1:34). The term human, as an adjective,
believe on his name; and these are they that shall have eternal life, and salvation cometh to none else. (Alma 11:26-33, 38-40)

The Savior came into mortality as the Eternal Father bequeathing eternal life to those who believed on him. The greatest work he did, that which brought meaning to all
he accomplished as a premortal God and power as a postmortal God, was grounded in his mortal ministry.

The Book of Mormon witnesses that this eternal yet mortal God was something special, something unique. He was different from all his mortal kin in that he was never
man, and he was never human. The term man designates one who descends from Adam "the first man of all men" (Moses 1:34). The term human, as an adjective,
describes that which relates to or is characteristic of man. Taken together, the terms seem to define that which is not yet God. As the Psalmist said, "What is man, that
thou art mindful of him? and the son of man, that thou visitest him? For thou hast made him a little lower than the angels [Heb. Elohim, "godï¿½] and hast crowned him
with glory and honour" (Psalms 8:4-5). Certainly man is not a second-class citizen of the cosmos, but neither is he God. The Savior, however, is God. As Alma
testified:

It is expedient that there should be a great and last sacrifice; yea, not a sacrifice of man, neither of beast, neither of any manner of fowl; for it shall not be a human
sacrifice; but it must be an infinite and eternal sacrifice. . . . And behold, this is the whole meaning of the law, every whit pointing to that great and last sacrifice; and that
great and last sacrifice will be the Son of God, yea, infinite and eternal. (Alma 34:10, 14)

Alma shares his conviction that the Savior was something which humans are not, infinite and eternal. The Lord received this dimension of his being as the divine Son of
Elohim. Thus, he was not man (as distinct from male) because he did not receive his physical life, as all others do, through Adam. An angel instructed Nephi that the
Savior was not conceived as a son of man. In vision Nephi beheld the Savior's mortal mother, Mary. As he did so an angel said to him: "Behold the virgin whom thou
seest is the mother of the Son of God, after the manner of the flesh. . . . And I looked and beheld the virgin again, bearing a child in her arms. And the angel said unto
me: Behold the Lamb of God, yea, even the Son of the Eternal Father [meaning Elohim in this case]ï¿½ (1 Ne. 11:18, 20-21 The point is that although Jesus was born
after "the manner of the flesh," the way all babies are born, his father was not a son of Adam, but the Father of Adam, God.

The Book of Mormon reveals other ways in which he was distinct. Abinadi taught that "God himself should come down among the children of men, and take upon him
the form of a man, and go forth in mighty power upon the face of the earth" (Mosiah 13:34). Note that Abinadi did not say that he would be a man but rather he would
have the form of a man. He insisted that

Christ was the God, the Father of all things, and said that he should take upon him the image of man, and it should be the image after which man was created in the
beginning: or in other words, he said that man was created after the image of God, and that God should come down among the children of men, and take upon him
flesh and blood, and go forth upon the face of the earth. (Mosiah 7:27)

Humankind was created in the image of God, not the other way around. Thus, the Savior appears to look like man, but in reality, it is man who looks like him. He set
the pattern; man is but the copy. Thus, he is distinct, being the perfect model from which the image of humankind is derived. Speaking of his mortal form, the Book of
Mormon teaches another point. Though his physical body was perfect, it was not so far beyond that of many of the sons of Adam as to make the Lord stand out.
According to Mosiah 14:2, "he hath no form nor comeliness; and when we shall see him there is no beauty that we should desire him." There was no radiance, no
angelic glory, no overpowering attractiveness, no unusual handsomeness nor manliness which made him really different. Mankind is created in the image of God, and
the likeness is a good one.

But the Savior, aside from his image or form, was still God. This allowed him to fulfill his responsibilities and duties. According to Benjamin, "he shall suffer temptations,
and pain of body, hunger, thirst, and fatigue, even more than man can suffer, except it be unto death" (Mosiah 3:7). Note that not only would his hunger, thirst, or
fatigue kill a human, but so would the temptations he had to endure. Yet, in spite of all these more than human deeds, those unto whom he would come would "consider
him a man, and say that he hath a devil, and [would] scourge him, and [would] crucify him" (Mosiah 3:9).

Lehi understood why. His call to the ministry included a vision in which he saw "One descending out of the midst of heaven, and he beheld that his luster was above that
of the sun at noon-day. And he also saw twelve others following him, and their brightness did exceed that of the stars in the firmament" (1 Nephi 1:9-10). Afterward,
Lehi testified "plainly of the coming of a Messiah, and also the redemption of the world" (1 Ne. 1:19), but when he tried to teach the Jews of these things they "did
mock him because of the things which he testified" (1 Ne. 1:19). Mockery was just the beginning. Soon "they were angry with him; yea, even as with the prophets of
old, whom they had cast out, and stoned, and slain; and they also sought his life, that they might take it away" (1 Ne. 1:20).

What was it that made the Jews so upset with Lehi's message? Among other things, he testified that the coming Messiah would be a Redeemer. As Nephi clearly
taught:

Six hundred years from the time that my father left Jerusalem, a prophet would the Lord God raise up among the Jews-even a Messiah, or, in other words, a Savior of
the world. And he [Lehi] also spake concerning the prophets, how great a number had testified of these things, concerning this Messiah, of whom he had spoken, or
this Redeemer of the world. Wherefore, all mankind were in a lost and in a fallen state, and ever would be save they should rely on this Redeemer. (1 Nephi 10:4-5)

What the Jews wanted was a Deliverer, one who would conquer the world and then put the Jewish leaders in control. They did not want a Redeemer. To need one
meant that they were wicked and fallen, and stood in need of repentance. They refused to accept such an idea. However, the consistent witnesses of the Book of
Mormon prophets from Lehi to Mormon combine to show that the coming Messiah would not be a deliverer from political bondage but a redeemer from spiritual
chains. The Jews might wish otherwise but the only mortal Messiah they would get was a Redeemer.

The Book of Mormon notes that the Israelites had problems with the Redeemer God from the beginning. Nephi, speaking of Israel at the time of the Exodus, states
that,

Notwithstanding they being led, the Lord their God, their Redeemer, going before them, leading them by day and giving light unto them by night, and doing all things for
them which were expedient for man to receive, they hardened their hearts and blinded their minds, and reviled against Moses and against the true and living God. (1
Ne. 17:30)

One of the reasons Nephi quoted the prophets and especially Isaiah was to prove that the God who would come to the Jews would be a Redeemer. He states clearly
that "I read many things unto them [my brethren] which were written in the books of Moses; but that I might more fully persuade them to believe in the Lord their
Redeemer I did read unto them that which was written by the prophet Isaiah" (1 Ne. 19:23).

Forty-one times the Book of Mormon prophets refer to the Savior as the Redeemer, and never as the Deliverer. The central point of their witness is that the Messiah
who would become the mortal Son of God would come in the capacity of the Redeemer. One of the clearest testimonies on this subject is that of Helaman to his sons
Nephi and Lehi. To them he said,

There is no other way nor means whereby man can be saved, only through the atoning blood of Jesus Christ, who shall come; yea, remember that he cometh to redeem
the world. And
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redeem his people, but that he should not come to redeem them in their sins, but to redeem them from their sins. And he hath power given unto him from the Father to
redeem them from their sins because of repentance; therefore he hath sent his angels to declare the tidings of the conditions of repentance, which bringeth unto the
power of the Redeemer, unto the salvation of their souls. And now, my sons, remember, remember that it is upon the rock of our Redeemer, who is Christ, the Son of
Nephi and Lehi. To them he said,

There is no other way nor means whereby man can be saved, only through the atoning blood of Jesus Christ, who shall come; yea, remember that he cometh to redeem
the world. And remember also the words which Amulek spake unto Zeezrom, in the city of Ammonihah; for he said unto him that the Lord surely should come to
redeem his people, but that he should not come to redeem them in their sins, but to redeem them from their sins. And he hath power given unto him from the Father to
redeem them from their sins because of repentance; therefore he hath sent his angels to declare the tidings of the conditions of repentance, which bringeth unto the
power of the Redeemer, unto the salvation of their souls. And now, my sons, remember, remember that it is upon the rock of our Redeemer, who is Christ, the Son of
God, that ye must build your foundation. (Helaman 5:9-12)

Helaman's teaching gives insights into the reason the Jews rejected Lehi's witness of the coming Messiah. He insisted that the Messiah would not save them in their sins
but only from their sins and, further, he would not save them from foreign powers and potentates.

Nephi clearly understood the nature of the ministry of the coming Messiah. An angel asked him, "Knowest thou the con descension of God?ï¿½ Nephi answered, "I
know that he loveth his children; nevertheless, I do not know the meaning of all things" (1 Nephi 11:16-17). The angel then revealed to Nephi not only the
condescension of God but also the love on which it was grounded. The term condescension means to descend from a higher to a lower state, to waive the privileges of
one's rank or dignity.

Through his vision Nephi understood that the condescension of God manifested itself in two ways. First, the immortal God Elohim condescended to bring forth his Son
through a mortal woman "after the manner of the flesh" (1 Ne. 11:18). As Alma testified concerning the conception of the Lord: "he shall be born of Mary, at Jerusalem
which is the land of our forefathers, she being a virgin, a precious and chosen vessel, who shall be overshadowed and conceive by the power of the Holy Ghost, and
bring forth a son, yea, even the Son of God" (Alma 7:10).

Secondly, the God Jesus condescended to be baptized by the mortal man, John. As the angel said, "Behold the condescension of God! And I [Nephi] looked and
beheld the Redeemer of the world, of whom my father had spoken; and I also beheld the prophet who should prepare the way before him. And the Lamb of God went
forth and was baptized of him" (1 Nephi 11:26-27). Through this condescension, the Savior showed the way for all men no matter how high- or lowborn. Nephi
understood this and testified,

I would that ye should remember that I have spoken unto you concerning that prophet which the Lord showed unto me, that should baptize the Lamb of God, which
should take away the sins of the world. And now, if the Lamb of God, he being holy, should have need to be baptized by water, to fulfil all righteousness, O then, how
much more need have we, being unholy, to be baptized, yea, even by water! And now, I would ask of you, my beloved brethren, wherein the Lamb of God did fulfil all
righteousness in being baptized by water? Know ye not that he was holy? But notwithstanding he being holy, he showeth unto the children of men that, according to the
flesh he humbleth himself before the Father, and witnesseth unto the Father that he would be obedient unto him in keeping his commandments. Wherefore, after he was
baptized with water the Holy Ghost descended upon him in the form of a dove. And again, it showeth unto the children of men the straitness of the path, and the
narrowness of the gate, by which they should enter, he having set the example before them. And he said unto the children of men: Follow thou me. (2 Nephi 31:4-10)

Through this act of submission the Savior did two things: humbled his flesh to the will of the Father, and fulfilled his promise that he would show unto the children of men
the way to eternal life.

The love of this God manifested itself three ways during his mortal ministry. The first was in his service to others. Alma bore record, saying,

The Son of God shall come in his glory; and his glory shall be the glory of the Only Begotten of the Father, full of grace, equity, and truth, full of patience, mercy, and
long-suffering, quick to hear the cries of his people and to answer their prayers. And behold, he cometh to redeem those who will be baptized unto repentance, through
faith on his name. (Alma 9:26-27)

These verses clearly detail the attributes which the mortal Messiah would manifest during his ministry. Note how the scripture stressed the redeeming nature of his
work. Nephi testified of the Lord's love as he saw

the Son of God going forth among the children of men; and I saw many fall down at his feet and worship him. . . . And I beheld that he went forth ministering unto the
people, in power and great glory; and the multitudes were gathered together to hear him. . . . And I beheld multitudes of people who were sick and who were afflicted
with all manner of diseases, and with devils and unclean spirits; and the angel spake and showed all these things unto me. And they were healed by the power of the
Lamb of God; and the devils and the unclean spirits were cast out. (1 Ne. 11:24, 28, 31)

Through his love, the Lord manifested his power not only over the natural world, but also over the demonic.

The second way that the Savior manifested his love was suppressing his divine power so that he felt the full weight of mortality. As Alma stated,

He shall go forth, suffering pains and afflictions and temptations of every kind; and this that the word might be fulfilled which saith he will take upon him the pains and
the sicknesses of his people. And he will take upon him death, that he may loose the bands of death which bind his people; and he will take upon him their infirmities,
that his bowels may be filled with mercy, according to the flesh, that he may know according to the flesh how to succor his people according to their infirmities. (Alma
7:11-12)

Alma reveals two aspects of the Lord's mortal ministry which should not be overlooked. First, the Savior suffered affliction and pain, and was not absolved from
temptations of any kind, so that he might fully understand his people. There is a popular myth which teaches that good people know little if anything about the power of
temptation. This is patently false. It is the wicked who know little of its allure, its seducing force, and its punishing power because they never resist. How do they know
what it is like to have to be strong for an hour, a day, or a year. The Savior never gave in. He stands alone as the one who never fell captive to the enticements of sin
for an entire lifetime. He knows more about the power of temptation than any. For this reason, he can "succor his people according to their infirmities."

Second, his miracles and service cost him something. He had to take upon himself the pains and afflictions of those whom he healed or forgave. His healings and
forgivings took power out of him. It was for this reason that he had to escape from the multitudes from time to time to find renewal in his Father or in desperately
needed rest. His love often pushed him to the point of exhaustion.

Finally, there was the third way that love manifested itself. It was not only strong enough to endure the distress involved in healing bodies and souls, but also strong
enough to overcome the excruciating pain of death and hell. As Nephi saw, the multitudes "cast him out from among them," (1 Ne. 11:28) and the Lamb of God was
judged of the world (cf. 1 Ne. 11:32). "And I, Nephi, saw that he was lifted up upon the cross and slain for the sins of the world" (1 Ne. 11:32). Indeed, those who
believed that he was only a man scourged and crucified him (Mosiah 3:9). Nephi revealed the basis of the Savior's willingness to endure both the pain and the
humiliation:
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                                                                                                                                                         and he suffereth it.
Yea, they spit upon him, and he suffereth it, because of his loving kindness and his long-suffering towards the children of men. And the God of our fathers, who were
led out of Egypt, out of bondage, and also were preserved in the wilderness by him, yea, the God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, yieldeth himself,
judged of the world (cf. 1 Ne. 11:32). "And I, Nephi, saw that he was lifted up upon the cross and slain for the sins of the world" (1 Ne. 11:32). Indeed, those who
believed that he was only a man scourged and crucified him (Mosiah 3:9). Nephi revealed the basis of the Savior's willingness to endure both the pain and the
humiliation:

And the world, because of their iniquity, shall judge him to be a thing of naught; wherefore they scourge him, and he suffereth it; and they smite him, and he suffereth it.
Yea, they spit upon him, and he suffereth it, because of his loving kindness and his long-suffering towards the children of men. And the God of our fathers, who were
led out of Egypt, out of bondage, and also were preserved in the wilderness by him, yea, the God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, yieldeth himself,
according to the words of the angel, as a man, into the hands of wicked men, to be lifted up, according to the words of Zenock, and to be crucified, according to the
words of Neum. (1 Nephi 19:9-10)

It was in enduring these horrible deeds that the mortal God made manifest his long-suffering and loving kindness.

All this, the Book of Mormon prophets knew, was toward a divine end. As the Lord himself testified,

And my Father sent me that I might be lifted up upon the cross; and after that I had been lifted up upon the cross, that I might draw all men unto me, that as I have been
lifted up by men even so should men be lifted up by the Father, to stand before me, to be judged of their works, whether they be good or whether they be evil-And for
this cause have I been lifted up; therefore, according to the power of the Father I will draw all men unto me, that they may be judged according to their works. And it
shall come to pass, that whoso repenteth and is baptized in my name shall be filled; and if he endureth to the end, behold, him will I hold guiltless before my Father at
that day when I shall stand to judge the world. (3 Nephi 27:14-16)

Because it was sinless, the life the Lord offered as a ransom for humankind was acceptable; it was in giving that life that he became the standard against which all others
are judged.

There is another aspect of his willingness to give of himself that is equally important, but often overlooked. It was this very aspect which demanded that he face the
cross. The main focus of Abinadi's testimony bears directly on this, but in sharing his beliefs the prophet has left us with one of the most difficult passages in the whole
Book of Mormon. Even so, once the passage is untangled, two essential facets of the mortal Lord are revealed. Before analyzing Abinadi's witness, a few terms must
be defined: Father designates a male who gives life; Son is a male who receives life. A man can hold both positions at the same time. Thus, many men are
simultaneously fathers and sons. The same is true of the Lord.

Abinadi bore record of this dual aspect of the Savior in Mosiah 15:1-7. The prophet states: "I would that ye should understand that God himself shall come down
among the children of men, and shall redeem his people." Abinadi begins his witness by making it clear that it is God in the full sense of the word who will come in the
role of Redeemer. The prophet then explains that this God, that is Christ, shall dwell in the flesh. "And because he dwelleth in flesh he shall be called the Son of God,"
or, in other words, the son of Elohim, because it was from Elohim that he received his physical endowments of life. Abinadi stresses that He is literally the physical
offspring, the son, of Elohim. The prophet then states: "and having subjected the flesh to the will of the Father, being the Father and the Son." Here is where there can
be some confusion.

Abinadi notes that the Savior subjected his flesh to the will of the Father. The prophet is quick to point out that the Father he has in mind is not Elohim, but Christ, that
Christ is the Father and the Son. As a mortal he received life from Elohim, making him the Son, but he also gave eternal life to others, making him the Father. Abinadi,
seeming to sense that his assertion needed some expansion, explained how it was that the Savior was both the Father and the Son: "The Father, because he was
conceived by the power of God; and the Son, because of the flesh." Because he had God (Elohim) for his father, the power to give eternal life became inherent within
the mortal Lord. Because the kind of life he gave was eternal, he became the Eternal Father. But the same act which made him the Father also made him the Son, for
he had received physical life from Elohim, "thus becoming the Father and Son-And they are one God, yea, the very Eternal Father of heaven and of earth."

The Savior did not always hold the positions of physical Son and Eternal Father, but when he was sired by the power of Elohim, that power dwelt in him, making him
the Son (the life-receiver) and at the same time the Eternal Father (the life-giver). In this way the terms Father and Son define the two natures of the mortal Christ. So
Abinadi says, "And thus the flesh becoming subject to the Spirit, or the Son to the Father, being one God, suffereth temptation, and yieldeth not to the temptation, but
suffereth himself to be mocked, and scourged, and cast out, and disowned by his people" (Mosiah 15:5). Abinadi stressed that the mortal Savior always placed his
sonship, that is, his physical wants and needs, under the strict control of his fatherhood, that is, his spirit. As the prophet states, "the flesh [the Lord's sonship] becoming
subject to the Spirit [the Lord's fatherhood], or the Son to the Father, being one God" (Mosiah 15:5). He then notes how closely the Lord checked his physical nature
by being willing to suffer temptations and mockings and scourgings but never yielding to the cries of the flesh.

And after all this, after working many mighty miracles among the children of men, he shall be led, yea, even as Isaiah said, as a sheep before the shearer is dumb, so he
opened not his mouth. Yea, even so he shall be led, crucified, and slain, the flesh becoming subject even unto death, the will of the Son being swallowed up in the will of
the Father. (Mosiah 15:7)

At all times he was God and could have used his power against his enemies, but he would not. The will of the Father always dominated the will of the Son, even unto
death.

It should not be construed, however, that the Savior's sonship stood in opposition to his fatherhood. He himself testified that "I come unto my own, to fulfil all things
which I have made known unto the children of men from the foundation of the world, and to do the will, both of the Father and the Son-of the Father because of me,
and of the Son because of my flesh" (3 Ne. 1:14). The flesh and the spirit were indeed one. There was a moment when the flesh-the Son-shrank from the horror and
pain of atonement, and in earnestness prayed that he might not have to partake of the bitter cup. Nevertheless, the flesh remained checked, the will of sonship yielding
to the will of fatherhood.

The flesh carried the spirit well and did its bidding. The flesh submitted to a forty-day fast and only afterwards was hungry. It submitted to the humility of baptism, to the
pounding of a totally selfless three-year ministry, and finally, to the beating, scourging, and crucifixion inflicted by unholy men. And in all this there was never a whimper
or a cry: "He was oppressed, and he was afflicted, yet he opened not his mouth; he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb so
he opened not his mouth" (Mosiah 14:7). The flesh-the mortal part of his soul-never sorrowed for itself, nor knew self-pity.

It was through his sonship, that is, through the flesh, that the Lord felt the weight, frustration, and temptations of life. Thus, his sonship was essential to his mission
because it allowed him to feel what we feel, and know what we know. As the Father he willfully suppressed his divinity so that as the Son he could experience life fully,
both the pleasant and the unpleasant. Thus, though he was never man nor human in the same sense as others were, he gained complete empathy and sympathy for his
brethren and sisters. Alma said, "he will take upon him their infirmities, that his bowels may be filled with mercy, according to the flesh, that he may know according to
the flesh how to succor his people according to their infirmities" (Alma 7:12).

The Book of Mormon witnesses that we worship a God who can be touched with both our strivings and failures, for he was indeed tried, tempted, and in this way filled
with mercy and compassion. Though he was neither man nor human but ever God, he knew mortality and loved mortals, perfectly understanding them because of his
experience.
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The Tree of Life a Personification of Christ
the flesh how to succor his people according to their infirmities" (Alma 7:12).

The Book of Mormon witnesses that we worship a God who can be touched with both our strivings and failures, for he was indeed tried, tempted, and in this way filled
with mercy and compassion. Though he was neither man nor human but ever God, he knew mortality and loved mortals, perfectly understanding them because of his
experience.

The Tree of Life a Personification of Christ
Jeanette W. Miller

Abstract: Throughout history in many cultures, man has looked to the tree of life as a symbol of eternal life. It has been typified in varying forms according to the
culture's perception of the universe. Many early Christians saw the tree of life as a personification of Jesus Christ. It may be that the tree of life vision in the Book of
Mormon was presented to introduce the Savior and his ministry. We may learn much about the Lord's calling and personality by combining a study of various cultural
ideas of the tree of life with the testimonies of the prophets contained in the scriptures.

Although Lehi's dream of the tree of life is among the best-known passages of the Book of Mormon, it may also be one of the least understood. Why is this dream so
important that it was given such a prominent place at the beginning of the book, almost as if it were an introduction? Why are there so many chapters of explanation that
follow? I would like to explore the possibility that the dream was given to teach about Christ. Nephi explains that the words that he wrote were for the express purpose
of persuading his people to believe in Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 33:4), for, he says: "My soul delighteth in proving unto my people the truth of the coming of Christ, . . . and all
things which have been given of God from the beginning of the world, unto man, are the typifying of him" (2 Ne. 11:4). As the angel gave Nephi the explanation of the
tree of life, he stated that the fulness of the gospel would come to the Gentiles and from the Gentiles to the remnant of Nephi's seed that they might receive nourishment
from the "true vine," to be grafted into the "true olive-tree" (1 Ne. 15:13, 15-16).

I propose that the tree of life is a personification of Jesus Christ. This paper will compare some of the basic elements of Lehi's dream and its subsequent interpretation
with other passages of scripture and with the symbolism of the tree of life in other cultures, weaving the threads into a design depicting the nature of the Savior's calling
and personality. I will equate the tree of life with the temple, for in many regards it functions like a temple, particularly where no temple is present. Further, I compare
the features of the tree of life with several elements of John M. Lundquist's temple typology. Those points of the temple typology that I wish to consider are (1) the
temple is associated with the tree of life; (2) the earthly temple and the tree may also be seen as a copy or counterpart of the heavenly model; (3) the temple and the
tree of life are associated with the primordial hillock and the waters of life; (4) they are the link between the worlds and are the places where one meets with and
receives the instructions of God; (5) they are central to the economic structure of the society and assure abundance and prosperity; (6) the temple and tree of life are
associated with the sacral meal; (7) the temple plays a legit imizing political role; and, finally, (8) both are places of sacrifice.

Determining the Tree of Life to be the Symbol of Jesus Christ

It is not an original concept to relate the tree of life to Jesus, as early Christians also saw the connection. In the late third century, Methodius, like other patristic authors,
likened the Savior to the tree of life.

The tree of life is the firstborn of all wisdom, . . . the tree which is planted near the running waters which brings forth its fruit in due season. . . . He who does not believe
in Christ and does not perceive that he is the first principle, the tree of life and is unable to show to God his tabernacle adorned with the loveliest fruit, how will he be
able to rejoice?

Clement of Alexandria added his testimony by saying that "the Word blossomed and bore fruit, being 'made flesh' and gave it to those 'who had tasted of His
graciousness.'" The greatest symbolic value of the tree is that it symbolizes Christ, who is the Word (John 1:1-17). It is he who is

The Word, the tree planted by the water's edge which the Father has begotten without intermediary, laden with fruit, flourishing, tall, fair-branched. Christ is the tree of
life.

In latter-day scripture, we read in Alma 32:28-42 that as Alma taught about faith, he compared "the word unto a seed." He continued that if the individual has the
desire and will plant the "true seed" in his heart, "it shall be a tree [a tree of life] springing up unto everlasting life" (Alma 32:41). This tree, if nourished, will bring forth
fruit "which is most precious, which is sweet above all that is sweet, and which is white above all that is white, yea, and pure above all that is pure; and ye [the
righteous] shall feast upon this fruit even until ye are filled" (Alma 32:42).

Whether deciduous or evergreen, a vine or a pole, the cosmic tree is a perfect symbol of Jesus. When it is deciduous, the branches of the tree spread throughout the
universe, creating a protective umbrella over all the earth. The trunk, the Axis Mundi, extends from the heavens through the center of the universe downward,
connecting with the earth, then continuing down into the underworld and the waters of chaos. There the roots spread out in the realm of the dead, creating the
foundation upon which the earth was laid. The shedding of its blossoms, fruit, and leaves in the appropriate season, to come forth anew the following season, typifies
resurrection and life everlasting. Although the tree loses its leaves and for all intents and purposes appears to be dead, the root remains alive and renews life the
following season. The fruit, sap, or oil was desirable for its curative value. The fruit was the food of the gods and of the righteous-ï¿½that which gave eternal life.

The Savior is personified by the tree. His influence, or the "light of Christ," fills the immensity of space. He is "in all things; [it is he] which giveth life to all things" and
"quickeneth all things" (D&C 88:13, 17). He, like the branches of the tree of life which encompass the entire earth, protects and gives life to every living thing.

A further reminder is that Christ was crucified and lay three days in a sepulchre. It appeared to all that he was dead, but at the end of the three days he rose "from the
dead, with healing in his wings" (2 Ne. 25:13). The imagery suggests that even without its leaves, the tree is endless. Mosiah 16:8-9 tells us that "there is a resurrection,
therefore the grave hath no victory. . . . [He is] a life which is endless, that there can be no more death." The very color of the evergreen signifies lifeï¿½-the evergreen
never loses its color or needles, thereby signifying its eternal nature.

Jesus himself declared that he was the true vine, and the Father the husbandman (John 15:1). The symbolism appears to be the same in this instance as if it were a
deciduous tree. The tree represents the Axis Mundi:

The transformation of the tree into a pillar or pole brings about a shift of symbolic meaning. The foliage is that part of the tree which responds to change. Stripping the
tree of this foliage reveals its changeless centre; the vertical axis around which the visible world of the tree revolves. For the cosmic tree reflects not only the endless
regeneration of the cosmos but also its undying centre.

The Tree of Life Equated With the Temple Typology

1. The tree of life is associated with the temple. Traditionally, the tree of life in nearly every culture was either in the temple or took the place of the temple when the
temple  was (c)
 Copyright   absent.  In the Near
                 2005-2009,       East the
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                                         Media       "were conceived as fertile, green, well-watered paradises." The tree was in the middle of this paradise and was a
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very important part of the cultic ritual. It was there that libations were poured out, revivifying the tree as though it were the dying god being brought back to life. When
the temple was absent, the tree was seen as the dwelling place of the deity or in some cases became actual representations of the deity. "The actual changing-over of
the 'sacred place' as an image" has been translated in many ancient texts. The tree grew beside a stone or altar, the two standing alone, with no sanctuary necessary,
The Tree of Life Equated With the Temple Typology

1. The tree of life is associated with the temple. Traditionally, the tree of life in nearly every culture was either in the temple or took the place of the temple when the
temple was absent. In the Near East the temples "were conceived as fertile, green, well-watered paradises." The tree was in the middle of this paradise and was a
very important part of the cultic ritual. It was there that libations were poured out, revivifying the tree as though it were the dying god being brought back to life. When
the temple was absent, the tree was seen as the dwelling place of the deity or in some cases became actual representations of the deity. "The actual changing-over of
the 'sacred place' as an image" has been translated in many ancient texts. The tree grew beside a stone or altar, the two standing alone, with no sanctuary necessary,
thus creating what Eliade calls the microcosm, reproducing the natural landscape.

And when water came to complete this landscape, it signified latencies, seeds, and purification. The 'microcosmic landscape' gradually became reduced in time to but
one of its constituents, to the most impor tant: the tree or sacred pillar. The tree came to express the cosmos fully in itself, by embodying, in apparently static form, its
'force,' its life and its quality of periodic regeneration.

In Judaism, we find that the menorahï¿½-pure and whole, perfect and unbroken-ï¿½became the representation of the tree of life. In comparing the description of the
menorah with that of the paschal lamb in Ex. 12:5-43, we find that the lamb is to be whole and undivided, with no broken bones and without blemish, sacrificed in the
temple. In John 1:29, John declared that Jesus was the Lamb of God.

Both ancient and modern prophets attest to Christ's appearance in the temple. Ancient prophets saw and conversed with the Lord face to face in a temple setting (Gen.
32:30; Ex. 6:1-4). When Moses finished the work on the tabernacle, "then a cloud covered the tent of the congregation, and the glory of the Lord filled the
tabernacle" (Ex. 40:34). The children of Israel were brought before the Tabernacle to stand before Jehovah (Lev. 9:4-5).

The Savior taught in the temple on numerous occasions during his mortal ministry. Following his resurrection, a "great multitude gathered together, of the people of
Nephi, round about the temple" (3 Ne. 11:1). While they were conversing about the signs of his death, he appeared to them and announced that he was "the God of
Israel, and the God of the whole earth" (3 Ne. 11:14). They were invited to feel the prints of the nails in his hands and his feet (3 Ne. 11:14).

Modern prophets have also seen Christ in the temple. The Prophet Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery reported that while in the Kirtland Temple on April 3, 1836:

The veil was taken from our minds, and the eyes of our understanding were opened. We saw the Lord standing upon the breastwork of the pulpit, before us; and under
his feet was a paved work of pure gold, in color like amber. His eyes were as a flame of fire; the hair of his head was white like the pure snow; his countenance shone
above the brightness of the sun; and his voice was as the sound of the rushing of great waters, even the voice of Jehovah, saying: I am the first and the last; I am he who
liveth, I am he who was slain; I am your advocate with the Father. (D&C 110:1-4)

2. The earthly temple or tree of life may be seen as a copy or counterpart of a heavenly model. In 1 Ne. 11:1-25, we find that Nephi desired to see the vision that his
father Lehi had previously received of the tree of life. Nephi said that "as I sat pondering in mine heart I was caught away in the Spirit of the Lord, yea, into an
exceedingly high mountain" (1 Ne. 11:1). The following verses include an interview with the Spirit, who asks certain questions to ascertain Nephi's intent and worthiness
to receive the interpretation of the vision. Upon finding him worthy, Nephi was told that a sign would be given him (1 Ne. 11:7). After he saw the tree which bore the
fruit, he would then behold a man descending out of heaven, of whom he was to bear witness that he was the Son of God. He was then shown the tree that his father
had seen as well as a virgin who was carried away in the Spirit and reappeared bearing a child whom the Spirit identified as "the Lamb of God, yea, even the Son of the
Eternal Father!" The Spirit then asked, "Knowest thou the meaning of the tree which thy father saw?" (1 Ne. 11:21). Nephi responded "it is the love of God" (1 Ne.
11:22).

The vision was given to introduce the Lamb of God, whom we call Jesus Christ (John 1:29). Though the reference is not explicit, it may be concluded that it is the
Savior who personifies the love of God (cf. 1 Jn. 4:7-16). For this reason we may conclude that the tree represents Christ.

3. The tree is associated with the primordial hillock where the temple is established and grows out of the primordial waters of the abyss, and thus there is an intimate
mythological and cultic connection between the tree, the temple, and the waters of life. In a paper written by Donald W. Parry, we find that:

Before the creation, while the earth was "without form, and void," water covered the entire earth (Gen. 1:1-9). It existed before the "clods, rock, formations, and
continents." According to Judah ben Pazl, water was the original element. But the original waters were in a state of chaos, so Yahweh (whom we know as Jesus Christ)
came down from heaven and organized the waters into a state of orderliness. How did he do it? Rabbi Isaac said, "The Holy One, blessed be he, cast a stone into the
ocean, from which the world then was founded." The waters were controlled much like a man corks a bottle. "Wherewith does one cover a cask? With a lid of
earthenware." This cork of the bottle or covering for the cask, became the "primordial hillock," the first land to emerge from chaos. In Gen. 1, God commanded the
land (primordial hillock) to appear and then planted on it the garden (see verses 9-12, 29-30).

The tree of life was planted in the middle of the Garden of Eden (Gen. 2:9). The garden and the tree were planted before man was placed in it (Gen. 2:8). Similarly,
Christ, who is the "Firstborn," came forth before every creature. He was the first of the Father's spirit children (D&C 93:21).

In the Commentary on the Psalms , Eusebius of Caesarea stated that:

He who, through his whole life and at all times, night and day, observes the divine law, may be likened to a tree whose roots are situated near the waters from which
streams he is completely watered by spiritual things. For indeed, blessed is he who, having drunk and been watered by divine discipline, yields his fruit at the proper
time, because the Son of God is the tree of life.

Nephi was told that the rod of iron which his father had seen was the word of God "which led to the fountain of living waters, or to the tree of life; which waters are
[also] a representation of the love of God; and I [Nephi] also beheld that the tree of life was a representation of the love of God" (1 Ne. 11:25).

Jesus declared himself to be the waters of life to a Samaritan woman as they sat at Jacob's well. He asked her for a cup of water from the well and explained to her that
those who drank of that water would thirst again. "But whosoever drinketh of the water that I shall give him shall never thirst; but the water that I shall give him shall be
in him a well of water springing up into everlasting life" (John 4:14). Thus, Christ is both the tree and the waters of life.

4. The tree of life and the temple are the links between the worlds and are the places where one meets and communicates with God. The trunk is the Axis Mundi,
which is the link between the worldsï¿½-"the way" or "the path"-ï¿½the means for one to ascend to heaven. In John 14:6, Jesus declares himself as "the way, the
truth and the life: no man cometh unto the Father, but by me." In 2 Ne. 31:17-21, Nephi tells his people that the gate by which one enters the "strait and narrow path
which leads to eternal life" is faith, repentance, baptism, and the remission of sins. It is through reliance upon Christ that one must continue in the path, pressing "forward
with a steadfastness in Christ, having a perfect brightness of hope and a love of God and of all men. . . . This is the way; and there is none other way nor name given
under heaven whereby man can be saved in the kingdom of God" (2 Ne. 31:20-21). Christ is the way, the path, the Axis Mundi, which leads to eternal life.
 Copyright
In           (c) 2005-2009,
   the Doctrine  and CovenantsInfobase
                                 we readMedia   Corp.
                                         that Jesus "descended below all things, in that he comprehended all things, that he might be in all and throughPage     93 (D&C
                                                                                                                                                         all things" / 919
88:6). After his death upon the cross, Christ descended into the realm of the dead to prepare the way for their deliverance. "Through his atonement, and by obedience
to the principles of the gospel, mankind might be saved" (D&C 138:4; cf. 138:5-15). It is Jesus who descended and who also ascended (Eph. 4:10), creating a link
which leads to eternal life" is faith, repentance, baptism, and the remission of sins. It is through reliance upon Christ that one must continue in the path, pressing "forward
with a steadfastness in Christ, having a perfect brightness of hope and a love of God and of all men. . . . This is the way; and there is none other way nor name given
under heaven whereby man can be saved in the kingdom of God" (2 Ne. 31:20-21). Christ is the way, the path, the Axis Mundi, which leads to eternal life.

In the Doctrine and Covenants we read that Jesus "descended below all things, in that he comprehended all things, that he might be in all and through all things" (D&C
88:6). After his death upon the cross, Christ descended into the realm of the dead to prepare the way for their deliverance. "Through his atonement, and by obedience
to the principles of the gospel, mankind might be saved" (D&C 138:4; cf. 138:5-15). It is Jesus who descended and who also ascended (Eph. 4:10), creating a link
between the worlds.

Man finds the way to the Father through the Lord Jesus Christ, who is also the means of communication with the Father. Jesus said: "And whatsoever ye shall ask the
Father in my name, which is right, believing that ye shall receive, behold it shall be given unto you" (3 Ne. 18:20). "And whatsoever ye do in word or deed, do all in the
name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks to God and the Father by him" (Col. 3:17).

5. The tree of life and the temple are central to the economic structure of the society and assure abundance and prosperity. Traditionally, the tree of life was the
supportive pillar that held the heavens in place; animals and men made their homes beneath its protective covering. The tree was the source of all plant life and insured
fertility. It was through the medium of the tree that food was distributed. The following passage illustrates how the tree assures structure to the society:

That the central axis is the single most important feature of all dwellings, even under the open sky, is tragically illustrated at the most archaic level of culture, by a story
concerning one of the clans of the Arunta, an Aboriginal tribe of Central Australia. A sacred pole always stood at the centre of their world; for after creating the world
in mythical times, their creator god Numbakula fashioned such a pole out of a gum tree, and then climbed up it to the sky-world, never to be seen again. The clan
carried an imitation of this pole with them on their wanderings, travelling always in the direction it seemed to point. The ethnologists Spencer and Gillen record that once
this pole got broken, and that, after wandering for some time quite aimlessly, the entire clan lay down to die. Life for them no longer seemed worth living, for the axis of
their world was broken and communication with the sacred lost.

Christ is the protector and structurer of society. He said, "How often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her
wings, and ye would not! Behold, your house is left unto you desolate" (Matt. 23:37-38).

Furthermore, Christ is the root and the rock which goes down into the netherworld spreading throughout, giving a "sure foundation" (Isa. 28:16) to the world-ï¿½it is he
who supports the earth. In 1 Pet. 2:4 we are told that he is a "living stone." Quoting Isaiah, Peter tells us that the Lord says, "Behold, I lay in Sion a chief corner stone,
elect, precious: and he that believeth on him [Christ] shall not be confounded" (1 Pet. 2:6). He is the foundation of the world and upon him rests all things.

In Isa. 11:10, he is called the "root of Jesse." He must surely be the same root that extends down into the waters of chaos and controls them. Having been controlled,
the waters flow forth from the roots of the tree as the waters of life. When the root is absent, chaos reigns. Helaman told his sons,

Remember, remember that it is upon the rock of our Redeemer, who is Christ, the Son of God, that ye must build your foundation; that when the devil shall send forth
his mighty winds, yea, his shafts in the whirlwind, yea, when all his hail and his mighty storm shall beat upon you, it shall have no power over you to drag you down to
the gulf of misery and endless wo, because of the rock upon which ye are built, which is a sure foundation, a foundation whereon if men build they cannot fall. (Hel.
5:12)

Thus the prosperity of the people is jeopardized when they forget their God and fail to make him the foundation stone in their lives.

Lehi told his children in the final days of his life: "And he [Christ] hath said that: Inasmuch as ye shall keep my com mandments ye shall prosper in the land; but inasmuch
as ye will not keep my commandments ye shall be cut off from my presence" (2 Ne. 1:20).

6. The tree and the temple are associated with the sacral meal. Traditionally, the fruit, sap, or oil of the tree was desirable for its curative value. The fruit-ï¿½that which
gave eternal life-ï¿½was the food of the gods and the righteous. Lehi described the fruit of the tree as "desirable to make one happy," as sweet, and as "white to exceed
all the whiteness that I had ever seen" (1 Ne. 8:10-11).

Christ overcame death and thus became the "firstfruits" of the resurrection (1 Cor. 15:20-23). Just as the fruit, leaves, and sap of the tree of life have a curative value,
so also has Christ healing powers.

In The Symposium of the Ten Virgins, Methodius states:

But these things seduce the unwary who fail to realize that the tree of life which once grew in Paradise has now been made to bloom again for everyone in the Church,
and it bears the fair and comely fruit of faith. . . . For the tree of life is the firstborn of all. . . . He who does not believe in Christ and does not perceive that he is the first
principle, the tree of life, and is unable to show to God his tabernacle adorned with the loveliest of fruit, how will he be able to rejoice?

In one sermon Christ declared himself to be the Bread of Life. "I am the living bread which came down from heaven: if any man eat of this bread, he shall live for ever:
and the bread that I will give is my flesh, which I will give for the life of the world" (John 6:51).

As Alma taught his sermon on faith, his concluding admonition was to look forward with an eye of faith to the fruit of the tree of life.

But if ye will nourish the word, yea, nourish the tree as it beginneth to grow, by your faith with great diligence, and with patience, looking forward to the fruit thereof, it
shall take root; and behold it shall be a tree springing up unto everlasting life. And because of your diligence and your faith and your patience with the word in nourishing
it, that it may take root in you, behold, by and by ye shall pluck the fruit thereof, which is most precious, which is sweet above all that is sweet, and which is white
above all that is pure; and ye shall feast upon this fruit even until ye are filled, that ye hunger not, neither shall ye thirst. (Alma 32:40-42)

7. The tree and temple play a legitimizing political role. The idea that the king was a gardener in ancient times, the substitute for the "real king," is well attested in the
mythic epics of the ancient Near East. "The garden supervised by the royal gardener is the garden of paradise as symbolized by the temple grove." The king is not
only the guardian and waterer of the garden but is also the possessor of the tree of life. In his hand, the twig of the Tree of Life becomes a sceptre, thus uniting the
kingly role and the priestly role into one. According to Ezekiel, "Thy mother is like a vine . . . planted by the waters: she was fruitful and full of branches. . . . She had
strong rods for the sceptres of them that bare rule" (Ezek. 19:10-11).

The sceptre which Adam carried was cut from the tree of life. This rod was passed on through the patriarchs, from Seth to Noah, from Noah to Shem, and then to
Abraham. According to the Book of the Bee,

At that time there were wars everywhere, and an angel took the rod, and laid it in the Cave of Treasures in the mount of Moab, until Midian was built. There was in
 Copyright
Midian      (c) upright
         a man, 2005-2009,   Infobasebefore
                        and righteous  MediaGod,
                                              Corp. whose name was Yathro. When he was feeding his flock on the mountain, he found the cave and Page took the94rod/by
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divine agency; and with it he fed his sheep until his old age. When he gave his daughter to Moses, he said to him, "Go in, my son, take the rod, and go forth to thy
flock." When Moses had set his foot upon the threshold of the door, an angel moved the rod, and it came out of its own free will towards Moses. And Moses took the
Abraham.      According to the Book of the Bee,

At that time there were wars everywhere, and an angel took the rod, and laid it in the Cave of Treasures in the mount of Moab, until Midian was built. There was in
Midian a man, upright and righteous before God, whose name was Yathro. When he was feeding his flock on the mountain, he found the cave and took the rod by
divine agency; and with it he fed his sheep until his old age. When he gave his daughter to Moses, he said to him, "Go in, my son, take the rod, and go forth to thy
flock." When Moses had set his foot upon the threshold of the door, an angel moved the rod, and it came out of its own free will towards Moses. And Moses took the
rod, and it was with him until God spake with him on mount Sinai.

This rod was the rod which Moses carried into Egypt, with which he challenged the authority of the Pharaoh, divided the waters of the Red Sea, struck the rock that
produced the abundant water, healed the bitter waters, held the brazen serpent that healed those who looked upon it, and ultimately led the Children of Israel to the
Promised Land. It was this staff which budded and grew. In the end it found its resting place in the Holy of Holies.

We find that Christ is King of Kings: "Keep this commandment without spot, unrebukeable, until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ: Which in his times he shall
shew, who is the blessed and only Potentate, the King of kings, and Lord of lords; Who only hath immortality, dwelling in the light" (1 Tim. 6:14-16).

8. The tree and the temple are places of sacrifice. The king in ancient Near Eastern religions, acting in his priestly role, "performs certain acts of libations with the view
of revivifying this tree, which is also the visible symbol of the dying god, who is called back to life." Christ is the dying god. In Amulek's testimony of Jesus, he bears
witness that the Savior is "the great and last sacrifice, . . . infinite and eternal" (Alma 34:10). Further, he proclaimed: "And behold, this is the whole meaning of the law
[of Moses], every whit pointing to that great and last sacrifice; and that great and last sacrifice will be the Son of God, yea, infinite and eternal" (Alma 34:14).

Isaiah's testimony is that

Surely he hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows: . . . he was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities: the chastisement of our peace
was upon him; and with his stripes we are healed. All we like sheep have gone astray; we have turned every one to his own way; and the Lord hath laid on him the
iniquity of us all. He was oppressed, and he was afflicted, yet he opened not his mouth: he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter. (Isa. 53:4-7)

Conclusion

During General Conference in April 1992, David B. Haight counseled members of the Church to look beyond the symbol. He quoted John A. Widtsoe when he said:

We live in a world of symbols. No man or woman can come out of the temple endowed as he should be, unless he has seen beyond the symbol, the mighty realities for
which the symbols stand.....The endowment which was given by revelation can best be understood by revelation; and to those who seek most vigorously, with pure
hearts, will the revelation be greatest.

He advised that before going to the temple, one should clear his conscience and then one "will come to know our Lord there."

When we clear ourselves of the mists of darkness that precede the tree of life, we may see beyond the symbol more clearly. With or without branches, the tree bears
fruit and is adorned beautifully. It extends through the center of the universe, connecting heaven, earth, and the underworld. It is associated with eternal life and has
great curative value to all who partake; its fruit is most desirable and delicious above all. The tree grows near the edge of the water and its roots extend down into the
chaotic waters to control them. The waters that emerge from it possess life-giving virtues.

Thus we see that each of these features may be applied to Christ. His love and influence is over all, he is found in the temple, he is the "Way" which leads to eternal life.
He is the foundation of the world, the firstfruits of the resurrection. He offers healing power to the souls of all who will believe in him. He is the king of kings and the last
and final sacrifice.

  John M. Lundquist, "The Common Temple Ideology of the Ancient Near East," in Truman G. Madsen, ed., The Temple in Antiquity (Provo, UT: Religious Studies
Center, Brigham Young University, 1984), 49-50.

  Methodius, The Symposium of the Ten Virgins 9, cited in Stephen J. Reno, The Sacred Tree as an Early Christian Literary Symbol: A Phenomenological Study
(Saarbrucken: Homo et Religio, 1978), 103.

  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, in Reno, The Sacred Tree, 106.

  Asterius, Commentary on the Psalms 1:4-5, in Reno, The Sacred Tree, 105.

  Reno, The Sacred Tree, 7, 28, 60, 62.

  Roger Cook, The Tree of Life: Image for the Cosmos (New York: Avon, 1974), 15-16.

  Lundquist, "The Common Temple Ideology," 68.

  Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, trans. Rosemary Sheed (Massachusetts: Meridian Book, 1974), 271.

  Ibid.

  Cook, The Tree of Life, 20.

  Donald W. Parry, "The Garden of Eden: Sacred Space, Sanctuary, Temple of God," Explorations: A Journal for Adventurous Thought 5/4 (1987): 84.

  Eusebius of Caesarea, Commentaria in Psalmos 1:3, in PG 27:77, cited in Reno, The Sacred Tree, 101.

  Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, 380-81.

  Reno, The Sacred Tree, 58, 60, 74, 85.

  Cook, The Tree of Life, 16.
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  Methodius, Symposium of the Ten Virgins IX, 3, cited in Reno, The Sacred Tree, 103.
  Reno, The Sacred Tree, 58, 60, 74, 85.

  Cook, The Tree of Life, 16.

  Methodius, Symposium of the Ten Virgins IX, 3, cited in Reno, The Sacred Tree, 103.

  Geo Widengren, The King and the Tree of Life in Ancient Near Eastern Religion (Uppsala: Lundequistka Bokhandeln, 1951), 17.

  The Book of the Bee 30, trans. Ernest A. Wallis Budge (Oxford: Clarendon, 1886), 50-65.

  Book of the Bee, cited in Widengren, The King and The Tree of Life, 38 n. 2.

  Ibid., 19; cf. 11-19.

  David B. Haight, "Come to the House of the Lord," Ensign 22 (May 1992): 16.

  Ibid., 17.

An Hypothesis Concerning the Three Days of Darkness Among the Nephites
Russell H. Ball

Abstract: Aspects of the three days of darkness following the three-hour period of intense destruction described principally in 3 Nephi are discussed, including: (1) the
strange absence of rain among the destructive mechanisms described; (2) the source of the intense lightning, which seems to be unaccompanied by rain; (3) a
mechanism to account for the inundation of the cities of Onihah, Mocum, and Jerusalem, which were not among the cities which "sunk in the depths of the sea"; and (4)
the absence in the histories of contemporary European and Asiatic civilizations of corresponding events, which are repeatedly characterized in 3 Nephi as affecting "the
face of the whole earth."

,ID:8E903> he above drawing illustrates one type of volcanic eruption in which intense lightning can be generated within the ash cloud above the volcano. A full-
color photograph of such an eruption of the Sakura-jima Volcano in southern Japan on 17 November 1987 was published in the April 1988 issue ofDiscover. This
volcano erupted more than one hundred times in 1987 and spewed molten rock and hot gases into the sky. During these eruptions a small amount of magma was
released constantly, rather than all at once, as at Mount St. Helens. The surprising feature of the photo is the presence of a large number of lightning bolts in the ash
cloud above the volcano. The lightning is triggered by the buildup of static electricity in the cloud of erupting ash. Friction among the swirling particles causes them to
become electrically charged.

Period of Destruction and Darkness Among the Nephites

The above-mentioned photo prompted me to examine 3 Ne. 8 and 9 again and to reevaluate the description of the three-hour period of destruction and darkness
which followed the crucifixion of the Savior. A detailed examination of this text and related scriptures conveys quite a different story than I had previously recognized.

It is instructive to list all of the mechanisms of destruction described in 3 Ne. 8 and 9. There we find mention of

--a great and terrible tempest (3 Ne. 8:6)
--terrible thunder that shook the whole earth (3 Ne. 8:6)
--exceedingly sharp lightnings, such as never had been known in all the land (3 Ne. 8:7)
--earth being carried up upon the city of Moronihah (3 Ne. 8:10)
--whirlwinds (3 Ne. 8:12)
--earthquakes which roughened many smooth places and caused some cities to sink, some to burn, and the buildings of some to collapse (3 Ne. 8:13-14)
destruction for about three hours (3 Ne. 8:19)
--cities sunk in the sea (3 Ne. 9:4, 6-7)
the burning of cities (3 Ne. 9:9-10)
--darkness to such an extent that not a glimmer of light was seen for three days (3 1 Ne. 6:20-22) indeed according to the prophecy of Helaman, "darkness should
cover the face of the whole earth for the space of three days" (Helaman 14:27)

Methods of destruction of the wicked are summarized in 3 Ne. 10:13-14:

--sunk and buried in the earth
--drowned in the depths of the sea
--burned by fire
--fallen upon and crushed to death
--carried away in the whirlwind
--overpowered by the vapor of smoke and of darkness (thus the atmosphere was suffocating in some places, but not generally)
--swallowed up by the opening of the earth to receive them
--In addition, the cities of Jerusalem, Mocum, and Onihah were destroyed when waters["[came] up in the stead thereof" (3 Ne. 9:7).

Note that one typical feature of thunderstorms is missing, namely heavy rains. A possible exception is the last cited reference, in which the flooding mentioned might
imply heavy rains. Even in that reference, however, an unusual mechanism is involved (the waters "come up upon" the cities). Landslides, which may have dammed
rivers, or which may have caused large waves to spread across lakes, could have caused water to "come up upon" some cities. The inundation of the Utah community
of Thistle in 1983 is an example of this phenomenon. A landslide dammed a small river, and the lake which formed flooded the town. The city of Jerusalem was located
close to the waters of Mormon; hence, it may have been flooded by one of these mechanisms. The Book of Mormon text provides no clues to the location of the cities
of Mocum or Onihah.

Thus, all instances of destruction of cities by water involve either the subsidence of coastal cities into the sea, or of having waters "to come up in the stead thereof."
Having waters "come up" upon some cities could be accounted for either by the flooding of rivers, or by the blocking of rivers by landslides and the subsequent
formation of artificial lakes.

However,
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                                        Ne. 8:21  of the impossibility of lighting their candles or torches or their exceedingly dry wood. The emphasisPage
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dry wood after the destructive events seems to rule out the flooding of rivers, since it would have followed heavy rains, a fact which seems incompatible with the
emphasis on dry wood.
Thus, all instances of destruction of cities by water involve either the subsidence of coastal cities into the sea, or of having waters "to come up in the stead thereof."
Having waters "come up" upon some cities could be accounted for either by the flooding of rivers, or by the blocking of rivers by landslides and the subsequent
formation of artificial lakes.

However, explicit mention is made in 3 Ne. 8:21 of the impossibility of lighting their candles or torches or their exceedingly dry wood. The emphasis on the existence of
dry wood after the destructive events seems to rule out the flooding of rivers, since it would have followed heavy rains, a fact which seems incompatible with the
emphasis on dry wood.

Thus, it seems quite clear that this period of devastation in cluded no rain. But without rain, whence all that lightning and thunder? The answer may be provided in the
sketch above of the eruption of the Sakura-jima Volcano in Japan. It can be seen that fine volcanic ash is also very effective in generating lightning. If volcanic eruptions
lasted several hours, as described in 3 Nephi, the enormous amount of ash discharged would have blanketed a large region and would have produced intense local
darkness.

The inability to ignite the exceedingly dry wood is interesting in view of the fact that a few people are also described as dying from suffocation during the period of
destruction which preceded the period of darkness (3 Ne. 10:13). This suggests that in some regions the concentration of dense volcanic gases (carbon dioxide and
sulfur dioxide) at ground level was sufficient to prevent igniting of the kindling and to cause suffocation. The uncle of Pliny died of suffocation as a consequence of a
volcanic eruption.

James Baer notes that volcanic eruptions could have accompanied the violent earthquake described in 3 Nephi. He notes that these would have made the atmosphere
dark with dust and cinders and would have released carbon monoxide, carbon dioxide, and sulfurous gases, which would have been suffocating and could have made
fire kindling impossible.

Another mechanism, however, seems an equally likely explanation of the inability to ignite the dry tinder. If one assumes that sparks from flint were the common method
of starting fires, then the heavy ash fall could have been effective in preventing ignition. This heavy ash fall also offers a likely explanation for the terms mist of darkness
and vapor of darkness used in 1 Ne. 12:4-5.

This apparently is the first time the Nephites had experienced earthquakes approaching this intensity, and they seem to have assumed incorrectly that thunder was the
cause of the earthquakes: "there was terrible thunder, insomuch that it did shake the whole earth as if it was about to divide asunder" (3 Ne. 8:6). The roughening of
smooth places, the subsidence of some areas, and the building of a "great mountain" in the place where the city of Moronihah had been (3 Ne. 8:10) are events clearly
associated with very severe seismic and volcanic activity. The thunder and the shaking of the ground were actually inde pendent, both caused by severe seismic events.

Hugh Nibley reports that sometimes an earthquake can be heard before it is felt. Nibley notes that in the Assam earthquake of 1950, one thing stressed in all reports
was that an awful rumble heralded the quake, a deafening roar, louder than anything any of the witnesses had ever heard before. Nibley notes that the Book of
Mormon describes the continuous sounds as "dreadful groanings . . . and . . . tumultuous noises" (3 Ne. 10:9). He also notes that in the Assam earthquake "strong
winds raised the dust until visibility was reduced to a few feet." The great earthquake that completely destroyed the old capital of Guatemala in 1541 was preceded
by " 'the fury of the wind, the incessant, appalling lightning and dreadful thunder' that were 'indescribable' in their violence."

Joseph L. Allen, in his book, Exploring the Lands of the Book of Mormon , lists the following recent major destructive activities in Mesoamerica:

1976 Massive earthquake in Guatemala/Land Southward. Guatemala has 33 volcanic mountains.

1982 Earthquake in State of Oaxaca/Land Northward.

1983 Volcanic eruption in El Chichonal in the State of Chiapas/Land Southward.

1985 Destructive earthquake in Mexico City/Land Northward.

1988 Destruction by Hurricane Gilbert/Land Southward and Land Northward.

In the 1940s in the City of Pericutin, State of Michoacan, west of Mexico City, a volcanic eruption caused the earth to cover the entire village. The only visible
evidence remaining of the community is the steeple of the Catholic church. This event is reminiscent of what appeared to happen to the cities of Moronihah, Gadiandi,
Gadiomnah, Jacob, and Gimgimno.

Baer notes that:

There is a subduction zone along the west coasts of Central and South America which has created an inland mountain range and a coastal trench. The elevation
difference between the tops of the mountains and the bottom of the trench approaches 40,000 feet (about 7.5 miles). This provides a terrain in which subsidence of
coastal regions would be expected during severe seismic events. (This suggests that the cities which sunk into the depths of the sea were probably located along the
west coast.)

Several devastating earthquakes have occurred in this area in historic times.

The "vapor of darkness" could have been the result of volcanic activity, possibly a combination of dense clouds of earthquake-cased dust and volcanic ash and smoke.

Volcanic eruptions could have accompanied the violent earthquake described in 3 Nephi. These would have made the atmosphere dark with dust and cinders, and
would have released carbon monoxide, carbon dioxide, and sulfurous gases.

Hypothesis Explaining the Destruction

This general area in Mesoamerica is quite active seismically, and large areas are covered by lava flows and volcanic ash. With this background, let us formulate a
hypothesis that might explain all the events described in Helaman and in 3 Nephi.

The hypothesis is composed of the following:

--The basic cause of the destruction was a tremendous seismic upheaval.

--Numerous destructive mechanisms were involved, but rain was not one of them.
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--The accompanying period of darkness was caused by an immense local cloud of volcanic ash.
--The basic cause of the destruction was a tremendous seismic upheaval.

--Numerous destructive mechanisms were involved, but rain was not one of them.

--The accompanying period of darkness was caused by an immense local cloud of volcanic ash.

--The unprecedented lightning was due to electrical discharges within the ash cloud.

--The intense thunder was due both to the lightning and to the rumbling of the earth due to seismic movements.

--The vapor of darkness (1 Ne. 12:5;19:11) and the mist of darkness (3 Ne. 8:20) were volcanic ash and dust stirred up by the quaking of the ground.

When a huge ash column is ejected from a volcano, it can rise to thousands of feet. When such a column collapses back on the volcano it generates an ash surge that
can travel at speeds up to one hundred miles per hour. Such a surge collapses houses, breaks through windows in rigid structures, and buries the people inside in an
instant. Some of the descriptions in the Book of Mormon account are consistent with such phenomena.

A striking verb is used to describe the ending of the period of darkness.

Thus did the three days pass away. And it was in the morning, and the darkness dispersed from off the face of the land, and the earth did cease to tremble. (3 Ne.
10:9)

This seems to parallel the statement "I saw the vapor of darkness that it passed from off the face of the earth" (1 Ne. 12:5). The phrase "dispersed from off the face of
the land" suggests a breaking up and scattering, such as would characterize the eventual dispersion of an ash cloud. This verse also indicates that the trembling of the
earth ended only at the end of the three-day period. Thus, the volcanoes could have been pouring forth ash all that time to sustain the darkness.

The Meaning of the Phrase Whole Earth

An interesting secondary problem in understanding the destruction described in 3 Nephi is the question of how to interpret the phrase whole earth that is used to
describe the phenomenon (3 Ne. 8:6, 12, 17-18). It seems clear that this phrase should be understood as "whole land," that is, all of the area populated by the
Nephites and Lamanites. Thus, the destruction was a localized rather than a global phenomenon.

The prophecy foretelling these events was, so far as we know, given only to the Nephite prophets. These events were to be preliminary to the appearance of the Savior
among the Nephites. The first indications provided in the Book of Mormon as to the limited area to be affected by these phenomena follow:

And after Christ shall have risen from the dead he shall show himself unto you, my children. (2 Ne. 26:1)

And after the Messiah shall come there shall be signs given unto my people of his birth, and also of his death and resurrection; and great and terrible shall that day be
unto the wicked. (2 Ne. 26:3)

Behold, in that day that he shall suffer death the sun shall be darkened and refuse to give light unto you; and also the moon and the stars; and there shall be no light upon
the face of this land, even from the time that he shall suffer death, for the space of three days, to the time that he shall rise again from the dead. (Hel. 14:20)

And many great destructions have I caused to come upon this land and this people, because of their wickedness and their abominations. (3 Ne. 9:11)

Furthermore, if the three days of darkness had indeed been global, one would expect to see records of it in the literature of the Romans, the Greeks, the Chinese, and
the Persians, to name some of the great civilizations of the time. However, we find this account only in the literature of the Nephites.

Imagine for a moment how the entire world population would have reacted to the unexpected and unprecedented events of three days of light and three days of
darkness, separated by only thirty-four years. It does not seem credible that such events would have escaped the historian's pen in every land. Commercial traffic by
land and sea would soon have confirmed to one and all that these remarkable events had occurred everywhere. Imagine the speculation that would have abounded as
to their cause. Yet not a word is to be found in any history of the period. This, at least, seems a reasonable conclusion, since Mormon scholarship of a century and a
half has failed to find a history of these events-ï¿½events whose dates are precisely known.

From the scriptures quoted above it is evident that advance knowledge of the three days of light and the three days of darkness was made available only to the
Nephites. (Such knowledge had previously been revealed to the prophets Zenos and Zenock [3 Ne. 10:16], but a knowledge of their prophecies had apparently been
among the "plain and precious things" lost prior to the time of Christ. It is only through the Book of Mormon that we even know of the existence of these two prophets.
However, while a knowledge of events was revealed to Zenos and Zenock, the appearance of the signs was to be limited to the Nephites.) It thus seems clear that this
was a localized phenomenon, even though the phrase whole earth is included in the description (3 Ne. 8:6, 12, 17-18).

Mount Vesuvius erupted in A.D. 79 and buried Pompeii and Herculaneum. Pompeii was covered by a thick layer of lava and ash. Pompeii was initially excavated
between 1738 and 1756. Herculaneum experienced two ash falls from the same eruption. Because of the wind direction during the first phase of the eruption, only
about two inches of ash fell on the city. This minor inconvenience reassured the inhabitants, who did not flee. During the second phase, the city was buried by forty to
sixty feet of hot mud, and all the inhabitants perished. Thus the fate of particular cities during such eruptions depends largely on their location relative to fault lines and
volcanoes, and on the wind direction.

In other passages in the scriptures the phrase whole earth seems to refer to local phenomena. The account in Alma 36:7 of the appearance of the angel to Alma and the
sons of Mosiah relates that the voice of the angel was as thunder "and the whole earth did tremble beneath our feet." However, the same event is described in Mosiah
27:11 as follows: "he spake as it were with a voice of thunder, which caused the earth to shake upon which they stood." This usage of the phrase whole earth seems to
be a hyperbole, since the episode has all the earmarks of a very localized event.

This phrase is used sixty-four times in the Standard Works. Twenty-seven of these are in the Old Testament, and only one in the New Testament. The Book of
Mormon uses the phrase twenty-two times. Often the context makes clear that it is intended to be taken literally, as in "God of the whole earth." Some references
permit either a broad or a narrow meaning. But in many passages the phrase clearly describes a relatively local event. The relevant references follow:

And the locusts went up over all the land of Egypt, and rested in all the coasts of Egypt. . . . For they covered the face of the whole earth, . . . and there remained not
any green thing . . . through all the land of Egypt. (Ex. 10:14-15)
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Here the phrase whole earth is equated with all the land of Egypt.

They did multiply and spread . . . from the land southward to the land northward . . . insomuch that they began to cover the face of the whole earth from the sea south
And the locusts went up over all the land of Egypt, and rested in all the coasts of Egypt. . . . For they covered the face of the whole earth, . . . and there remained not
any green thing . . . through all the land of Egypt. (Ex. 10:14-15)

Here the phrase whole earth is equated with all the land of Egypt.

They did multiply and spread . . . from the land southward to the land northward . . . insomuch that they began to cover the face of the whole earth from the sea south
to the sea north, from the sea west to the sea east. (Hel. 3:8)

Here the whole earth is bounded on four sides by seas.

There was a great famine upon the land, among all the people of Nephi. . . . For the earth was smitten that it was dry. . . . And the whole earth was smitten, even
among the Lamanites as well as among the Nephites. (Hel. 11:5-6)

Here the whole earth is limited to the combined Nephite and Lamanite territories.

And now Coriantumr . . . gave battle unto them who sought to destroy him. But he repented not, neither his fair sons nor daughters. . . . There were none of the fair
sons and daughters upon the face of the whole earth who repented of their sins. (Ether 13:16-17)

Here whole earth is limited at least to the people of Coriantumr.

I went about with the sons of Mosiah, seeking to destroy the church of God; but behold, God sent his holy angel to stop us by the way. And behold, he spake unto us,
as it were the voice of thunder, and the whole earth did tremble beneath our feet. (Alma 36:6-7)

I have seen an angel face to face, and he spake with me, and his voice was as thunder, and it shook the whole earth. (Alma 38:7)

And as I said unto you, as they were going about rebelling against God, behold, the angel of the Lord appeared unto them; . . . and he spake as it were with a voice of
thunder, which caused the earth to shake upon which they stood. (Mosiah 27:11)

These verses equate whole earth with the earth upon which they stood.

And they began to know that the Son of God must shortly appear, yea, in fine, all the people upon the face of the whole earth from the west to the east, both in the land
north and in the land south, were so exceedingly astonished that they fell to the earth. (3 Ne. 1:17)

Here the whole earth is limited to the land north and the land south.

Yea, at the time he shall yield up the ghost there shall be thunderings and lightnings for the space of many hours, and the earth shall shake and tremble, and the rocks . .
. shall be broken up . . . and shall ever after be found in seams and in cracks, and in broken fragments upon the face of the whole earth. (Hel. 14:21-22)

Darkness should cover the face of the whole earth for the space of three days. (Hel. 14:27)

And thus the face of the whole earth became de formed, because of the tempests, and the thunderings, and the lightnings, and the quaking of the earth. (3 Ne. 8:17)

In this case, compare the various expressions used in 3 Ne. 8:12, 17, and 18:

The whole face of the earth was changed.

The whole earth became deformed.

[The rocks] were broken up upon the face of the whole earth.

They were found in broken fragments, . . . in seams and cracks, upon all the face of the land.

These verses combine to suggest that the phrases whole earth and all the face of the land are synonymous.

It is clear that the expression whole earth is frequently used in the Book of Mormon to describe events in which the text itself identifies the events as local rather than
global. In this connection there is an interesting use by Moses of the words land and earth in his description of the first appearance of the Lord to him and of the
marvelous revelation he received.

As the voice was still speaking, Moses cast his eyes and beheld the earth, yea, even all of it; and there was not a particle of it which he did not behold, discerning it by
the Spirit of God. . . . And he beheld many lands; and each land was called earth, and there were inhabitants on the face thereof. (Moses 1:27, 29)

If on occasion land and earth are synonymous, then in appropriate cases we may be justified in considering whole earth and whole land as synonymous.

The prophecies concerning the coming of the Savior among the Nephites and of the attendant three days of daylight and the three days of darkness and destruction
were directed only to the Nephites. One should not expect the world at large to have been aware of the Savior's appearance, nor of the attendant miracles, nor should
we expect to find the prophesied destruction to have been global, in spite of the occasional use of the phrase whole earth in descriptions of some aspects of it.

Hugh Nibley, in The World of the Jaredites, says,

Yet another important biblical expression receives welcome elucidation from our text: though Ether says nothing about "the whole earth" being "of one language and one
speech" (Gen. 11:1), he does give us an interesting hint as to how those words may be taken. Just as "son" and "descendant" are the same word in Hebrew, and so
may be easily confused, . . . so "earth" and "land" are the same word, the well-known eretz. In view of the fact that the book of Ether, speaking only of the Jaredites,
notes that "there were none of the fair sons and daughters upon the face of the whole earth who repented of their sins" (Ether 13:17), it would seem that the common
whole earth (kol ha-aretz) of the Old Testament need not always be taken to mean the entire globe.

Conclusion
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Joseph Smith has presented us with a document that describes catastrophic events far removed from his own experience. A proper understanding of the period of
destruction among the Nephites and Lamanites requires examining numerous rather casual comments by several Book of Mormon authors who were separated by
several centuries. To me this is yet another evidence of the authenticity of the Book of Mormon.
whole earth (kol ha-aretz) of the Old Testament need not always be taken to mean the entire globe.

Conclusion

Joseph Smith has presented us with a document that describes catastrophic events far removed from his own experience. A proper understanding of the period of
destruction among the Nephites and Lamanites requires examining numerous rather casual comments by several Book of Mormon authors who were separated by
several centuries. To me this is yet another evidence of the authenticity of the Book of Mormon.

This article supports the elements of the hypothesis stated above, including the puzzling presence of intense lightning--absent rain, and explains why events which at first
reading appear to be characterized as global are not reflected in the histories of the several civilizations contemporary with these events.

Appendix: Pliny's Letter to Tacitus

A comparison of the following firsthand account by Pliny of the eruption of Vesuvius is most instructive in relation to the Book of Mormon account of the destruction
that preceded the appearance of the Savior among the Nephites. It is quoted below, with portions italicized to emphasize passages of special relevance to the Book of
Mormon account:

"Your request that I would send you an account of my uncle's end, so that you may transmit a more exact relation of it to posterity, deserves my acknowledgments; for
if his death shall be celebrated by your pen, the glory of it, I am aware, will be rendered forever deathless. For notwithstanding he perished, as did whole peoples and
cities, in the destruction of a most beauti ful region, and by a misfortune memorable enough to produce a kind of immortality; notwithstanding he has himself composed
many and lasting works; yet I am persuaded, the mentioning of him in your immortal writings, will greatly contribute to eternalize his name. Happy I esteem those, whom
Providence has gifted with the ability either to do things worthy of being written, or to write in a manner worthy of being read; but most happy they, who are blessed
with both talents: in which latter class my uncle will be placed both by his own writings and by yours. The more willingly do I undertake, nay, solicit, the task you set
me.

"He was at that time with the fleet under his command at Misenum. On the 24th of August, about one in the afternoon, my mother desired him to observe a cloud of
very unusual size and appearance. He had sunned himself, then taken a cold bath, and after a leisurely luncheon was engaged in study. He immediately called for his
shoes and went up an eminence from whence he might best view this very uncommon appearance. It was not at that distance discernable from what mountain this cloud
issued, but it was found afterwards to be Vesuvius. I cannot give you a more exact description of its figure, than by resembling it to that of a pine tree, for it shot up a
great height in the form of a trunk, which extended itself at the top into several branches; because, I imagine, a momentary gust of air blew it aloft, and then falling,
forsook it; thus causing the cloud to expand laterally as it dissolved, or possibly the downward pressure of its own weight produced this effect. It was at one moment
white, at another dark and spotted, as if it had carried up earth or cinders.

"My uncle, true savant that he was, deemed the phenomenon important and worth a nearer view. He ordered a light vessel to be got ready, and gave me the liberty, if I
thought proper, to attend him. I replied that I would rather study; and, as it happened, he had himself given me a theme for composition. As he was coming out of the
house he received a note from Rectina, the wife of Bassus, who was in the utmost alarm at the imminent danger (his villa stood just below us, and there was no way to
escape but by sea); she earnestly entreated him to save her from such deadly peril. He changed his first design and what he began with a philosophical, he pursued with
an heroical turn of mind. He ordered large galleys to be launched, and went himself on board one, with the intention of assisting not only Rectina, but many others; for
the villas stand extremely thick upon that beautiful coast. He hastened to the place from whence others were flying, he steered his direct course to the point of danger,
and with such freedom from fear, as to be able to make and dictate his observations upon successive motions and figures of that terrific object.

"And now cinders, which grew thicker and hotter the nearer he approached, fell into the ships, then pumice stones too, with stones blackened, scorched, and cracked
by fire, then the sea ebbed suddenly from under them, while the shore was blocked up by landslips from the mountains. After considering a moment whether he should
retreat, he said to the captain who was urging that course, 'Fortune befriends the brave; carry me to Pomponianus.' Pomponianus was then at Stabiae, distant by half
the width of the bay (for, as you know, the shore, insensibly curving in its sweep, forms here a receptacle for the sea). He had already embarked his baggage; for
though at Stabiae the danger was not yet near, it was in view, and certain to be extremely near, as soon as it spread; and he resolved to fly as soon as the contrary wind
should cease. It was full favorable, however, for carrying my uncle to Pomponianus. He embraces, comforts, and encourages his alarmed friends, and in order to
soothe the other's fears by his own unconcern, desires to be conducted to a bathroom; and after having bathed, he sat down to supper with great cheerfulness, or at
least (what is equally heroic) with all the appearance of it.

"In the meanwhile Mount Vesuvius was blazing in several places with spreading and towering flames, whose refulgent brightness the darkness of the night set in high
relief. But my uncle, in order to soothe apprehensions, kept saying that some fires had been left alight by the terrified people, and what they saw were only deserted
villas on fire in the abandoned district. After this he retired to rest, and it is most certain that his rest was a most genuine slumber; for his breathing which, as he was
pretty fat, was somewhat heavy and sonorous, was heard by those who attended at this chamber door. But the court which led to his apartment now lay so deep under
a mixture of pumice stones and ashes, that if he had continued longer in his bedroom, egress would have become impossible. On being aroused he came out, and
returned to Pomponianus and the others, who had sat up all night. They consulted together as to whether they should hold out in the house, or wander about in the
open. For the house now tottered under repeated and violent concussions, and seemed to rock to and fro as if torn from its foundations. In the open air, on the other
hand, they dreaded the falling pumice stones, light and porous though they were; yet this, by comparison, seemed the lesser danger of the two; a conclusion which my
uncle arrived at by balancing reasons, and the others by balancing fears. They tied pillows on their heads with napkins; and this was their whole defence against the
showers that fell round them.

It was now day everywhere else, but there a deeper darkness prevailed than in the most obscure night; relieved, however, by many torches and divers illuminations.
They thought proper to go down upon the shore to observe from close at hand if they could possibly put out to sea, but they found the waves still extremely high and
contrary. There my uncle having thrown himself down upon a disused sail, repeatedly called for, and drank, a draught of cold water; soon after, flames, and a strong
smell of sulphur, which was the forerunner of them, dispersed the rest of the company in flight; him they only aroused. He raised himself up with the assistance of two
slaves, but instantly fell; some unusually gross vapor, as I conjecture, having obstructed his breathing and blocked his windpipe, which was not only naturally weak and
constricted, but chronically inflamed. When day dawned again (the third from that he last beheld) his body was found entire and uninjured, and still fully clothed as in
life; its posture was that of a sleeping, rather than a dead man.

"Meanwhile my mother and I were at Misenum. But this has no connection with history, and your inquiry went no further than concerning my uncle's death. I will
therefore put an end to my letter. Suffer me only to add, that I have faithfully related to you what was either an eye witness of myself, or heard at the time, when report
speaks most truly. You will select what is most suitable to your purpose; for there is a great difference between a letter, and an history; between writing to a friend, and
writing for the public. Farewell."

  I wish to thank Elise Barrett for the redrawing included here.

   Mark Kemp, "Power Surge," Discover the World of Science (April 1988): 40-41.
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  Landslides carry earth down, not up.
  I wish to thank Elise Barrett for the redrawing included here.

   Mark Kemp, "Power Surge," Discover the World of Science (April 1988): 40-41.

  Landslides carry earth down, not up.

  Note that even massive earthquakes like the one that devastated San Francisco last for only a minute or so.

  See Pliny's account of the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in the Appendix to this paper.

   James Baer, "The Third Nephi Disaster: A Geological View," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 19/1 (Spring 1986): 129-32.

  Hugh Nibley, "Some Fairly Foolproof Tests," in Since Cumorah, 2d ed., vol. 7 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and
F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 233, citing Nicholas H. Heck, Earthquakes (New York: Hafner, 1936; repr. 1965), 118.

  Nibley, "Some Fairly Foolproof Tests," 233.

  Joseph L. Allen, Exploring the Lands of the Book of Mormon (Orem, UT: SA Publishers, 1985), 230.

  Baer, "The Third Nephi Disaster," 129-32.

  Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/ There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 173.

  Pliny, Letter VI, 16, to Tacitus. I am indebted to Dr. C. Wilfred Griggs for calling my attention to this account and for providing me a copy of the text.

Simile Curses in the Ancient Near East Old Testament and Book of Mormon
Mark J. Morrise

Abstract: The simile curse is a type of curse that appears in ancient Near Eastern, Old Testament, and Book of Mormon texts. It consists of two parts: (1) an event
(e.g., "Just as this wax is burned by fire") and (2) an application of that event to the subject of the curse (e.g., "so shall Arpad be burned"). In ancient Near Eastern
texts, simile curses appear in written treaties and were often part of a ritual acted out during a treaty ceremony. In the Old Testament, simile curses appear primarily in
prophetic writings as literary devices. In the Book of Mormon, simile curses appear in the context of treaties, religious covenants, and prophecies, and in several
instances were acted out. These curses were probably part of the oral tradition of ancient Near Eastern, Old Testament, and Book of Mormon peoples.

The simile curse is a special form of malediction found in ancient Near Eastern, biblical, and Book of Mormon texts.        The following example, taken from an Aramaic
treaty of approximately 750 B.C., is typical of the form:

Just as this wax is burned by fire, so shall Arpad be burned.

From this example, we see that the simile curse consists of two parts: (1) an event ("Just as this wax is burned by fire"), and (2) an application of that event to the
subject of the curse ("so shall Arpad be burned).

Ordinarily the simile curse was conditional, invoked only if the subject of the curse did or did not perform a certain action. For example, in Alma 44:14 we find:

Even as this scalp has fallen to the earth, which is the scalp of your chief, so shall ye fall to the earth except ye will deliver up your weapons of war and depart with a
covenant of peace.

This paper examines the occurrence of simile curses in ancient Near Eastern, Old Testament, and Book of Mormon texts. Similarities in their context and subject matter
are compared, and conclusions based on those similarities are then suggested.

Other Curse Forms

Before discussing the simile curse, we should note that it is only one of several curse forms occurring in ancient Near Eastern, Old Testament, and Book of Mormon
texts.

In ancient Near Eastern treaties, three other curse forms are found:

1. The curse by the gods or a single god. These curses are in the form, "May the god(s) do X unto you." For example, the Esarhaddon treaty states: "May Ea, king of
the Apsu, the lord of the deep, give you contaminated water to drink; may he fill you with dropsy." The Baal of Tyre treaty states: "May Astarte in mighty battle
break your bow." Such curses by deity are common and more numerous than the simile curses.

2. The simple malediction. In this form the oath breaker is threatened with a curse but there is no simile and no god is invoked. Typical examples include["[May] your
days be dark, your years be dim" and "May a foreign enemy divide your spoil."

3. The futility curse. These curses warn the oath taker that if he breaks the oath, his efforts will be frustrated or his holdings will come to naught.["[And should seven
rams cover] a ewe, may she not conceive; and should seven[nur[ses] anoint [their breasts and] nurse a young boy, may he not have his fill; and should seven mares
suckle a colt, may it not be[sa[ted;] . . . and should his seven daughters go looking for food, may they not seduce (anyone)."

These same types of curses also occur in the Old Testament and Book of Mormon. For example, a curse by God is found in 1 Ne. 2:23, the difference being that it is
in first person: "For behold, in that day they shall rebel against me, I will curse them even with a sore curse, and they shall have no power over thy seed except they
shall rebel against me also." A simple malediction is found in Deut. 27:17: "Cursed be he that removeth his neighbor's landmark." And a futility curse is found in Deut.
28:30-31, rendered below in verse:

You'll betroth a wife
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You'll build a house
But never dwell there.
28:30-31, rendered below in verse:

You'll betroth a wife
But another will bed her.
You'll build a house
But never dwell there.
You'll plant a vineyard.
But not use its fruit.
Your ox will be slaughtered before you,
But you won't get to eat it.
Your ass will be stolen as you watch.
And will never come back again.
Your flock will be given to your foes,
And none will be there to save you.

These other curse forms are more direct than the simile curse, stating literally in the malediction what will happen to the subject of the curse. In contrast, the simile curse
analogizes the malediction of the subject to a similar event. As we shall see, the simile curse often occurs in a ritual ceremony, where the event is actually enacted.

Ancient Near Eastern Texts

In the ancient Near East, simile curses are found primarily in suzerain treaties, which are treaties between a ruling king and a neighboring vassal prince.         The vassal
promises to obey the king and to perform certain specified duties; if he fails to perform his duties, the simile curse will fall upon him.

D. R. Hillers has made a thorough analysis of these simile curses in his classic work, Treaty Curses and the Old Testament Prophets. Hillers draws upon six such
treaties for his analysis: (1) the Sharmshi-Adad treaty, executed approximately 823 B.C. between Sharmshi-Adad V of Syria and Marduk-zakir-shum I of Babylon;
(2) the Ashurnirari treaty, executed 754 B.C. between Ashurnirari V of Assyria and Mati'ilu of Arpad; (3) the Sefire I and II treaties, executed about 750 B.C.
between Mati'el of Arpad and Bir-ga'yah of KTK; (4) the Baal of Tyre treaty, executed about 677 B.C. between Esarhaddon of Assyria and Baal of Tyre; (5) the
Esarhaddon treaty, executed 672 B.C. between Esarhaddon of Assyria and his officials; and (6) the Ashurbanipal treaty, executed 669-648 B.C. between
Ashurbanipal of Assyria and his officials. In addition to treaties, other sources of simile curses include magical texts and soldier's oaths.

According to Hillers, three types of simile curses appear in these treaties:

Ritual simile curses. In the ritual simile curse, a demonstrative pronoun such as "this" is used with the object compared, indicating that the object was present and was
handled during some sort of ritual. Thus, the Ashurnirari treaty states, "This head is not the head of the ram; it is the head of Mati'ilu. . . . Just as the ram's head is (torn
off), . . . so may the head of the aforesaid be torn off [if he breaks the treaty]."

Similarly, the Sefire I treaty contains simile curses which state: "Just as this wax . . . this GNBï¿½ . . . these arrows . . . this calf, etc."   A third example is found in the
Esarhaddon treaty: "Just as this sheep is cut up and the flesh of her young is put in her mouth, etc."

These examples are typical of most ritual simile curses in the treaties in that the action performed is destructive of the object. Other ritual simile curses feature the
melting of wax figurines and the breaking of weapons. The action is intended to symbolize what will happen to the vassal if he breaks the treaty. In some cases,
the action was performed by the oath taker himself; in those cases, the action may have represented a ratification of the treaty.

Simile curses which may have been accompanied by a ritual. In this second group of simile curses, there is no demonstrative pronoun with the object compared, e.g.,
"Like a reed may they break you." The likelihood that a ritual action was involved is indicated by parallels in other texts where a ritual is clearly implied. For example, in
the Esarhaddon treaty, 551-54, there is a simile curse with no demonstrative pronoun referring to the slaughter of kids and lambs. In other texts, this simile is
commonly a treaty-making ritual.

Curses which were apparently not accompanied by a ritual. This group consists of several simile curses in the Esarhaddon treaty which have no demonstrative
pronoun and no indication in other texts that a ritual was performed. Concerning these simile curses, Hillers states:

[In these simile curses,] it is difficult to imagine [the] ceremonies which might have accompanied them, unless we are to think of the ancients collecting a snake,
mongoose, stag, chameleon, fly and tortoise and putting these creatures through the appropriate paces.

The Old Testament

In the Old Testament, the simile curse appears in two contexts-ï¿½religious covenants between Yahweh and Israel and prophecies.

Covenant curses. The major covenants between Yahweh and Israel are (1) The Decalogue (Ex. 20:2-17 and Deut. 5:6-21) (2 Deuteronomy or the Book of the Law
(Deut. 12-28) (3 the Law of Holiness (Lev. 17-26) and (4) the ceremony at Shechem (Josh. 24).

Scholars have demonstrated numerous similarities between the ancient Near Eastern treaties and these Old Testament covenants. For example, ancient Hittite treaties
have six standard parts: (1) the preamble; (2) the historical prologue; (3) the stipulations between the parties; (4) the provision for deposit in the temple and for periodic
readings; (5) the list of gods as witnesses; and (6) the curses and blessings formula.

As Mendenhall pointed out, several parts of these Hittite treaties are also found in the Old Testament covenants. A short historical prologue introduces the
Decalogue (Ex. 20:1, Deut. 5:4-5), and a longer historical prologue introduces the Shechem ceremony (Josh. 24:2-13) and Deuteronomy (Deuteronomy 1-3).
Provisions for periodic reading of the law are found in Deut. 31:10-13. A blessings and cursings formula concludes Deuteronomy and the Law of Holiness (Deut. 28
and Lev. 26:3-41).

There are further similarities between the curses found in the two texts. In both the treaties and the covenants, the blessings formula is ordinarily shorter and more
perfunctory than the curses formula. Also, as Hillers amply demonstrates, the content of the curses in both texts is often the same: devouring animals, removal of
joyful sounds, the breaking of weapons, dry breasts, contaminated water, etc. Finally, scholars have demonstrated similarities in the grammatical construction of the
curses in both texts.

Given the many similarities between ancient Middle Eastern treaties and Old Testament covenants, one would expect to find simile curses occurring frequently in biblical
 Copyrightas(c)
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              they            Infobasetreaties.
                   do in the suzerain   MediaButCorp.                                                                                                  Page
                                                   this is not the case. I am aware of only one occurrence of a simile curse in the four covenants, in Lev.    102"I /will
                                                                                                                                                            26:19:     919
make your heaven as iron, and your earth as brass" (cf. Deut. 28:23).
curses in both texts.

Given the many similarities between ancient Middle Eastern treaties and Old Testament covenants, one would expect to find simile curses occurring frequently in biblical
covenants as they do in the suzerain treaties. But this is not the case. I am aware of only one occurrence of a simile curse in the four covenants, in Lev. 26:19: "I will
make your heaven as iron, and your earth as brass" (cf. Deut. 28:23).

Two explanations can be offered for the absence of simile curses in these covenants:

1. The curse was actually part of the covenant, but was simply not written down. Mendenhall suggests this in explaining why there are no curses and blessings in the
Decalogue:

As the tradition in Deuteronomy indicates, the curses and blessings may not have been regarded as an element in the text of the covenant, but as an action which
accompanied the ratification of the covenant.

2. The simile curse may not have been needed in the Old Testament context as it was in the Near Eastern one. Mendenhall suggests that the curse was necessary to the
suzerain treaties because it was the only enforcement mechanism short of military measures that was available. The graphic symbolism and ritual enactment of the
curse may have been necessary to bring home to the oath-taker the consequences of breaking the oath. However, in the Old Testament context the other types of
curses may have been sufficient to impress the seriousness of the covenant on the covenant-taker. In many of these curses, God is the agent of the curse, thus making
the imminence of the curse more real. In contrast, nonsimile curses in the suzerain treaties have no agent; their power is thought to have come from the words
themselves, rather than from some external agent.

Prophetic curses. An example of the simile curse in prophetic writings is found in Isa. 29:7-8:

And the multitude of all the nations that fight against Ariel, even all that fight against her and her munition, and that distress her, shall be as a dream of a night vision. It
shall even be as when a hungry man dreameth, and behold, he eateth; but he awaketh, and his soul is empty: . . . so shall the multitude of all the nations be, that fight
against mount Zion.

Because the simile is such a common literary device, no attempt is made here to catalogue all its occurrences in prophetic writings. I agree with Hillers that:

[Because] the simile is such an extremely common feature of style, . . . collection of a large number of similes from the prophets would hardly prove anything about the
prophets' use of the language of treaty-curses. The simile may be of such a nature that one could plausibly assume that it originated in a ritual curse, but it is impossible
to prove any relation on formal grounds alone.

In a footnote to the above passage, Hillers gives two examples of prophetic curses which may have been simile but are not provably so.

An oracle of Ahijah the Shilonite contains a simile which gives the impression of having originated in a symbolic action (1 Kgs. 14:10): "I will burn [the remnant of the
house] of Jeroboam, just as one burns dung until it is gone." Burning is a ritual action commonly connected with curses, though there is no example of burning this
particular substance [in a ritual]. Compare also 2 Kgs. 21:13: "And I will wipe Jerusalem as one wipes a dish, wiping it and turning it upside down."

In neither of these two examples is the ritual action more than a possibility.

Hillers does find one example of a prophetic simile curse that refers to a ritual.     Jer. 34:18 refers to a ritual performed by the men of Israel and curses them for not
living up to their covenants:

And I will give the men that have transgressed my covenant, which have not performed the words of the covenant which they had made before me, when they cut the
calf in twain, and passed between the parts thereof.

Book of Mormon

The simile curse appears in the same contexts in the Book of Mormon as it does in ancient Near Eastern and Old Testament texts, namely: treaties, religious covenants,
and prophecies.

Treaty curses. A simile curse appears in the context of treaty negotiations in Alma 44:14. In self-defense, a Nephite soldier has just struck off a piece of scalp from the
Lamanite leader Zerahemnah. The soldier picks up the scalp by the hair, lays it on the point of his sword, stretches forth the sword, and states:

Even as this scalp has fallen to the earth, which is the scalp of your chief, so shall ye fall to the earth except ye will deliver up your weapons of war and depart with a
covenant of peace.

The curse is clearly not ritual, having been devised on the spot to meet the needs of the moment. Nevertheless, like a ritual simile curse, it refers to an action, that of
falling to the earth.

Curses in religious covenants. Three simile curses occur in the context of religious covenants:

1. Casting out of the flock. During a speech by King Benjamin at the coronation of his son, the king reminds the people of their duty and indebtedness toward God. In
response, the people covenant to follow God and to keep his commandments. King Benjamin then concludes his speech with a reminder for the people to always
remember God's name:

And again, doth a man take an ass which belongeth to his neighbor, and keep him? I say unto you, Nay; he will not even suffer that he shall feed among his flocks, but
will drive him away, and cast him out. I say unto you, that even so shall it be among you if ye know not the name by which ye are called. (Mosiah 5:14)

The lack of a demonstrative pronoun here suggests that no ritual or ceremony accompanied this curse. This is reasonable, although a ceremony or ritual would have
been very appropriate in this context-ï¿½a religious covenant coupled with the coronation of a new king. Arguably, the need for the ritual is obviated by the previous
voice ratification of the covenant with God (Mosiah 5:5) and by the subsequent enforcement mechanism which is adopted in Mosiah 26:36, i.e. the blotting of the name
from the records.

Although no ritual is indicated here, the curse may have been based on a previous ritual simile curse. The ritual may have been dropped and the wording of the curse
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Originally, . . . this formula must also have been accompanied by some specific symbolic action such as killing an animal, but in early times the words have become
from the records.

Although no ritual is indicated here, the curse may have been based on a previous ritual simile curse. The ritual may have been dropped and the wording of the curse
retained. This theory is suggested by Mendenhall, who states:

Originally, . . . this formula must also have been accompanied by some specific symbolic action such as killing an animal, but in early times the words have become
abstracted from the action and generalized, perhaps in practice accompanied by some gesture.

Here we have evidence of a predecessor. In the Ashurnirari treaty we find a similar curse clearly accompanied by a ritual:

Just as this ram . . . [taken] away from his fold, will not return to his fold, . . . so may . . . Mati'ilu, with his sons, [his nobles,] the people of his land [be taken away]
from his land, not return to his land, he shall no [longer stand] at the head of his land.

And in Lev. 16:21-22 we find the ritual of the scapegoat which was let out of the camp into the wilderness to atone for the sins of the people.

Parallels also exist between Mosiah 2-5 in general and the suzerain treaty form. We note that, similar to suzerain treaties, King Benjamin's speech has a historical
prologue, stipulations of obedience, and a ratification of the covenant. The historical prologue, in which Benjamin describes both the benevolence of the king (himself)
and the Heavenly King (God) towards the people, is particularly striking. This is very similar to the historical prologue in the suzerain treaties, in which the king
describes his past benevolence to the vassal.

2. The rending of the garments. This simile curse occurs when the first general Moroni has gone forth to find army recruits to defend the Nephite country against
imminent invasion. Moroni reminds the people of their religious duty to defend their families; in response,

the people came running together with their armor girded about their loins, rending their garments in token, or as a covenant, that they would not forsake the Lord their
God; or, in other words, if they should transgress the commandments of God, or fall into transgression, and be ashamed to take upon them the name of Christ, the Lord
should rend them even as they had rent their garments. Now this was the covenant which they had made, and they cast their garments at the feet of Moroni, saying: We
covenant with our God, that we shall be destroyed, even as our brethren in the land northward, if we shall fall into transgression; yea, he may cast us at the feet of our
enemies, even as we have cast our garments at thy feet to be trodden under foot, if we shall fall into transgression. (Alma 46:21-22)

The passage in which these curses occur also has parallels with the suzerain treaty form. Similar to a suzerain historical prologue, Moroni recites an account which tells
of their ancestor, Joseph, whose garment was rent by his brethren when he was sold into Egypt. Before he died, Jacob prophesied to Joseph that even as a part of
Joseph's coat had been preserved and not decayed, even so would a remnant of his seed be preserved by the hand of God (cf. Alma 46:24). A parallel to the suzerain
provisions for the reading of the treaty exists in the raising of replicas of Moroni's rent coat as a standard in all cities. Apparently, the coat served as a reminder of the
covenant as the periodic public reading did in the suzerain treaties.

3. Felling of a tree. The third of these religious simile curses in the Book of Mormon is spoken by the Nephite people at a public hanging. After the leader of an
opposing army had been caught and hanged, the tree by which he was hung is felled to the earth. The people then state this ritual curse:

May the Lord preserve his people in righteousness and in holiness of heart, that they may cause to be felled to the earth all who shall seek to slay them because of
power and secret combinations, even as this man hath been felled to the earth. (3 Ne. 4:29)

We note that in the second and third examples above, a ritual is performed and a curse is pronounced by an entire group. Another example of a group ritual occurs
when the Anti-Nephi-Lehies bury their weapons of war as a token of their decision never again to take up arms against their brethren:

And now it came to pass that . . . [the people] took their swords, and all the weapons of war which were used for the shedding of man's blood, and they did bury them
up deep in the earth. And this they did, it being in their view a testimony to God, and also to men, that they never would use weapons again for the shedding of man's
blood. (Alma 24:17-18)

Prophetic curses. An example of a prophetic curse is uttered by Abinadi in prophecy about the life of King Noah:

And it shall come to pass that the life of king Noah shall be valued even as a garment in a hot furnace; for he shall know that I am the Lord. . . . And he also
prophesieth evil concerning thy life, . . . [saying] that thou shalt be as a stalk, even as a dry stalk of the field, which is run over by the beasts and trodden under foot.
And again, he saith thou shalt be as the blossoms of a thistle, which, when it is fully ripe, if the wind bloweth, it is driven forth upon the face of the land. (Mosiah 12:3,
10-12)

For the same reason that we did not examine all the occurrences of prophetic curses in the Old Testament, we will not do so for the Book of Mormon. The simile is
such a universal literary form that its mere existence in Book of Mormon prophetic writings does not formally demonstrate any parallels.

Analysis

The foregoing discussion shows that simile curses in the Book of Mormon appear in contexts very similar to simile curses in the suzerain treaties. In fact, the Book of
Mormon simile curses occur even more frequently in these contexts than do Old Testament simile curses. Book of Mormon and suzerain treaty simile curses usually
share a number of common characteristics, including one or more of the following: (1) the curse is found in the context of a treaty or covenant; (2) the curse is uttered
by the oath taker; (3) the curse appears with other elements of a suzerain treaty format, such as an historical prologue or provision for public reading; (4) a ritual action
is performed with the curse; (5) the ritual action is destructive or harmful in nature, such as casting out, dismembering, ripping, or causing to fall to the earth. For
example, the simile curse in Mosiah 5:14 has three of these five characteristics: it is uttered in the context of a covenant, it comes at the end of a speech containing an
historical prologue and provisions for obedience to the Lord, and involves a harmful action (the casting out of an animal from the fold). As previously pointed out, this
simile curse almost exactly parallels a suzerain treaty curse in the Ashurnirari treaty.

Hillers has thoroughly analyzed parallels between both simile curses in Near Eastern and Old Testament texts. Concerning simile curses in the suzerain treaty texts
alone, he concludes that: "To judge from available sources, simile curses . . . were handed down from generation to generation. Such curses were not in most cases
composed afresh for each new treaty-making ceremony, but were copied and adapted from older models." The same was also true for Old Testament curses.
Hillers points out that the simile curse in Lev. 26:19 is paralleled by curses in both Deut. 28:23 and the Esarhaddon treaty, 528-32. These curses were, as many
others, written in lines of parallel poetic metre, which lends itself to being passed down as an oral tradition. Because of these and other similarities, Hillers concludes:

We cannot explain both the resemblances and differences by naively supposing that an Israelite writer got this curse from an Assyrian treaty. The point to be grasped is
that both in (c)
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                                                  Corp.and primarily oral traditions of curses on which writers and speakers might draw for various purposes, either leaving
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the material as they found it or recasting it into their own style.

The Book of Mormon simile curses suggest the same conclusion. In the situations such as Moroni and the title of liberty (Alma 46:21) or the hanging of Zerahemnah (3
others, written in lines of parallel poetic metre, which lends itself to being passed down as an oral tradition. Because of these and other similarities, Hillers concludes:

We cannot explain both the resemblances and differences by naively supposing that an Israelite writer got this curse from an Assyrian treaty. The point to be grasped is
that both in Israel and elsewhere there were living and primarily oral traditions of curses on which writers and speakers might draw for various purposes, either leaving
the material as they found it or recasting it into their own style.

The Book of Mormon simile curses suggest the same conclusion. In the situations such as Moroni and the title of liberty (Alma 46:21) or the hanging of Zerahemnah (3
Ne. 4:29), how were the people able to utter a curse in such a spontaneous fashion and yet speak together with one voice? The answer might be that the people were
uttering a curse that was part of a tradition and thus well known to all. If Hiller's conclusion is accepted, this answer becomes even more reasonable. Because the
Nephites hailed from the region of Old Testament and Near Eastern culture, we can assume that oral tradition was also a part of their culture, and thus simile curses
would have been handed down among the Nephites through oral tradition.

If an historical connection between the suzerain and Old Testament texts and the Book of Mormon text is assumed, then simile curses in the earlier texts can be used to
explain those curses in the later texts. For example, the curse in Mosiah 5:14 is invoked if the people "know not the name by which ye are called." As Hillers has
pointed out, the verb "to know," which has several senses in the Bible, is used in ancient Near Eastern treaties in the same sense as "to acknowledge," or "to be loyal
to." In those treaties, when the vassal princes covenanted to "know" their king, it meant that in the event of war against the king, the prince would give him military
aid, etc. This sense of "to know" seems to fit also in the religious context: the covenant-taker will "know" the name by which he is called by acknowledging his God as
Lord and being loyal to him. This is but one example of how the suzerain curses can be used to aid in interpreting the later curses; hopefully, further research will
uncover other examples.

Conclusion

The similarity of contexts in which the simile curse occurs in the ancient Near Eastern, Old Testament, and Book of Mormon texts suggests that the simile curse was
part of an oral tradition in these cultures. It was perhaps as easy for them to utter these curses on appropriate occasions as it would be for us to recite the pledge of
allegiance today. The simile curse was most commonly used to ratify treaties or covenants; the symbols which were used graphically suggested the destruction of the
oath-taker if he broke the treaty.

If an historical connection between these texts is assumed, the earlier texts can be used to help interpret the later texts. More research needs to be done in this area.

   Several articles have been written dealing with topics related to simile curses in the ancient Near East, the Bible, and the Book of Mormon, including Stephen D.
Ricks, "The Treaty/Covenant Pattern in King Benjamin's Address," Brigham Young University Studies 24 (1984): 151-62; Stephen D. Ricks, "Oaths and Oath Taking
in the Old Testament," The Seventh Annual Church Education System Religious Educator's Symposium on the Old Testament (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1983), 139-42; and Terrence L. Szink, "An Oath of Allegiance in the Book of Mormon," in Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin,
eds., Warfare in the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 35-45.

  Sefire I treaty A 35, quoted in Delbert R. Hillers, Treaty Curses and the Old Testament Prophets (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1964), 18.

  Esarhaddon treaty 521-22, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 13.

  Baal of Tyre treaty, rev. iv 18, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 13.

  Esarhaddon treaty 458, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 26.

  Baal of Tyre treaty, rev. iv 19, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 26.

  Sefire I treaty, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 28.

  Cf. 2 Ne. 9:27-38.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 29; cf. Hel. 13:18-20, 34-36.

  A less common treaty form, called a parity treaty, also existed, in which two kings of equal power exchanged promises of mutual cooperation.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 8-11.

  Ibid., 20-21.

  Ashurnirari treaty, obv, i 21-27, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 19.

  Sefire I treaty A 35-42, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 19.

  Esarhaddon treaty 547, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 19.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 20-21.

  Ibid., 21.

  Klaus Baltzer, The Covenant Formulary (Philadelphia: Fortress 1971), 14-15.

  Geroge E. Mendenhall, "Covenant Forms in Israelite Traditions," Biblical Archaeologist 17 (1954): 66.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 21-24.

  Ibid., 24.

  Ibid.
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  Viktor Korosec, Hethitische Staatsvertrage: Ein Beitrag zu ihrer juristischen Wertung (Leipzig: Weicher, 1931), 11-18, esp. 12-14.
  Ibid., 24.

  Ibid.

  Viktor Korosec, Hethitische Staatsvertrage: Ein Beitrag zu ihrer juristischen Wertung (Leipzig: Weicher, 1931), 11-18, esp. 12-14.

  Mendenhall, "Covenant Forms," 61-70; see also Roland deVaux, Ancient Israel (London: McGraw-Hill, 1961), 148.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 6; cf. Deut. 28.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 43-79.

   See Herbert C. Brichto, The Problem of "Curse" in the Hebrew Bible (Philadelphia: Society of Biblical Literature, 1963); Stanley Gevirtz, "West-Semitic Curses and
the Problem of the Origins of Hebrew Law," Vetus Testamentum 11 (1961): 137-58.

  Mendenhall, "Covenant Forms," 66.

  Ibid., 50, 52.

  See, for example, the curses in Deut. 27:14-26.

   Concerning passive curses, Blank states: "Apparently, then, no external agent was assumed and, apparently, the spoken curse was itself and alone conceived to be
the effective agent. . . . The curse was automatic or self- fulfilling, having the nature of a "spell," the very words of which were thought to possess reality and power to
effect the desired results" (emphasis in the original). Sheldon H. Blank, "The Curse, Blasphemy, the Spell, and the Oath," Hebrew Union College Annual 23 (1950-51):
78.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 25.

  Ibid., 25 n. 41.

  Ibid., 26.

  George E. Mendenhall, "Puppy and Lettuce in Northwest---Semitic Covenant Making," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 133 (February
1954): 30, cited in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 24 n. 37.

  Ashurnirari treaty, obv. i 16-20, in Hillers, Treaty Curses, 34.

  Mendenhall, "Covenant Forms," 58.

  Hillers, Treaty Curses, 26.

  Ibid., 41.

  Ibid., 42

  Delbert R. Hillers, Covenant: The History of a Biblical Idea (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press 1969), 120-22.

The Spirituality of the Outcast in the Book of Mormon
Todd M. Compton

Abstract: In the Book of Mormon, despised outcasts, such as the Lamanites or the poor, often have a special aptitude for spirituality, and the richer, "civilized," and
more overtly religious Nephites are often declining in righteousness. This phenomenon, with some characteristic specific themes, such as being excluded from a religious
edifice, is found in ancient and contemporary cultures and religions. This theme points up the complexity of the Book of Mormon, which is not simple cowboys-and-
Indians melodrama.

Critics of the Book of Mormon have accused it of racism in portraying whites (Nephites) as the "good guys" and dark-skinned peoples (Lamanites) as the "bad guys,"
as in typical Westerns. For instance, the Catholic sociologist, Thomas F. O'Dea, writes,

In the Book of Mormon, as in popular opera of both "horse" and "soap" varieties, there are, in effect "good guys" and "bad guys." The good side always fights in
defense of its liberties. . . . The good side sends out missionaries to bring the light to those in darkness. The bad side sends out armies of invasion.

This extremely oversimplified analysis of the Book of Mormon mars an otherwise interesting "environmental" treatment of that book.

Pace O'Dea and others like him, [text missing in original] a careful reading, or even a reasonable cursory reading, of the Book of Mormon shows that the Nephites are
often more wicked than the Lamanites, despite being more "civilized" than the Lamanites and having the "true church" in full development. The wilderness-dwelling
Lamanites, lacking in education and civilization ("they delighted in wars and bloodshed," says Jacob; Jacob 7:24) and without correct religious traditions, often have a
great aptitude for spirituality. This fits in with an important pattern found in the Book of Mormon in which the outcast is often more spiritually in tune than the more
urban, overtly favored Nephites who usually have access to a well-developed church; much of the time they are on the downside of the pride cycle. The centralized (in
the sense of city-dwelling), "civilized" religionist is often rich, and the outcast is often poor; the "civilized" religionist often overtly despises the outcast.

As early as the prophet Jacob, the Nephites looked on the Lamanites with contempt. Jacob, preaching to the wayward Nephites, refers to "the Lamanites your
brethren, whom ye hate because of their filthiness and the cursing which hath come upon their skins" (Jacob 3:5). We note the implicit rebuke in the words "your
brethren," for the Nephites obviously were not treating the Lamanites as brethren, as members of the true church should. Thus, as early as this, the Nephites and
Lamanites have moral complexity. Furthermore, Jacob tells the Nephites that the Lamanites live a higher level of sexual morality than do the Nephites (Jacob 3:5).
Jacob commands the Nephites to stop reviling the Lamanites because of their skin color. "Wherefore, a commandment I give unto you, which is the word of God, that
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                   against them  becauseMedia
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                                               darkness of their skins" (Jacob 3:9). He makes the surprising statement that the wilderness-dwellingPage
                                                                                                                                                     Lamanites
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righteous" (Jacob 3:5) than the Nephites.

The long middle section of the Book of Mormon chronicles a series of wars between Nephites and Lamanites, and would offer a great deal of scope for "cowboys-
brethren, whom ye hate because of their filthiness and the cursing which hath come upon their skins" (Jacob 3:5). We note the implicit rebuke in the words "your
brethren," for the Nephites obviously were not treating the Lamanites as brethren, as members of the true church should. Thus, as early as this, the Nephites and
Lamanites have moral complexity. Furthermore, Jacob tells the Nephites that the Lamanites live a higher level of sexual morality than do the Nephites (Jacob 3:5).
Jacob commands the Nephites to stop reviling the Lamanites because of their skin color. "Wherefore, a commandment I give unto you, which is the word of God, that
ye revile no more against them because of the darkness of their skins" (Jacob 3:9). He makes the surprising statement that the wilderness-dwelling Lamanites are "more
righteous" (Jacob 3:5) than the Nephites.

The long middle section of the Book of Mormon chronicles a series of wars between Nephites and Lamanites, and would offer a great deal of scope for "cowboys-
and-Indians" stereotyping. Yet in these wars, when Lamanites attack the Nephites, it is often because ambitious Nephites have manipulated them into doing so. After
the Nephites defeat Amlici and his army, he flees to the Lamanites and returns with a huge Lamanite army added to the remnants of his own (Alma 2:24). The wicked
priests of King Noah intermarry with Lamanite women (Mosiah 20), and their leader, Amulon, becomes a satellite "king" under a chief Lamanite king (Mosiah 23:39).
These wicked priests become teachers among the Lamanites (Mosiah 24:1, 4). the missionary successes of the sons of Mosiah, it is the Amulonites and the Amalekites
(apparently other evil Nephites who lived among the Lamanites) who stir up the unconverted Lamanites to war against their converted brethren, and then against the
Nephites (Alma 25:2). The Lamanites eventually see that they are being manipulated and hunt down the Amulonites and kill them (Alma 25:8-9).

In a new conflict, it is the Nephites, or the Amalekites, who begin to destroy the righteous Lamanites, the Anti-Nephi-Lehies (Alma 27:2). This is a striking inversion of
the supposed cowboys-and-Indians plot of the Book of Mormon.

Later, Amalickiah, the Nephite royalist conspirator, is thwarted among the Nephites (Alma 46) and flees to the Lamanites. There he incites the king of the Lamanites to
declare war on the Nephites (Alma 47:1). He becomes general of the Lamanites, assassinates the Lamanite king (Alma 47:24), and becomes king of the Lamanites
himself (Alma 47:35). He then uses a concerted propaganda campaign (Alma 48:3) to incite the Lamanites against the Nephites. When he is killed in battle, the next
Lamanite king is another Nephite, Amalickiah's brother (Alma 52:3). So the wars in the Book of Mormon are often not Nephite vs. Lamanite, cowboy vs. Indian, but
"good" Nephite vs. "bad" Nephite, with the Lamanites sometimes being manipulated by "bad" Nephites. This is far from the simplistic Hollywood labeling of good and
bad. A nation using a less civilized people to help fight a battle is historically quite believable-ï¿½for example, in 771 B.C. China, the chief of the Chin nation, when a
conflict brewed with the western Chou Empire, made an alliance with the Huns, the "Barbarian Dogs," and these invaded the capital city of the western Chou,
destroying that empire.

The Anti-Nephi-Lehies are an example of converted Lamanites showing supreme righteousness (Alma 23-24, 27), laying down their weapons and refusing to fight
because of their past murders. Later, their sons, the 2,000 stripling warriors of Helaman, are another example of extraordinary righteousness (Alma 53, 56, 58). Here
we have righteous Lamanites fighting in a Nephite army against Lamanites led by a king who is a Nephite; the Lamanites follow the evil Nephite king because they have
been manipulated by a skillful propaganda campaign.

In a time of particular Nephite decadence, a Lamanite, Samuel, calls the Nephites to repentance. After first being cast out from the Nephites (Hel. 13:2), he must stand
on the wall of the Nephite city of Zarahemla (Hel. 13:4) to preach and is eventually forced to leave because of Nephite stones, arrows, and an attempt at apprehension
(Hel. 16).

Finally, the "Lamanites" (it is unclear what the label means racially at this point; 4 Ne. 17) fall away from the gospel at the end of the Book of Mormon, but the
"Nephites" fall lower, and the Lamanites are permitted to destroy them because of the Nephites' complete decadence. Earlier in the Book of Mormon, we found a
prefigurement of the same pattern when a Lamanite army overthrows a decadent Nephite regime as Lamanites invade the realm of King Noah (Mosiah 19).

In contrasting the occasional spirituality of the wilderness-dwelling (Enos 1:20) Lamanites with the highly civilized deca dence of the Nephites (note King Noah's
elaborate building projects in a city which an archaeologist would immediately label as high civilization, with the development of a highly defined elite caste, Mosiah
11:11), the Book of Mormon, a complex, thought-provoking book, asks penetrating questions about what civilization really is. It is not the simple cowboys-and-
Indians melodrama described by O'Dea.

The theme of the spirituality of the outcast, which we found in the story of Samuel the Lamanite above, is also found in the account of the poor Zoramites who have
been cast out of the Zoramite synagogues (which they probably built, in large part, Alma 32:5) because of "the coarseness of their apparel," "being esteemed as
filthiness" (Alma 32:2-3). They are despised "of all men," they say, and "especially by our priests" (Alma 32:5). "They have cast us out of our synagogues . . . because
of our exceeding poverty" (Alma 32:5). The poor Zoramites, like the Lamanites, are considered "filthy."

This worldly poorness makes it possible for them to become "poor in heart" (Alma 32:3). Having no place to worship, in their view, they turn to Alma the missionary
for guidance, and he preaches the gospel to them outside the city of Zoram, on the hill Onidah. Here we have the important theme of preaching outside of religious
buildings, outside the city, in the countryside. The outcast nature of the poor Zoramites has prepared them to receive the gospel. "It is well that ye are cast out of your
synagogues," says Alma to them, "that ye may be humble, and that ye may learn wisdom. . . . It is because that ye are cast out, that ye are despised of your brethren
because of your exceeding poverty, that ye are brought to a lowliness of heart" (Alma 32:12). Alma explains that though compulsory humility and compulsory faith are
useless without inner humility and faith, yet poverty often leads to true humility. To be impoverished is often the beginning of spiritual rebirth; and to be rich is often the
sign of imminent spiritual decadence. Alma continues in his preaching and delivers his beautiful discourse on faith; then he explains to the Zoramites that they can
worship God in the fields and wilderness, not only in synagogues. He quotes a prayer of the prophet Zenos: "thou hast also heard me when I have been cast out and
have been despised by mine enemies" (Alma 33:10). Later, the Zoramite administration casts out the converts from the land. When Alma shelters them, the Zoramites
are enraged. They mix with the Lamanites, stir them up to battle, and, finally, "become" Lamanites (Alma 43:4).

Somewhat similar is the story of Alma (who is "cast out" by Noah, Mosiah 17:3) and his group of followers. Alma teaches the outlawed Christianity secretly, preaching
in the wilderness outside the city (Mosiah 18:4-7). Spirituality, spiritual rebirth, takes place outside of the city. Noah accuses the group of political sedition (Mosiah
18:33) and sends an army against them, forcing them to flee.

The story of Lehi and Nephi might also exemplify this theme. Nibley has repeatedly discussed this phenomenon as "the flight to the wilderness," the righteous prophet
leaving the corrupt city, and has drawn the obvious Dead Sea Scroll parallels.

Another interesting group of outcasts, the Gadianton robbers, shows that being an outcast does not automatically create spirituality. Some Gadiantons left civilization
because they were criminals in hiding, or left voluntarily to live a more criminal life.

We have thus isolated a cohesive, important phenomenon in the Book of Mormon; those who are culturally deprived, who live in the wilderness, who are despised as
inferior because of their race or poverty, are often more righteous than the inhabitants of cities, the possessors of supposed high civilization who have access to the
church. In the city of the Zoramites, the poor are excluded from established worship and missionaries preach to them in the wilderness. Their outcast, impoverished
state makes them especially prepared for spiritual conversion.

Modern and Ancient Parallels
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Now I would like to examine a few parallels-ï¿½some more or less contemporary to the publication date of the Book of Mormon, and some ancient. Book of Mormon
studies have polarized into two camps, one seeking contemporary parallels to show that the book is not an ancient historical document, and the other seeking ancient
state makes them especially prepared for spiritual conversion.

Modern and Ancient Parallels

Now I would like to examine a few parallels-ï¿½some more or less contemporary to the publication date of the Book of Mormon, and some ancient. Book of Mormon
studies have polarized into two camps, one seeking contemporary parallels to show that the book is not an ancient historical document, and the other seeking ancient
parallels to show that the book is ancient. The natural tendency, for both sides, is to disallow the other side's parallels as negligible.

One reason for this split is the natural academic weakness of specialization. The "historicists" (those who believe the Book of Mormon is an inspired translation of an
ancient text) tend to work with antiquity and usually do not work with Mormon history, while the nonhistoricists tend to focus on nineteenth- and twentieth-century
Mormon history and related topics.

However, I believe that every critic, in all fairness, should consider the others' parallels by the same standards one applies to one's own. Strong parallels, from whatever
period, will enrich our understanding of the Book of Mormon. We should all have enough breadth to welcome work from other fields. Historicists should welcome
work on the setting that the Book of Mormon was first sent into, and nonhistoricists should develop an interest in the history of religions. Weak parallels, obviously,
should be identified and set aside wherever possible.

Wesley and the Beginnings of Methodism

Thus, though I am in the "historicist" school, I will start out with a "contemporary" historical parallel, that of John Wesley and the beginnings of Methodism. Methodism
was a movement that began in the Church of England, and John Wesley stayed a nominal member of the Church of England all his life. But Methodism was, to an
extent, a critique of and a reformation of the Church of England. In its beginning stages, the leaders and members were literally cast out from the church buildings of the
Church of England. It gained its strength from outcasts, from its popularity with the masses, often the poor, the downtrodden, and sometimes even from prisoners in jail.

Methodism started in religious societies that emphasized spiritual experience as opposed to mere perfunctory practice in the Church of England. Wesley experienced a
moment of conversion at one point, after having been a minister of the Church of England for some years. He and his associate, George Whitefield, then began
preaching with great intensity and religious enthusiasm. Whitefield, around 1738, became the most popular preacher in London, attracting packed houses wherever he
went. But his popularity and "enthusiasm" soon offended many Church of England clerics, and they began to close their pulpits to him. By the end of January 1739,
every London pulpit was barred to him. Thus he was forced to preach outside of London, outside of churches, in the openï¿½-"field preaching"-ï¿½which he did
with great success. He especially liked this because it allowed him to reach the lower classes, often coalworkers. Thus we have the phenomenon we have isolated in the
Book of Mormonï¿½-exclusion from established religion, from the establishment churches; spiritual hunger and aptitude of the poor, the lower class, the masses;
preaching outside the city, outside religious buildings, in the open air. Once Whitefield addressed 5,000 at Bristol on a bowling green. "Blessed be God," he said, "that
the bowling green is turned into a preaching place." He preached to 2,000 colliers at Coal-Pit Heath, and he preached to them at Kingswood Commons.

The miners of Kingswood were regarded as depraved savages, yet Whitefield's meetings drew them in ever larger numbers. Tears ran down their blackened faces, so
moved were they not only by the message and the emotional eloquence of the young preacher, but also by the fact that anyone should concern himself with outcasts
such as they.

He went on to attract crowds of up to 20,000. But soon he had to return to a mission in Georgia, and he asked John Wesley to preach in the open air to a crowd at
Bristol. John and his brother Charles were wary of the invitation, partly because it was dan gerous, as there was great official opposition to such preaching.
Interestingly, they cast lots to make a final decision, a bit of Protestant sacred "magic." Finally John went to Bristol, and his long career of field-preaching was started.
In his first open-air sermon, on April 2, 1739, he took Isa. 61:1 as his text: "the Lord has anointed me; he has sent me as a herald of joy to the humble, to bind up the
wounded of heart, to proclaim release to the captives, liberation to the imprisoned." His preaching was a great success.

The Bishop of Bristol attacked Wesley. "Sir, the pretending to extraordinary revelations and gifts of the Holy Ghost is a horrid thing. . . . You have no business here."
Wesley went on preaching. Some of the opposition was political/economic. The Gentleman's Magazine warned that Mr. Whitefield was keeping the colliers from their
work and predicted that the price of coal would immediately rise because of his preaching.

Like Alma, Wesley organized "societies" and "bands" wherever he went, with lay preachers, often relatively uneducated, as leaders. This was another offense against
the upper class, for in aristocratic England, it was felt that only the elite, only a gentleman, could be a cleric. Wesley returned to London, where he preached to larger
open-air crowds, to as many as 80,000 people. Often there were ecstatic, convulsive, epileptic examples of religious enthusiasm in his audiences.

Sometimes John Wesley's followers were turned away from communion in the Church of England. So these "Methodists" were excluded both from the buildings and
the central ritual of the standard church. Often the "Methodists" were persecuted. Mobs, protected by local judges and clergy, attacked their meetings, and their
preachers were beaten up. Wesley was once attacked with stones.

The parallels with the Book of Mormon are numerous. The poor are excluded from religious buildings and rituals controlled by the establishment, the elite; preachers,
themselves excluded from the buildings, speak with great spiritual power as they address great crowds in the open air. The lower-class crowds are very receptive and
are even "enthusiastic" in the technical sense. And just as the Zoramites excluded the poor, then persecuted them, so the "Methodists" were persecuted. Joseph Smith
undoubtedly could have been exposed to the story of Methodism, and Brigham Young was apparently familiar with John Wesley's life, for he called him one of the
best men who ever walked the earth.

Dionysiac Worship

We now turn to antiquity, the worship of Di ysos in archaic Greece. Dinysos is a god who was killed, torn apart, then resurrected. He offered his followers a religion of
enthusiasm, being possessed by God; he was the god of wine, drunkenness, drama; his worship involved ecstatic dancing and characteristically took place outside of
the city, in the mountains and forests.

According to the great classicist, E. R. Dodds, Dionysiac religion "probably made its original appeal mainly to people who had no citizen rights in the aristocratic 'gentile
state' and were excluded from the older cults associated with the great families." The tyrants, whose power derived from the lower classes, often encouraged
Dionysiac religion. Dionysiac mysteries "are no longer bound to a fixed sanctuary with priesthoods linked to resident families; they make their appearance wherever
adherents can be found. This presupposes a new social phenomenon of wandering priests." Characteristic adherents were women, a very oppressed group in
Greece. When this religion appeared in Rome, it greatly offended the staid Roman conservatives, and it was subjected to famous persecutions.

A number of passages testify to the democratic, levelling nature of Dionysiac religious practice. Plutarch writes, "The ancestral Dionysia anciently was a procession that
took place democratically (dï¿½motikï¿½s) and merrily." A scholiast writes that at the Pithoigia, Jug-opening, part of the Dionysiac feast Anthesteria, "it was not
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
lawful to bar a house-slave or a servant from enjoying the wine, but priests distributed the gift of Di ysos to all." There was, of course, a sacred,Page      108 aspect
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to this wine drinking. Dinysos was referred to as Isodaï¿½tï¿½s, "he who distributes equally to all." Even in later ages, slaves were sometimes admitted to Dionysiac
associations, thï¿½asoi.
Greece. When this religion appeared in Rome, it greatly offended the staid Roman conservatives, and it was subjected to famous persecutions.

A number of passages testify to the democratic, levelling nature of Dionysiac religious practice. Plutarch writes, "The ancestral Dionysia anciently was a procession that
took place democratically (dï¿½motikï¿½s) and merrily." A scholiast writes that at the Pithoigia, Jug-opening, part of the Dionysiac feast Anthesteria, "it was not
lawful to bar a house-slave or a servant from enjoying the wine, but priests distributed the gift of Di ysos to all." There was, of course, a sacred, sacramental aspect
to this wine drinking. Dinysos was referred to as Isodaï¿½tï¿½s, "he who distributes equally to all." Even in later ages, slaves were sometimes admitted to Dionysiac
associations, thï¿½asoi.

A form of Dionysiac worship was a mystery religion that has been called Orphism, which emphasized the individual's attainment of rewards in the next life through
secret ritual in this life. This movement was once again encouraged by the populist tyrants, and George Thomson interestingly links it with miners. Greek miners were
usually lower-class peasants and slaves, cut off from most city religion both by low status and geographical location, and they usually lived lives of unspeakable
degradation and suffering. The parallel with Wesley's miners is striking. Many of the abuses these ancient and modern workers were subjected to are similar: we have
children working long hours in dark, poorly ventilated mines, for instance, in both ancient Greece and modern England.

Thus, we have many of our themes in the ancient world: exclusion from the centralized aristocratic cult in the city and popular enthusiastic religion arising among the
lower classes, slaves, and women, outside of the city, as a reaction against the centralized cult.

The Caste System of India

There are also some interesting parallels to this pattern in modern India. There we have socially and religiously institu tionalized outcasts because of the caste system. In
Indian culture, the untouchables, on a level below the lowest castes, are doomed to miserable lives; they are despised by the castes and are denied any kind of social or
economic advancement. Thus it is not surprising that enormous numbers of them have left Hinduism and converted to Christianity, Islam, or Buddhism. "Most of the
Muslims in North India are from lower castes and untouchables."

In India, as well, we find the outcast excluded from religious buildings and worship. "In Southern India, whole castes have been known to become Muslims because the
Brahmans would not allow them to enter Hindu temples, and compelled them to wor ship outside." Exclusion from temples is commonplace for the untouchable:

[The depressed classes] are snubbed and repressed on all public occasions; are refused admission even to the temples of their gods. . . . Any attempts which they may
make to educate themselves or their children are actively discouraged by the classes above them; caste-restrictions prevent them from quitting the toilsome, uncertain
and undignified means of subsistence to which custom has condemned them, and taking to a handicraft or a trade. . . . As a Hindu, you won't touch him [an
untouchable]; you would not let him sit on the same carpet with you, you would not offer him water in your cups. . . . You would not let him enter your temples.

Thus the poor, the "filthy" in upper-class eyes, is excluded from the place of worship by religious figures of the highest caste. Outraged at this religious discrimination,
the poor outcasts turn to a more accepting religion.

This kind of conversion in turn fuels more outrage among the Hindu majority, both for religious and economic reasons.

Hindus were agitated because the age-old slaves who provided cheap labour . . . had challenged the authority of their religion. . . . While remaining within the Hindu
fold the Untouchables remained disunited, subservient and exploitable, [but] conversion would give them unity. While remaining Hindu, they had no friends. After
conversion they would have friends and allies [within their new religion]. [Among the Hindus,] moneylender, trader, merchant, priestï¿½-all would suffer. So they all
combined to make propaganda and to use all possible means to keep them [the depressed classes] within the Hindu fold.

One remembers the Zoramite outrage at the defection of their poor, whom they had excluded as filth, to Alma's people; and the callous Victorian complaint that coal
production would decrease because of Wesley's preaching. For the same reasons, Hindu persecution of converts to Islam has been a problem in India.

According to Bhagwan Das, in another interesting example of the exclusion of untouchables from a temple, "the Untouchables had launched an agitation at Vaikom for
the right to walk on the road some fifty yards away from the temple, which under the existing law and practice they were not allowed to use." In this case, they do
not even agitate to enter the temple; they merely desire to use a road that goes near the temple.

Religious exclusion induces conversion in another way. Sometimes Hindus of upper or middle castes suffer great sickness and distress; they are given treatment by
Muslims, and accept food and water from them, which transgresses Hindu caste law. As a result, their caste excommunicates them. Thrown into the horrible no-man's-
land of caste excommunication in India, they turn to Islam.

These details from our own century remind one uncannily of the Pharisees in Christ's day with their obsessive concern for ritual and racial purity. The doctoring Muslims
remind one of the Good Samaritan.

Early Christianity

We may now turn to early Christianity. There the theme of the spiritual outcast is present, though it is not as overt as in the Book of Mormon. First of all, in the gospels,
we have the exclusive, centralized city cult tended by the Sadduceans, who were in charge of the priesthood linked to the Jerusalem temple. Then we have the
Pharisees, who prized ritual purity at all costs. Thus, "the supreme religious duty for contemporary Judaism was to keep away from sinners." "A Pharisee does not dwell
with them [the ignorant, the sinner] as a guest, nor does he entertain one of them at home in his garments." "But this crowd, which does not know the law-ï¿½they
are accursed" (John 7:49; New Revised Standard Version).

Thus Jesus' teaching "was a slap in the face to all the religious feelings of the time." His disciples included publicans (generally extortionate and dishonest toll or tax
collectors), sinners, prostitutes, and the uneducated (Mark 2:16; Matt. 21:32; Matt. 11:25). Publicans especially were outcasts: "if they had belonged to a Pharisaic
community before they entered office [i.e., became a publican], they were expelled."

Jesus' followers were also characterized as poor: in Luke's version of the first beatitude, we read, "Blessed are the poor [ptï¿½khoï¿½], for yours is the kingdom of
God" (Luke 6:20). The corresponding woe is, "But woe to you that are rich, for you have received your consolation" (Luke 6:24). Interestingly, the Dead Sea Scroll
people referred to themselves as "the poor." After a potential convert avows that he has kept the commandments since youth, Christ instructs him to sell his
possessions, give the money to the poor, and follow him. This rich man "went away sorrowful." Christ then remarked to the apostles that it was difficult for the rich to
be saved. Christ, after describing his healings to John, summarizes his entire teaching thus: "the poor have good news preached to them [ptï¿½khoï¿½
euaggelï¿½zontai]" (Luke 7:22). The phrase that follows this has great meaning: "And blessed is he who takes no offense at me" (Luke 7:23). As Jeremias points out,
Christ's ministry to the poor, the uneducated, the religious outcasts, such as publicans and prostitutes (Matt. 21:31), caused great offense among the Sadducees and
Pharisees.
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It is only in this context that we see what a "slap in the face" the parable of the good Samaritan (Luke 10:25-37) is. The Samaritan was racially impureï¿½-half Gentile,
half Israelite; he worshipped at a different temple, a rival of the Jerusalem temple. His religion was half pagan, half Jewish, a blasphemous mongrel religion to the
ultraorthodox Pharisees. So Jews despised such people. Yet when the traveller is wounded, perhaps close to death, a priest and a Levite pass him byï¿½-afraid of
be saved. Christ, after describing his healings to John, summarizes his entire teaching thus: "the poor have good news preached to them [ptï¿½khoï¿½
euaggelï¿½zontai]" (Luke 7:22). The phrase that follows this has great meaning: "And blessed is he who takes no offense at me" (Luke 7:23). As Jeremias points out,
Christ's ministry to the poor, the uneducated, the religious outcasts, such as publicans and prostitutes (Matt. 21:31), caused great offense among the Sadducees and
Pharisees.

It is only in this context that we see what a "slap in the face" the parable of the good Samaritan (Luke 10:25-37) is. The Samaritan was racially impureï¿½-half Gentile,
half Israelite; he worshipped at a different temple, a rival of the Jerusalem temple. His religion was half pagan, half Jewish, a blasphemous mongrel religion to the
ultraorthodox Pharisees. So Jews despised such people. Yet when the traveller is wounded, perhaps close to death, a priest and a Levite pass him byï¿½-afraid of
sustaining possible ritual impurity upon contact if the man were dead, in addition, perhaps, to simply being in a hurry-ï¿½and the racially, religiously impure Samaritan
cares for his wounds. It is the outcast who shows "mercy," who is the "neighbor," who is in fact spiritually righteous. One can imagine how offensive this story was to
the priests and Levites of Jesus' day. Translating such a parable into our culture, it is as if a stake president or a bishop passed by such a victim because he was late for
a session at the temple or a ward planning meeting, and an excommunicant Mormon cared for him.

The parable of the rich man and Lazarus (Luke 16:19-31) explicitly contrasts the miserable outcast state of the poor and the heedless rich and shows the stark spiritual
contrast between the two men. A sumptuously dressed rich man feasts every day, and "At his gate, covered with sores, lay a poor man named Lazarus, who would
have been glad to satisfy his hunger with the scraps from the rich man's table. Even the dogs used to come and lick his sores." The beggar dies and ends up in the
"bosom of Abraham"; the rich man dies and "looks up in torment," "in agony in this fire." T. W. Manson associates this parable with a section in Luke that he calls "The
Gospel of the Outcast."

According to Jeremias, one of Jesus' greatest offenses was table fellowship with religious outcasts. "Jesus invited them [sinners and tax collectors] into his house (Luke
15:2 prosdï¿½khetai) and reclined at table with them (Mark 2:15f. par.) in festive meals." "In the east, even today, to invite a man to a meal was an honour. It was an
offer of peace, trust, brotherhood and forgiveness." But table fellowship also means "fellowship before God."

Thus Jesus' meals with the publicans and sinners, too, are not only events on a social level, not only an expression of his unusual humanity and social generosity and his
sympathy with those who were despised, but had an even deeper significance. They are an expression of the mission and message of Jesus (Mark 2:17), eschatological
meals, anticipatory celebrations of the feast in the end-time (Matt. 8:11 par.), in which the community of the saints is already being represented (Mark 2:19). The
inclusion of sinners in the community of salvation, achieved in table-fellowship, is the most meaningful expression of the message of the redeeming love of God.

Jesus once lodged openly with the chief publican in Jericho (Luke 19:2-5) and included publicans in his twelve apostles (Levi-ï¿½possibly the same person as
Matthew). As the Luke 19 passage shows, however, Christ did not encourage the sinner in his sins, but associated with him to bring him to repentance. In many
parables, the repentant sinner, who still feels that he is a sinner, is more righteous than the devoted religionist who feels he has never sinned (Luke 18:9-14;15:11-32).

Jesus often preached to crowds in the open air, in the tradition of Alma and Wesleyï¿½-thus the "sermon on the mount," the "sermon on the plain" (Matt. 5:1; Luke
6:17). Of course, he also taught in synagogues (Matt. 9:35) on at least one occasion he was forcibly cast out of a synagogue by an enraged congregation (Luke 4:29).
The incident of Paul's arrest for profaning the temple also comes to mind ("they seized Paul and dragged him out of the temple"; Acts 21:30).

In the early church after Christ's death, Gentiles were wel comed into the Christian community, an event that was difficult for many Jewish Christians to accept (Gal.
2:12). The Lord's Supper, communion, became an important ritual act that required social, racial oneness, because it required Jew to eat with Gentile. Early Christian
table fellowship was the antithesis of the ritual exclusivity of the Pharisee.

The poor continued to be a major component of the early Christian church. However, recent scholarship has shown that the church also attracted a cross-section of
society, middle and upper middle class and some rich. But unlike competing religious groups, the cross-section of society functioned together. Rich and poor,
aristocrat and slave, sat down at the table of the Lord's supper together. In Hellenistic religious associations, typically, the upper classes would exclude the lower, and
the lower classes had their own separate religious associations. In an apparent exception, a Dionysiac association, we do find senators rubbing shoulders with freedmen
and slaves; but the freedmen and slaves are the senators' specific clients.

E. R. Dodds, in his analysis of the reasons for the success of Christianity, writes,

Christianity was open to all. . . . It accepted the manual worker, the slave, the outcast, the ex-criminal; and though in the course of our period it developed a strong
hierarchic structure, its hierarchy offered an open career to talent. . . . In the second century, the Christian Church was still largely (though with many exceptions) an
army of the disinherited.

In later centuries, of course, Christianity became the state religion, and thus attracted a whole aristocratic structure into it. Such a transformation-ï¿½bringing with it fine
buildings, fine clothes, political power, etc.-ï¿½would change the nature of the church unalterably, of course.

Implications

I will now look at some of the implications of this pattern for Latter-day Saints today. First, a follower of Christ votes, chooses candidates, issues, or parties; concern
for the poor and oppressed of this and all nations should be a major factor in his decisions. The only Christian Republican or Democrat is obviously the one who is
sincerely concerned with helping the poor, the minorities, the disadvantaged.

In addition, our pattern shows that if we are affluent, well-educated, part of the racial majority, urban, and have easy access to the true church, we are in particular
danger. The Book of Mormon shows us that the pride cycle is always at work on church members. It is an inevitable process, though individuals may resist it.
Certainly, the rich and educated are not automati cally wicked, just as they are not automatically righteous. In the Book of Mormon's pride cycle, the righteous tend to
become rich because they are industrious, honest, living in harmony with God's laws, peaceable. But then they tend to become caught up in their possessions: pride,
expensive buildings and clothes, stark social divisions, spiritual and governmental disintegration follow (capitalism, carried out in an inhumane way, can be a factor in the
spiral of the pride cycle outlined there. It can also be administered in a constructive, humane way also, obviously.) Though richness is a characteristic of both up and
down sides of the pride cycle, the rich are in motion toward spiritual danger. The tendency for the well-to-do to fill church positionsï¿½-natural because the wealthy
are often good managers and have some educationï¿½-nevertheless has some ambiguity in it.

An obvious implication of the pattern I've discussed is that we should be careful not to exclude the poor, the apparent sinner, the racial minority from our communities
or our buildings of worship. A subtle way of excluding the poor, the sinner, the racial minority, is by simply ignoring them. One of the great Christian acts of the Book of
Mormon is the mission of the sons of Mosiah to the Lamanites. Ironically, not too many years after that event, a Lamanite prophet would stand on the walls of a
Nephite city and call the Nephites to repentance.

Appendix a
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I will look briefly at the Dead Sea Scrolls community, who may perhaps be identified with the Essenes. The founder-prophet of the sect, the Teacher of Righteousness,
a priest, was persecuted by a "Wicked Priest"; this evil man persecuted the Teacher's followers, too. So perhaps they were forced from the city and into the
wilderness.
Nephite city and call the Nephites to repentance.

Appendix a

I will look briefly at the Dead Sea Scrolls community, who may perhaps be identified with the Essenes. The founder-prophet of the sect, the Teacher of Righteousness,
a priest, was persecuted by a "Wicked Priest"; this evil man persecuted the Teacher's followers, too. So perhaps they were forced from the city and into the
wilderness.

As has been mentioned previously, the Dead Sea Scroll people sometimes referred to themselves as "the poor."           Evidently, they practiced a form of
communitarianism, as did the early Christians.

But the Essenes are problematic for our pattern since they themselves willingly left the city, with its corrupt priesthood tending the temple, to join a community in the
wilderness. Thus they are not despised outcasts in this sense, but they themselves are rejecting and despising the centralized worship. However, it appears that they
were indeed "poor," and that they were some times excluded from the temple cult. Josephus writes, "They do not offer sacrifices, because they have more pure
lustrations of their own; on which account, they are excluded from the common court of the temple." It is interesting that John the Baptist may have had Dead
Sea/Essene ties, and that he came from a priestly lineage on both sides of his family. Was he barred from practicing as priest?

In some ways, the Essenes seem the opposite of our pattern, for they were ritually very exclusive, legalistic and judgmental.     Sometimes they appear to have more in
common with the Pharisees than with Jesus, who continually taught the spirit of the law over pure legalism.

   Thomas O'Dea, The Mormons (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 33. As most of the wars in the Book of Mormon pit Nephite against Lamanite, O'Dea
characterizes the Nephites as the "good guys" and the Lamanites as the "bad guys." Hugh Nibley skillfully demolished O'Dea's unfortunate sentence in "Good Guys and
Bad Guys," in Since Cumorah, vol. 7 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 378-81. On an individual level,
there are good and bad men in the Book of Mormon, but even here, as Nibley points out, many good men have faults and moral complexities.

  We know very little about the Amalekites. But Amaleki is a Nephite name (Omni 1:12, Mosiah 7:6), and the Amalekites are linked with the Nephite/Lamanite
Amulonites (Alma 24:1). They live among the Lamanites, yet are distinguished from them (Alma 21:16). Probably, they were Nephites who intermarried with
Lamanites.

  Tsui Chi, A Short History of Chinese Civilization (New York: Putnams, 1943), 42.

  See a convincing account of ritual torture and cannibalism, men killing women, in Moro. 9:10.

  One is reminded of the Greek ritual scapegoat, the pharmaks who was called akï¿½tharma "filthiness, offscouring, that which is thrown away in cleansing." See
Scholion on Aristophanes,Plutus 454; Walter Burkert, tructure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual ((Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 59-77.

  The righteous can also be prosperous, of course; but in the pride cycle, richness is always a sign of approaching decadence. Alma 4:6: they "began to wax proud
because of their exceeding riches."

  E.g., Hugh Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3d ed., vol. 6 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S.,
1988), 135; Nibley, Since Cumorah, 264.

   John Pudney, John Wesley and His Work (London: Thames & Hudson, 1978), 63-64.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 64.

  Ibid., 64-71.

  Ibid., 71.

  David D. Wilson, Many Waters Cannot Quench (London: Epworth, 1969), 28-29.

  Pudney, John Wesley, 77.

 See Richard Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 54, for Joseph Smith's leanings toward
Methodism.

  JD 7:5; 5:129; 12:94-95; 11:126. There are many other positive references to Wesley in the Journal of Discourses; cf. Marvin Hill, Quest for Refuge (Salt Lake
City: Signature Books, 1989), 16-17.

  Eric R. Dodds, Euripides, Bacchae (Oxford: Clarendon, 1960), 128; cf. Louis Gernet and Andrï¿½ Boulanger, Le gï¿½nie grec dans la religion (Paris: La
Renaissance du livre, 1932), 124.

   E.g., Peisistratos of Athens and his sons (Herodotus I, 8; VI, 140; Herbert W. Parke, Festivals of the Athenians [Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977], 125-
26; Donald S. Robertson, Greek and Roman Architecture [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1929], 169), Periandros of Corinth (Herodotus I, 23-24; Arion
invents the Dionysiac dithyramb under this tyrant's auspices), Kleisthenes of Sicyon (Herodotus V, 67-73). See George Thomson, Aeschylus and Athens, 3d ed.
(London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1968), 141; George Thomson, Aeschylus and Athens, 2d ed. (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1946), 120, 151-54; Walter Burkert,
Greek Religion (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985) 290-91.

  Burkert, Greek Religion, 291; cf. Aristotle, Politics VI, 2, 11 (1319b)ï¿½In a democracy, "Fresh tribes and brotherhoods should be established; the private rites of
families should be restricted and converted into public ones." "The measures which are taken by tyrants appear all of them to be democratic" (tr. Benjamin Jowett).

  Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (hereafter CIL), 2d ed. (Berlin: Apud Georgium Reimerum, 1918), vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 437, #581, translation in E. H. Warmington,
Remains of Old Latin, IV, Archaic Inscriptions (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1940) 255; Alfred Ernout, Recueil du textes latins archaï¿½ques (Paris:
 Copyright (c)
Klincksieck,   2005-2009,
             1966),        Infobase
                    #126; Livy,      Media
                                Ab Urbe      Corp.XXXIX, 8-19. Cf. W. W. Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London: Macmillan,
                                           Condita                                                                                               Page 111     / 919
                                                                                                                                                           1911),
348.
families should be restricted and converted into public ones." "The measures which are taken by tyrants appear all of them to be democratic" (tr. Benjamin Jowett).

  Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (hereafter CIL), 2d ed. (Berlin: Apud Georgium Reimerum, 1918), vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 437, #581, translation in E. H. Warmington,
Remains of Old Latin, IV, Archaic Inscriptions (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1940) 255; Alfred Ernout, Recueil du textes latins archaï¿½ques (Paris:
Klincksieck, 1966), #126; Livy, Ab Urbe Condita XXXIX, 8-19. Cf. W. W. Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London: Macmillan, 1911),
348.

   Plutarch, On Love of Wealth (De Cupiditate Divitiarum) 8 (527d). Plutarch goes on to contrast the aristocratic nature of the festival in his day: "vessels of gold
carried past, expensive clothing, carriages driven by. . ."

  Scholiast on Hesiod, Works and Days 368, from Plutarch.

  CIL vol. 3, #704 and #7437 (slaves with freedmen are admitted to a bakcheion).

   Thomson, Aeschylus and Athens, 143-44, 149-151; George Thomson, Studies in Greek Society II, the First Philosophers (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1955),
237; George Thomson, Studies in Greek Society I, the Prehistoric Aegean, 2d ed. (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1954), 571-75; see F. Jacoby, ed., Fragmente der
griechischen Historiker (Berlin: n.p., 1923- ), 1:385; 4:646, and s.v. "Atthï¿½s"; Philochorus, 78, describes a shrine of Dionysus in a mining village.

  See Xenophon, De Vectigalibus IV, 14-15.

   We have frightening passages from Diodorus Siculus (III, 11) that are probably applicable to all ancient mining: children, the sick and weak, are driven at hard labor
by the lash until they die in their tracks, creating enormous profits for their masters. During the Peloponnesian War, 20,000 slaves, many of whom were likely miners,
deserted from the Athenians to the Spartans (Thucydides VII, 27, cf. Hellenica Oxyrhynchia XII, 4), a pathetic exercise in futility, for the Spartans did not treat their
slaves with any great mercy. This is the dark side of the great Athenian democracy. See also Thomson, Aeschylus and Athens, 149-51; Thomas More, Utopia Book 1.

   Buddhism originally rejected the caste system, Peter A. Pardue, Buddhism: A Historical Introduction to Buddhist Values and the Social and Political Forms They
Have Assumed in Asia (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 29-32; Sutta Nipata verse 136, trans. H. Saddhatissa (London: Curzon, 1985), 14-15; Thus Have I Heard . . .
Digha Nikaya III. 80-95, trans. Maurice Walshe (London: Wisdom Publications, 1987), 407-17; Further Dialogues of the Buddha (Majjhima Nikaya) II, 147-57,
trans. Lord Chalmers (London: Oxford University Press, 1927), 2:84-89. Later, it reinforced the caste system, Pardue, Buddhism, 44; cf. Edward Conze, Buddhism
(Hew York: Harper and Row, 1975), 33; Christmas Humphreys, A Buddhist Student's Manual (London: Buddhist Society, 1956), 191-260.

  Boris Klyuev, Religion in Indian Society (New Delhi: Sterling, 1989), 114-15.

  Lala L. Rai, "The Depressed Classes," in Devendra Swamp, ed., Politics of Conversion (Delhi: Deendayal Research Institute, 1986), 304.

  Rai, "Depressed Classes," 304-5, 302.

  Bhagwan Das, "Ambedkar's Journey to Mass Conversion," in Swarup, Politics of Conversion, 319.

  Rai, "Depressed Classes," 305.

  Das, "Ambedkar's Journey," 308.

  Rai, "Depressed Classes," 304.

  Joachim Jeremias, New Testament Theology: The Proclamation of Jesus, trans. John Bowden (London: SCM, 1971), 118.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 111 n. 2.

  Commentary on Habukkuk (1QpHab) 12:3, 6, 10; Commentary on Psalms (4QpPs37) 2:10; The War Scroll (1QM) 11:9, cf. William S. LaSor, The Dead Sea
Scrolls and the New Testament (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1972), 60-62; Frank Moore Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies, rev.
ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1980), 84-85; see n. 49 and Appendix A.

  Mark 10:17-31 with parallels. In the Gospel of the Hebrews , Christ adds, "And look, many of thy brethren, sons of Abraham, are clad in dirt and dying of hunger,
while your house is full of many possessions, and never a gift comes from it to them" (Latin version of Origen on Matthew, ad Matt. 19:16-30) cf. M. R. James, The
Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1953), 6.

  See Joseph Fitzmyer, The Gospel according to Luke X-XXIV (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1985), 887.

  Thomas W. Manson, The Sayings of Jesus as Recorded in the Gospels . . . (London: SCM, 1971), 282; cf. John Crossan, The Historical Jesus (San Francisco:
Harper, 1991), 270-77.

  Jeremias, New Testament Theology, 115.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  See Joachim Jeremias, The Eucharistic Words of Jesus (London: SCM, 1966), 204-6; S. Scott Bartchy, "Table Fellowship with Jesus and the 'Lord's Meal' at
Corinth," in Robert J. Owens, Jr., and Barbara Hamm, eds., Increase in Learning: Essays in Honor of James G. Van Buren (Manhattan, KS: Manhattan Christian
College, 1979), 45-61.

  Wayne Meeks, The First Urban Christians (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), 72-73.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
  Roman society has been characterized as a steep pyramid with the rich on top, Ramsay MacMullen, Roman Social Relations (New Haven: YalePage  112Press,
                                                                                                                                          University / 919
1974), 88-120.
College, 1979), 45-61.

  Wayne Meeks, The First Urban Christians (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), 72-73.

  Roman society has been characterized as a steep pyramid with the rich on top, Ramsay MacMullen, Roman Social Relations (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1974), 88-120.

  See John Gager, Kingdom and Community (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1975), 99; Abraham Malherbe, Social Aspects of Early Christianity (Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State Univiversity Press, 1977), 87; E. A. Judge, Social Pattern of Christian Groups (London: Tyndale, 1960), 60l; Henneke Gï¿½lzow, "Soziale
Gegebenheiten der altkirchlichen Mission," in Die alte Kirche (Munich: Kaiser, 1974), vol. 1 of Heinzgï¿½nter Frohnes and Uwe Knorr, eds., Kirchengeschichte als
Missionsgeschichte, 194-200.

   Eric R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety (Cambridge: Cambridge Univeristy Press, 1965), 134. See Justin, Apology II, 10, 8; Athenagoras,
Legatio pro Christianis XI, 3; Tatian, Oratio XXXII, 1; Minucius Felix, Octavius VIII, 4; XII, 7; Origen, Contra Celsum I, 27. See also A. H. M. Jones, "Social
Background of the Struggle between Paganism and Christianity," in Arnaldo Momigliano, The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), 37. For miners in early Christianity, see Adolf von Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries
(Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1972, orig. 1902), 164-65. In Apostolic Constitutions 5:1, we read, "If any Christian is condemned for Christ's sake . . . to the mines
[eis . . . mï¿½tallon] by the ungodly, do not overlook him, but from the proceeds of your toil and sweat send him something to support himself and to reward the
soldiers." A church was organized in the mines at Phaeno; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica VIII, 13, 5. For early Christian charity in general, see Harnack, Mission and
Expansion, 147-98.

   Cf. Paul Johnson, A History of Christianity (New York: Athenaeum, 1976), 76-79. According to Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History XXVII, 3, the bishops of
Rome "are free from money worries, . . . riding in carriages, dressing splendidly, feasting luxuriantly," quoted in Johnson, History of Christianity, 77. For the transition
from religion of poverty and equality to religion of wealth and class division, cf. n. 21 above (Dionysiac); n. 27 above (Buddhism). The monastic groups devoted to the
idea of poverty who become extremely wealthy and politically powerful orders in a few generations are fascinating case histories; cf. Johnson, History of Christianity,
144-50. See an unpublished paper by Rand Johnson on this subjectï¿½-he shows a series of primitivistic reformations by a few who have the ideal of poverty. These
develop institutionalization, eventually creating wealth and power in the monastic group, which requires another reformation to primitive Christian poverty. The pride
cycle in the Book of Mormon shows that every culture and civilization, especially the righteous, are subject to this danger.

  See n. 6 above.

  These are complex issues, a full discussion of which is outside of the compass of this short paper.

  Commentary on the Psalms (4QpPs37) 2:15-16; LaSor, Dead Sea Scrolls, 120.

  Qumran Commentary on Habakkuk (1QpHab) 11:4-8; LaSor, Dead Sea Scrolls, 107; persecution of the sect Qumran Commentary on Habakkuk (1QpHab)
11:5; 12:6.

  Qumran Commentary on Habakkuk (1QpHab) 12:3, 6, 10; Commentary on the Psalms (4QpPs37) 2:10; The War Scroll (1QM) 11:9, cf. LaSor, The Dead Sea
Scrolls 60-62; Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran, 84-85.

   The Community Rule (1QS) 6:17-22; 1:11-13; 6:2-3; Josephus, Antiquities XVIII, 1, 5; Wars II, 8, 3: "These men are despisers of riches . . . nor is there any one
to be found among them who hath more than another," tr. Whiston; Philo, Every Good Man 26; Acts 4:32; Robert Grant, Early Christianity and Society (San
Francisco: Harper & Row, 1977), 100; LaSor, Dead Sea Scrolls, 53, 60, 133; cf. 4 Ne. 3; Moses 7:18; D&C 49:20.

  Josephus, Antiquities XVIII, 1, 5.

   Luke 1:80, he was raised in the wilderness; he later preached in the wilderness, Matt. 3:1. See Cross, Ancient Library, 204n; LaSor, Dead Sea Scrolls, 142-53.

  See Yigael Yadin, The Temple Scroll: The Hidden Law of the Dead Sea Sect (New York: Random House, 1985), and Johann Maier, trans. and comm., The
Temple Scroll, trans. Richard White (Sheffield, England: JSOT, 1985).

Basic Methodological Problems With the Anti
Mormon Approach to the Geography and Archaeology of the Book of Mormon <
William J. Hamblin

Abstract: Anti-Mormon criticisms of the Book of Mormon are frequently based on a questionable set of assumptions concerning the nature of historical and
archaeological evidence, the role of governing presuppositions, and the nature of historical proof. Using arguments found in a recent anti-Mormon critique by Luke
Wilson as a foundation, this article analyzes issues of the difficulties of reconstructing ancient geographies, problems with the discontinuity of Mesoamerican toponyms,
the historical development of the idea of a Limited Geography Model, and difficulties of textual and artifactual interpretation when trying to relate the Book of Mormon
to archaeological remains.

Most anti-Mormon attacks on the authenticity of the Book of Mormon suffer from several severe logical flaws. The authors are inadequately informed about Latter-day
Saint history, doctrine, and scripture; they have not read the text of the Book of Mormon carefully; they distort both what the text of the Book of Mormon says and the
variety of Latter-day Saint interpretations of the text; they attempt to make all Latter-day Saint scholars responsible for the private opinions of some Latter-day Saint
authors or General Authorities; and they frequently argue solely from the authority of selected authors or scholars, rather than providing evidence, analysis, and
argumentation to support their case. They seldom advance the discussion by dealing with current Latter-day Saint thinking on the matter, being content instead to rely
on an ad nauseam repetition of anti-Mormon arguments, many of which have been around-ï¿½and have had adequate Latter-day Saint responses-ï¿½for over a
century.

Luke P. Wilson's recent review of Book of Mormon ar chaeology suffers from many of these flaws. His major advance over most previous anti-Mormon assaults is
that the tone of his writing is neither hysterically antagonistic nor arrogantly conde scending. Nonetheless, I found only one statement in his entire article with which I
could wholeheartedly agree, "there are limits to what archaeology can investigate" (2a). Unfortunately, Mr. Wilson does not seem to have borne this important principle
in mind while writing his article. Although this article will address the main issues that Wilson raises, the general discussion is relevant to many anti-Mormon criticisms.

Geographical Issues
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The Problem of Reconstructing Ancient Geographies
in mind while writing his article. Although this article will address the main issues that Wilson raises, the general discussion is relevant to many anti-Mormon criticisms.

Geographical Issues

The Problem of Reconstructing Ancient Geographies

Wilson first strives to discredit the Book of Mormon by unfavorably comparing the present state of knowledge about ancient Nephite sites with the state of knowledge
about biblical sites. He begins his discussion of Book of Mormon geography by proclaiming that "one might expect that determining the geo graphical setting of the
Book of Mormon lands would be a fairly simple undertaking" (2a). He provides no evidence or analysis to indicate why this dubious assumption should be accepted. In
fact, quite the opposite is true. There are several notable examples where precise reconstruction of archaic geographies has proven difficult if not impossible.

The Bible itself is a case in point. For example, modern sites for only 55 per cent of the place names mentioned in the Bible have been identified ï¿½-and this from the
most carefully scrutinized and studied book in the world. For example, where is Mt. Sinai? There are over twenty candidates. What is the route taken by the
Israelites in the Exodus? Again, there are many different theories. These and many other issues of biblical geography are all hotly disputed. Furthermore, the fact that
there is widespread agreement on many questions of geography is simply an indication that scholarly consensus has been achieved but not necessarily that the
consensus is correct.

The reconstruction of ancient western Anatolian geography also faces problems. "The geography of western Anatolia in the second millennium B.C. has for long been a
subject of considerable dispute." The two major alternatives, as shown in the maps provided by Macqueen, have the same regions and locations over three hundred
kilometers apart and are directionally skewed. Furthermore, the region where the province of Arzawa is fre quently thought to have been, "so far[show[s] no sign at
all of settled occupation during the Hittite period." Thus, despite a hundred and twenty years of archaeological and philological investigation, no certain geography for
western Anatolia during this period can be determined, and archaeological evidence cannot be fully reconciled with Hittite textual data.

While all scholars now agree that the Norsemen did indeed discover and temporarily colonize North America in the eleventh century, the precise location of the
"Vinland" of the sagas is hotly disputed with nearly a dozen candidates ranging between "Hudson Bay and the state of Florida." If precise geographical unanimity
cannot be reached by scholars in these and many other areas, why should the analysis of Book of Mormon geography be "a fairly simple matter"?

In fact, comparing the current state of geographical knowledge of the Book of Mormon and the Bible is a false analogy. As Professor Aharoni tells us:

In the final analysis the most certain identifications [of biblical place names] are still those dependent upon preservation of the ancient name, albeit with careful
examination of written sources and archaeological data. Out of the approximately 475 place names mentioned in the Bible only about 262 have been identified with any
degree of certainty, i.e., 55 per cent. Of these 190 are based upon preservation of the name, viz. 40 per cent of the over-all total. . . . Only 72 places (15 per cent of
the over-all total) have been identified in situations where the ancient name is not to be found somewhere in the vicinity, of which only about half carry a degree of
certainty, the remainder being more or less conjectural.

In other words, without the continuity of place names between biblical and modern times, only about 36 of the 475 biblical place names could be identified with
certainty. But in fact those 36 are identifiable largely because it is possible to triangulate their relationship to known sites, moving from the known to the unknown. It is
only because there are numerous biblical sites known with certainty through the continuity of place names that these other 36 sites can be located.

The situation in ancient Mesopotamia is precisely the same. "The inscriptions and administrative documents from Presargonic Lagash have left us hundreds of place
names and names of watercourses, yet only a small number can be identified with precision. Others can be put in the general vicinity of some known place, but the vast
majority remain only vaguely situated at best."

In addition to using the Bible, however, archaeologists at tempting to reconstruct biblical geography have the resources of toponyms (place names) from Egyptian
inscriptions, papyri, and Mesopotamian documents. Furthermore, the invaluable Onomasticon of Eusebius (A.D. 260-340) preserves a detailed list of place names
of the Holy Land along with distances between cities. This allows historians to focus within a few kilometers of where an ancient site must have been. In addition, the
biblical toponyms of the Holy Land exhibit linguistic continuity between the three related Semitic languages-ï¿½Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic. There is no reason to
assume that Maya languages, for instance, and Nephite languages were linguistically related. This further disrupts the continuity of toponyms in the New World.

As an example of shifts in the names of cities based on conquest and linguistic changes, we need look no further than Jerusalem. From the Canaanite u-ru-sa-lim
derived the Hebrew Yerushalem or Yerushalayim. The city was also frequently called the City of David, and Zion, giving four common names for Jerusalem in the Old
Testament alone. The Greeks called the city both Ierousalem and Hierosolyma; the Latins retained Hierosolyma. However, following the Roman conquest in A.D. 135,
the emperor Hadrian changed the name to Aelia Capitolina. It retained its identity as Jerusalem only because Christians eventually came to dominate the Roman
Empire and changed the name back. Following the Muslim conquests, however, the city was called Aliya (from the Roman Aelia), Bayt al-Maqdis, or al-Quds, as it
still is by Palestinians today. If Christianity had been exterminated rather than becoming the dominant religion of the Roman empire, what linguistic evidence would we
have that al-Quds of today was the ancient Jerusalem?

Major conquests and cultural or ideological changes could result in the complete transformation of place names. The Greeks renamed all of the major Egyptian cities
with Greek names. For example, the Egyptian Nekhen became the Greek Hierakonopolis, Waset became Thebes or Diospolis Magna, Khmun became Hermopolis,
and Iunu became Heliopolis. Although some of these names represent translations of Egyptian names, in almost no cases is there a phonetic relationship.

Other similar examples abound. Classical Greek Byzantium became Constantinople in the fourth century A.D., and eventually Istanbul in the fifteenth century. The
imperial capital district in the region of modern Baghdad has been known successively as Kish (Sumerian, early third millennium B.C.), Agade (Akkadian, late third
millennium B.C.), Babylon (Babylonian, second and first millennia B.C.), Seleucia (Greek, 312 B.C.-A.D. 164), Ctesiphon or Mada'in (Persian, A.D. 165-636), and,
following the Arab conquest (A.D. 640), Dar al-Salam, and Baghdad.

Thus, discontinuity of toponyms is a common historical occurrence, especially in periods of major cultural, linguistic, and political transformations, similar to those
described in the Book of Mormon itself. We can see just this phenomenon in the Book of Mormon, where the Jaredite hill Ramah is later called the hill Cumorah by the
Nephites (Ether 15:11; Morm. 6:6).

Where continuity of place names, references to biblical to ponyms in nonbiblical sources, and detailed geographical de scriptions such as those of Eusebius and later
Christian, Jewish, and Muslim pilgrims are lacking, attempts to re-create ancient geographies are often plagued with precisely the problems facing western Anatolian
geography, with alternative models locating the same sites hundreds of kilometers apart. Should we be surprised to find that this is precisely the problem facing the
geographer of the Book of Mormon?

A serious problem facing Book of Mormon geography is the severe discontinuity of Mesoamerican toponyms between the Pre-Classic (before c. A.D. 300), the Post-
 Copyright
Classic     (c)A.D.
        (after  2005-2009,
                    900), andInfobase  Media
                               the Colonial   Corp.
                                            Age  (after A.D. 1520). For example, what were the original Pre-Classic Mesoamerican names for sitesPage    114
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Spanish colonial names such as Monte Alban, San Lorenzo, La Venta, or El Mirador? These and many other Mesoamerican sites bear only Spanish names, dating
from no earlier than the sixteenth century. On the other hand, we occa sionally learn from historical sources of Mesoamerican toponyms that we cannot precisely
geographer of the Book of Mormon?

A serious problem facing Book of Mormon geography is the severe discontinuity of Mesoamerican toponyms between the Pre-Classic (before c. A.D. 300), the Post-
Classic (after A.D. 900), and the Colonial Age (after A.D. 1520). For example, what were the original Pre-Classic Mesoamerican names for sites currently bearing
Spanish colonial names such as Monte Alban, San Lorenzo, La Venta, or El Mirador? These and many other Mesoamerican sites bear only Spanish names, dating
from no earlier than the sixteenth century. On the other hand, we occa sionally learn from historical sources of Mesoamerican toponyms that we cannot precisely
correlate with modern sites. For example, the original site of the seventeenth-century Itza Maya town of Tayasal is still disputed between Lake Yaxha and Lake Peten,
despite the existence of much Spanish colonial ethnohistorical information on this location.

Additional problems arise even for those sites that can be located, and for which we have surviving Mesoamerican to ponyms. Most of the indigenous toponymic
material for Mesoamerica comes from four languages: Aztec (Nahuatl), Mixtec, Zapotec, and various dialects of Maya. For each of these languages, the vast majority
of toponyms were recorded only in the sixteenth century, over a thousand years after the Book of Mormon period. Although there is clearly some continuity of place
names between Colonial and Pre-Classic times, it is usually very sparsely documented. For example, of the fifty known Pre-Classic Zapotec toponym glyphs at Monte
Alban II, only "four . . . closely resemble the glyphs for places in the state of Oaxaca given in the [sixteenth-century] Codex Mendoza."

Furthermore, Pre-Classic Mesoamerican inscriptions are relatively rare. Whereas several thousand inscriptions exist from Classic Mesoamerica (A.D. 300-900), Pre-
Classic inscriptions (i.e., from Book of Mormon times) are limited to a few dozen. In addition, the earliest "simple phonetic spelling developed c. A.D. 400" in
Mesoamerica. This means that all Mesoamerican inscriptions from Book of Mormon times are logograms. All surviving inscriptional toponyms from Book of
Mormon times are therefore basically symbolic rather than phonetic, making it very difficult, if not impossible, to know how they were pronounced.

The result is that of the hundreds, if not thousands of Pre-Classic Mesoamerican sites, only a handful can be associated with Pre-Classic Mesoamerican names. Of
these, most are identified by symbolic glyph names rather than phonetic names. "Of the fifty places depicted [on Building J at Monte Alban II, dating from 150 B.C. to
A.D. 150] perhaps twenty can be 'read' in the sense that we know what the hill [place name glyph] was named. . . . Perhaps ten can be matched with actual places
known today."

The problem is further complicated by the fact that Mesoamerican toponyms were often translated between languages rather than transliterated phonetically. Thus, "in
Nahuatl [Aztec] . . . 'Hill of the Bird' is Tototepec (tototl = bird + tepetl = hill) and 'Hill of the Jaguar' is Ocelotepec (ocelotl + tepetl). . . . 'Hill of the Bird' in Mixtec
would be Yucu Dzaa, from yucu (hill) + dzaa (bird); 'Hill of the Jaguar' in Zapotec would be Tani Guebeche, from tani (hill) + guebeche (fierce carnivore)."
Therefore, even for those few sites for which a phonetic reading can be determined, the pronunciation of the glyphs seems to have been language-dependent. A
Zapotec speaker would pronounce the glyph for the place-name of the same site differently than a Mixtec, and both would be different from Nephite pronunciation,
even though all three could theoretically be written with variations of the same glyph.

Problems in determining the ancient pronunciation for Classic Maya toponyms are different, but equally intractable. City names were represented in Maya hieroglyphic
inscriptions by "emblem glyphs." Although these generally include a phonetic component, ahaw ("lord"), the city-name itself was basically symbolic. Indeed, there is a
dispute as to whether the glyphs symbolize the city-name proper, the ruling dynasty of the city, or the patron god of the city. The names of most Classic Maya sites
are simply not preserved. Only "approximately 40 Maya sites (out of the hundreds known) had their own emblem glyphs." Of these, although some permit tentative
phonetic reconstruction, "others are very abstract conventions, making it more difficult to suggest origins, meanings, and phonetic readings." Of those few that can be
given tentative phonetic readings, many do not match the sixteenth-century Maya names. "Some places . . . have kept the same name for 1,500 years, while others . . .
have lost their prehispanic names."

The modern site of Copan may have been pronounced Sutstun or Sutsku in Classic times. The emblem glyph for the modern site of Yaxchilan is called "split-sky" by
modern epigraphers. Its phonetic value is uncertain, but "may have been pronounced caan, 'sky' or caan-na, 'sky-house.' " "The phoentic reading for . . . [the]
emblem glyphs at Palenque may be Bak or Bakan, 'Place of Bones.' " Despite the fact that these sites were three of the most important in the Classic Maya period,
none of the sixteenth-century names is related to the proposed phonetic reading of the Classic emblem glyphs.

Taken together, all of these problems mean that we will most likely never be able to learn the Pre-Classic names for most ancient Mesoamerican sites. Barring further
discoveries, we will therefore never learn from inscriptional evidence how the names of Mesoamerican cities were pronounced in Book of Mormon times.

The reconstruction of Book of Mormon geography thus faces several difficulties not found in biblical geography. In Mesoamerica there is a discontinuity of toponyms,
whereas there is strong continuity in Palestine; inscriptional evidence from Mesoamerica uses symbolic glyphs for cities rather than phonetic transcriptions of the names,
whereas inscriptional evidence in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Palestine usually contains a phonetic component; and finally, there is no Pre-Classic onomasticon (place-
name list) for Mesoamerica, whereas Palestine has Eusebius's detailed Onomasticon, as well as those of later pil grims. These items allow historians to create a map
grid based both on names and distances between sites for key biblical to ponyms. As noted above, a more accurate comparison to Book of Mormon geography is that
for Bronze Age western Anatolia, where similar problems of reconstruction exist. Thus, while Wilson's point that biblical geography is better documented than Book of
Mormon geography is readily conceded, that point by no means proves that the Book of Mormon is ahistorical, as Wilson concludes.

Is There an Official Latter-day Saint Geography of the Book of Mormon?

Having falsely assertedï¿½-without any evidence or analysis-ï¿½that the question of the precise location of Book of Mormon geography should be an easy matter to
resolve, Wilson next goes on to misrepresent the history of the debate in the Latter-day Saint community concerning Book of Mormon geography. He pits the
"traditional teaching of the LDS Church" against the "theories of modern Mormon scholars" (2a), but he fails to demonstrate either that there is an official Latter-day
Saint position on Book of Mormon geography, or that there ever was a unanimously accepted "traditional" position.

Wilson's slipshod and inadequate approach to the study of Book of Mormon geography is demonstrated by his failure to utilize three of the four most important recent
Latter-day Saint works on Book of Mormon geographyï¿½-John Sorenson's The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book (1990), John Clark's "A
Key for Evaluating Nephite Geographies" (1989), and David Palmer's In Search of Cumorah (1981), despite the fact that all of these works had been available for at
least two years before the publication of Wilson's article. The result is that Wilson's description is not only seriously flawed but fundamentally inaccurate.

As Sorenson has demonstrated, there have been two major models for the macrogeography of the Book of Mormon. The Hemispheric Geography Model places
the "narrow neck of land" at the isthmus of Panama, with the "land northward" being North America and the "land southward" being South America. The Limited
Geography Model places the "narrow neck of land" at the isthmus of Teohuantepec, with the "land northward" being central Mexico and the "land southward" being
generally Guatemala and southeastern Mexico. Neither of these theories is put forward as revelation or official doctrine. "The Church has not taken an official
position with regard to location of geographical places [of the Book of Mormon]." This has been true for at least a century. George Q. Cannon, a member of the
First Presidency, wrote in 1890, "The First Presidency have often been asked to prepare some suggestive map illustrative of Nephite geography, but have never
consented to do so. Nor are we acquainted with any of the Twelve Apostles who would undertake such a task. The reason is, that without further information they are
not prepared(c)
 Copyright    even to suggest."
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Origin of the Hemispheric Geography Model
generally Guatemala and southeastern Mexico. Neither of these theories is put forward as revelation or official doctrine. "The Church has not taken an official
position with regard to location of geographical places [of the Book of Mormon]." This has been true for at least a century. George Q. Cannon, a member of the
First Presidency, wrote in 1890, "The First Presidency have often been asked to prepare some suggestive map illustrative of Nephite geography, but have never
consented to do so. Nor are we acquainted with any of the Twelve Apostles who would undertake such a task. The reason is, that without further information they are
not prepared even to suggest."

Origin of the Hemispheric Geography Model

While it is true that the Hemispheric Geography Model was predominant in the minds of most Latter-day Saints during the early decades of the Church,             Wilson's
presentation of the issue is distorted.

Wilson attempts to make Joseph Smith responsible for the Hemispheric Geography Model by claiming that he "located the Hill Cumorah . . . in Palmyra, New
York" (2a), an assertion for which Wilson, once again, provides no evidence. In fact, the earliest explicit correlation of the hill in New York where Joseph Smith
found the golden plates and the Hill Cumorah mentioned in the Book of Mormon comes not from Joseph Smith, but from Oliver Cowdery. Joseph Smith simply
describes "a hill of considerable size"; no name is given. But even though Joseph Smith may have accepted this identification, it was never put forward as revelation,
and, as will be discussed below, Joseph also supported a version of the Limited Geography Model.

It is interesting to note that this identification contradicts a statement in the Book of Mormon itself. Mormon wrote, "having been commanded of the Lord that I should
not suffer the records which had been handed down by our fathers, which were sacred, to fall into the hands of the Lamanites (for the Lamanites would destroy them)
therefore I made this record [the Book of Mormon] out of the plates of Nephi, and hid up in the hill Cumorah all the records which had been entrusted to me by the
hand of the Lord, save it were these few plates [the Book of Mormon] which I gave unto my son Moroni" (Morm. 6:6). In other words, the Book of Mormon explicitly
states that the records hidden in the Mesoamerican Cumorah were not the plates of the Book of Mormon, but were the other records of the Nephites. The Book of
Mormon itself provides no name for the hill in which the golden plates found by Joseph Smith were buried.

This issue poses an interesting dilemma for critics of the Book of Mormon. We are expected to believe that, on the one hand, Joseph consciously forged the Book of
Mormon, while, on the other hand, he personally identified the hill in which the golden plates were buried as the Hill Cumorah-ï¿½the only hill in the world in which the
Book of Mormon explicitly states the plates were not buried! This is another manifestation of what I call the "Idiot Savant" theory of the origin of the Book of Mormon.
Anti-Mormons typically hold that Joseph was an incompetent country bumpkin who was so illiterate regarding the Bible that he was unaware that Christ was born in
Bethlehem, and yet at the same time he is supposed to be capable of forging a complex document exhibiting hundreds of intricate and significant parallels with the
ancient Near East and Mesoamerica. Critics of the Book of Mormon simply can't have it both ways. They must be able to construct a consistent model which can
explain all of the known data concerning the origin and text of the Book of Mormon. It is not sufficient simply to invent a haphazard collection of contra dictory and
inconsistent explanations for individual features of the text. As has been demonstrated in detail, the Book of Mormon is completely consistent internally in presenting a
limited geography. Such a discontinuity between what the text of the Book of Mormon actually says and what Joseph personally may have believed about the
geography and antiquities of the Book of Mormon is very illuminating. If Joseph Smith is the originator of, or a believer in, the Hemispheric Geography Model as the
anti-Mormons claim, he could not consistently be the author of the Book of Mormon.

Wilson also claims that "Joseph Smith identified the coast of Chile as the place where Lehi's party arrived in the New World" (2a). In fact, this statement is based not
on the writings of Joseph Smith, but on Frederick G. Williams's interpretation of an anonymous manuscript, which Williams believed derived from Joseph Smith; this
statement did not appear in print until 1882. Much of the subsequent attribution of the Hemispheric Geography Model to Joseph Smithï¿½-and thereby the acceptance
of that model by Latter-day Saints-ï¿½comes from the mistaken assumption that the Chile interpretation represents a revelation to Joseph Smith. A careful examination
of the manuscripts and development of this idea, however, has demonstrated that there is no reason to attribute this idea to Joseph Smith, and it certainly was never put
forward as a revelation. Indeed, questions concerning the authenticity of the attribution of this statement to Joseph Smith were raised by B. H. Roberts and others as
early as 1909.

The "Zelph" story is another piece of evidence that is frequently used to associate Joseph Smith with the Hemispheric Geography Model. It is claimed that Joseph Smith
had a revelation concerning the discovery of some bones in Illinois during the Zion's Camp march in 1834. However, the version of the story that appeared in the
Documentary History of the Church, although editorially couched in the first person, does not in fact represent Joseph Smith's own written account of the event, nor
a revelation, nor was it editorially approved by Joseph Smith. Rather, it is an editorial compilation by Willard Richards written in manuscript between 1842 and 1843.
    It was not published until 1846, after the death of Joseph Smith, and so could not have had his final editorial approval. In the printed version, editorial deletions and
changes in the original manuscript (which might have represented Joseph Smith's work) were mistakenly ignored.

The complex textual history of the story is fully documented by Kenneth Godfrey and need not be repeated here. What is important is that many significant qualifiers
were left out of the printed version. Thus, whereas Wilford Woodruff's journal account mentions that the ruins and bones were "probably [related to] the Nephites and
Lamanites," the printed version left out the "probably," and implied that it was a certainty. Godfrey examines several similar shifts in meaning from the original
manuscripts to the printed version. "The mere 'arrow' of the three earliest accounts became an 'Indian Arrow' (as in Kimball), and finally a 'Lamanitish Arrow.' The
phrase 'known from the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountain,' as in the McBride diary, became 'known from the Hill Cumorah' (stricken out) or 'eastern sea to the Rocky
Mountains.'" The point here is that there are many difficulties that make it nearly impossible for us to know exactly what Joseph Smith said in 1834 as he reflected on
the ruins his group encountered in Illinois.

The Origin of the Limited Geography Model

Whatever the source of the traditional identification of the hill in which Joseph Smith found the plates with the Hill Cumorah, it is true that the New York Cumorah and
the Hemispheric Geography Model became a widespread tradition among Latter-day Saints for several decades. However, it was by no means universally accepted.
Far from being the "teaching of the Church's spiritual leaders, unquestioned for a hundred years" (2b), as Wilson claims, the Hemispheric Geography Model was rivaled
by an early version of the Limited Geography Model within twelve years of the publication of the Book of Mormon. Indeed, Joseph Smith himself was either the
originator of, or was closely associated with, the development of the core idea of the Limited Geography Model.

In 1841 John Lloyd Stephens published volume one of his Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan, the first accessible English-language account
of the Maya ruins. It was enthusiastically received by the early Mormons, who saw it both as a validation of the Book of Mormon and as a source to help
understand Book of Mormon geography. An editorial reviewing this book in the Times and Seasons was written either by Joseph Smith or John Taylor. The editorial
speculated that the city of Zarahemla was to be found in modern Guatemala north of the Isthmus of Panama (called Darien in the early nineteenth century). Since the
internal geography of the Book of Mormon places Zarahemla south of the narrow neck of land, the editorial implies that the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, rather than
Panama, was the Book of Mormon narrow neck of land. Thus Joseph Smith, rather than insisting only on the validity of the Hemispheric Geography Model, both
advocated an early form of the Limited Geography Model and encouraged the modification of geographical interpretations of the Book of Mormon based on the
discovery of new evidence. The important thing to note is that the core concept of the Limited Geography Model was in existence in 1842, with the approval and
possible authorship of Joseph Smith himself.
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Two Cumorahs?

This issue has been dealt with by Latter-day Saint writers;    it is unfortunate that Wilson is unwilling or unable to come to grips with the reality of current Latter-day
Panama, was the Book of Mormon narrow neck of land. Thus Joseph Smith, rather than insisting only on the validity of the Hemispheric Geography Model, both
advocated an early form of the Limited Geography Model and encouraged the modification of geographical interpretations of the Book of Mormon based on the
discovery of new evidence. The important thing to note is that the core concept of the Limited Geography Model was in existence in 1842, with the approval and
possible authorship of Joseph Smith himself.

Two Cumorahs?

This issue has been dealt with by Latter-day Saint writers; it is unfortunate that Wilson is unwilling or unable to come to grips with the reality of current Latter-day
Saint thought on the subject, relying instead on old discredited anti-Mormon arguments. Actually, the Limited Geography Model does not insist that there were two
Cumorahs. Rather, there was one Cumorah in Mesoamerica, which is always the hill referred to in the Book of Mormon. Thereafter, beginning with Oliver Cowdery
(possibly based on a misreading of Morm. 6:6), early Mormons began to associate the Book of Mormon Cumorah with the hill in New York where Joseph Smith
found the plates. The Book of Mormon itself is internally consistent on the issue. It seems to have been early nineteenth-century Latter-day Saint interpretation of the
text of the Book of Mormon which has caused the confusion on this point. Thus, advocates of the Limited Geography Model are required only to show that their
interpretations are consistent with the text of the Book of Mormon itself, not with any nineteenth-century interpretation of the Book of Mormon.

The question of how the golden plates could have been carried from Mesoamerica to New York (3b) has also been answered by Sorenson. Once again Wilson has
misread the Book of Mormon, claiming that the Limited Geography Model forces Moroni to transport "the entire Nephite library over two thousand miles to the New
York Cumorah" (3b). In fact, Morm. 6:6 specifically states that all the Nephite records, except the Book of Mormon plates, were buried in the hill Cumorah near the
narrow neck of land by Mormon, not Moroni. Nowhere in the Book of Mormon does it state where the Book of Mormon plates were finally buried.

An examination of a map of North America shows that it is possible to sail along the coast of Mexico, up the Mississippi River, and then up the Ohio River to within
less than one hundred miles of the New York hill where the plates were buried. Trails and waterways along these major rivers have existed for several thousand years.
Sorenson provides a sixteenth-century example of someone walking a similar route in less than a year; Moroni had thirty-five years between the final battles of the
Nephites and when he buried the plates. Thus, the plates could have been transported by canoe to New York, along well-used waterways of the Hopewell Indians
(who flourished c. 200 B.C. to A.D. 400).

Wilson claims that the location of Cumorah in Mesoamerica "conflicts with the Book of Mormon description of Cumorah as 'an exceeding great distance' from the
narrow neck into the 'land northward' (Hel. 3:3,4 (3a It is difficult to believe that Wilson has really read the text he claims supports his argument. Hel. 3:3-4 reads: "And
it came to pass in the forty and sixth [year], yea, there was much contention and many dissensions; in the which there were an exceedingly great many who departed
out of the land of Zarahemla, and went forth unto the land northward to inherit the land. And they did travel to an exceedingly great distance, insomuch that they came
to large bodies of water and many rivers." Where in these verses does it mention Cumorah? It doesn't. It simply says that a group of people migrated "an exceedingly
great distance" to the north; they probably went past the Hill Cumorah. Wilson himself adds a nonexistent reference to Cumorah to this text, and then attempts to create
a nonexistent contradiction (a common anti-Mormon tactic).

Lamanites and Native Americans

Wilson next maintains that the Latter-day Saints believe that all Native Americans are genetically descended only from the Lamanites. It is quite true that the Latter-day
Saints claim some type of genealogical relationship between modern Native Americans and the Lamanites of the Book of Mormon. But Wilson once again
significantly distorts the Latter-day Saint position. Indeed, the source Wilson quotes to support his con tention in fact says just the opposite. Wilson claims, "The LDS
Church continues to teach that native Americans are the direct descendants of Book of Mormon peoples. For example, the 'Introduction' in current editions of the
Book of Mormon (since 1981), describes the Lamanites as 'the principal ancestors of the American Indians' " (2b). It is difficult to see how this substantiates
Wilson's claim that the Latter-day Saints believe that all Native Americans are descended only from Book of Mormon peoples. If the Lamanites are the principal
ancestors, this implies that they are not the only ancestors of the Native Americans. Indeed, a careful reading of the Book of Mormon text indicates that there must
have been other, non-Book of Mormon peoples in the land. Thus, the alleged problems of population levels, genetics, and languages of modern Native Americans
are largely irrelevant, since the Book of Mormon allows for, and in many ways insists upon, the existence of other inhabitants of the Americas.

Latter-day Saint General Authorities and the Limited Geography Model

Wilson also distorts the opinions of Latter-day Saint General Authorities on the issue of Book of Mormon geography. "The limited geography theory has been
repeatedly condemned by LDS leaders, including Joseph Fielding Smith, Jr. (10th President), Harold B. Lee (11th President), and Bruce R. McConkie" (3b). There
are problems with this assertion.

First, Wilson does not provide complete references to the statements of these Church leaders, so it is difficult to evaluate his claims as to what these Latter-day Saint
leaders taught. For example, the only source provided for Bruce R. McConkie's opinion is Doctrines of Salvation, which in fact contains the writings of Joseph Fielding
Smith as compiled by Bruce R. McConkie.

Wilson also distorts the contents of Harold B. Lee's statement, which reads, "from the writings of the Prophet Joseph Smith, and of other inspired men, it seems all are
in agreement that the followers of Lehi came to the western shores of South America. . . . I believe we are (today) not far from the place where the history of the
people of Lehi commenced in western America." Elder Lee is not condemning the Limited Geography Model, as Wilson claims. Rather, he is simply stating his
opinion ("I believe," "it seems") that South America was the site of the landing of Lehi. Elder Lee's views were probably based on the Frederick G. Williams statement
erroneously attributed to Joseph Smith, as discussed above.

By emphasizing the fact that Joseph Fielding Smith and Harold B. Lee were presidents of the Church, Wilson implies that their opinions should carry some type of
official sanction. In fact, the statement by Joseph Fielding Smith was made in 1938, and that by Harold B. Lee in 1959, before either became president of the Church.
    Their statements no doubt represented their opinions on the matter at the time they were written, but cannot be seen as representing the official position of the
Church. When a Church leader becomes president of the Church it does not retroactively make his previous opinions or statements official Church doctrine.

Finally, Wilson does not mention the fact that the Latter-day Saint Church has no official position on Book of Mormon geography, or that other Latter-day Saint
General Authorities have advised caution in theorizing about Book of Mormon geog raphy. Michael Watson, secretary to the First Presidency of the Church, has
recently clarified the Church's position on Book of Mormon geography.

The Church emphasizes the doctrinal and historical value of the Book of Mormon, not its geography. While some Latter-day Saints have looked for possible locations
and explanations [for Book of Mormon geography] because the New York Hill Cumorah does not readily fit the Book of Mormon description of Cumorah, there are
no conclusive connections between the Book of Mormon text and any specific site.

Wilson also ignores the fact that versions of the Limited Geography Model have been published in The Ensign, the Church's official magazine; while Sorenson's An
Ancient American
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                                        Media   Corp. Book. It should be clear that the official Latter-day Saint position on the Limited Geography Model is not
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antagonistic. Some Latter-day Saint leaders have disagreed with the model. Others, however, support it.

The Real Issue
no conclusive connections between the Book of Mormon text and any specific site.

Wilson also ignores the fact that versions of the Limited Geography Model have been published in The Ensign, the Church's official magazine; while Sorenson's An
Ancient American Setting was published by Deseret Book. It should be clear that the official Latter-day Saint position on the Limited Geography Model is not
antagonistic. Some Latter-day Saint leaders have disagreed with the model. Others, however, support it.

The Real Issue

Contrary to the authoritarian and fundamentalist presuppositions of most anti-Mormons, the real question is not which General Authority or Latter-day Saint scholar
believes which model (no geographical correlation has ever been put forward as revelation), but which model best matches the geographical data contained in the Book
of Mormon. While a superficial reading of the Book of Mormon may seem to point vaguely to a Hemispheric Geography Model, a careful reading substantiates the
Limited Geography Model at many different levels. In recent decades the overwhelming trend among both Latter-day Saint scholars and leaders of the Church has
been increasingly to adopt some version of the Limited Geography Model. This is a clear indication-ï¿½contrary to the assertions of Wilsonï¿½-that the Limited
Geography Model is in no way contradictory to Church teachings on Book of Mormon geography. While this does not imply an official Church endorsement of the
Limited Geography Model, it does show that the leaders of the Church are not officially opposed to that model.

Thus, Wilson's claim that "In order to remove these inherent improbabilities and protect the credibility of the Book of Mormon as authentic history, a number of Latter-
day Saint scholars have proposed a new approach to Book of Mormon geography called the 'limited geography theory' " (3a) is wrong on several levels. As noted
above, this is not a "new approach." Its basic concept can be traced back to 1842; it was further amplified by 1887, with the first full presentation of the Limited
Geography Model appearing no later than 1917. The driving force behind these developments was by no means an attempt to "remove these inherent improbabilities
and protect the credibility of the Book of Mormon as authentic history" as Wilson asserts (again without any evidence), but because a careful reading of the internal
geographical data in the Book of Mormon requires such an interpretation.

Archaeological Issues

Wilson claims that there are "serious" problems with the Limited Geography Model. He provides only three: first, "it conflicts with details in the Book of Mormon";
second, it "contradicts the teaching of a long line of Latter-day Saint presi dents and apostles"; and third, it "cannot produce a single piece of archaeological evidence
that can be identified as Nephite or Jaredite" (3a). The first two of the "problems" have been discussed above. Wilson raises seven objections related to archaeology.

The Problem of Archaeological Proof

As noted above, Wilson's basic approach is to test the historicity of the Book of Mormon by comparing the state of current archaeological knowledge of the Bible to
the state of ar chaeological knowledge of the Book of Mormon. In the same publication it is claimed by Joel Groat that the Bible has been["verif[ied]" by archaeology,
   while Wilson maintains that the Book of Mormon has not. Therefore, the Bible is true revelation (4c), while the Book of Mormon is not. Unfortunately, this basic
paradigm demonstrates a very naive understanding of the nature of archaeological evidence and proof and the implications thereof.

Wilson and Groat grossly overstate both the strength of the generally accepted archaeological understanding of the Bible and the implications of the archaeological
questions surrounding the Book of Mormon. For example, Groat claims that "excavations done at the site [of Jericho] . . . support this biblical story" (1b). He then goes
on to quote Bryant G. Wood's analysis of the de struction of Jericho. Unfortunately, Groat fails to inform us that Wood's model functions only if the Exodus is dated
to c. 1400 B.C. As Wood himself admits, "One major problem remains: the date, 1400 B.C.E. Most scholars will reject the possibility that the Israelites destroyed
Jericho in about 1400 B.C.E. because of their belief that Israel did not emerge in Canaan until about 150 to 200 years later, at the end of the Late Bronze II period."
And scholars have excellent reasons for dating the Exodus to the thirteenth century, since a fifteenth-century Exodus creates more problems in the biblical account of
the conquest of Canaan than it solves. Be that as it may, the point here is not when or how Jericho fell, but the fact that Groat's so-called "support" for the Bible is
highly controversial. Many scholars reject the idea that Jericho even existed as a city at the time of Joshua, while others reject the idea that there was an Israelite
conquest of Canaan at all.

Groat has the temerity to quote William G. Dever as lending "support for the authenticity and accuracy of the biblical record" (4a), while failing to make reference to
Dever's full views on the historical authenticity of the Bible. Does Dever believe that archaeology "supports" the Bible?

The Bible . . . has its limitations as a historical document. . . . The myths of Gen. 1-11, comprising the "primeval history," which deal with the creation, the flood and the
distant origins of the family of man, can be read today as deeply moving literature, with profound moral implications. They inform us about the thought-world of ancient
Israel, but they can hardly be read in the literal or modern sense as history.

And the situation is not improved for the later chapters of Genesis and the Pentateuch in his view. "After a century of modern research," Dever notes, "neither Biblical
scholars nor archaeologists have been able to document as historical any of the events, much less the personalities, of the patriarchal or Mosaic eras." Archaeology,
Dever says, "has not brought to light any direct evidence to substantiate the story that an Abraham lived, that he migrated from Mesopotamia to Canaan or that there
was a Joseph who found his way to Egypt and rose to power there. . . . The tradition is made up of legends that still may be regarded as containing moral truths, but
until now they must be regarded as of uncertain historical provenance."

And what of Moses and the spectacular events of the Exodus from Egypt? "Absolutely no trace of Moses, or indeed of an Israelite presence in Egypt, has ever turned
up. Of the Exodus and the wandering in the wilderness . . . we have no evidence whatsoever." As an example, Dever cites "recent Israeli excavations at Kadesh-
Barnea, the Sinai oasis where the Israelites are said to have encamped for 38 years." Surely such a lengthy stay by such a large group, somewhere during or prior to
1200 B.C., would leave considerable evidence. And, indeed, the Israeli excavations at Kadesh-Barnea "have revealed an extensive settlement, but not so much as a
potsherd earlier than the tenth century B.C."

Moving forward in history to the settlement of the Israelites in Palestine, Dever notes once again that "the evidence is largely negative. In particular, the 'conquest
model,' derived principally from the Book of Joshua, has been largely discredited. That Israel did emerge in Canaan in the early Iron Age is beyond doubt. But
archaeology has not shown that the settlement followed a series of destructions, miraculous or otherwise." Professor Dever's verdict is straightforward: "The Bible
cannot simply be read at face value as history."

Even some conservative Bible scholars concur with Dever's basic position on the lack of archaeological confirmation of much of the Bible. John Bright insists that, "It
cannot be stressed too strongly that in spite of all the light that it has cast on the patriarchal age, in spite of all that it has done to vindicate the antiquity and authenticity of
the tradition, archaeology has not proved that the stories of the patriarchs happened just as the Bible tells them. In the nature of the case it cannot do so."

I do not reproduce such comments because I necessarily agree with Professor Dever, or becauseï¿½-as some anti-Mormons like to imagine-ï¿½Latter-day Saints
enjoy demeaning the Bible. Mormons, although not fundamentalist inerrantists, believe in the basic historicity of biblical events. But I do want to draw attention to the
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prove that God exists or that Jesus is the Christ any more than the discovery of archaeological sites mentioned by Homer in the Iliad has proven that Zeus is the King of
Heaven.
the tradition, archaeology has not proved that the stories of the patriarchs happened just as the Bible tells them. In the nature of the case it cannot do so."

I do not reproduce such comments because I necessarily agree with Professor Dever, or becauseï¿½-as some anti-Mormons like to imagine-ï¿½Latter-day Saints
enjoy demeaning the Bible. Mormons, although not fundamentalist inerrantists, believe in the basic historicity of biblical events. But I do want to draw attention to the
limitations of archaeology for "proving" historical texts or religious beliefs. Even if every historical event in the Bible were to be archaeologically verified, it still would not
prove that God exists or that Jesus is the Christ any more than the discovery of archaeological sites mentioned by Homer in the Iliad has proven that Zeus is the King of
Heaven.

On the other hand, acceptance of the historicity of the Book of Mormon logically necessitates acceptance of both the prophetic mission of Joseph Smith and the claims
of the divinity of Jesus Christ. Many refuse even to consider the possibility of the historicity of the Book of Mormon because of their a priori rejection of the possibility
of modern revelation-ï¿½whether based on fundamentalist or secularist presuppositions.

More importantly, Groat's and Wilson's contrast between a Bible that is archaeologically "proven" and a Book of Mormon that is archaeologically "disproven" is
fallacious. It rests on a misrepresentation of what biblical archaeology actually demon strates. And it relies, as will be discussed below, on a persistent refusal to look at
what Latter-day Saint scholars are actually saying about the Book of Mormon. There are still numerous disputes and unanswered questions concerning archaeology
and the historicity of the Bible, despite the fact that the Bible has been studied by literally thousands of professional historians and archaeologists for over a century and
a half. Why, then, should we not expect similar disagreements and questions concerning the Book of Mormon, which has been seriously studied by only a few dozen
professionals for only a few decades?

Pre-Columbian Contacts

Wilson's claim that "There is no solid evidence for the immigration via other routes involving long sea voyages . . . as proposed by the Book of Mormon" (2c-3a) once
again is not consistent with current developments in the field. Sorenson and Raish have recently published an award-winning bibliography listing and summarizing
thousands of articles by non-Mormons that examine the possibility of pre-Columbian contacts between the Old and New Worlds. It is true that this issue (like most
complex issues) continues to be debated in academic circles. Nonetheless, in light of the numerous examples of pre-Columbian transoceanic contacts which are
receiving increasing acceptance among non-Mormon scholars (as collected in Sorenson's and Raish's bibliography), how can Wilson claim there is "no solid evidence?"


The Question of Compass Directions

The issue of directions has been fully dealt with by Sorenson and Hamblin, discussions which Wilson does not acknowledge or respond to. Thus, in typical anti-
Mormon fashion, Wilson raises a problem which has already been plausibly solved by Latter-day Saint scholars, then declares victory without even acknowledging that
an alternative viewpoint exists. He ignores the Latter-day Saint explanations and appears to have nothing to add to the discussion.

The fundamental question involved here is that the Limited Geography Model requires that the directions "northward" and "southward" be considered slightly different
from "true" north as recognized by today's geographers. As Sorenson and Hamblin have demonstrated, ancient peoples conceived of north and south based on
orientations and landmarks which frequently do not coincide with modern geographical concepts. Since geographical orientation and terminology is a relative cultural
matter, not a universal absolute, it is perfectly reasonable for ancient peoples to conceptualize their geography much differently from ours.

In this regard the Book of Mormon closely parallels Mesoamerican cultural norms. "It is clear that prehispanic people [of Mesoamerica] did not share our view of
accurate geography. Only occasionally did their placement of toponyms [on their geographical diagrams] reflect true spatial relations in the sense that we demand of our
maps. Mesoamerican cultures were unconcerned with the exact mileage between places and the exact placement of north and south."

North and South Seas

Wilson also raises the question of how the sea north and sea south fit with the Limited Geography Model (3b), a matter which has been fully analyzed by John Clark.
The north and south seas are mentioned only twice (Hel. 3:8; Alma 22:32), in a vague general sense. Clark rightly attributes these references to common ancient
macrogeographical world-views of the earth surrounded by the primordial "ocean." Thus the minor and vague mentions of the north and south seas refer to
macrogeographical cosmic world-views of seas surrounding the entire landmass, rather than specific identifiable bodies of water.

Iron and Metals

In his discussion of metals, plants, and animals in the Book of Mormon, Wilson relies entirely on an unpublished talk given by Ray T. Matheny. Unfortunately, Wilson
was unaware that Matheny's presentation was given to demonstrate the kinds of arguments which might be used against the Book of Mormon by non-LDS
archaeologists, and does not necessarily reflect Matheny's position. The following is a portion of a letter Professor Matheny wrote concerning Wilson's article.

I received a copy of Heart and Mind and a copy of a letter sent to you by Luke P. Wilson, Executive Director of Gospel Truths Ministries. From these items I feel
some obligation to give you a little more information about what took place at the Sunstone symposium in 1984. . . .

I had no idea that I was being used by Gospel Truths Ministries to discredit the LDS Church in their publication. . . . In 1984 I was asked by Sunstone to give a talk,
which I refused. They persisted by calling and asked if I would be willing to sit on a panel and comment on papers that would be given on archaeology at the upcoming
symposium. To this request I consented. However, when I arrived for the symposium, much to my surprise I was listed as a speaker. I objected and said that I had not
prepared a paper. The Sunstone people then handed me a card with a question on it and asked if I would comment on the question. The question dealt with how does
a non-Mormon archaeologist evaluate the Book of Mormon in terms of its cultural content and claims. My answer to the question was an ad hoc response where I
tried to put myself in a non-Mormon's professional shoes and talked about the nature of the problems that the Book of Mormon poses for the archaeologist. . . .

Gospel Truths Ministries is using my ad hoc response without my permission, without my knowledge, and in a pernicious way against the church, and against me. The
letter sent to you said that a complete transcript of my response was forwarded to you. I don't know what GT Ministries means by a "complete" transcript. I forbade
any publication of my response by Sunstone or any one else, and did not authorize any tape recordings at the time.

This is thus another unfortunate, but typical example of anti-Mormons misrepresenting the Latter-day Saint position and taking Latter-day Saint writings out of context.

Wilson's first argument is that the mention of metals in the Book of Mormon is anachronistic. Unfortunately, his position is based on his personal interpretation that the
Book of Mormon claims that there were large-scale metal "industries" among the Nephites. In fact, the Book of Mormon claims only that certain metals were known to
the Nephites; it is not possible to determine from the record how widespread or universal the use of metals was or which metals they used at various times. Now it is
true that Mesoamericans do not seem to have practiced extensive smelting of metals, remaining dependent instead on obsidian and other stones for most tools.
Nonetheless, as John Sorenson has demonstrated, Pre-Classic Mesoamericans used a wide variety of metals. Thus it is only Wilson's interpretation of the Book of
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                                                                                                                                                         Wilson's
interpretation is not the only possible, nor even the preferred, reading of the Book of Mormon text. Be that as it may, metals were known and used in Pre-Classic
Mesoamerica, as claimed in the Book of Mormon.
Book of Mormon claims that there were large-scale metal "industries" among the Nephites. In fact, the Book of Mormon claims only that certain metals were known to
the Nephites; it is not possible to determine from the record how widespread or universal the use of metals was or which metals they used at various times. Now it is
true that Mesoamericans do not seem to have practiced extensive smelting of metals, remaining dependent instead on obsidian and other stones for most tools.
Nonetheless, as John Sorenson has demonstrated, Pre-Classic Mesoamericans used a wide variety of metals. Thus it is only Wilson's interpretation of the Book of
Mormon claiming the existence of widespread iron industries in Pre-Classic Mesoamerica which cannot be reconciled with the archaeological record. Wilson's
interpretation is not the only possible, nor even the preferred, reading of the Book of Mormon text. Be that as it may, metals were known and used in Pre-Classic
Mesoamerica, as claimed in the Book of Mormon.

Plants

Wilson discusses the apparent absence of "wheat, barley, flax (linen), grapes, and olives" (5a) in the New World as undermining the credibility of the Book of Mormon,
which mentions these plants. This issue has again been dealt with by Latter-day Saint scholars.

The Book of Mormon does not claim that grapes or olives existed or were cultivated in the New World. Rather, Nephi and Jacobï¿½-both of whom were born in the
Old Worldï¿½-mention grapes and olives, either in reference to the Old World, or allegorically, based on Old World horticultural models. The Book of Mormon
does mention the use of wine in the New World, but wine does not necessarily refer to the fermented juice of grapes. It can include the fermented liquid derived from a
wide variety of fruits or plants, including, for example, dandelions. Once again, it is Wilson's interpretation of the Book of Mormon, rather than the Book of Mormon
itself, which cannot be reconciled with New World archaeology.

It has long been objected that the mention of barley in the Book of Mormon is a hopeless anachronism. In 1983 archaeologists discovered that indeed a variety of
barley was used by pre-Columbian Americans. Despite this evidence, Wilson changes the basis of his objection by insisting that "the grain described was not a
domesticated old world barley" (5a). But the Book of Mormon never claims that the Nephites used "domesticated old world barley." It simply states they used barley;
and archaeology has confirmed the use of barley in pre-Columbian America. Here is a classic example of creating an interpretation of the Book of Mormon text that is
narrower than the text requires, insisting that this interpretation is the only acceptable one, and then demonstrating that this interpretation conflicts with archaeological
data. Even when archaeology has confirmed the use of barley in the pre-Columbian New World, critics of the Book of Mormon insist on narrowly redefining what the
Book of Mormon states in order to sustain their objections. Likewise, forms of "linen" and "silk"-ï¿½although not exactly the same as their Old World counterparts-
ï¿½were known in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica.

Animals

Wilson objects to the presence of certain animals mentioned in the Book of Mormon which are not thought to have existed in pre-Columbian America (5a-b). Once
again, Wilson fails even to recognize that Latter-day Saint scholars have dealt with this issue extensively, although all the questions have not been completely answered.
   Rather than acknowledging and engaging the informed Latter-day Saint position, Wilson chooses simply to ignore the current evidence, blithely proclaiming the
demise of the Book of Mormon.

The range of possible Latter-day Saint explanations for seeming discrepancies between the animals of pre-Columbian Mesoamerica and the Book of Mormon include:

1. A species may have existed only in small numbers-ï¿½introduced by, and limited to the civilizations of the Nephites-ï¿½which subsequently became extinct. The
existence of small herds of animals in a limited region would likely leave no archaeological evidence. For example, we know that the Norsemen probably introduced the
horse, cow, sheep, goat, and pig into North America in the eleventh century. Nonetheless, these animals did not spread throughout the continent and have left no
archaeological remains.

2. A species may have existed at the time of the Nephites, but archaeological evidence of its existence has not been discovered, or has not been properly interpreted.
The horse is an excellent example of this possibility. Although generally thought to have been extinct by the end of Pre-Classic times (before A.D. 300), possible horse
remains have been found in various locations in Mesoamerica, which seem to be from archaeological strata contemporary with pre-Colonial Mesoamerican civilizations.


The Huns of Central Asia and Eastern Europe were a nomadic people for whom horses represented both a major form of wealth and the basis of their military power.
Estimates are that each Hun warrior may have had has many as ten horses. Nonetheless, "To quote S. Bokonyi, a foremost authority on the subject, 'We know very
little of the Huns' horses. It is interesting that not a single usable horse bone has been found in the territory of the whole empire of the Huns.' " During the two
centuries of their domination of the western steppe, the Huns must have had hundreds of thousands of horses. If Hunnic horse bones are so rare despite their vast
herds, why should we expect extensive evidence of the use of horses in Nephite Mesoamerica, especially considering the limited references to horses in the Book of
Mormon text?

3. The Book of Mormon text may have used familiar Egyptian or Hebrew terms for new unknown types of animals which the Nephites discovered in the New World.
This option has been frequently mocked by anti-Mormons who are apparently unaware of the nature of Pre-Modern naming ambiguities. When Pre-Modern
peoples encountered new species for which they didn't have a name, they followed one of two possible courses of action: they either adopted a foreign name for that
animal, or they transferred to the new animal the name of an animal with which they were familiar. For example, when the Greeks first encountered a new type of animal
in the Nile Valley, they called it the "horse of the river," the hippo-potamos, or hippopotamus. Are we to assume that Greek civilization didn't exist at all because they
chose to call the Nile hippopotamus a "horse," rather than adopting the Egyptian name hebw? When the Romans first encountered the elephant in the army of Pyrrhus
of Epirus in 280 B.C., they called it the "Lucca bos, Lucanian cow." Likewise, the Maya called the horse a "deer," while the Arabs call the turkey a dik hindi, or
"Indian Rooster." Given this phenomenon in other civilizations, why is it preposterous for the Book of Mormon peoples to have called the Mesoamerican turkeyï¿½ -for
which they had no name-ï¿½a chicken, just as the Arabs called the Indian turkey? If such a linguistic phenomenon in the Book of Mormon is seen as evidence for
discounting the very existence of Book of Mormon civilization, must we not also do away with the Greeks, Romans, Maya, and Arabs?

In summary, although important questions certainly remain, there are various ways in which the apparent anachronisms and ambiguities of the Book of Mormon text
concerning metals, plants, and animals can be accounted for.

The Argument from Authority

Finally, Wilson raises the argument from authority. He claims that since eminent Mesoamerican archaeologists such as Michael Coe (5c) and important institutions such
as the Smithsonian (2c) do not accept the historicity of the Book of Mormon, Latter-day Saints must bow to the authority of outsiders and abandon their own beliefs.
This argument leaves much to be desired.

In fact, both Coe's statement and the Smithsonian statement represent mere brief summaries of scholarly consensus, which are obvious to anyone familiar with the field.
Neither makes the slightest attempt to deal in detail with the numerous technical ar guments raised by Latter-day Saint scholars. When Michael Coe states, "there is
not one professionally
 Copyright               trainedInfobase
             (c) 2005-2009,       archaeologist,
                                          Mediawho   is not a Mormon, who sees any scientific justification for believing [in the historicity of the Book of Mormon]," he is
                                                  Corp.                                                                                                   Page 120 / 919
belaboring the obvious, not stating an important truth. It is rather like claiming that "there is not one professionally trained archaeologist, who is not a [Christian], who
sees any scientific justification for believing [the New Testament accounts of the resurrection of Jesus]."
In fact, both Coe's statement and the Smithsonian statement represent mere brief summaries of scholarly consensus, which are obvious to anyone familiar with the field.
Neither makes the slightest attempt to deal in detail with the numerous technical ar guments raised by Latter-day Saint scholars. When Michael Coe states, "there is
not one professionally trained archaeologist, who is not a Mormon, who sees any scientific justification for believing [in the historicity of the Book of Mormon]," he is
belaboring the obvious, not stating an important truth. It is rather like claiming that "there is not one professionally trained archaeologist, who is not a [Christian], who
sees any scientific justification for believing [the New Testament accounts of the resurrection of Jesus]."

But the argument from scholarly authority cuts both ways. Just as anti-Mormons can marshal scholars who will proclaim, as does Michael Coe, that there is "absolutely
nothing" supporting the historicity of the Book of Mormon, likewise, atheists could marshal the opinions of numerous scholars, such as William Dever, regarding the
lack of archaeological proof of the historicity of the Bible. In both cases, scholars base their conclusions as much on their assumptions as they do on the evidence.

When Coe says that there is "absolutely nothing" in the archaeological record which supports the historicity of the Book of Mormon, what he is more accurately saying
is that all of the archaeological evidence known to him can be adequately interpreted and accounted for based on the assumption that there were no Nephites. This is a
very different proposition. Before the discovery of the Hittites or the Dead Sea Scroll community (to provide just two examples), ancient Near Eastern historians could
also adequately explain the history of the ancient Near East without a single reference to either of those groups. Yet both of those groups existed whether or not
scholars were able or willing to perceive their existence.

The important question is: why do non-Mormon scholars reject the Book of Mormon? The answer is complex, but two points should be emphasized. First, acceptance
of the historicity of the Book of Mormon logically necessitates acceptance of Joseph Smith's prophetic claims. Thus, any scholar who eventually came to accept the
historicity of the Book of Mormon would be logically compelled to become a Latter-day Saint. He would thereby cease to be a non-Mormon who accepts the
historicity of the Book of Mormon. Secondly, and more importantly, most non-Mormons do not take the Book of Mormon seriously enough even to read it, let alone
give it the careful study required to make an informed judgment. They simply dismiss it out of hand. This has been the approach taken by anti-Mormons such as
Wilson, and it is the reason why Wilson's criticisms can also be dismissed out of hand.

Notes and Communications

   Luke P. Wilson, "The Scientific Search for Nephite Remains," Heart and Mind: The Newsletter of Gospel Truths Ministries (Fall 1992): 2, 3, and 5. Hereafter
references to this article are given in parentheses in the text by page number and column letter: i.e. (2b) = page 2, column b. I would like to thank Janet Carpenter for
research assistance, and John Sorenson, John Welch, and Stephen Ricks for useful comments.

   Yohanan Aharoni, The Land of the Bible: A Historical Geography, trans. A. F. Rainey, 2d ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1979), 129. Although I am in complete
disagreement with his conclusions, the ambiguities of biblical geography are such that Kamal Salibi has been able to propose that the events of the Bible occurred not in
Palestine, but in Arabia! Kamal S. Salibi, The Bible Came from Arabia (London: Cape, 1985), and Secrets of the Bible People (London: Saqi Books, 1988).

  Anati Emmanuel, The Mountain of God: Har Karkom (New York: Rizzoli, 1986), 161. He provides a brief survey of the theories, with references, on 161-66;
Graham I. Davies, "Sinai, Mount," in David Noel Freedman, ed., The Anchor Bible Dictionary, 6 vols. (New York: Double-day, 1992, hereafter ABD), 6:48.

 Summarized in Menashe Har-El, Sinai Journeys: The Route of the Exodus , 2d ed. (Los Angeles: Ridgefield, 1983); Graham I. Davies, "Wilderness Wanderings," in
ABD 6:913.

    James G. Macqueen, The Hittites and Their Contemporaries in Asia Minor, 2d ed. (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1986), 37. A substantially different
interpretation of Hittite geography than Macqueen's is presented by Oliver R. Gurney in The Hittites, 4th ed. (New York: Penguin, 1990).

  Macqueen, The Hittites, 38-39.

  Ibid., 37.

  The existence of the Hittites of Anatolia was first recognized in the 1870s; see Gurney, The Hittites, 1-11, for a brief survey of their "discovery."

  Gwyn Jones, The Norse Atlantic Saga, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford, 1986), 128. References to the various theories are found on pages 128-29. For another
excellent synthesis of the current state of knowledge concerning the Norse discovery of North America, see Erik Wahlgren, The Vikings and America (New York:
Thames and Hudson, 1986).

  Aharoni, The Land of the Bible, 128-29.

  Jerrold S. Cooper, "Reconstructing History from Ancient Inscriptions: The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict," Sources from the Ancient Near East, vol. 2, fasc. 1
(Malibu: Undena, 1983), 18.

  Aharoni, The Land of the Bible, 92-101.

  Eusebius, Onomastikon, ed. E. Klostermann, Das Onomastikon der biblischer Ortsnamen (Berlin: n.p., 1904).

   Amarna Letters, Tablets 287:25 = "the land of the city of Jerusalem ([a-]mur mat u-ru-sa-lim[an-n[i-]ta)"; transliteration and translation can be found in Samuel A. B.
Mercer, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets (Toronto: Macmillan, 1939). See Hendricus J. Franken, "Jerusalem in the Bronze Age, 3000-1000 B.C." in K. J. Asali, Jerusalem
in History (New York: Olive Branch Press, 1990), 17-20, for a discussion of the early names of Jerusalem.

  Dio Cassius, History LXIX, 12; John Wilkinson, "Jerusalem under Rome and Byzantium, 63 b.c.-637 a.d.," in Asali, Jerusalem in History, 88-93.

  The various names for Egyptian sites can be found in the ap propriate sections and index of John Baines and Jaromir Malek, Atlas of Ancient Egypt (New York:
Facts on File, 1980).

  Joan Oates, Babylon, 2d ed. (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1986), 10-11.

  Arlen F. Chase, "Con manos arriba: Tayasal and archaeology," American Antiquity, 47/1 (1982): 167-71. I would like to thank John Sorenson for providing me
with this reference.

Copyright  (c) 2005-2009,
  Joyce Marcus,            Infobase
                 Mesoamerican         Media
                                 Writing      Corp.Propaganda, Myth, and History in Four Ancient Civilizations (Princeton: Princeton University Page
                                          Systems:                                                                                              Press, 1992).
                                                                                                                                                        121 / 919
Marcus's chapter 6, pages 153-89, is an excellent introduction to Mesoamerican toponyms. Her study includes references to the major primary sources, which are
mainly "from the early Colonial period" (157).
  Arlen F. Chase, "Con manos arriba: Tayasal and archaeology," American Antiquity, 47/1 (1982): 167-71. I would like to thank John Sorenson for providing me
with this reference.

  Joyce Marcus, Mesoamerican Writing Systems: Propaganda, Myth, and History in Four Ancient Civilizations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992).
Marcus's chapter 6, pages 153-89, is an excellent introduction to Mesoamerican toponyms. Her study includes references to the major primary sources, which are
mainly "from the early Colonial period" (157).

  Ibid., 176.

   John S. Justeson, "The Origin of Writing Systems: Preclassic Mesoamerica," World Archaeology 17/3 (1986): 446-47.

  Ibid., 452.

  Marcus, Mesoamerican Writing, 176.

  Ibid., 168; different examples of the "hill of the bird" glyph can be found on 154.

   In this regard, Mesoamerican writing parallels Chinese, where characters can be understood and read, even though they will be pronounced differently in the various
dialects of Chinese. Chinese writing can even be read, understood, and pronounced in Korean or Japanese.

  Marcus, Mesoamerican Writing, 182-83; Linda Schele, Notebook for the Maya Hieroglyphic Writing Workshop at Texas (Austin: University of Texas at Austin,
1988), 36-39. Michael Coe, Breaking the Maya Code (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1992), 177-78, 205.

  Marcus, Mesoamerican Writing, 183.

  Ibid., 184.

  Ibid., 186.

  Ibid., 185.

  Ibid., 188.

  Ibid., 186. Given the tendency of Mesoamericans to translate toponyms rather than transliterate, it is interesting to speculate about a possible relationship between
Palenque/Bakan/"Place of Bones" and "the land which they called Desolation . . . of whose bones we have spoken" (Alma 22:31), "a land which was covered with
bones of men" (Mosiah 8:8).

   Of the possible phonetic readings of the four emblem glyphs discussed in detail by Marcus (pages 184-88), only one was related to the sixteenth-century name of
the site.

   John L. Sorenson, The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book, rev. ed. (Provo, UT: F.A.R.M.S., 1990, 1992). I will be quoting from the revised
edition. John E. Clark, "A Key for Evaluating Nephite Geographies," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1 (1989): 20-70; David Palmer, In Search of
Cumorah (Bountiful, UT: Horizon, 1981). Wilson does refer to John Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book
and F.A.R.M.S., 1985).

   Such unwillingness to come to grips with substantial Latter-day Saint scholarship on the Book of Mormon is typical of most anti-Mormon writings. Is it any wonder
that knowledgeable Latter-day Saints do not take such endeavors seriously and frequently find anti-Mormon writings pathetically amusing?

 By macrogeography I refer to the broad regional setting for Book of Mormon events. This is in distinction to microgeography, the identification of specific Book of
Mormon toponyms with New World archaeological sites.

   Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 7-35, presents a historical study of the development of thinking on Book of Mormon geography; pages 38-206
present a summary of every major model of Book of Mormon geography. Sorenson's Geography of Book of Mormon Events is required reading for anyone wishing to
deal with Book of Mormon geography.

   John E. Clark, "Book of Mormon Geography," in Daniel H. Ludlow, ed., Encyclopedia of Mormonism, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 1:178.

  The Instructor 73 (April 1890): 160, quoted in Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 385.

  Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 9-15.

   Wilson's repeatedly sloppy handling of details is annoying; Joseph Smith identified the hill where he found the plates as being near Manchester, not Palmyra (JS-H
1:51).

  Oliver Cowdery, Latter Day Saint's Messenger and Advocate (July 1835): 158-59; see Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 372, for the text and
additional references. The original manuscript has been edited by Dean C. Jessee, The Papers of Joseph Smith, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1984), 1:78-
81.

    JS-H 1:51 = HC 1:15 = Jessee, The Papers of Joseph Smith, 1:281 n. 1; according to this note, this phrase was inserted in the original manuscript by Joseph Smith
to clarify the location. Joseph Smith's History was written in 1838 (JS-H 1:2), three years after Oliver Cowdery's identification of the hill in New York with Cumorah.
If this identification originated with Joseph Smith, or was accepted by him as authoritative, why does it not appear in his History?

  Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 209-367, esp. 329-53; Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 1-48; cf. Palmer, In Search of Cumorah, and
Clark, "Key for Evaluating."
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                             Page   122
  Frederick G. Williams III, "Did Lehi Land in Chile? An Assessment of the Frederick G. Williams Statement," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1988; John W. Welch, ed.,/ 919
Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 57-61.
  Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 209-367, esp. 329-53; Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 1-48; cf. Palmer, In Search of Cumorah, and
Clark, "Key for Evaluating."

  Frederick G. Williams III, "Did Lehi Land in Chile? An Assessment of the Frederick G. Williams Statement," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1988; John W. Welch, ed.,
Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 57-61.

  New Witness for God: II. The Book of Mormon , vol. 3 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1909), 501-2, quoted in Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon
Events, 386.

   For an excellent analysis of the development of the story, see Kenneth W. Godfrey, "The Zelph Story," BYU Studies 29/2 (1989): 32-56. A reprint of this article,
including photocopies of the original manuscripts, is available from F.A.R.M.S., GDF-89. My references are to the BYU Studies article.

  HC 2:79.

  Godfrey, "The Zelph Story," 42-46.

  Ibid., 43.

  Ibid., 44.

   John Lloyd Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan, 2 vols. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1841; repr. New York: Dover,
1963).

   The editorials were unsigned; Joseph Smith was supervising editor, while John Taylor was managing editor. But even if John Taylor wrote the actual words, the ideas
clearly reflect Joseph Smith's view, as can be seen in his letter to John Bernhisel, 16 November 1841, reproduced in Dean C. Jessee, ed., The Personal Writings of
Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1984), 502.

  Times and Seasons 3/22 (15 September 1842), and 3/23 (1 October 1842); see Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 11-13, for a discussion, and
374-75 for the relevant passages.

  Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 7-8, and Clark, "Key for Evaluating."

  Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 11-13.

  See discussions in Palmer, In Search of Cumorah, 25-27, and Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 44-45. David A. Palmer, "Cumorah," in Ludlow,
Encyclopedia of Mormonism 1:346-47, discusses both the New York and Mesoamerican theories, concluding that there is no official Latter-day Saint position on the
matter.

  Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 44-45.

  Ibid., 45.

  The final battles were 384 years after the birth of Christ (Morm. 6:4), while Moroni buried the plates 420 years after the birth of Christ (Moro. 10:1).

  For a map of American Indian civilizations in the Mississippi River valley at the time of Moroni, see Michael Coe, Dean Snow, and Elizabeth Benson, Atlas of
Ancient America (New York: Facts on File, 1986), 51, where it shows that the Hopewell archaeological complex extended from Louisiana to New York along the
Mississippi and Ohio rivers. Analysis of various artifacts has demonstrated that there was extensive trade along these river systems in the fifth century a.d.; Brian M.
Fagan, Ancient North America: The Archaeology of a Continent (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1991), 366-67, 370-76, 392-94.

  Bruce A. Chadwick and Thomas Garrow, "Native Americans" in Ludlow, Encyclopedia of Mormonism 3:981-85.

   Likewise, Wilson claims that the Church teaches that "native populations of the vast North and South American continents are the de scendants of two tiny groups of
transoceanic Semitic immigrants (the Jaredites) . . . and the Nephites and Mulekites" (2c). Wilson's ability to misread the text of the Book of Mormon is somewhat
overwhelming. First, the Jaredites are not said to be Semitic in the Book of Mormon. More importantly, however, the Book of Mormon discusses three migrationsï¿½     -
Jaredite, Nephite, and Mulekiteï¿½-not just two.

  This is explicitly stated in Chadwick and Garrow, "Native Americans," in Ludlow, Encyclopedia of Mormonism 3:981: "Peoples of other [non-Book of Mormon]
extraction also migrated there [to the New World]."

  See John L. Sorenson, "When Lehi's Party Arrived in the Land, Did They Find Others There?" Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 1/1 (Fall 1992): 1-34.

  Quoted in Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 390 (emphasis added).

  Smith, Doctrines of Salvation, 3:232-34, quoted by Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 388-89.

  See nn. 38-39 above.

   George Q. Cannon, 1890, in Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 384-85; B. H. Roberts, 1909, in Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon
Events, 386-387; John A. Widtsoe, "Is the Book of Mormon Geography Known?" Improvement Era 53/7 (July 1950): 547, 596-97, quoted in Sorenson, Geography
of Book of Mormon Events, 389-90.

  Correspondence from Michael Watson, Office of the First Presidency, 23 April 1993.

 Sorenson's "Digging into the Book of Mormon: Our Changing Understanding of Ancient America and Its Scripture," which summarizes the Limited Geography
Model, appeared in the Ensign 14 (September 1984): 26-37.
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  The basic geographic data in the Book of Mormon has been synthesized and cataloged by Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 215-367; see also the
important analysis by Clark, "Key for Evaluating." Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, and Palmer, In Search of Cumorah, provide detailed correlations to the
  Correspondence from Michael Watson, Office of the First Presidency, 23 April 1993.

 Sorenson's "Digging into the Book of Mormon: Our Changing Understanding of Ancient America and Its Scripture," which summarizes the Limited Geography
Model, appeared in the Ensign 14 (September 1984): 26-37.

  The basic geographic data in the Book of Mormon has been synthesized and cataloged by Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 215-367; see also the
important analysis by Clark, "Key for Evaluating." Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, and Palmer, In Search of Cumorah, provide detailed correlations to the
Limited Geography Model; see n. 34 for complete references to these sources.

   A quick glance at Sorenson's chart in Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 32, summarizing the key characteristics of all Book of Mormon geographical theories
in chronological order shows a clear shift from the Hemispheric to the Limited theories since 1904. See also Clark, "Book of Mormon Geography," in Ludlow,
Encyclopedia of Mormonism 1:176-79.

  Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 31-33, 87-89, 135-37, 188-89.

   Joel B. Groat, "Bones, Stones and the Scriptures: Has Archaeology Helped or Hurt the Bible?" Heart and Mind: The Newsletter of Gospel Truths Ministries (Fall
1992): 1 and 4.

  Bryant G. Wood, "Did the Israelites Conquer Jericho? A New Look at the Archaeological Evidence," Biblical Archaeology Review 16/2 (1990): 44-59.

  Ibid., 57.

   The only way Wood's theory works is if you redate the end of the Middle Bronze Age from c. 1550 to c. 1400 B.C., and then redate the Exodus from c. 1250 to c.
1450 B.C., a total shifting of standard chronology of 350 years. Imagine what the anti-Mormon response would be if Latter-day Saint scholars attempted to move the
fall of Maya civilization back 450 years so that it coincided with the fall of the Nephites c. A.D. 400. Needless to say we would be accused (and rightly so) of gross
special pleading.

  For an analysis of the problems of the redating the Exodus to the fifteenth century, see the extended discussion in the following: John J. Bimson and David Livingston,
"Redating the Exodus," Biblical Archaeology Review (September/ October 1987): 40-53, 66-68; Baruch Halpern, "Radical Exodus Redating Fatally Flawed," Biblical
Archaeology Review (November/December 1987): 56-61; John Bimson, "A Reply to Baruch Halpern," Biblical Archaeology Review (July/August 1988): 52-55;
Manfred Bietak, "Contra Bimson," Biblical Archaeology Review (July/August 1988): 54-55.

  William G. Dever, "Archaeology and the Bible: Understanding Their Special Relationship," Biblical Archaeology Review 16/3 (May/June 1990): 52-58, 62. Dever is
well known for his strenuous rejection of the term "biblical archaeology." I would like to thank Daniel C. Peterson for his assistance on this section.

  Ibid., 52.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 54-55.

  Ibid., 55.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 53.

   John Bright, A History of Israel, 3d ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981), 75.

  See W. Waite Willis, Jr., "The Archaeology of Palestine and the Archaoloegy of Faith," in James H. Charlesworth and Walter P. Weaver, eds., What Has
Archaeology to Do with Faith? (Philadelphia: Trinity Press International, 1992), 105-6. For a readable introduction to Homeric archaeology for the nonspecialist, see
Michael Wood, In Search of the Trojan War (New York: New American Library, 1985). Oddly, although Wilson and Groat seem to recognize this principle (1c, 2a,
5c), Groat nonetheless falls into the trap of assuming that archaeological evidence provides spiritual confirmation (4c).

   John L. Sorenson and Martin H. Raish, Pre-Columbian Contact with the Americas across the Oceans: An Annotated Bibliography, 2 vols. (Provo, UT: Research
Press, 1990).

  For an excellent article summarizing the wide range of possible pre-Columbian contacts between the Old and New Worlds by one of the leading advocates of such
contacts (and a non-Mormon), see Stephen C. Jett, "Pre-Columbian Transoceanic Contacts," in Jesse D. Jennings, ed., Ancient South Americans (San Francisco:
Freeman, 1983), 336-93.

   Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 38-42; William J. Hamblin, "Directions in Hebrew, Egyptian, and Nephite Language," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book
of Mormon , 183-86. Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 399-415, provides a complete discussion of all the evidence and theories, with numerous
additional references.

   Sorenson, Geography of Book of Mormon Events, 401-15. provides numerous examples of the cultural relativity of directional orientation based on anthropological
studies.

  Marcus, Mesoamerican Writing, 189.

  Clark, "Key for Evaluating," 63-67.

 Copyright (c) 2005-2009,
  On the Mesoamerican       Infobase
                         view         Mediasurrounded
                               of the world Corp.     by oceans, see Miguel Leon-Portilla, Aztec Thought and Culture (Norman, OK: University  Page     124 / 919
                                                                                                                                                of Oklahoma    Press,
1963), 31-61, esp. 32-33, 46-49, with an Aztec illustration on page 47. The Hebrews and other ancient Near Easterners held similar views; see Clifford M. Jones,
Old Testament Illustrations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 26-27, for illustrations of Hebrew, Babylonian, and Egyptian world-views, all of which
  Marcus, Mesoamerican Writing, 189.

  Clark, "Key for Evaluating," 63-67.

   On the Mesoamerican view of the world surrounded by oceans, see Miguel Leon-Portilla, Aztec Thought and Culture (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press,
1963), 31-61, esp. 32-33, 46-49, with an Aztec illustration on page 47. The Hebrews and other ancient Near Easterners held similar views; see Clifford M. Jones,
Old Testament Illustrations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), 26-27, for illustrations of Hebrew, Babylonian, and Egyptian world-views, all of which
have the landmass of the "world" surrounded by water. The famous Babylonian world map of c. 600 B.C. represents the world surrounded by water, Oates, Babylon,
34, and Georges Roux, Ancient Iraq, 3d ed. (New York: Penguin, 1992), 94. The Greeks also viewed okeanos (from which our word ocean derives) as a vast cosmic
river or ocean encircling the earth, see N. G. L. Hammond, ed., The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 2d ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 744. See also
Diane E. Wirth and Steven L. Olsen, "Four Quarters," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 145-49.

  Given at the Sunstone Symposium, 25 August 1984, Salt Lake City, Utah.

  Dated 18 November 1992, quoted with permission.

    John L. Sorenson, "Metals and Metallurgy Relating to the Book of Mormon," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1992. It is worth noting that the Vikings introduced metal smelting
into North America in the eleventh century, and yet it was never adopted by the surrounding Native Americans. See William J. Hamblin, "Vikings, Iron, and the Book
of Mormon," Insights (January 1993): 2. Interestingly, the first archaeological evidence of Viking metal-working in North America was published beginning in the
1970s, over one hundred years after the archaeological search for Viking settlements in the New World had begun; Jones, The Norse Atlantic Saga, 286, 294;
Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 18-24, 128-29.

  Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 278-88, offers a full discussion and analysis of metals in the Book of Mormon published in June 1985, nearly a year after
Matheny's talk. Wilson was aware of this book, but refused to take into consideration any of Sorenson's evidence and analysis, preferring again to rehash arguments
which had already met with a full response.

  See the forthcoming The Olive, The Bible, and Jacob 5 , ed. John W. Welch and Stephen D. Ricks.

   J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weinder, The Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 20:389c. Sorenson, An Ancient American
Setting, 186-87, discusses wine and its possible Mesoamerican referents. Intoxicating drinks were known in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, see Linda Schele and Mary
E. Miller, The Blood of Kings: Dynasty and Ritual in Maya Art (New York: Braziller, 1986), 145, 155, 180, 192, 255. The question of what exactly is a grape and
what is wine has similarly plagued studies of the Norse explorations of North America, see Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 139-46, for a discussion.

  The discovery was reported in the December 1983 issue of Science 83, and summarized by John L. Sorenson and Robert F. Smith, in Welch, ed., Reexploring the
Book of Mormon , 130-32.

   John L. Sorenson, "Possible 'Silk' and 'Linen' in the Book of Mormon," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 162-64.

  The issue is dealt with in Sorenson's An Ancient American Setting, 288-99, which Wilson claims to have read; John L. Sorenson, "Animals in the Book of Mormon:
An Annotated Bibliography," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1992, contains a complete listing of all references to animals in the Book of Mormon, and a bibliography on possible
Mesoamerican referents.

  Jones, The Norse Atlantic Saga, 119; Wahlgren, The Vikings and America, 124.

  Jones, The Norse Atlantic Saga, 129-30, discusses the lack of archaeological evidence of animal husbandry.

  The evidence is summarized with complete references by John L. Sorenson, "Once More: The Horse," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 98-100.

  Rudi P. Lindner, "Nomadism, Horse and Huns," Past and Present 92 (1981): 15.

  Denis Sinor, "The Hun Period," in Denis Sinor, ed., The Cambridge History of Inner Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 203; cf. Lindner,
"Nomadism, Horse and Huns," 13, for additional references.

  Horses are never said to have been ridden in the Book of Mormon. Chariots are mentioned in association with horses (only in one incident, Alma 18:9-12;20:6).
This may be another indication that the horse was uncommon, since in societies where horseback riding is known the use of chariots rapidly declines. Furthermore,
cureloms and cumoms were thought to be more useful to man than horses (Ether 9:19), a clear indication of the relative unimportance of the horse in Book of Mormon
societies. Indeed, horses may have been used primarily for food.

  Sorenson, "Animals," provides references to a number of articles on this topic in his index, 50-51.

  After Lucania, the province in southern Italy where the elephant was first encountered in the army of Pyrrhus; Varro, De Lingua Latina VII, 389, 39.

  Sorenson, "Once More: The Horse," 98.

  Indeed, the English name turkey derives from just such a linguistic practice. The term turkey comes from the sixteenth-century "turkey-cock" referring to a type of
fowl imported from Ottoman Turkish domains in North Africa, meaning basically "Turkish Rooster." This term was later applied both to the domesticated
Mesoamerican Meleagris gallopavo in colonial Mexico, and later to the wild turkey of North America; cf. Simpson and Weinder, The Oxford English Dictionary,
18:690c, 692a.

 For a detailed response to the Smithsonian statement, see John L. Sorenson, "An Evaluation of the Smithsonian Institution's 'Statement Regarding the Book of
Mormon,' " F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1982.

  For an introduction to the history of the idea of objectivity and the important role of presuppositions and assumptions in controlling historical data see Peter Novick,
That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

Notes on Korihor and Language
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Robert   E. Clark

The story of Korihor is often cited as an example of how the Book of Mormon can be used to identify the enemies of the Church, as well as a paradigm for how to
That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

Notes on Korihor and Language
Robert E. Clark

The story of Korihor is often cited as an example of how the Book of Mormon can be used to identify the enemies of the Church, as well as a paradigm for how to
deal with them. I would suggest that the story itself has much to say about the very nature of such paradigms. Note first the recurrence of words with linguistic
connotations: sign, denote, utterance, testify, flattering words , etc. At issue is the role of language in maintaining order and power within a community, and what steps
can be taken to counter one who would undermine that order, that language.

Korihor is less concerned with the truth of the traditionally received teachings than he is with the role those traditions play in maintaining structures of dominion within
the society. In "binding themselves down under the foolish ordinances and performances," he tells the high priest, they are "brought down according to thy
words" (Alma 30:23). Authority is shown to be the power to determine the boundaries of the language, to establish the words that will constitute communal discourse.
Inasmuch as the use of other words places one outside of the linguistically constituted community, Korihor sees this as a way of escape from the constraints imposed by
orthodox discourse. We can see this in a pattern that is repeated four times: "Ye say that this people is a free people. Behold, I say they are in bondage" (Alma 30:24).
Note the effort, not to disprove, but to question the solidity and knowability of the received prophecies: "They are foolish traditions of your fathers. How do you know
of their surety? Behold, ye cannot know of things which ye do not see" (Alma 30:14-15). "This derangement of your minds comes because of the traditions of your
fathers" (Alma 30:16). The ground is linguistically prepared for their "delusions."

In what follows, however, we can see the consequences of radical doubt concerning the authority of language's structure. For one thing, it is impossible to to escape
dependence on some linguistic structure or other, which will be authoritative in its own sphere. Alma points this out when he asks Korihor, "What evidence have ye? . .
. I say that ye have none, save it be your word only" (Alma 30:40). And Korihor's language, no less than that of the tradition, is subject to the critique he offers.

That being the case, listen to the overtones of the following request: "If thou wilt show me a sign, that I may be convinced that there is a God, yea, show unto me that he
hath power, and then I will be convinced of the truth of thy words" (Alma 30:43). For all his questioning the value and authority of an arbitrary linguistic system, a
system that he claims represents only the interplay of strivings for power, in the end such a system is what he himself asks for, a system of signs that will bring to bear
God's power upon him. Alma's response, of course, is not to deny the basic value of signs, of linguistic communication, but only to point out that such signs have
already been given. The way he presents his argument is particularly appropriate: "The scriptures are laid before thee, yea, and all things denote there is a God; yea;
even the earth, and all things . . . do witness that there is a supreme Creator" (Alma 30:44). God himself is the referent of all things in the prophetic tradition of the
scriptures. The received linguistic structure does not serve primarily to maintain power, but to testify to the power of God as supreme creator. Even the earth and the
planets in their regular, traditional structure serve as "witnesses."

True enough, a certain power is maintained by all this. But in trying to tear down that power, and thereby "liberate" the people, Korihor likewise tears down the order in
which the powers of society are held, thus leading to such things as murder, robbery, theft, and adultery (Alma 30:10), working toward the disintegration of the
community. And all the while, he never manages to escape the linguistic constraints he had found so repulsive. Rather than escaping from power, it turns out that "the
devil has power over [him]" (Alma 30:42). Rather than liberating the people through abolition of linguistic constraint, he becomes "the means of bringing many souls
down to destruction, by [his] lying and by [his] flattering words" (Alma 30:47).

He himself is nothing but a "means," a sign through which is communicated the language of doubt. "He [the devil] taught me that which I should say" (Alma 30:53). It is
therefore appropriate that when God does, through Alma, declare the sign he will give, it is Korihor's dumbness. When a person really takes seriously the desire to find
liberation from language's constraints, it soon enough becomes impossible for him to say anything at all, at least if he tries to be consistent. And it is only fair that this
should be his sign from God, the revelation of the futility and danger of his quest. As Alma asks him, "Would you that he should afflict others, to show unto thee a
sign?" (Alma 30:51).

Speech and language are a given; Korihor is no more free of their constraints than anyone he presumes to liberate. And yet, the aims to which that language may be put
can differ, along with the effects that flow from conformity or nonconformity to the received standard. And so the scripture is quoted at the beginning of the chapter:
"Choose ye this day, whom ye will serve" (Alma 30:8). The various dimensions and contingencies of that choice, of course, remain to be investigated, but the story of
Korihor gives us, in the language it uses, a good paradigm in which to start dealing with it.

About the Contributors

Russell H. Ball, M.S., is retired from the Atomic Energy Commission.

Kevin Christensen, currently completing a bachelor's degree in English at San Jose State University, is a technical writer in Cupertino, California.

Robert E. Clark, B.A., is entering the University of Chicago Divinity School to pursue a Ph.D. in some area of religious studies.

Todd M. Compton, Ph.D., is a visiting fellow at the Huntington Library, California.

Richard D. Draper, Ph.D., is assistant professor of Ancient Scripture at Brigham Young University.

William J. Hamblin, Ph.D., is assistant professor of History at Brigham Young University.

Brett L. Holbrook, B.A., is a candidate for a master's degree in Near Eastern Studies at Brigham Young University and serves as a Church Educational System
instructor at Skyline High School.

Jeannette W. Miller, B.A., is a research assistant for the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies.

Mark J. Morrise, J.D., is an attorney with Corbridge, Baird & Christensen, Salt Lake City, Utah.

Daniel N. Rolph, Ph.D., is assistant professor of History at Hahnemann University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Gordon C. Thomasson, Ph.D., is assistant professor of World History at Broome Community College, Binghamton, New York.

Book of Mormon Studies Fall 1993
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Editor's   Introduction
Stephen D. Ricks
Gordon C. Thomasson, Ph.D., is assistant professor of World History at Broome Community College, Binghamton, New York.

Book of Mormon Studies Fall 1993
Editor's Introduction
Stephen D. Ricks

When we launched the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies a little more than a year ago, I indicated my belief that no single group of Latter-day Saints had exclusive or
"privileged access" to the Book of Mormon and expressed the hope that the Journal would be supported by contributions from a diverse group of students of the Book
of Mormon writing on a wide variety of topics. I am gratified by the response we have had, reflected in the varied backgrounds of the contributors and the wide range
of topics covered in this number of the Journal. Among the con tributors to this issue are students and teachers, academics and nonacademics, professional people and
retirees. The most notable common characteristic of this group is their shared commitment to the value of the Book of Mormon and their desire to plumb its depths and
discover its riches. The articles, too, span a wide range of topics: the implications of competing claims concerning the historicity of the Book of Mormon (a "hot topic"
that we will be revisiting in future issues); the Book of Mormon in its New World setting; the theological, ritual, cultural, linguistic, literary, economic, and historical
trajectories of the Book of Mormon; the Book of Mormon in the modern Church; and perspectives on the on-going polemic against the Book of Mormon. Future
issues will reflect an equally wide range of subjects and approaches.

We wish to thank Melvin J. Thorne and Brent Hall, who provided timely assistance in the preparation of this issue.

The Book of Mormon Historicity and Faith
Robert L. Millet

Abstract: The historicity of the Book of Mormon record is crucial. We cannot exercise faith in that which is untrue, nor can "doctrinal fiction" have normative value in
our lives. Too often the undergirding assumption of those who cast doubt on the historicity of the Book of Mormon, in whole or in part, is a denial of the supernatural
and a refusal to admit of revelation and predictive prophecy. Great literature, even religious literature, cannot engage the human soul and transform the human
personality like scripture. Only scripture-ï¿½writings and events and descriptions from real people at a real point in time, people who were moved upon and directed
by divine powersï¿½-can serve as a revelatory channel, enabling us to hear and feel the word of God.

My memories of the first class I took in a doctoral program in Religion at an eastern university are still very much intact. It was a course entitled "Seminar in Biblical
Studies" and dealt with scripture, canon, interpretation, authorship, eschatology, prophecy, and like subjects. We were but weeks into the seminar when the professor
was confronted by a question from a fundamentalist Baptist student on the reality of miracles among Moses and the children of Israel. The response was polite but brief:
"Well," the professor said, "I'm not going to state my own position on the matter in this class. Let me just say that I feel it doesn't really matter whether the Israelites
crossed the Red Sea as a result of Moses parting that body of water in a miraculous way, or whether they actually tiptoed across the waters of the Red Sea. What
matters is that the Israelites then and thereafter saw it as an act of divine intervention, and the event became a foundation for a people's faith for centuries."

About a year later I found myself in a similar setting, this time in a seminar entitled "Critical Studies of the New Testament," the first half of a two-semester encounter
with biblical criticism. The composition of the class made for fascinating conversation: a Reformed Jew, two Methodists, two Southern Baptists, a Roman Catholic, a
Nazarene, and a Latter-day Saint. By the time we had begun studying the passion narratives in the Gospels, the question of "historical events" vs. "faith events" had
been raised. The professor stressed the importance of "myth" and emphasized that such events as the miracles and bodily resurrection of Jesus-ï¿½because in them the
narrative detaches itself from the ordinary limitations of time and space such that the supernatural "irrupts" into human historyï¿½-should be relegated to the category of
faith events or sacred story. And then came the interesting phrase: "Now whether Jesus of Nazareth came back to lifeï¿½-literally rose from the deadï¿½-is immaterial.
What matters is that Christians thought he did. And the whole Christian movement is founded upon this faith event."

Perhaps one can appreciate how I felt when I read an article written by a nonmember a few years ago in which he suggested that we Latter-day Saints tend to concern
ourselves with all the wrong things. "Whether or not Joseph Smith actually saw God and Christ in a grove of trees is not really crucial," he said in essence. "What
matters is that young Joseph thought he did." There was a haunting familiarity about the words and the sentiments. Certain others have described the First Vision as
mythical, a vital and significant movement in Mormonism's past upon which so many things turn, and yet a "faith event," which may or may not represent an actual
historical occurrence. More recently, it seems fashionable by some to doubt and debate the historicity of the Book of Mormon; to speak of the contents of the Nephite
record as "doctrinal fiction"; to question the reality of Book of Mormon personalities or places; or to identify "anachronisms" in the book, specifically doctrines or
principles that they feel reflect more of Joseph Smith and the nineteenth century than antiquity. Others go so far as to deny outright the reality of plates, angels, or
authentic witnesses. These are interesting times indeed.

Though not a secular history of the Nephites per se, the Book of Mormon is a sacred chronicle or, to use Elder Boyd K. Packer's language, "the saga of a message."
The book claims to be historical. Joseph Smith said it was a history. He even went so far as to suggest that one of the major characters of the story, Moroni, appeared
to him and delivered golden plates upon which the Nephite narrative was etched. Now in regard to the historicity of the book, it seems to me that only three possibilities
exist: Joseph Smith told the truth, did not know the truth, or told a lie. The latter two alternatives are obviously not very appealing to believers. If Joseph Smith merely
thought there were Nephites and supposed that such persons as Nephi and Jacob and Mormon and Moroni wrote things which they did not, then he was deluded or
remarkably imaginative. He is to be pitied, not revered. If, on the other hand, the Prophet was solely responsible for the perpetuation of the Book of Mormon
storyï¿½-if he created the notion of a Moroni, of the golden plates and Urim and Thummim, and of a thousand-year-old story of a people who inhabited ancient
America, knowing full well that such things never existedï¿½-then he was a deceiver pure and simple. He and the work he set in motion is to be feared, not followed.
No matter the intensity of his labor, his own personal magnetism, or the literary value of his embellished epic, the work is a hoax and the word of the New York farm
boy is not be trusted in matters of spiritual certainty any more than Hawthorne or Dostoevsky.

My colleague Stephen D. Ricks addressed himself to those who question the historicity of the Book of Mormon. He spoke of a "view of the Book of Mormon" which
"accepts its inspiration but rejects its historicity, viewing it as inspired in some sense or senses, but not the product of antiquity, coming rather from the pen of Joseph
Smith."

But if the Book of Mormon was simply a spiritual manifesto of Joseph, why could he not have chosen some other genre than one that appears to be making specific
historical claims? One thinks, for instance, of the Doctrine and Covenants. Further, it is precisely the internal claims of the Book of Mormon as divine history that gives
it its normative religious value (a value maintained in the Doctrine and Covenants, since the individual sections claim to be revelations from God). If the Book of
Mormon is simply an unhistorical yarn, even a deeply religious one, it would have no more normative, sacramental value for me (impelling me, that is, to repent, be
baptized, and live an upright life before God) than would the Sermons of Wesley or The Imitation of Christ of Thomas ï¿½ Kempis, and perhaps less, since these latter
make no claims to the intervention of the divine, while the Book of Mormon does.

One who chooses to assume the posture that the Book of Mormon is doctrinal fiction must come face to face with the issues and implications that automatically flow
from such a stance; to pick up one end of this historical/theological stick is to pick up the other.
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The "expansionist" position of the Book of Mormon history is what some have assumed to be a middle-of-the-road posture. It propounds the view that the Book of
Mormon represents an ancient core source mediated through a modern prophet. I feel this is basically an effort to have it both ways, to contend that certain sections of
make no claims to the intervention of the divine, while the Book of Mormon does.

One who chooses to assume the posture that the Book of Mormon is doctrinal fiction must come face to face with the issues and implications that automatically flow
from such a stance; to pick up one end of this historical/theological stick is to pick up the other.

The "expansionist" position of the Book of Mormon history is what some have assumed to be a middle-of-the-road posture. It propounds the view that the Book of
Mormon represents an ancient core source mediated through a modern prophet. I feel this is basically an effort to have it both ways, to contend that certain sections of
the Nephite record are ancient, while certain identifiable portions are unmistakably nineteenth-century, reflecting the culture, language, and theological world view of
Joseph Smith. Any reference to such matters as the fall, atonement, resurrection, new birth, or Godhead before the time of Christ are seen to be anachronisticï¿½-
evidencing theological perspectives obviously out of place-ï¿½perspectives which were written into the narrative by the translator but which would not originally have
been on the plates themselves. For example, any discussion of resurrection or atonement through Jesus Christ in the writings of Lehi or Jacob would be classified as
expansion text, inasmuch as such notions are not to be found among the preexilic Jews, at least according to the extant materials we have, such as our present Old
Testament or other Near Eastern documents. But, Ricks has observed:

If we use the Bible or other documents from the ancient Near East as the standard, this seems an implied admission that the Book of Mormon has no independent
evidentiary value as an ancient document. It also seems to imply that what can be known about preexilic Israelite religion is already to be found in the extant sources,
principally the Bible. If this is the case, and nothing not previously known will be accepted, what unique contribution can a new document make? This reminds me of the
reply falsely attributed to Umar when asked why he wished to burn the library at Alexandria: "If it is already in the Qur'an, we have no need of the books; if it is not in
the Qur'an, then it is suspect of heresy and ought for that reason to be destroyed." But can we be so certain that what can be known about preexilic Israelite religion is
available in the extant sources? . . . Are we authorized to believe that Israelite religion before the exile is given its complete account in the Bible and other available
documents? I, for one, am not so certain.

Nor am I. Nor can I grasp how one can deal with a major inconsistency in the reasoning of such a position. Why is it, for example, that God can reveal to the Lehites
how to construct a ship and cross the ocean, but that same God cannot reveal to them the plan of salvation, together with Christian concepts of creation, fall,
atonement, and redemption through bodily resurrection? Why is it that God can speak to Abinadi, call him to ministerial service, send him to Noah and his priests, and
yet not make known to that same prophet the doctrines of the condescension of Jehovah and the ministry of Christ as the Father and the Son? Why is it that God can
raise up a mighty prophet-king like Benjamin, can inspire that holy man to gather his people for a large covenant renewal ceremony (an occasion, by the way, which,
according to expansionists, bears the mark of Israelite antiquity), and yet not reveal doctrine to himï¿½-doctrine pertaining to the natural man, the coming of the Lord
Omnipotent, and the necessity for the new birth? The selectivity is not even subtle.

We need not jump to interpretive extremes because the language found in the Book of Mormon (including that from the Isaiah sections or the Savior's sermon in 3
Nephi) reflects Joseph Smith's language. Well, of course it does! The Book of Mormon is translation literature: practically every word in the book is from the English
language. For Joseph Smith to use the English language with which he and the people of his day were familiar in recording the translation is historically consistent. On
the other hand, to create the doctrine (or to place it in the mouths of Lehi or Benjamin or Abinadi) is unacceptable. The latter is tantamount to deceit and
misrepresentation; it is, as we have said, to claim that the doctrines and principles are of ancient date (which the record itself declares) when, in fact, they are a
fabrication (albeit an "inspired" fabrication) of a nineteenth-century man. I feel we have every reason to believe that the Book of Mormon came through Joseph Smith,
not from him. Because certain theological matters were discussed in the nineteenth century does not preclude their revelation or discussion in antiquity.

Unless. Unless we deny one of the most fundamental principles of the Restoration-ï¿½Christ's eternal gospel: the knowledge that Christian prophets have taught
Christian doctrine and administered Christian ordinances since the days of Adam. "Taking it for granted that the scriptures say what they mean, and mean what they
say," Joseph Smith explained in 1842, "we have sufficient grounds to go on and prove from the Bible [that is, by utilizing the supplementary scriptural resources
available through the Restoration] that the gospel has always been the same; the ordinances to fulfill its requirements, the same, and the officers to officiate, the same."
    This is evident in the Book of Mormon, is found throughout the Doctrine and Covenants, and is central to the Pearl of Great Price, especially the book of Moses. I
contend that there is little reference to Christian doctrine in our present Old Testament or other Near Eastern texts, simply because that was a time in ancient Israel of
spiritual darkness and apostasy. The Book of Mormon is a report and an account of a restoration, a renewal, a reevaluation of the nature of God and the plan of
salvation. Kent P. Jackson has written that in the Book of Mormon "we follow the history of one family of Israelites which proved itself worthy to be blessed with great
light and knowledge concerning Christ. . . . Even a superficial comparison of the content of the Book of Mormon with that of the Bible enables one to see that the level
of understanding concerning sacred things was greater among Lehi's descendants than among the people from which they came. With the separation of Lehi and his
family from their native society came a revelationï¿½-perhaps more accurately a restoration-ï¿½of gospel principles that were unknown to the mainstream of their
countrymen."

Too often the real issueï¿½-the subtle but certain undergirding assumption of those who question the historicity of the Book of Mormon, in whole or in partï¿½-is a
denial of the supernatural, a refusal to admit of divine intervention, of revelation and miracles and predictive prophecy. It is the tendency, unfortunately, to adopt
uncritically the secular presuppositions and methodologies of those who have neither faith nor direction. "It should be noted," Stephen E. Robinson observed, "that the
rejection of predictive prophecy is characteristic of the secular approach to the scriptures, for the exclusion of any supernatural agency (including God) from human
affairs is fundamental to the methodology of most biblical scholarship."

The naturalistic approach gives scholars from dif ferent religious backgrounds common controls and perspectives relative to the data and eliminates arguments over
subjective beliefs not verifiable by the historical-critical method. However, there is a cost to using the naturalistic approach, for one can never mention God, revelation,
priesthood, prophecy, etc., as having objective existence or as being part of the evidence or as being possible causes of the observable effects.

. . . If one starts with the a priori that the claims of Joseph and the Book of Mormon to predictive prophecy are not to be accepted, then that a priori is bound to force
a conclusion that where the Book of Mormon contains predictive prophecy it is not authentic and must therefore be an "expansion." But clearly, this conclusion flows
not from the evidence but from the a priori assumption. If one allows the possibility that God might have revealed future events and doctrines to Nephi, Abinadi, or
Samuel the Lamanite, then the so-called anachronisms disappear and this part of the argument for "expansion" collapses.

Naturalistic explanations are often useful in eval uating empirical data, but when the question asked in volves empirical categories, such as "Is the Book of Mormon
what it purports to be?" it begs the question to adopt a method whose first assumption is that the Book cannot be what it claims to be. This points out a crucial logical
difficulty in using this method in either attacking or defending the Church.

I candidly admit to caution rather than eagerness when it comes to applying many of the principles of biblical criticism to the Book of Mormon. The quest for the
historical Jesus of Nazareth has led thousands to the demythologization and thus the de-deification of Jesus the Christ. "It would be incredibly naive," Robinson noted,
"to believe that biblical criticism brings us closer to the Christ of faith. After 200 years of refining its methods, biblical scholarship has despaired of knowing the real
Jesus, except for a few crumbs, and has declared the Christ pictured in scripture to be a creation of the early church." I for one am reluctant to assume that certain
scholarly movements represent progress. Change, yes. Progress, not necessarily. Our faith as well as our approaches to the study of the Bible or the Book of Mormon
must not be held hostage by the latest trends and fads in biblical scholarship; our testimony of historical events must not be at the mercy of what we know and can read
in sources external to the Book of Mormon or to the witness of revelation. In the words of Elder Orson F. Whitney,
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We have no right to take the theories of men, however scholarly, however learned, and set them up as a standard, and try to make the Gospel bow down to them;
making of them an iron bedstead upon which God's truth, if not long enough, must be stretched out, or if too long, must be chopped off-ï¿½anything to make it fit into
Jesus, except for a few crumbs, and has declared the Christ pictured in scripture to be a creation of the early church." I for one am reluctant to assume that certain
scholarly movements represent progress. Change, yes. Progress, not necessarily. Our faith as well as our approaches to the study of the Bible or the Book of Mormon
must not be held hostage by the latest trends and fads in biblical scholarship; our testimony of historical events must not be at the mercy of what we know and can read
in sources external to the Book of Mormon or to the witness of revelation. In the words of Elder Orson F. Whitney,

We have no right to take the theories of men, however scholarly, however learned, and set them up as a standard, and try to make the Gospel bow down to them;
making of them an iron bedstead upon which God's truth, if not long enough, must be stretched out, or if too long, must be chopped off-ï¿½anything to make it fit into
the system of men's thoughts and theories! On the contrary, we should hold up the Gospel as the standard of truth, and measure thereby the theories and opinions of
men.

Professor Paul Hedengren of the Philosophy Department at Brigham Young University made a specific request of those studying the historicity of the Book of Mormon.

If someone wishes to consider the Book of Mormon as other than historical, do not make subtle this deviation from its obvious historical structure as some have done
to the Bible. Make the deviation bold so that it is clear and unmistakable. Do not take the book Joseph Smith had printed in 1830 and say that its truths are not
historical but are of some other type, for the simple logical structure of the sentences in it falsifies this claim. Instead create from the Book of Mormon another book
which asserts what the Book of Mormon simply reports to have asserted. If someone claims that actually no one said what the Book of Mormon claims someone to
have said, but these actually unspoken utterances are true, let them compose a book of these sentences without the historical reports of these sentences being said. Do
not say in this new book, "Jesus said to some Nephites, 'Blessed are the meek.' " Simply say in this new book, "Blessed are the meek." In doing this the person will not
have to overlook or ignore the historical claims taken to be either false or inessential.

In summary, "If we deny the historicity of the Book of Mormon or consider it inessential, let us compose a book in which claims are not inherently historical and attend
to whatever truths we may find there. But in no case, let us say of the new book we compose that it is either the book Joseph Smith had printed in 1830 or that it is the
Book of Mormon, for it is neither."

I believe in regard to faith (and thus faithfulness and adherence to a cause) that it matters very much whether there is an actual event, an objective occurrence toward
which we look and upon which we build our faith. One cannot exercise saving faith in something untrue (Alma 32:21) or that did not happen, no matter how sweet the
story, how sincere the originator or author, or how committed the followers. Though it is true that great literature, whether historically true or untrue, may lift and
strengthen in its own way and even contain great moral lessons, such works cannot result in the spiritual transformation of the soul as only scripture can do. Scripture
becomes a divine channel by which personal revelation comes, a significant means by which we may hear the voice of the Lord (see D&C 18:34-36). The power of the
word, whether spoken or written, is in its sourceï¿½-even God our Father and his Son, Jesus Christ. We are able to exercise faith in a principle or doctrine taught by
real people who were moved upon by the power of the Holy Ghost, actual persons in time and space whose interactions with the Lord and his Spirit were genuine and
true and whose spiritual growth we may imitate. Huck Finn may have given the world some sage advice, but his words cannot sanctify. Even the sweet testimonies of
Demetrius the slave and Marcellus the Roman centurion from The Robe cannot enliven the soul in the same way that the teachings of Alma to Corianton or the letters of
Mormon to Moroni do. There is a difference, a big difference. "Doctrinal fiction" may be entertaining. Its characters may demonstrate wisdom and their lives provide
noble examples. But doctrinal fiction cannot engage the sons and daughters of God as does "the will of the Lord, . . . the mind of the Lord, . . . the word of the Lord, . .
. the voice of the Lord, and the power of God unto salvation" (D&C 68:4).

In regard to the resurrection of Jesusï¿½-and the principle surely applies to the First Vision or the Book of Mormonï¿½-one non-Latter-day Saint theologian has
observed:

There is an excellent objective ground to which to tie the religion that Jesus sets forth. Final validation of this can only come experientially [as Latter-day Saints would
say, by personal revelation]. But it is desperately important not to put ourselves in such a position that the event-nature of the resurrection depends wholly upon "the
faith." It's the other way around. The faith has its starting point in the event, the objective event, and only by the appropriation of this objective event do we discover the
final validity of it.

The Christian faith is built upon the Gospel that is "good news," and there is no news, good or bad, of something that didn't happen. I personally am much disturbed by
certain contemporary movements in the ology which seem to imply that we can have the faith regardless of whether anything happened or not. I be lieve absolutely that
the whole Christian faith is premised upon the fact that at a certain point of time under Pontius Pilate a certain man died and was buried and three days later rose from
the dead. If in some way you could demonstrate to me that Jesus never lived, died, or rose again, then I would have to say I have no right to my faith.

Faith in Jesus as a type of timeless Galilean Guru is at best deficient and at worst perverse. Faith in his moral teachings or in a Christian ethical code alone produces
lovely terrestrial labors but superficial and fleeting commitment. As C. S. Lewis observed:

A man who was merely a man and said the sort of things Jesus said would not be a great moral teacher. He would either be a lunatic-ï¿½on a level with the man who
says he is a poached eggï¿½-or else he would be the Devil of Hell. You must make your choice. Either this man was, and is, the Son of God: or else a madman or
something worse. You can shut Him up for a fool, you can spit at Him and kill Him as a demon; or you can fall at His feet and call Him Lord and God. But let us not
come with any patronising nonsense about His being a great human teacher. He has not left that open to us. He did not intend to.

Our faith in Christ is grounded in the work of redemption that was accomplished in a specific garden and on a designated cross in a particular moment in our earth's
history. It is not the exact site that matters so much as it is that there was such a site. If Jesus did not in reality suffer and bleed and die and rise from the tomb, then we
are spiritually doomed, no matter how committed we may be to the "faith event" celebrated by the first-century Christians. And so it is in regard to the occasion in
Palmyra. It matters very much that the Eternal Father and His Only Begotten did appear to a young boy in a grove of trees in New York State. Exactly where the
Sacred Grove is, as well as what specific trees or ground were hallowed by the theophany, is much less significant. If Joseph Smith did not see in vision the Father and
the Son, if the First Vision was only the "sweet dreams" of a naive boy, then no amount of goodness and civility on the part of the Latter-day Saints will save us. And so
it is in regard to the people and events and teachings of the Book of Mormon. That there was a Nephi and an Alma and a Gidgiddoni is vital to the story, and, in my
view, to the relevance and truthfulness of the Book of Mormon. That the prophetic oracles from Lehi to Samuel preached and prophesied of Christ and taught and
administered his gospel is vital in establishing the dispensational concept restored through Joseph Smith; these items reveal far more about the way things are and have
been among the people of God in all ages than they do about the way things were in the nineteenth century. Joseph Smith the Seer, in harmony with the principle taught
by Ammon to Limhi (Mosiah 8:17), may well have restored as much knowledge of things past as of things future.

There is room in the church for all types and shapes and sizes of people, and certainly all of us are at differing stages of intellectual development and spiritual maturity.
Further, there are a myriad of doctrinal issues over which discussion and debate may lead to diverse conclusions, particularly in matters which have not been fully
clarified in scripture or by prophets. At the same time, there are certain well-defined truths-ï¿½matters pertaining to the divine Sonship of Christ, the reality of the
atonement, the appearance of the Father and the Son in 1820, and the truthfulness of the Book of Mormonï¿½-which, in the uncompromising language of President J.
Reuben Clark, "must stand, unchanged, unmodified, without dilution, excuse, apology, or avoidance; they may not be explained away or submerged. Without these two
great beliefs [the reality of the resurrection and atonement and the divine call of Joseph Smith] the Church would cease to be the Church." Further, "any individual who
does not accept the fulness of these doctrines as to Jesus of Nazareth or as to the restoration of the Gospel and Holy Priesthood, is not a Latter-day Saint."
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I have often sensed that ours is not the task to shift the Church about with its history, practices, and beliefs-ï¿½as though the divine institution was on castersï¿½-in
order to get it into the path of moving persons who desire a religion that conforms with their own private beliefs or attends to their own misgivings or doubts. At a time
atonement, the appearance of the Father and the Son in 1820, and the truthfulness of the Book of Mormonï¿½-which, in the uncompromising language of President J.
Reuben Clark, "must stand, unchanged, unmodified, without dilution, excuse, apology, or avoidance; they may not be explained away or submerged. Without these two
great beliefs [the reality of the resurrection and atonement and the divine call of Joseph Smith] the Church would cease to be the Church." Further, "any individual who
does not accept the fulness of these doctrines as to Jesus of Nazareth or as to the restoration of the Gospel and Holy Priesthood, is not a Latter-day Saint."

I have often sensed that ours is not the task to shift the Church about with its history, practices, and beliefs-ï¿½as though the divine institution was on castersï¿½-in
order to get it into the path of moving persons who desire a religion that conforms with their own private beliefs or attends to their own misgivings or doubts. At a time
of intellectual explosion but of spiritual and moral corrosion, I am persuaded that no Latter-day Saint needs to surrender cherished values to live in a modern world; that
a member of the Church need not fall prey to the growing "alternate voices" offering alternative explanations for our foundational events and institutions; and that one
can have implicit trust in the Church and its leaders without sacrificing or compromising anything. In the end, as we have been counseled repeatedly, the reality of
golden plates and Cumorah and angels may be known only by an independent and individual revelation. Such an experience, as well as the reinforcing and renewing
ones thereafter, comes to those who demonstrate patience and faith. "The finished mosaic of the history of the Restoration," Elder Neal A. Maxwell taught, "will be
larger and more varied as more pieces of tile emerge, adjusting a sequence here or enlarging there a sector of our understanding. . . . There may even be," he added, "a
few pieces of the tile which, for the moment, do not seem to fit. We can wait, as we must." One day, he promised, "the final mosaic of the Restoration will be
resplendent, reflecting divine design. . . . At the perfect day, we will see that we have been a part of things too wonderful for us. Part of the marvel and the wonder of
God's 'marvelous work and a wonder' will be how perfect Divinity mercifully used us-ï¿½imperfect humanity. Meanwhile, amid the human dissonance, those with ears
to hear will follow the beckoning sounds of a certain trumpet."

  Boyd K. Packer, "The Things of My Soul," Ensign 16 (April 1986): 59.

  "The Historicity of the Book of Mormon: Perspectives and Problems," remarks at a Sunstone panel discussion on the historicity of the Book of Mormon, December
1988.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Joseph Smith, Times and Seasons 3 (1 September 1843): 904; see also HC 2:15-18; 4:208.

  Kent P. Jackson, "The Beginnings of Christianity in the Book of Mormon," in Paul R. Cheesman, ed., The Keystone Scripture (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center,
Brigham Young University, 1988), 92.

  Stephen E. Robinson, "The Expanded Book of Mormon?" in Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate, Jr., eds., Second Nephi: The Doctrinal Structure (Provo, UT:
Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1989), 393-94.

  Ibid., 395.

  Orson F. Whitney, in Conference Report (April 1915): 100.

  Paul Hedengren, "The Book of Mormon as an Ancient Document," unpublished manuscript, 20 September 1986.

  Ibid.

   John W. Montgomery, History and Christianity (San Bernardino, CA: Here's Life Publishers, 1983), 107-8.

  C. S. Lewis, Mere Christianity (New York: Macmillan, 1952), 56.

  J. Reuben Clark, "The Charted Course of the Church in Education," in David H. Yarn, Jr., ed., J. Reuben Clark, Selected Papers (Provo, UT: Brigham Young
University Press, 1984), 245.

  Neal A. Maxwell, "Out of Obscurity," Ensign 14 (November 1984): 11.

Lehi's Dream of the Tree of Life: Springboard to Prophecy
Corbin T. Volluz

Abstract: Lehi's dream of the tree of life is well known in Latter-day Saint circles. Its relationship to the vision of Nephi (1 1 Ne. 11-14), however, may not be so well
known. This paper examines the proposition that Nephi's vision was an expansive, prophetic interpretation of Lehi's dream of the tree of life. An alternate interpretation
of Lehi's dream as a guide to the afterlife is also discussed. Finally, links between Lehi's dream, the Garden of Eden, and the temple will be considered.

1. Introduction

As recorded in 1 Ne. 8, Lehi is given a divine dream, the centerpiece of which is the tree of life. Upon the tree's branches grows white fruit, which is delicious to the
taste. From the base of the tree of life flows a fountain of pure water. Leading up to the tree of life is a strait and narrow path. Alongside and running parallel to the
strait and narrow path is a rod of iron, placed there for the purpose of guiding hapless pilgrims who are from time to time overcome by mists of darkness while making
their journey to the tree of life. The point at which the path and the rod begin is described as a large and spacious field. On this field are great multitudes of people,
many of whom are going forth to take hold of the rod of iron and begin their way along the path toward the tree of life. Running near the tree of life is a river of filthy
water (not to be confused with the fountain of pure water flowing from the base of the tree). Beyond the filthy water is a great and spacious building, filled to the brim
with people wearing fancy clothes and making snide comments and mocking gestures at those who are partaking of the fruit of the tree of life.

This much is familiar to most Latter-day Saints. As familiar as is the scenario of the tree of life dream, scarcely less familiar is the basic interpretation of that dream:

1. The tree of life represents "the love of God" (1 Ne. 11:22, 25) as does also "the fountain of living waters" (1 Ne. 11:25).

2. The rod of iron represents "the word of God" (1 Ne. 11:25;15:24).

3. The great and spacious building represents "the pride of the world" (1 Ne. 11:36;12:18).
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4. The river of filthy water represents "the depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16;15:29).
2. The rod of iron represents "the word of God" (1 Ne. 11:25;15:24).

3. The great and spacious building represents "the pride of the world" (1 Ne. 11:36;12:18).

4. The river of filthy water represents "the depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16;15:29).

5. The mists of darkness represent "the temptations of the devil" (1 Ne. 12:17).

When all these symbols and their interpretations are put together, the message that is commonly derived is similar to that found in 1 Ne. 15:24:

And I said unto [Laman and Lemuel] that [the rod of iron] was the word of God; and whoso would hearken unto the word of God, and would hold fast unto it, they
would never perish; neither could the temptations and the fiery darts of the adversary [i.e., the mists of darkness and the great and spacious building] overpower them
unto blindness, to lead them away to destruction [i.e., the river of filthy water].

The common interpretation is that those who faithfully follow the rod of iron (by reading the scriptures, or "the word of God") will ultimately partake of the fruit of the
tree of life (i.e., the love of God). It may be rash, however, to conclude that this is the sole interpretation of the tree of life dream. While certainly of great importance in
our personal quest to return to the presence of our Heavenly Father, this particular interpretation may be only one of several levels of meaning derived by Nephi from
the symbols of Lehi's dream.

In 1 Ne. 11-14 is recorded Nephi's great panoramic vision of the future, beginning with the birth of the Savior in mortality and culminating with the final destruction of
the wicked at his second coming. This vision has generally been seen as unrelated to the interpretation of Lehi's dream of the tree of life, the vision being considered a
bonus given to Nephi in addition to the dream's interpretation. It is the thesis of this paper, however, that such is not the case, but rather that the entire panoramic vision
of the future received by Nephi was itself a divine and expansive interpretation of Lehi's dream of the tree of life. Part 2 of this paper will examine this thesis.

Part 3 will consider evidence that another alternate interpretation of the tree of life dream included a description of the afterlife and the ultimate destinies of the wicked
and the righteous. Finally, Part 4 will consider insights that can be gleaned from the tree of life dream as it relates to the nature of the Garden of Eden and the temple.

2. Lehi's Dream of the Tree of Life As the Springboard for Nephi's Vision of the Future

The primary interpretation revealed to Nephi of Lehi's dream of the tree of life was a panoramic view of the future from the advent of the Savior in mortality up until the
Second Coming.

The Birth of Jesus Christ, His Baptism, Ministry, and Crucifixion

The Birth of Jesus Christ. As an interpretation of the tree of life symbol, Nephi was given a vision of the birth of Jesus Christ. Nephi was shown the tree of life in vision
by "the Spirit of the Lord" (1 Ne. 11:1, 8). Nephi then requested to know "the interpretation thereof" (1 Ne. 11:11). In direct response to his request, Nephi was
shown a "beautiful and fair" virgin in "the city of Nazareth" (1 Ne. 11:13-15). At this juncture, the "Spirit of the Lord," who had taken Nephi up to the mountain top and
had introduced him to the vision, disappears, and an angel takes his place as Nephi's escort (1 Ne. 11:12-14). In continuing the demonstration of the interpretation of
the tree of life, the angel now shows Nephi the "condescension of God."

The word condescend means "to waive dignity or superiority voluntarily and assume equality with an inferior." This is precisely what Nephi's guide proceeds to show
him. Nephi sees the virgin being "carried away in the Spirit" and subsequently giving birth to a child who is identified by the angel as "the Lamb of God, yea, even the
Son of the Eternal Father!" (1 Ne. 11:18-21). Thus is depicted the "condescension of God"-ï¿½that God the Son, the Creator of all things under the direction of his
Father, would of his own volition descend from the celestial courts of glory to take upon himself a mortal tabernacle of flesh and blood and become equal with
members of the human race. Such is the interpretation of the tree of life given by the angel to Nephi.

The interpretation having been given, the angel next quizzes Nephi as to whether he understands the meaning of the tree of life (1 Ne. 11:21).           Nephi replies, "Yea, it
is the love of God, which sheddeth itself abroad in the hearts of the children of men" (1 Ne. 11:22).

The Baptism of Jesus Christ. Next, Nephi beholds the rod of iron which his father had seen, "which led to the fountain of living waters, or to the tree of life" (1 Ne.
11:25). The living waters flow from the base of the tree of life. A basic interpretation of the living waters would be that they are the divine drink that goes along with the
divine food (i.e., the fruit of the tree of life) to be given to those who reach the end of the strait and narrow path. Here, though, the angel gives to Nephi another,
prophetic, interpretation. The symbol of the living waters is used to represent the waters of the Jordan River in which Christ was baptized by John the Baptist. Indeed,
this is exactly what is shown Nephi in vision immediately after he beholds the living waters (1 Ne. 11:26-27).

The Ministry and Atonement of Jesus Christ. In conjunction with the symbol of the living waters discussed above, Nephi also saw the rod of iron which his father had
seen, which "led to . . . the tree of life," and which Nephi was given to know represented "the word of God" (1 Ne. 11:25).

In his vision, Nephi then received a prophetic interpretation of the symbol of the rod of iron, which included an account of Christ's mortal ministry (1 Ne. 11:28), his
choosing of the twelve apostles (1 Ne. 11:29), and his healing of the sick (1 Ne. 11:31), culminating with the Savior's being "lifted up upon the cross and slain for the
sins of the world" (1 Ne. 11:33).

As stated above, Nephi was informed that the rod of iron was "the word of God" (1 Ne. 11:25). It is significant in this context that one of the name-titles for Jesus
Christ is "the Word of God" (John 1:1, 14). This fits with the interpretation given Nephi of "the rod of iron," or "word of God," as representing the ministry and death of
Christ, for Christ was the Word of God incarnate. Christ, as the Word of God, came to earth not to do his own will, but the will of his father (John 6:38), up to and
including enduring the agony of the atonement and crucifixion (Matt. 26:39).

The Apostasy from the Church Christ Established. After beholding the "Son of the everlasting God" being "slain for the sins of the world," Nephi was shown in vision
"the multitudes of the earth . . . gathered together to fight against the apostles of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 11:34). Nephi further beheld that this "multitude . . . was gathered
together . . . in a large and spacious building" (1 Ne. 11:35). Because they were gathered together in a "large and spacious building," it may be that this multitude was an
interpretation of the great and spacious building symbol of Lehi's dream.

The angel of the Lord then gives Nephi two interpretations of the great and spacious building, one specific and one general. The specific interpretation of the great and
spacious building is "the house of Israel [who] hath gathered together to fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 11:35). The general interpretation of the
great and spacious building, on the other hand, is given when Nephi identifies it as "the pride of the world" (1 Ne. 11:36).

In the first session
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                              Infobase  Media Conference,
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It was through pride that Christ was crucified. The Pharisees were wroth because Jesus claimed to be the Son of God, which was a threat to their position, and so they
plotted his death. (See John 11:53.)
The angel of the Lord then gives Nephi two interpretations of the great and spacious building, one specific and one general. The specific interpretation of the great and
spacious building is "the house of Israel [who] hath gathered together to fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 11:35). The general interpretation of the
great and spacious building, on the other hand, is given when Nephi identifies it as "the pride of the world" (1 Ne. 11:36).

In the first session of the April 1989 General Conference, President Ezra Taft Benson stated:

It was through pride that Christ was crucified. The Pharisees were wroth because Jesus claimed to be the Son of God, which was a threat to their position, and so they
plotted his death. (See John 11:53.)

We can well imagine that the same pride that motivated the wicked members of the house of Israel to crucify the Lamb would also motivate them to fight against his
twelve apostles.

Next, Nephi sees the great and spacious building fall, "and the fall thereof was exceedingly great" (1 Ne. 11:36). This would likely be a figurative manner of expressing
the destruction and scattering of the house of Israel, which began in A.D. 70 when Jerusalem was demolished by the Romans.

Nephi then receives a prophetic warning from the angel:

Thus shall be the destruction of all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people [not just the house of Israel], that shall fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb. (1 Ne.
11:36)

As we shall see, this warning is in dead earnest.

The Three Multitudes: The Prophecy of Nephi's Descendants

As 1 Ne. 12 begins, the vision shifts its focus from events on the Eastern Hemisphere to events on the Western Hemisphere. The whole of chapter 12 deals exclusively
with the fate of Nephi's descendants.

In Lehi's dream, there are three separate multitudes or groups of people that attempt to make their way along the strait and narrow path to the tree of life, each
multitude achieving a different degree of success. These three multitudes of Lehi's dream symbolize the prophetic destiny of Nephi's seed as interpreted in 1 Ne. 12.

The First Multitude. The first multitude is described in the dream of Lehi as follows:

And I [Lehi] saw numberless concourses of people, many of whom were pressing forward, that they might obtain the path which led unto the tree by which I stood.
And it came to pass that they did come forth, and commence in the path which led to the tree. And it came to pass that there arose a mist of darkness; yea, even an
exceedingly great mist of darkness, insomuch that they who had commenced in the path did lose their way, that they wandered off and were lost. (1 Ne. 8:21-23)

As related above, Lehi saw "numberless concourses of people," many of whom were pressing forward. As an interpretation thereof, Nephi sees in vision "multitudes of
people" upon the "land of promise," and these multitudes are his seed and the seed of his brethren (1 Ne. 12:1).

Next, Nephi is shown great battles and wars among his seed and the seed of his brethren, which last for the space of many generations (1 Ne. 12:2-3). Then Nephi
sees a "mist of darkness" on the face of the land of promise. This "mist of darkness" beheld by Nephi is an interpretation and elaboration of the "mist of darkness" that
Lehi saw cause the destruction of the first multitude in his dream, causing them to "lose their way, that they wandered off and were lost" (1 Ne. 8:23).

As a prophetic interpretation of this symbolic destruction of Lehi's first multitude, Nephi beheld in vision the destruction of his people that attended the vapor of
darkness:

I saw lightnings, and I heard thunderings, and earthquakes, and all manner of tumultuous noises; and I saw the earth and the rocks, that they rent; and I saw mountains
tumbling into pieces; and I saw the plains of the earth, that they were broken up; and I saw many cities that they were sunk; and I saw many that they were burned with
fire; and I saw many that did tumble to the earth because of the quaking thereof. (1 Ne. 12:4)

The Second Multitude. The second multitude is described in the dream of Lehi as follows:

And it came to pass that I [Lehi] beheld others pressing forward, and they came forth and caught hold of the end of the rod of iron; and they did press forward through
the mist of darkness, clinging to the rod of iron, even until they did come forth and partake of the fruit of the tree. (1 Ne. 8:24)

This second multitude may represent the righteous part of the people of Nephi who were not slain by the great destructions attending the mists of darkness at the
crucifixion of Christ. (Note that Lehi saw them "press forward through the mists of darkness.") They were not killed as was the first multitude, their more wicked
brethren, but were spared, and Lehi saw them "come forth and partake of the fruit of the tree."

This["partak[ing] of the fruit of the tree" is a representation of the second multitude's obtaining the "love of God" (1 Ne. 11:22, 25) and their incorporation of that love
into their society, by means of which they were enabled to live for approximately two hundred years in the glorious and blessed state described at length in the book of
4 Nephi:

And it came to pass that there was no contention in the land, because of the love of God which did dwell in the hearts of the people. (4 Ne. 1:15)

This interpretation of the second multitude was given to Nephi in his vision when he saw

the vapor of darkness, that it passed from off the face of the earth; and behold, I saw multitudes who had not fallen because of the great and terrible judgments of the
Lord. (1 Ne. 12:5)

Unfortunately, however, in Lehi's dream the second multitude was not to remain forever at the tree of life. As Lehi records:

And after they [the second multitude] had partaken of the fruit of the tree they did cast their eyes about as if they were ashamed. And I also cast my eyes round about;
and beheld, on the other side of the river of water, a great and spacious building; and it stood as it were in the air, high above the earth. And it was filled with people,
both old and young, both male and female; and their manner of dress was exceedingly fine; and they were in the attitude of mocking and pointing their fingers towards
those who had come at and were partaking of the fruit. And after they had tasted of the fruit, they were ashamed, because of those that were scoffing at them; and they
fell away into forbidden paths, and were lost. (1 Ne. 8:25-28)
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In Nephi's vision, he is shown the prophetic meaning behind the symbolic imagery of Lehi's dream: "And it came to pass that I saw the multitudes of the earth gathered
together" (1 Ne. 12:13). Whereas the first gathering together of multitudes was a representation of the house of Israel assembling in order to fight against the twelve
apostles of the Lamb, this second gathering of multitudes represents the seed of Nephi and his brethren who gather together for their final great battle, which would
and beheld, on the other side of the river of water, a great and spacious building; and it stood as it were in the air, high above the earth. And it was filled with people,
both old and young, both male and female; and their manner of dress was exceedingly fine; and they were in the attitude of mocking and pointing their fingers towards
those who had come at and were partaking of the fruit. And after they had tasted of the fruit, they were ashamed, because of those that were scoffing at them; and they
fell away into forbidden paths, and were lost. (1 Ne. 8:25-28)

In Nephi's vision, he is shown the prophetic meaning behind the symbolic imagery of Lehi's dream: "And it came to pass that I saw the multitudes of the earth gathered
together" (1 Ne. 12:13). Whereas the first gathering together of multitudes was a representation of the house of Israel assembling in order to fight against the twelve
apostles of the Lamb, this second gathering of multitudes represents the seed of Nephi and his brethren who gather together for their final great battle, which would
result in the virtual annihilation of the Nephite society (1 Ne. 12:14-15). Once again the phrase multitudes gathering together is being used to interpret the symbol of the
great and spacious building of Lehi's dream.

The angel next exhibits to Nephi three symbols from Lehi's dream which, when combined, represent the destruction of the people of Nephi:

1. The "fountain [river] of filthy water," the interpretation of which the angel gives as "the depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16). This is the destination of the descendants of
Nephi, who died in their wicked and rebellious state.

2. The "mists of darkness," the interpretation of which the angel gives as "the temptations of the devil, which blindeth the eyes, and hardeneth the hearts of the children
of men, and leadeth them away into broad roads, that they perish and are lost" (1 Ne. 12:17). These temptations are the outer force that eventually led to the
destruction of the Nephites.

3. The "great and spacious building," the interpretation of which the angel gives as "the vain imaginations and the pride of the children of men" (1 Ne. 12:18). This pride
is the inner force that caused the Nephites' overthrow.

In vision, Nephi then beholds the interpretation of the above three symbols as applied to the destruction of his people:

I beheld and saw that the seed of my brethren did contend against my seed, according to the word of the angel; and because of the pride of my seed [the great and
spacious building], and the temptations of the devil [the mists of darkness], I beheld that the seed of my brethren did overpower the people of my seed. (1 Ne. 12:19)


But what of the remnant of the people who survived that cataclysmic battle? The dream of Lehi gives us a symbolic answer to that question and the vision of Nephi
offers a corresponding interpretation.

In Lehi's dream, "They [the second multitude] fell away into forbidden paths and were lost" (1 Ne. 8:28). In the vision that Nephi beheld, the angel said unto him:

Behold, these [survivors of the last great battle of the Nephites] shall dwindle in unbelief. And it came to pass that I beheld, after they had dwindled in unbelief they
became a dark, and loathsome, and a filthy people, full of idleness and all manner of abominations. (1 Ne. 12:22-23)

Thus is symbolized and interpreted the complete apostasy which was to occur among the descendants of Nephi and his brothers. Spiritually speaking, "they did fall
away into forbidden paths and were lost" (1 Ne. 8:28).

The Gap in the Record of Lehi's Dream. Before we proceed to a discussion of the third multitude of Lehi's dream and its corresponding interpretation in Nephi's vision,
we must first recognize that the entire account of the dream of Lehi was not recorded by Nephi upon the plates. At some point between the second and third
multitudes, Nephi intentionally omitted some of the details of Lehi's dream when he made his record. As he puts it, "And now I, Nephi, do not speak all the words of
my father" (1 Ne. 8:29).

This gap in the record of Lehi's dream becomes important when we realize that, although this part is missing from the dream itself, the prophetic interpretation thereof is
not missing from Nephi's vision. In other words, although Nephi didn't include this section of Lehi's dream on the gold plates, he did include the interpretation of the
missing section of Lehi's dream when he recorded his vision.

After the gap in Lehi's dream, the narrative of that dream picks up in 1 Ne. 8:30 with the third multitude (or group of multitudes). Once we can identify the
interpretation of this third multitude from Lehi's dream in Nephi's vision, and the point in the record of Nephi's vision at which it is located, we can be relatively sure that
the intervening material between the interpretations of the second multitude and the third multitude will be an interpretation of the missing portion of Lehi's dream.

In Lehi's dream, the third multitude is described as making their way along the path to the tree of life with many of them remaining there for good (1 Ne. 8:30). This is
likely a representation of the last days when the seed of Nephi shall once again embrace the gospel, which shall come to them by means of the Gentiles and will never
again depart from it into a state of apostasy. Not surprisingly, this is exactly the prophetic interpretation put upon this scene by Nephi in his vision, beginning with 1 Ne.
14.

Apparently, then, the events described in Nephi's vision as occurring between the time of the second multitude and the third multitude (constituting the whole of 1 Ne.
13) were symbolized by some means in Lehi's dream. But due to Nephi's desire to "be short in writing" (1 Ne. 8:30), the exact manner in which they were symbolized
in Lehi's dream was not recorded by Nephi on the plates of gold.

The Third Multitude. In Lehi's dream, the third multitude is described as follows:

[Lehi] saw other multitudes pressing forward; and they came and caught hold of the end of the rod of iron; and they did press their way forward, continually holding fast
to the rod of iron, until they came forth and fell down and partook of the fruit of the tree. (1 Ne. 8:30)

Lehi saw a great polarization occurring among the inhabitants of the earth, for not only did he see multitudes pressing toward the tree of life, but

He saw also multitudes feeling their way towards that great and spacious building. . . . And great was the multitude that did enter into that strange building. (1 Ne. 8:31,
33)

Lehi then saw in his dream that the fate of the third multitude that had pressed forward and obtained the tree of life was happier than that of the former two multitudes:

And after [the wicked] did enter into that building they did point the finger of scorn at me and those that were partaking of the fruit also; but we heeded them not. (1
Ne. 8:33)

The lack of (c)
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predecessors, but remained there permanently. Thus concludes the dream of Lehi.

In Nephi's vision, the interpretation of the third multitude from Lehi's dream is recorded in 1 Ne. 14:7:
And after [the wicked] did enter into that building they did point the finger of scorn at me and those that were partaking of the fruit also; but we heeded them not. (1
Ne. 8:33)

The lack of heed given by those at the tree of life to the scorn of the wicked leads us to the conclusion that they did not fall away from the tree as did their
predecessors, but remained there permanently. Thus concludes the dream of Lehi.

In Nephi's vision, the interpretation of the third multitude from Lehi's dream is recorded in 1 Ne. 14:7:

For the time cometh, saith the Lamb of God, that I will work a great and a marvelous work among the children of men; a work which shall be everlasting, either on the
one hand or on the otherï¿½-either unto the convincing them unto peace and life eternal, or unto the deliverance of them to the hardness of their hearts and the blindness
of their minds unto their being brought down into captivity, and also unto destruction, both temporally and spiritually, according to the captivity of the devil, of which I
have spoken.

From this verse, we learn that the prophetic interpretation of the third multitude of Lehi's dream consists of those persons in the last days who are convinced "unto
peace and life eternal." They make it to the "tree of life," partake of the fruit, and fall not away.

As we have seen, the rest of the people in Lehi's dream who do not come to the tree of life gather themselves to the great and spacious building. This is interpreted by
Nephi as their being brought down into "captivity" and "destruction both temporally and spiritually" (1 Ne. 14:7). As Lehi's dream appears to depict a polarization
between the wicked and the righteous in the days of the third multitude, we see similarly depicted in Nephi's vision a great polarization among the peoples of the earth-
ï¿½"a work which shall be everlasting-ï¿½either on the one hand or the other" (1 Ne. 14:7). In subsequent verses, Nephi further describes the polarity that will
occur in the last days:

And he [the angel] said unto me: Behold there are save two churches only; the one is the church of the Lamb of God, and the other is the church of the devil;
wherefore, whoso belongeth not to the church of the Lamb of God belongeth to that great church, which is the mother of abominations; and she is the whore of all the
earth. (1 Ne. 14:10)

Nephi is then shown that the numbers of the church of the devil will far exceed the numbers of the church of the Lamb of God (1 Ne. 14:11-12), even as the same
situation had been typified in Lehi's dream (1 Ne. 8:33).

Next, Nephi beholds "that the great mother of abominations did gather together multitudes upon the face of all the earth, among all the nations of the Gentiles, to fight
against the Lamb of God" (1 Ne. 14:13). As the vision of Nephi concludes, he describes the "power of the Lamb of God" descending upon the church of the Lamb
(1 Ne. 14:14) and the "wrath of God" being "poured out upon that great and abominable church, insomuch that there were wars and rumors of wars among all the
nations and kindreds of the earth" (1 Ne. 14:15).

Just as the dream of Lehi left the reader hanging, so does the vision of Nephi. This similarity in abrupt endings of Nephi's vision and Lehi's dream tends to confirm the
hypothesis that the vision of Nephi is an interpretation of Lehi's dream, up to and including the cliff-hanger ending. But at the conclusion of Nephi's vision, we learn the
reason behind the premature finale.

Nephi was forbidden by God to record the conclusion of the vision. He saw more than he was allowed to write down. Nephi was shown that the apostle John would
have the "ordination" to write the rest of the things that Nephi was shown but forbidden to include in his record (1 Ne. 14:18-28). This accounts not only for the abrupt
ending to Nephi's vision, but also the similarly abrupt ending to the dream of Lehi. It is likely that, even as the record of Nephi's vision was curtailed due to the
anticipated account of John, so was the record of Lehi's dream cut short for the same reason.

It appears from the foregoing that Nephi received an inter pretation of Lehi's dream of the tree of life, which interpretation was given him in the form of a vision. That
interpretation included a panoramic prophecy from the advent of the Savior in mortality up to the earth's final moments just prior to his second coming in glory.

It is nothing short of amazing that the varied and complex list of events described in Nephi's vision were derived from the few, simple symbols used in Lehi's dream of
the tree of life. But this is not the end of it, for Lehi's dream does not symbolize things related to this world alone. In the next section, we will discuss how the tree of life
scenario lends itself to an interpretation of the events to occur to the wicked and the righteous in the afterlife.

3. Lehi's Dream of the Tree of Life As a Guide to the Afterlife

In the last section, we saw how the prophetic vision Nephi was given as recorded in 1 Ne. 11-14 served as a divine in terpretation of the symbolic elements of his
father's dream of the tree of life. Shortly after Nephi received his great vision, we find Laman and Lemuel inquiring of him as to the meaning of the river of water "which
our father saw" (1 Ne. 15:26). Nephi proceeds to embark on a new interpretation of the symbols of the tree of life dream, and in so doing teaches his older brothers
concerning the state of the souls of mankind in the afterlife. Nephi says of the river:

And I said unto them that the water which my father saw was filthiness; and so much was his mind swallowed up in other things that he beheld not the filthiness of the
water. And I said unto them that it was an awful gulf, which separated the wicked from the tree of life, and also from the saints of God. . . . And I said unto them that
our father also saw that the justice of God did also divide the wicked from the righteous; and the brightness thereof was like unto the brightness of a flaming fire, which
ascendeth up unto God forever and ever, and hath no end. (1 Ne. 15:27, 29-30)

This scene of a yawning gulf separating the wicked from the righteous is likely a representation of the spirit world prior to the atonement and resurrection of Jesus
Christ. Up until that time, there was no intercourse between the two hemispheres of the spirit world and no preaching of the gospel to the wicked and ignorant by the
righteous (D&C 138; Luke 16:19-31). Therefore, in terms of the period of time in which Nephi spoke (between 600 and 592 B.C.), his description of the spirit world
was correct.

It is a simple matter to see how this situation in the spirit world was interpreted from Lehi's dream of the tree of life. The righteous part of the people are on one side of
the river and the wicked on the other. Presumably, the righteous are on the side of the tree of life, and the wicked are on the side of the great and spacious building.
Indeed, we saw just such a tableau in Lehi's dream. Enlarging and amplifying upon the symbols of Lehi's dream, however, the river here seems not to be a mere stream
of water running level with the ground, but is instead like the Colorado River, cutting through the chasms and gorges of the Grand Canyon, so as to create a great gulf
of division between the righteous and the wicked, over which neither group may pass.

Next, Nephi describes to his brothers the scene that will take place on the judgment day:

The day should come that they must be judged of their works, yea, even the works which were done by the temporal body in their days of probation. Wherefore, if
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to stand before God, to be judged of their works. (1 Ne. 15:32-33)
Next, Nephi describes to his brothers the scene that will take place on the judgment day:

The day should come that they must be judged of their works, yea, even the works which were done by the temporal body in their days of probation. Wherefore, if
they should die in their wickedness they must be cast off also, as to the things which are spiritual, which are pertaining to righteousness; wherefore, they must be brought
to stand before God, to be judged of their works. (1 Ne. 15:32-33)

Though not mentioned in this text, several other scriptural passages referring to the judgment day speak of a "bar." Both Jacob and Moroni speak of the "pleasing bar
of God," before which all mankind shall be judged (Jacob 6:13; Moro. 10:34). Though the word bar as used in this context obviously has legal istic implications, it is
interesting that the foremost definition of the word bar is "a straight piece (as of wood or metal) that is longer than it is wide, and has any of various uses (as for . . .
support)." This definition of a bar as a long-shaped piece of metal fits the description of the iron rod leading to the tree of life. It is therefore possible that this
judgment scene described by Nephi was typified in Lehi's dream by the transportation of the wicked multitude by some means across the gulf to stand before the rod of
iron (judgment bar) along with the righteous in order to be judged of their works.

The bar, or the rod of iron, is the place where the people are judged. It will be remembered that the fundamental interpretation of the rod of iron is "the word of
God" (1 Ne. 11:25). As we have pointed out above, one of the most common scriptural uses of the phrase the word of God is as a name for Jesus Christ. Therefore,
the bringing of all people before the rod of iron ( judgment bar or word of God) to be judged of their works may symbolize the scriptural verity that Christ will be the
judge of all mankind (John 5:22), and that all will be brought to stand before him in that great judgment day to be judged of their works, whether they be good or
whether they be evil (Rev. 20:12-13).

Nephi then describes for his brothers the fate of the wicked and the righteous subsequent to the final judgment, all in terms of symbolism derived from his father's
dream:

If their works have been filthiness they must needs be filthy; and if they be filthy it must needs by that they cannot dwell in the kingdom of God; if so, the kingdom of
God must be filthy also. But behold, I say unto you, the kingdom of God is not filthy, and there cannot any unclean thing enter into the kingdom of God; wherefore there
must needs be a place of filthiness prepared for that which is filthy.

And there is a place prepared, yea, even that awful hell of which I have spoken, and the devil is the preparator of it; wherefore the final state of the souls of men is to
dwell in the kingdom of God, or to be cast out because of that justice of which I have spoken.

Wherefore, the wicked are rejected from the righ teous, and also from that tree of life, whose fruit is most precious and most desirable above all other fruits; yea, and it
is the greatest of all the gifts of God. (1 Ne. 15:33-36)

From Nephi's interpretation, we may conclude that, in terms of Lehi's dream, once the wicked are brought across the gulf to be judged of their works before the
judgment bar of God, they are not simply put back where they once were on the opposite side of the gulf, but are cast into the gulf itself and the river which winds its
way through it, while the righteous remain at the tree of life, to partake of its fruit forever.

As will be recalled, Nephi further interpreted the river of filthy water as:

A representation of that awful hell, which the angel said unto me was prepared for the wicked, . . . and the brightness thereof was like unto the brightness of a flaming
fire, which ascendeth up unto God forever and ever, and hath no end. (1 Ne. 15:29-30)

It is feasible to interpret this passage as describing the river of water as burning in some manner, as "a flaming fire." The use of a "burning" body of water to represent
hell is not without precedent in the scriptures, being the equivalent of the familiar "lake of fire and brimstone."

First 1 Ne. 15:30 states that "the justice of God did also divide the wicked from the righteous." It is the justice of God that keeps the wicked from returning to his
presence along with the righteous. Adam sinned and was cast out of God's presence in the beginning. We have all sinned personally and thereby come short of the
glory of God. In the terms used in Lehi's dream, we have all become filthy through the commission of sin and are therefore bound for the river of filthy, burning water as
our eternal resting place. There is only one other alternative that God has provided, and that is the tree of life, which now comes to represent the presence of God
himself. And the only way by which we may reach the tree of life is the strait and narrow path, along which stretches the rod of iron. There is no other way provided by
which access may be gained to the tree of life.

We recall that, early on in Nephi's vision (1 Ne. 11:26-33), the interpretation of the "rod of iron" was given as the ministry and atonement of Jesus Christ. Now we can
more fully appreciate the symbolism involved in that interpretation. Even as the rod of iron is the only manner by which the multitudes can approach and obtain the fruit
of the tree of life, so is the atonement of Jesus Christ the only way by which we can overcome the effects of the fall, be forgiven of our sins, and return to the presence
of God (see Mosiah 3:17).

First 1 Ne. 15:36 states that the fruit of the tree of life "is the greatest of all the gifts of God." Similarly, D&C 14:7 declares, "And, if you keep my commandments, and
endure to the end, you shall have eternal life, which gift is the greatest of all the gifts of God." Thus we see that the act of partaking of the fruit of the tree of life is likely
symbolic of par taking of eternal life, both gifts being described as the greatest of the gifts of God.

4. Lehi's Dream of the Tree of Life As a Diagram of the Garden of Eden

When describing to his brothers the separation of the wicked from the tree of life, Nephi uses a curious phrase: "And I said unto them that our father also saw that the
justice of God did also divide the wicked from the righteous" (1 Ne. 15:30).

One is left to wonder how an abstract concept such as "justice" can operate to divide these two groups of people. It is possible the answer to this question is found in
Alma 42, in which the justice of God is contrasted with the mercy of Christ and we are shown how, through the atonement of the Savior, both justice and mercy are
satisfied and neither is robbed. Alma defines the workings of the justice of God to be the casting of Adam and Eve out of the Garden of Eden subsequent to their
partaking of the fruit of the knowledge of good and evil, due to the fact that they had transgressed his ordinances and were no longer fit to dwell in his presence (Alma
42:14). Alma goes on to say,

Now, we see that the man had become as God, knowing good and evil; and lest he should put forth his hand, and take also of the tree of life, and eat and live forever,
the Lord God placed cherubim and a flaming sword, that he should not partake of the fruit. (Alma 42:3)

Thus we see that it was not the mere attribute of justice alone which accomplished the dividing of the wicked from the tree of life, but rather it was the justice of God as
made manifest in his placing "cherubim and a flaming sword" to guard the tree of life (Gen. 3:24; Alma 12:21;42:2; Moses 4:31).
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Abraham informs us that the tree of life was "in the midst of the garden" (Abr. 5:9; see also Rev. 2:7). Yet, when God cast Adam and Eve out of the Garden of Eden,
he placed the cherubim with the flaming sword not in the midst of the garden, as one might expect, but "eastward in Eden" (Moses 4:31; Alma 12:21;42:2; Gen. 3:24).
The question arises as to why God would put the guardians of the tree of life in the east part of the garden when the tree of life was in the midst of the garden. This
the Lord God placed cherubim and a flaming sword, that he should not partake of the fruit. (Alma 42:3)

Thus we see that it was not the mere attribute of justice alone which accomplished the dividing of the wicked from the tree of life, but rather it was the justice of God as
made manifest in his placing "cherubim and a flaming sword" to guard the tree of life (Gen. 3:24; Alma 12:21;42:2; Moses 4:31).

Abraham informs us that the tree of life was "in the midst of the garden" (Abr. 5:9; see also Rev. 2:7). Yet, when God cast Adam and Eve out of the Garden of Eden,
he placed the cherubim with the flaming sword not in the midst of the garden, as one might expect, but "eastward in Eden" (Moses 4:31; Alma 12:21;42:2; Gen. 3:24).
The question arises as to why God would put the guardians of the tree of life in the east part of the garden when the tree of life was in the midst of the garden. This
would seem an ineffective manner of guarding the tree of life, inasmuch as an intruder could enter from the north, south, or west, and partake of its fruit without
encountering the guardians.

It is possible that the reason the Lord put cherubim eastward in Eden to guard the tree of life which was located in the midst of Eden is because there was only one
entrance to the garden, and that entrance was located in the east.

Of all the Eden accounts available to Latter-day Saints, the one contained in the Bible alone gives us a fascinating insight. Whereas the other accounts simply state that
the cherubim were put at the east part of Eden to "guard the tree of life," the Bible states that the cherubim were put there to guard "the way of the tree of life" (Gen.
3:24). A "way" to the tree of life would naturally lead from the entrance in the east part of the garden of Eden to the tree itself, situated "in the midst of the garden" (Abr.
5:9). Perhaps it would not be too much to assume that the way spoken of could have been a strait and narrow path.

Thus it seems possible that when Lehi saw the tree of life in his dream, he was in reality seeing a representation of that same tree which existed in the midst of the
Garden of Eden, and which continues to exist for the future enjoyment of the faithful in the paradise of God (Rev. 2:7). The history of the earth from Adam to the
winding-up scene is one great drama in which Adam and Eve (all of us, respectively), after having been cast out of the Garden of Eden, lose their access to the tree of
life and eternal life. They must now find their way back and gain readmittance to the garden so that they may once more partake of the fruit of the tree of life and lay
hold on immortality and exaltation. The play ends where it begins-ï¿½the Garden of Eden and the tree of life.

It has been suggested by numerous Latter-day Saint scholars that the Garden of Eden was the first temple, inasmuch as it was there that God first revealed himself to
man. In addition to this similarity, the Garden of Eden may have possessed a number of other features similar to later temples, thus serving as the great archetype of the
House of the Lord.

First, as noted above, there is apparently some sort of barrier that surrounds the Garden of Eden such that no one may gain entrance except at a particular spot.
Although there may be some other explanation, the first idea that comes to mind is the existence of walls. A walled garden does not seem out of the question.

Second, the only entrance to the garden seems to face east. Having the entrance to the temple face east has long been recog nized as the established pattern for building
temples.

Third, the entrance to the garden is guarded by angels to make sure that no unclean thing passes to the tree of life. Similarly, at the entrances to latter-day temples are
located guardians, put there for the purpose of making sure that only the righteous are allowed admittance.

Fourth, the tree of life, representing the presence of God or eternal life, is located in the middle of the Garden of Eden. According to temple-building procedure, it is
customary to place the celestial room, the symbol of the presence of God and the attainment of eternal life, in the center of the structure, even as anciently the holy place
and the holiest of holies were located in the center of the temple complex.

Finally, just as one must traverse the way that leads from the entrance to the Garden of Eden in order to arrive at the tree of life, so must the temple patron proceed
along the "way" of the temple ordinances, oaths, and covenants in order to arrive at the celestial room.

The fact that the Lord placed angels (cherubim) to guard the way of the tree of life may give additional insight into Brigham Young's oft-quoted definition of the
endowment:

Your endowment is, to receive all those ordinances in the house of the Lord, which are necessary for you, after you have departed this life, to enable you to walk back
to the presence of the Father, passing the angels who stand as sentinels, being enabled to give them the key words, the signs and tokens, pertaining to the holy
Priesthood, and gain your eternal exaltation in spite of earth and hell.

It is conceivable that the angels the Lord placed as guardians to the tree of life after the expulsion of Adam and Eve are the very same angels that Brigham Young tells
us we must pass in order to gain our eternal exaltation.

Conclusion

This paper has investigated the dream of the tree of life received by Lehi and recorded in 1 Ne. 8, together with the various and sundry interpretations of that dream as
contained in other passages of the Book of Mormon. From the simple scenario of the tree of life, with its elements numbering under a dozen, spring interpretations
involving the history of the world from the advent of the Savior to the last days, the destiny of the wicked and the righteous in the hereafter, and the strategy of what we
must do as individuals during this mortal phase of our existence to assure us of attaining eternal life. Further, the tree of life scenario is laden with temple associations.
Lehi's dream of the tree of life thus takes its place as one of the richest, most flexible, and far-reaching pieces of symbolic prophecy contained in the standard works. It
stands as a testament not only to the prophetic nature of the Book of Mormon, but also to the prophetic nature of the man who brought it forth in these last days.

  Though never expressly stated in the text, the path appears to be the only means of access to the tree of life, and hence to the fruit it bears.

   It may be observed that it is this interpretation that Nephi divulged to his two murmuring brothers, Laman and Lemuel, when they came to him inquiring as to what
the dream of their father meant (1 Ne. 15:21-24). It would be reasonable to conclude that the level of understanding imparted by Nephi to Laman and Lemuel would
be the milk and not the meat of the interpretation of the tree of life dream, for surely the faithless and unbelieving Laman and Lemuel were not spiritually prepared to
receive the deeper things of God.

   There can be little question that this is, in fact, the interpretation of the tree of life, inasmuch as this part of the vision is given in direct response to Nephi's request to
know the interpretation of the tree (1 Ne. 15:11). For further support of this proposition, see Jeanette W. Miller, "The Tree of Life, a Personification of Christ," Journal
of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (1993): 93. It may be that at this time, Nephi was also instructed that this momentous event of the Lord's advent in mortality would
take place six hundred years from the time he saw it in vision. Though not recorded in this section of the Book of Mormon, Nephi later makes reference to this
additional piece of prophetic insight, and refers to it as having come through "the words of the angel" (1 Ne. 19:8). It also seems likely that the reason for the change in
escorts from the Spirit of the Lord to the angel is that the Spirit of the Lord was in reality Christ in the premortal state. Having carried Nephi to the mountain top and
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impress upon Nephi the identity of the Spirit of the Lord as that same child that Nephi witnessed being born in the vision. For Nephi to have simultaneously seen both
the premortal Messiah by his side and the Son of God being born in the vision could have led to needless confusion over the issue.
of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (1993): 93. It may be that at this time, Nephi was also instructed that this momentous event of the Lord's advent in mortality would
take place six hundred years from the time he saw it in vision. Though not recorded in this section of the Book of Mormon, Nephi later makes reference to this
additional piece of prophetic insight, and refers to it as having come through "the words of the angel" (1 Ne. 19:8). It also seems likely that the reason for the change in
escorts from the Spirit of the Lord to the angel is that the Spirit of the Lord was in reality Christ in the premortal state. Having carried Nephi to the mountain top and
introduced him to the beginning of the vision, the Spirit of the Lord disappeared just prior to Nephi's beholding the birth of the Savior. This may have been done to
impress upon Nephi the identity of the Spirit of the Lord as that same child that Nephi witnessed being born in the vision. For Nephi to have simultaneously seen both
the premortal Messiah by his side and the Son of God being born in the vision could have led to needless confusion over the issue.

  As in other sacred teaching experiences, the Lord, or his messenger, first imparts knowledge, then asks questions to determine how well the student has learned.

   How does "the love of God" relate to Christ's birth? Love on the part of the Son of God for mankind was the motivating factor in his condescending to take upon
himself flesh and blood, for it was only by and through this means that he could provide a ransom whereby mankind might be redeemed from the effects of the Fall.
"We love him, because he first loved us" (1 Jn. 4:19). Also, the love of God the Father was manifest in sending his Son to be born into this world: "For God so loved
the world, that he sent his only begotten Son, that whosoever should believe in him should not perish, but should have everlasting life" (John 3:16).

  The waters of baptism may be typified as "living" inasmuch as the ordinance of baptism must be received in order to obtain eternal life (John 3:5). In the early
Christian writing Didache 7, it says: "But concerning baptism, thus shall ye baptize. Having first recited all these things, baptize in the name of the Father and of the Son
and of the Holy Spirit in living (running) water."

  It will be seen that whenever the phrase multitudes gathered together is used in Nephi's vision, it seems to have reference to an interpretation of the great and
spacious building symbol of Lehi's dream.

   The great and spacious building as a representation of the house of Israel gathered together to fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb is only the first of several
interpretations within the vision of Nephi of the great and spacious building symbol from Lehi's dream. Nevertheless, its general interpretation as "the pride of the world"
applies with equal force to all the subsequent specific interpretations of that symbol as well as the one under consideration.

   Ezra Taft Benson, "Beware of Pride," Ensign 19 (May 1989): 5.

   Further amplification and details regarding the second multitude are added in Nephi's vision when he beheld "the Lamb of God descending out of heaven" (1 Ne.
11:5), Christ's choosing twelve others from among the seed of Nephi for his disciples (1 Ne. 11:7-10), and the passing away of three generations and many of the
fourth generation in righteousness (1 Ne. 12:11-12).

   Though not expressly stated in this passage, it is implied that Nephi's people, having been destroyed in their wickedness, were therefore cast down into the "depths
of hell," as symbolized by the river of filthy water. The three symbolic elements from Lehi's vision along with their in terpretations are given by the angel in inverse order
from the application of those symbols to the destruction of Nephi's people, thus forming a chiasm. A. "The depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16) B. "The temptations of the
devil" (1 Nephi 12:17) C. "Pride and vain imaginations" (1 Nephi 12:18) C'. "The pride of my seed" (1 Nephi 12:19) B'. "The temptations of the devil" (1 Nephi 12:19)
A'. The depths of hell (implied; 1 Ne. 12:19) Inasmuch as it was a practice of the ancient Hebrews to place the most important element at the center of the chiastic
structure, it appears that the vision of Nephi considers "pride" to have been the main contributing factor to the fall of the Nephites. Other scriptures would support this
view. Mormon stated, "Behold, the pride of this nation, or the people of the Nephites, hath proven their destruction" (Moro. 8:27). In a revelation through Joseph
Smith, the Lord said, "Beware of pride, lest ye become as the Nephites of old" (D&C 38:29).

   It would be an interesting exercise to attempt a reconstruction of the unrecorded section of Lehi's dream based upon the interpretation thereof found in 1 Ne. 13.
Space considerations, however, do not permit such an attempt in this article. For now, we will skip the whole of 1 Ne. 13 without further comment and turn our
attention to the beginning of 1 Ne. 14 for the interpretation of the third multitude from Lehi's dream.

  Though this abrupt conclusion may leave the reader hanging somewhat, we learn later that this is all according to the plan. In fact, it appears that this may not really
have been the end of Lehi's dream at all, but rather merely all that Nephi was permitted by the Lord to record on the gold plates. More of this later.

   Nephi is told by the angel that, if the Gentiles in the last days shall "hearken unto the Lamb of God," and "harden not their hearts against the Lamb of God, they shall
be numbered among the house of Israel" (1 Ne. 14:1-2). Thus the Gentiles may also be included in the select number of the third multitude so long as they comply with
the same requirement as is imposed upon the literal descendants of the house of Israel, that being repentance (1 Ne. 14:6).

   We also learn from 1 Ne. 14:7, quoted above, that the cause of this extreme polarization in the last days is the "marvelous work" which the Lord will perform, i.e.,
the restoration of the gospel and the gathering of his people out of the world (2 Ne. 29:1-2).

   Nephi's brother Jacob, who had also apparently been given a view of this same vision (see 2 Ne. 6:9-15;9:5, 41;10:3), described the polarization that would occur
as follows: "Wherefore, he that fighteth against Zion, both Jew and Gentile, both bond and free, both male and female, shall perish; for they are they who are the whore
of all the earth; for they who are not for me are against me, saith our God" (2 Ne. 10:16).

  The phraseology of "gather(ing) together multitudes" should be familiar by now. It is clear that the great and spacious building of Lehi's dream is serving in yet another
symbolic role, this time as the latter-day church of the devil, or great mother of abominations. Following in the pattern of the first representation of the great and
spacious building (1 Ne. 11:35), it now "gathers together multitudes" to fight against the Lamb of God.

    Later, however, Nephi lets slip the fact that the fate of the great and spacious building (latter-day church of the devil) is the same as the great and spacious building in
the meridian of time (the house of Israel), i.e., it "shall tumble to the dust and great shall be the fall of it" (1 Ne. 22:14, 23). Such a fate would fit nicely with the
symbolism of the great and spacious building that Lehi saw in his dream, inasmuch as it was built, "as it were, in the air high above the earth" (1 Ne. 8:26). The
precarious position of the great and spacious building symbolized its instability from the first, together with the peril of all those who entered therein. The fate of the
latter-day church of the devil thus fulfills the prophecy given earlier by the angel to Nephi: "Thus shall be the destruction of all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people,
that shall fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 11:36).

  Merriam-Webster, Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, MA: Merriam, 1967), 69.

   Moreover, the legalistic connotation of the word bar came from "a partition or railing running across a courtroom, intended to separate the general public from the
space occupied by the judges, counsel, jury, and others concerned in the trial of a cause." The word bar is also used to describe "the place where prisoners stand at
their trial" in Henry C. Black, Black's Law Dictionary (St. Paul, MN: West, 1968), 187-88.

    The symbolism
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and found "filthy," they cannot enter into the kingdom of God (1 Ne. 15:34), but must needs go to a place of like filthiness. Nephi informs us that just such a place of
filthiness has been prepared for them, and that it is the depths of hell, fittingly represented by the river of "filthy" water. It is possible that Nephi means more by the
concept of "filthy" water than merely the fact that it is muddy or dirty. After all, it is not too repugnant to be doused in muddy water. Many people pay good money to
   Moreover, the legalistic connotation of the word bar came from "a partition or railing running across a courtroom, intended to separate the general public from the
space occupied by the judges, counsel, jury, and others concerned in the trial of a cause." The word bar is also used to describe "the place where prisoners stand at
their trial" in Henry C. Black, Black's Law Dictionary (St. Paul, MN: West, 1968), 187-88.

    The symbolism of the river of "filthy" water is cleverly tied in with its representation of the "depths of hell" and those who are cast into it. Once the wicked are judged
and found "filthy," they cannot enter into the kingdom of God (1 Ne. 15:34), but must needs go to a place of like filthiness. Nephi informs us that just such a place of
filthiness has been prepared for them, and that it is the depths of hell, fittingly represented by the river of "filthy" water. It is possible that Nephi means more by the
concept of "filthy" water than merely the fact that it is muddy or dirty. After all, it is not too repugnant to be doused in muddy water. Many people pay good money to
do just that in large rafts along the rapids of the Colorado River! Rather, the word translated "filthy" has the additional connotation of "contemptibly offensive, vile or
objectionable." This additional offensiveness of the river could be due to the presence of human or animal waste. It is possible that the river of filthy water may amount
to no more than an open sewage ditch. To be cast into that kind of river would be repugnant indeed!

   Nephi's brother Jacob spoke of the lake of fire and brimstone using similar terminology as Nephi used in describing the river of filthy water: "And according to the
power of justice, for justice cannot be denied, ye must go away into that lake of fire and brimstone, whose flames are unquenchable, and whose smoke ascendeth up
forever and ever, which lake of fire and brimstone is endless torment" (Jacob 6:10).

   As we have seen, the strait and narrow path, and the rod of iron by which it runs, represent the atonement of Jesus Christ. In this context, it may be remembered that
the Savior himself declared, "I am the way, the truth, and the life; no man cometh unto the Father but by me" (John 14:6).

  In a similar vein, the Lord revealed to John the Revelator: "To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the tree of life, which is in the midst of the paradise of
God" (Rev. 2:7).

   Donald W. Parry, "The Garden of Eden: Sacred Space, Sanctuary, Temple of God," Explorations: A Journal for Adventurous Thought 5 (Summer 1987): 83-107;
Joseph Fielding McConkie, "The Mystery of Eden," in Joseph Fielding McConkie and Robert L. Millet, eds., The Man Adam (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1990), 30;
Stephen E. Robinson, "The Book of Adam in Judaism and Early Christianity," in ibid., 145; Roger R. Keller, "Adam: As Understood by Four Men Who Shaped
Western Christianity," in ibid.

   According to Jewish legend, the serpent, while tempting Eve to eat the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, "suspended himself from the wall surrounding
Paradise." The same legend refers to "the gate of Paradise" which Eve opened, thus allowing the serpent admittance. Louis Ginzberg, Legends of the Bible (New York
City: Simon and Schuster, 1956), 49. The idea of the gate is particularly interesting in light of the fact that Nephi later adds to the tree of life scenario the detail of a gate
through which one must pass in order to commence in the way that leads to the tree of life (2 Ne. 31:17-18).

  Some of the more recently constructed temples, however, such as the San Diego and Las Vegas temples, have the celestial room located at the end of the building.

   John Widtsoe, Discourses of Brigham Young (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1941), 416.

The Lord Will Redeem His People: Adoptive Covenant and Redemption in the Old Testament
and Book of Mormon
Jennifer Clark Lane

Abstract: In the text of the Old Testament Yahweh is described as the Redeemer of Israel. A redeemer in Israelite society was a close family member who was
responsible to help his enslaved kinsmen by buying them out of bondage. A comparable family relationship is created between the Lord and individuals by the making
of covenants and the giving of a new name. The adoptive covenant becomes the basis for the Lord's acts of redemption. This pattern of adoptive redemption can be
seen in both the Old Testament and the Book of Mormon. The Book of Mormon identifies Yahweh, the God and Redeemer of the Old Testament, with Jesus Christ. It
further explains that redemption from spiritual bondage comes through the ransom price of his blood and is avail able to those who enter into adoptive covenants, which
create a familial relationship and allow the Lord to act as their redeemer.

It is commonly recognized that Yahweh is seen as the Redeemer of Israel in texts of the Old Testament. A redeemer in an ancient Israelite setting was a close family
member responsible for helping other family membersï¿½-who had lost their property, liberty, or livesï¿½-by buying them out of their bondage or avenging them. The
characterization of Yahweh as redeemer is usually seen by scholars as a vague reference to his desire to help his people. More specific study of his role as redeemer is
rarely made. An analysis of the biblical text, however, indicates that it is the covenantal relationship between Yahweh and the House of Israel that binds them together
and permits Yahweh to act as the Redeemer of Israel. This covenantal relation is repeatedly associated with the giving of a name, indicating a new status and character.
As reflected in the new name, it is by the covenant that individuals or Israel as a people are adopted. They become part of the family of Yahweh and, as their kinsman,
he becomes their redeemer. I will refer to this idea of familial ties being created by covenant and expressed in the giving of a new name as "adoptive" redemption.

Redemption in the Old Testament: Definitions and Usage

In the Old Testament there are two words, ga'al and padah, which are primarily translated as "redeem." Both incorporate the idea of "buying back" or "release by the
payment of a price." These words are often used interchangeably, illustrating the con cept of salvation from mortal danger through a commercial or le gal transaction.


Although these two terms are often used interchangeably, there are several clear differences in usage. Padah is essentially a commercial term that shares a common root
with the term for re demption in other Semitic languages. It refers only to the process of a change of ownership; the motivation of the redemption is not essential to the
meaning of the word. This idea of redemption does not suggest prerogative, right, or duty.

Unlike padah, ga'al has no Semitic cognates and is found only in Hebrew. Ga'al refers to redemption made out of family obligation or responsibility. The person who
carries this re sponsibility is known as the go'el, the present participle of ga'al. The go'el was a person's closest relative who was "responsible for standing up for him
and maintaining his rights," a responsibility based on feelings of tribal unity. Basic duties of the go'el were: (1) to buy back sold property; (2) to buy back a man who
had sold himself to a foreigner as a slave; (3) to avenge blood and kill a relative's murderer; (4) to receive atonement money; and, figuratively, (5) to be a helper in a
lawsuit.

All of these different duties are, at different times, assumed by Yahweh, who acts as the go'el of Israel. The idea of intimate kinship, essential to the role of the go'el, is
connected with Yahweh in Isa. 63:16, where Isaiah cries out, "Doubtless thou art our father, though Abraham be ignorant of us, and Israel acknowledge us not: thou, O
Lord, art our father, our redeemer; thy name is from everlasting." Yahweh is also seen as a protector of widows and orphans (Prov. 23:10-11; Isa. 54:4-5) and as the
redeemer of individuals (Lam. 3:52-58).

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There is a common confusion in the use of the terms save and redeem. They may seem to be used interchangeably and sometimes are assumed to be synonyms.
Although they both do convey the meaning of "deliver," redeem is a subclass of save. Saving refers to any kind of deliverance, and redeeming specifi cally refers to
connected with Yahweh in Isa. 63:16, where Isaiah cries out, "Doubtless thou art our father, though Abraham be ignorant of us, and Israel acknowledge us not: thou, O
Lord, art our father, our redeemer; thy name is from everlasting." Yahweh is also seen as a protector of widows and orphans (Prov. 23:10-11; Isa. 54:4-5) and as the
redeemer of individuals (Lam. 3:52-58).

Redemption as a Subclass of Salvation

There is a common confusion in the use of the terms save and redeem. They may seem to be used interchangeably and sometimes are assumed to be synonyms.
Although they both do convey the meaning of "deliver," redeem is a subclass of save. Saving refers to any kind of deliverance, and redeeming specifi cally refers to
deliverance based upon a payment.

The English word save is from the Latin salvare, "to save," and salvus, "safe." Its basic meaning is "to deliver or rescue from peril or hurt; to make safe, put in safety."
There is no intrinsic indication of how this rescue is performed. With "redeem," on the other hand, the Latin root specifically means "to buy back," re(d) + emere.
Accordingly, the basic meaning in English is "to buy back (a thing formerly possessed); to make payment for (a thing held or claimed by another)."

While the meaning of Hebrew words may not be as clear as English words because of limited information on etymology and usage, there are still different words used
to express the general concept of deliverance than those used to refer to salvation through a specific means. The most common Hebrew root meaning "save" is *YS'. It
is a general term signifying "removing that which restricts." Other Hebrew words that have a general concept of delivering include nasal, palat, and malat. These terms
clearly differ from ga'al and padah, which refer to deliverance through the payment of a ransom price.

Name-giving and Covenant among the Israelites

To understand the significance in the Old Testament of the idea of "giving a name," it is essential to appreciate the importance of names to the Israelites. The Hebrew
word sem, usually translated "name," can also be rendered "remembrance" or "memorial," indicating that the name acts as a reminder to its bearers and others. The
name shows both the true nature of its bearer and indicates the relationship that exists between entities. There are several instances when names are changed in the Old
Testament, and this change of name indicates a corresponding change in character and conduct. This illustrates the Hebrew belief that names represent something of the
essence of a person. A new name shows a new status or the establishment of a new re lationship. This new relationship may express the dependence of the person who
receives a new name, but at the same time re naming may also indicate a type of adoption.

To the Israelites covenants were also a symbolic formation of a new relationship. In a discussion of the establishment of the covenant at Sinai and the associated ritual
meal of Moses and the elders of Israel with Yahweh in Ex. 24:9-11, McCarthy comments:

To see a great chief and eat in his place is to join his family in the root sense of that Latin word [gens]: the whole group related by blood or not which stood under the
authority and protection of the father. One is united to him as a client to his patron who protects him and whom he serves. . . . Covenant is something one makes by a
rite, not something one is born to or forced into, and it can be described in family terms. God is patron and father, Israel servant and son.

By making a covenant with Yahweh, the people of Israel enter into his family and protection. This was explicitly expressed in terms of adoption: "I will take you to me
for a people, and I will be to you a God" (Ex. 6:7).

Old Testament Textual Examples of Adoptive Redemption

The connection between redemption, covenant, and name-giving can be seen in the experiences of Abraham, Jacob, and the house of Israel. In Gen. 17:1-8 we can
see that Abraham's experience specifically contains two central elements to the covenant-redemption relationship: renaming and adoption. As part of the covenant,
Abram is called by a new name, Abraham ("father of a multitude"), denoting a change in nature and character. In addition to receiving a new name there is a specific
promise of adoption. Yahweh says, "I will establish my covenant between me and thee and thy seed . . . to be a God unto thee, and to thy seed after thee" (Gen. 17:7).
This adoption establishes a sense of possession, a familial relation which allows Yahweh to act as a go'el and redeem, or buy back, his people from slavery. It is also
interesting to note that even though the concept of redemption is not specifically mentioned in this passage, it may have been understood as can be seen by Isaiah's
statement, which referred to God as the redeemer of Abraham: "Therefore thus saith the LORD, who redeemed Abraham , concerning the house of Jacob" (Isa.
29:22).

These same elements of an adoptive covenant and redemption are found when Jacob received the name Israel from the angel. The texts that relate this story are found
in Gen. 32:24-30 and Gen. 48:14-16. In the second passage, which represents Jacob's commentary on the original incident, Jacob clearly identifies his experience as
an act of redemption. When Jacob refers to "the Angel which redeemed me from all evil" (Gen. 48:16), it can be argued that he is referring to Yahweh himself. He
"called the name of the place Peniel: for I have seen God face to face" (Gen. 32:30) and declared that his life had been preserved. In the Hebrew text the angel is called
ha-go'el, the "redeemer" or the "one redeeming." In both passages the concept of renaming or passing on a name is central. In the original description, Jacob is given the
new name of Israel. Then, in Gen. 48:16, Jacob blesses his grandsons Ephraim and Manasseh, recalling the memory of his redemption, and gives them his name and the
names of Abraham and Isaac.

In the account of the deliverance out of Egypt we find another clear connection between adoption, redemption, and covenant. In Ex. 5, Moses speaks to Yahweh,
reporting on his unsuccessful efforts to convince Pharaoh to release the children of Israel. Yahweh responds (in Ex. 6:4-8) and refers to the covenant that he made with
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as an assurance that he will redeem Israel out of their bondage in Egypt. The Lord then speaks of making a covenant with Israel as a
people. The phrase, "I will take you to me for a people, and I will be to you a God: and ye shall know that I am the Lord your God, which bringeth you out from under
the burdens of the Egyptians" (Exodus 6: 7), is reminiscent of a sense of adoption in the individual covenants made with Abraham and Jacob. This sense of familial
obligation is characteristic of the redemption provided by the go'el in Hebrew legal practice. The Lord's redemption of Israel from bondage was more than simply a
deliverance or an exercise of power; it was the fulfillment of promises of adoptive redemption with the patriarchs and the establishment of a covenant relationship with
the house of Israel through which they became the people of the Lord, and Yahweh became their go'el, the redeeming kinsman of Israel.

Adoptive Redemption in the Book of Mormon

As in the Old Testament, redemption is one of the central themes of the Book of Mormon. The concept of redemption in the Book of Mormon fits the ancient Near
Eastern practice of buying someone out of slavery and bondage, although this is often expressed in spiritual terms (as seen in references to the "chains of hell" [Alma
5:7], "the captivity of the devil" [1 Ne. 14:4], etc.). Just as the writers of the Book of Mormon saw captivity in spiritual terms, they also saw redemption as a spiritual
matter and sought to persuade people that Jesus Christ is the Redeemer (Alma 37:5-10). This concept of redeemer in the Book of Mormon clearly matches the
Israelite concept of the go'el, a family member who had the responsibility to redeem his kinsmen from bondage. The Old Testament view of Yahweh as the go'el of
Israel can be seen in the Book of Mormon, where the Lord's acts of redemption are connected to covenants that establish an adoptive relationship with a person or
people; when they enter into this covenantal relationship and receive a new name, he becomes their go'el and is able to redeem them. Book of Mormon writers take
Old Testament redemption typology and the concept of adoptive redemption and make it explicitly spiritual and Christian.
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In accordance with the ancient Near Eastern practice of re demption from physical bondage, the people in the Book of Mormon understood that redemption from
Israel can be seen in the Book of Mormon, where the Lord's acts of redemption are connected to covenants that establish an adoptive relationship with a person or
people; when they enter into this covenantal relationship and receive a new name, he becomes their go'el and is able to redeem them. Book of Mormon writers take
Old Testament redemption typology and the concept of adoptive redemption and make it explicitly spiritual and Christian.

Redemption in the Book of Mormon

In accordance with the ancient Near Eastern practice of re demption from physical bondage, the people in the Book of Mormon understood that redemption from
spiritual bondage required a redeemer to pay the ransom price. The Old Testament characterization of Yahweh as the Redeemer of Israel is also present in the Book of
Mormon. Here it is also understood that Yahweh would come to earth and through his suffering pay the price of redemption. Lehi teaches that "redemption cometh in
and through the Holy Messiah" because "he offereth himself a sacrifice for sin, to answer the ends of the law, unto all those who have a broken heart and a contrite
spirit" (2 Ne. 2:6-7).

In addition to identifying Yahweh, the Redeemer of Israel, with Jesus Christ, the writers of the Book of Mormon give another important insight into spiritual redemption
by making a distinction between redemption from spiritual death and redemption from physical death. Lehi explains that the universal redemption from physical death is
possible because "the Messiah cometh in the fullness of time, that he may redeem the children of men from the fall" (2 Ne. 2:26). This physical redemption of the
children of men is not complete redemption. It only makes men "free according to the flesh" and able "to choose liberty and eternal life" or to choose "captivity and
death" (2 Ne. 2:27). In addition to this redemption from death brought about by the resurrection of Christ (Morm. 9:13), Christ's suffering and atonement provide a
redemption from hell, or spiritual bondage. Both Lehi and Nephi explicitly declare that the Lord "hath redeemed my soul from hell" (2 Ne. 1:15;33:6). Almost six
hundred years later, the prophet Nephi 2 explains this redemption, teaching that the redemption of Christ was understood by Abraham and Moses (Helaman 8:14-18)
and that:

Our father Lehi was driven out of Jerusalem because he testified of these things. Nephi also testified of these things; . . . they have testified of the coming of Christ. . . .
And behold, he is God, and he is with them, and he did manifest himself unto them, and they were redeemed by him; and they gave unto him glory, because of that
which is to come. (Hel. 8:22-23)

According to the prophet Nephi, his ancestors Lehi and Nephi both saw Christ and were redeemed by him. The connection that Nephi 2 makes between entering into
the presence of God and being redeemed is made by Lehi himself when talking with his son Jacob in 2 Ne. 2:3-4,

I know that thou art redeemed, because of the righteousness of thy Redeemer; for thou hast beheld that in the fullness of time he cometh to bring salvation unto men.
And thou hast beheld in thy youth his glory; wherefore, thou art blessed even as they unto whom he shall minister in the flesh.

The idea that full redemption means entering into the Lord's presence is another important aspect of the concept of spiritual redemption in the Book of Mormon. This
connection can be seen not only in the experiences of Lehi, Nephi, and Jacob, but also in the much earlier example of the brother of Jared. After his people had left
the tower of Babel, the brother of Jared spoke with the Lord; he was told that because of his faith and knowledge he was redeemed and could enter into the Lord's
presence. The text of this passage shows the central importance of the Lord's identification of himself as the Redeemer from the foundation of the world.

Because thou knowest these things ye are redeemed from the fall; therefore ye are brought back into my presence; therefore I show myself unto you. Behold, I am he
who was prepared from the foundation of the world to redeem my people. Behold I am Jesus Christ. I am the Father and the Son. In me shall all mankind have life, and
that eternally, even they who shall believe on my name; and they shall become my sons and my daughters. (Ether 3:13-14)

Covenant in the Book of Mormon

The concept of covenant in the Book of Mormon is consistent with Israelite practices recorded in the Old Testament. Covenants are the formation of new relationships
and can be seen in family terms. Like the Israelites, the Nephites believed that people were able to make covenants directly with God. This belief is demonstrated by
the actions of the people of Ammon after their conversion. They covenanted that "they never would use weapons again for the shedding of man's blood; and this they
did, vouching and covenanting with God, that rather than shed the blood of their brethren they would give up their own lives" (Alma 24:18).

The Book of Mormon also contains the concept that covenants with God can be considered an adoption. King Benjamin explains to the people that "because of the
covenant which ye have made ye shall be called the children of Christ, his sons, and his daughters" (Mosiah 5:7).

Name-giving in the Book of Mormon

In the Book of Mormon, names have importance and significance consistent with Israelite practices recorded in the Old Testament (i.e., a name can be a memorial, an
indication of change of character, and a part of a covenant or an adoptive relationship.) The Israelite concept that the term name (sem) also means memorial is
demonstrated in the passage when Helaman talks with his sons Nephi and Lehi about their names. He tells them that they were given the names of their forefathers so
"that when you remember your names ye may remember them; and when ye remember them ye may remember their works" (Hel. 5:6-7). The Israelite idea that change
of name shows a change of character is demonstrated by the Lamanites who are converted to Christ and "were desirous that they might have a name, that thereby they
might be distinguished from their brethren" (Alma 23:16).

As in the Old Testament, renaming is also understood to be part of a covenant in Nephite culture. When Moroni rallies the people of Nephi with the title of liberty, "all
those who were true believers in Christ took upon them, gladly, the name of Christ, or Christians as they were called, because of their belief in Christ who should
come" (Alma 46:15). The people proceed to "enter into a covenant that they will maintain their rights, and their religion" (Alma 46:20) and accept the ritual covenant-
breaking punishment, which is that "if they should transgress the commandments of God, or fall into transgression, and be ashamed to take upon them the name of
Christ, the Lord should rend them even as they had rent their garments" (Alma 46:21). In the Book of Mormon the making of covenants is usually connected with
taking the name of Christ upon one's self. This practice connects the idea of renaming as a change of nature with the idea of renaming as adoption, because a new name
was also an indication of adoption in the ancient Near East.

Book of Mormon Textual Examples of Adoptive Redemption

This background on the significance of redemption, covenant, and name in the Book of Mormon shows that Nephite practices followed Israelite customs. The Israelite
practice of the go'el's being responsible to redeem his kinsmen from bondage can also be found in the text of the Book of Mormon. In the previous examination of Old
Testament texts we saw how this familial basis for redemption was established between Yahweh and Abraham, Jacob, and the house of Israel through covenants and
was indicated by the giving of a new name. In the remainder of the paper, I will examine texts of the Book of Mormon that demonstrate the understanding and
establishment of the same relationship of adoptive redemption between the Lord and his people in the Americas.

King Benjamin's Speech (Mosiah 1-6)

King  Benjamin's
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ancient Near Eastern patterns. Surprisingly, this speech not only fits into many genres, but it manages to do so without one description contradicting another. After a
brief overview of the different suggestions of ancient Near Eastern background I will examine this discourse in the light of the adoptive redemption pattern.
establishment of the same relationship of adoptive redemption between the Lord and his people in the Americas.

King Benjamin's Speech (Mosiah 1-6)

King Benjamin's speech and the covenant made by his people have been the topic of intensive and insightful study. Scholars connect it with many different biblical and
ancient Near Eastern patterns. Surprisingly, this speech not only fits into many genres, but it manages to do so without one description contradicting another. After a
brief overview of the different suggestions of ancient Near Eastern background I will examine this discourse in the light of the adoptive redemption pattern.

Hugh Nibley compares King Benjamin's speech to ancient Near Eastern coronation rites associated with New Year's festivals. John W. Welch describes it as a
"classic ancient farewell address" and claims it is the most complete example of the characteristics found in ancient farewell speeches. John A. Tvedtnes argues that
the speech and coronation took place at the festival of Sukkot ("booths" or "tabernacles"). Stephen D. Ricks notes that not only was the Feast of Tabernacles the
ritual setting for covenant renewal ceremonies in the Old Testament (following an even older Near Eastern pattern), but also that King Benjamin's speech closely
follows this biblical and ancient Near Eastern treaty/covenant pattern.

These suggestions as to the time and setting of this speech give additional evidence to its connection of covenant, adoption, and redemption. Tvedtnes claims that
"according to Jewish tradition, the first Sukkot was celebrated at the foot of Mount Sinai, six months after the Exodus from Egypt." This was the time of year when
Israel covenanted with the Lord and became his people. The Feast of Tabernacles included a "rehearsal of the law of God and a public commitment to obey his
commandments," as well as coronation or kingship renewal. Tvedtnes notes that the king of the Israelites presided at the Sukkot assembly and that every seventh
year the festival was a renewal of the law given at Sinai (Deut. 31:9-13).

Tvedtnes mentions Welch's argument that the speech took place during a jubilee year and claims that this is consistent with a Feast of Tabernacles setting because the
jubilee year is an nounced in the same seventh month that this festival occurs. The jubilee year (and possibly sabbatical years) would have been a very significant
setting for King Benjamin to give a message about spiritual redemption because it was the time when Israelite slaves were to be freed (Deut. 15:12-18; Lev. 25:39-42)
and people were freed from their debts (Deut. 15:1-3), and it is only in the jubilee year that the land is returned to its original owners (Lev. 25:25-28). It is interesting to
note that when originally giving these injunctions to the Israelites the Lord refers back to the redemption of Israel, saying that "thou shalt remember that thou wast a
bondman in the land of Egypt, and the LORD thy God redeemed thee: therefore I command thee this thing to day" (Deut. 15:15). If King Benjamin's speech did take
place at the beginning of a jubilee year, the timing would additionally emphasize the redemptive content of his speech because of the day and the message of that day,
as prescribed in Lev. 25:9-10.

Then shalt thou cause the trumpet of the jubile to sound on the tenth day of the seventh month, in the day of atonement shall ye make the trumpet sound throughout all
your land. And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof. (emphasis added)

In the context of King Benjamin's Christ-centered message, this connection between the Day of Atonement (part of the fall festival time) and the proclamation of liberty
would clearly be understood as a symbol of redemption from spiritual bondage through the price of the atonement of Christ. As King Benjamin explains in his speech,
the freedom from bondage carried out every sabbatical and jubilee year comes through Christ. He refers to the law of Moses, which prescribed the keeping of the
sabbatical and jubilee years, and comments in Mosiah 3:14-15 that:

The Lord God saw that his people were a stiffnecked people, and he appointed unto them a law, even the law of Moses. And many signs, and wonders, and types,
and shadows showed he unto them concerning his coming; and also holy prophets spake unto them, concerning his coming; and yet they hardened their hearts, and
understood not that the law of Moses availeth nothing except it were through the atonement of his blood.

In the context of a sabbatical or jubilee year the practice of redeeming land, debtors, and slaves can easily be understood as "types and shadows" of the spiritual
redemption which comes through Christ.

In fact, in both King Benjamin's address and in the response of the people we can see how the covenant renewal practices associated with the Feast of Tabernacles
become a reenactment of the adoptive redemption pattern observed at Sinai, but with an additional, overtly spiritual and Christian dimension. The people enter into a
covenant with God (Mosiah 5:5), receive a new name which reflects this adoptive relationship (Mosiah 5:7-8), are made free (Mosiah 5:8), and, as a result of retaining
the name in one's heart and keeping the covenant, receive the promise of complete redemption, being able to enter the presence of God (Mosiah 5:9-15). This pattern
follows the connection between covenant, renaming, and redemption that was earlier examined in the experiences of Abraham, Jacob, and the house of Israel, but here
the text makes it clear that the redemption is through Christ. King Benjamin tells the people that "because of the covenant which ye have made ye shall be called the
children of Christ, his sons, and his daughters" (Mosiah 5:7). This description is one of the clearest examples that covenant creates an adoptive relationship. The
element of renaming is equally clear. The people are told "that ye should take upon you the name of Christ, all you that have entered into the covenant with
God" (Mosiah 5:8). Likewise, King Benjamin explicitly explains that it is because of this relationship that the people are able to be redeemed, saying that "under this
head [Christ] ye are made free, and there is no other head whereby ye can be made free" (Mosiah 5:8). Finally, they are told that those who "take upon [them] the
name of Christ," having covenanted to "be obedient unto the end of [their] lives . . . shall be found at the right hand of God, for [they] shall know the name by which
[they are] called; for [they] shall be called by the name of Christ" (Mosiah 5:8-9). This promise of being "found at the right hand of God" is a promise of complete
redemption, to be able to enter the presence of God, as the Lord said to the brother of Jared: "Because thou knowest these things ye are redeemed from the fall;
therefore ye are brought back into my presence; therefore I show myself unto you" (Ether 3:13). When we recognize that a person's name and nature were intimately
connected in ancient cultures, we can see that those people who "know the name by which [they are] called; for [they] shall be called by the name of Christ" (Mosiah
5:9) know the nature of Christ, like the brother of Jared, because they have that same nature themselves. These are the people who are fully redeemed from the
bondage of this world and of the natural man "through the atonement of Christ the Lord" (Mosiah 3:19).

This covenant-making procedure demonstrates that the biblical adoptive redemption pattern is followed in King Benjamin's speech, but with a clearer Christian
dimension. It is interesting to note, however, that neither the word "redeem" nor any of its variants occur in the text of the speech. Yet, at the same time, the basic
meaning of redemptionï¿½-freeing from captivity through the payment of a price-ï¿½is found here even more clearly than in any of the biblical passages because the
sacrifice of Christ is central to this text. King Benjamin explains that "his blood atoneth for the sins of those who have fallen by the transgression of Adam, who died not
knowing the will of God concerning them" (Mosiah 3:11), "the law of Moses availeth nothing except it were through the atonement of his blood" (Mosiah 3:15), "the
blood of Christ atoneth for their [little children's] sins" (Mosiah 3:16), and that all must "believe that salvation was, and is, and is to come, in and through the atoning
blood of Christ" (Mosiah 3:18). Because we do not have the original text of the Book of Mormon we know neither the original word nor the exact meaning of the term
that is translated as "atone" in English. I would suggest, however, that in the context of King Benjamin's speech "atone for" should be understood as "pay for" because
of the use of the preposition "for." Christ's blood does allow at-one-ment to take place, but that sense of reuniting in the English term cannot meaningfully be connected
with "for," as the concept of payment can. Thus the phrase "his blood atoneth for the sins" (Mosiah 3:11) would not make sense as "his blood reunites for (or even
"with") the sins," but "pays for the sins" would make perfect sense. This understanding that King Benjamin viewed the blood of Christ to act as the price of redemption
is also reflected in a later Book of Mormon commentary on this text. Helaman spoke to his sons Nephi and Lehi and told them to remember "the words which king
Benjamin spake unto his people; yea, remember that there is no other way nor means whereby man can be saved, only through the atoning blood of Jesus Christ, who
shall come; yea, remember that he cometh to redeem the world" (Hel. 5:9).
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Thus we can see that even though the word "redeem" or "redemption" is not found in the English translation of King Benjamin's speech, the time and location, internal
concepts, and later commentary all indicate a message of redemption based on entering into an adoptive covenant with the Lord.
is also reflected in a later Book of Mormon commentary on this text. Helaman spoke to his sons Nephi and Lehi and told them to remember "the words which king
Benjamin spake unto his people; yea, remember that there is no other way nor means whereby man can be saved, only through the atoning blood of Jesus Christ, who
shall come; yea, remember that he cometh to redeem the world" (Hel. 5:9).

Thus we can see that even though the word "redeem" or "redemption" is not found in the English translation of King Benjamin's speech, the time and location, internal
concepts, and later commentary all indicate a message of redemption based on entering into an adoptive covenant with the Lord.

Abinadi (Mosiah 11-16)

Redemption is clearly a central theme in Abinadi's two visits to the people of King Noah (Mosiah 11-16). Welch, Thomasson, and Smith, in Reexploring the Book of
Mormon , suggest a redemptive setting for Abinadi's address by arguing that he chose to come at the festival of Pentecost, which celebrated the covenant made at Sinai
and the giving of the law. During this spring festival, also known as the Day of the Firstfruits, the people would have gathered together to celebrate and commemorate
Israel's redemption, covenant, and the reception of the law.

Two years later, perhaps on Pentecost again, Abinadi returns to the city of Nephi, commanded by the Lord to "prophesy again unto this my people" (Mosiah 12:1). He
repeats the warnings of the last visit as declarations of imminent destruction and bondage. He is then taken before the king where the priests question him and ask him
the meaning of the words of Isaiah 52:7-10:

How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings. . . . Break forth into joy; sing together ye waste places of Jerusalem; for the Lord hath
comforted his people, he hath redeemed Jerusalem; The Lord hath made bare his holy arm in the eyes of all the nations, and all the ends of the earth shall see the
salvation of our God.

Upon hearing their question about the meaning of this passage, Abinadi scolds the priests for not understanding the ways of the Lord and asks them what they teach the
people. They reply that they teach the law of Moses and claim that salvation comes by the law of Moses (Mosiah 12:25-32). Abinadi partially responds to their claim,
saying that:

If ye keep the commandments of God ye shall be saved; yea, if ye keep the commandments which the Lord delivered unto Moses in the mount of Sinai, saying: I am
the Lord thy God, who hath brought thee out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage. (Mosiah 12:33-34)

Instead of directly teaching that salvation does not come by the law alone (as he later does in Mosiah 14), Abinadi reminds the priests that the commandments of God
were given as part of the adoptive covenant at Sinai. He emphasizes the covenant by explicitly referring to the time and situation when the Lord gave the
commandments. It was at Sinai that the Lord covenanted with Israel as a people and they were called "his people." This covenantal relationship is the qualification for
redemption. Abinadi clearly acknowledges that these commandments, the law of Moses, are part of the covenant. He teaches that obedience to the commandments
does not save, but simply allows one to keep the covenant and qualify to be redeemed by the Lord. The reference to Sinai is heightened by the narrator who compares
Abinadi before the priests to Moses on Sinai, stating that "his face shown with exceeding luster, even as Moses' did while in the mount of Sinai, while speaking with the
Lord" (Mosiah 13:5).

After reviewing the Ten Commandments, central to the law of Moses, Abinadi responds directly to the priests' statement in Mosiah 13 by saying:

And now ye have said that salvation cometh by the law of Moses. I say unto you that it is expedient that ye should keep the law of Moses as yet; but I say unto you,
that the time shall come when it shall no more be expedient to keep the law of Moses. And moreover, I say unto you that salvation doth not come by the law alone; and
were it not for the atonement which God himself shall make for the sins and iniquities of his people, that they must unavoidably perish, notwithstanding the law of
Moses. (Mosiah 13:27-28)

He then goes on to teach explicitly that "there could not any man be saved except it were through the redemption of God" (Mosiah 13:32). Abinadi supports this claim
by quoting the Messianic prophecy of Isa. 53, which explains that the redeemer would pay the spiritual price necessary to free those in bondage to sin. "He was
wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him; and with his stripes we are healed" (Mosiah 14:5).
Abinadi teaches that this prophecy will be fulfilled when "God himself shall come down among the children of men, and shall redeem his people" (Mosiah 15:1).

After quoting Isa. 53, Abinadi expounds upon this Messianic promise of redemption and explains how the concept of adoptive redemption is a principle of spiritual
redemption. The two concepts that are central to Abinadi's development are summarized in his statement: "God himself shall come down among the children of men,
and shall redeem his people" (Mosiah 15:1). The first idea is that God himself, Yahweh, shall come to earth and "make his soul an offering for sin" (Mosiah 14:10). By
paying a price the redeemer meets the demands of justice and allows the slaves to go free. Likewise, through his death, Christ will have "power to make intercession for
the children of men, . . . having broken the bands of death, taken upon himself their iniquity and their transgressions, having redeemed them, and satisfied the demands
of justice" (Mosiah 15:9). As God was the redeemer from bondage in Egypt, so he is the redeemer from the bondage of sin.

Abinadi's second concept is that God shall redeem "his people," referring to those who have covenanted with him to become his people. This concept of redemption
based on covenant is crucial to understanding Abinadi's discussion of the "seed of the Lord" and "his generation" in Mosiah 15. In this chapter it is clearly stated that the
Lord "has redeemed his people" (Mosiah 15:18) and that his seed "are they whose sins he has borne; these are they for whom he has died, to redeem them from their
transgressions" (Mosiah 15:12). Those who hearkened to the words of the prophets and "believed that the Lord would redeem his people" are his seed (Mosiah
15:11). Abinadi implies that adoption and redemption are not arbitrary, but are the result of making and keeping covenants. He also explains the implications of the
principle of adoptive redemption for those who will not become the "seed" of the Lord by keeping their covenants, saying,

The Lord redeemeth none such that rebel against him and die in their sins, . . . that have wilfully rebelled against God, that have known the commandments of God, and
would not keep them, . . . for the Lord hath redeemed none such; yea, neither can the Lord redeem such. (Mosiah 15:26-27)

Alma at the Waters of Mormon (Mosiah 18)

One of the most clear and concise textual examples of the connection between covenant and redemption is found in Mosiah 18, where Alma 1 talks to the subjects of
King Noah who have come into the wilderness to hear him teach the words of Abinadi. When they are ready to enter into a covenant with the Lord, Alma addresses
them in a famous discussion of the duties of the Saints associated with the baptismal covenant. This speech is even more interesting when we notice the explicit
connection between covenant, adoption, and redemption. In Mosiah 18:8-9, he addresses the people and mentions their desire "to come into the fold of God, and to
be called his people," and "to bear one anothers' burdens, that they may be light, . . . that ye may be redeemed of God, and be numbered with those of the first
resurrection, that ye may have eternal life." This states that "coming into the fold of God" and being "called his people" are necessary in order to be redeemed of God.
In Mosiah 18:10 Alma explains how this adoption is possible, saying that "if this be the desire of your hearts, what have you against being baptized in the name of the
Lord, as a witness before him that ye have entered into a covenant with him." We see here that the baptismal covenant acts as an adoption which allows the Lord to
become the redeemer, or go'el, of the individual who has taken his name upon him and covenanted with him.
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The connection between covenant and redemption in this ordinance is also emphasized in the baptismal prayer. Alma says to Helam that he baptizes him "as a testimony
that ye have entered into a covenant to serve him; . . . and may he grant unto you eternal life, through the redemption of Christ, whom he has prepared from the
foundation of the world" (Mosiah 18:13).
resurrection, that ye may have eternal life." This states that "coming into the fold of God" and being "called his people" are necessary in order to be redeemed of God.
In Mosiah 18:10 Alma explains how this adoption is possible, saying that "if this be the desire of your hearts, what have you against being baptized in the name of the
Lord, as a witness before him that ye have entered into a covenant with him." We see here that the baptismal covenant acts as an adoption which allows the Lord to
become the redeemer, or go'el, of the individual who has taken his name upon him and covenanted with him.

The connection between covenant and redemption in this ordinance is also emphasized in the baptismal prayer. Alma says to Helam that he baptizes him "as a testimony
that ye have entered into a covenant to serve him; . . . and may he grant unto you eternal life, through the redemption of Christ, whom he has prepared from the
foundation of the world" (Mosiah 18:13).

The Peoples of Limhi and Alma

The Book of Mormon's theme of redemption from death and sin builds upon the more tangible redemption discussed in the Old Testament. There are situations,
however, where Book of Mormon peoples look to the Lord for physical deliverance as well as spiritual. During their respective periods of captivity, both the people of
Limhi and the people of Alma are clearly aware of a connection between covenants and their physical redemption.

It has been suggested that Limhi's address to the people took place on either Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement) or Shavuot (the festival of Firstfruits or Pentecost) in
a temple setting. If this was the case, then the timing and the location would add an additional emphasis to the message of redemption by God, the Day of Atonement
symbolizing God's ransom and Pentecost being the time when Moses and the house of Israel covenanted at Sinai. At this time Limhi's people are in bondage to the
Lamanites and Limhi reminds them of the bondage and redemption of their fathers, saying:

Lift up your heads, and rejoice, and put your trust in God, in that God who was the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob; and also, that God who brought the
children of Israel out of the land of Egypt. (Mosiah 7:19)

As the biblical accounts explains, these individuals and the people of Israel all entered into covenants with the Lord, establishing an adoptive relationship with him, and
received the promise of redemption.

By making these specific references, Limhi reminds his people that the Lord can redeem them as well, if they bring themselves into the necessary relationship with him.
He explains that through their wickedness under King Noah they separated themselves from this relationship with the Lord, but Limhi tells them to "turn to the Lord
with full purpose of heart, and put your trust in him, and serve him with all diligence of mind" and that "if ye do this, he will, according to his own will and pleasure,
deliver you out of bondage" (Mosiah 7:33). It is significant that after the people of Limhi are redeemed from bondage and join the people of Mosiah at Zarahemla,
Limhi and his people want to enter into the adoptive covenant of baptism just as the people of Alma had previously done. Alma baptized them in the same manner as he
did those at the waters of Mormon (see Mosiah 25:17-18). Not only was the covenant exactly the same, but the idea of renaming can also be seen in this passage. The
text notes that "whosoever were desirous to take upon them the name of Christ, or of God, they did join the churches of God; and they were called the people of
God" (Mosiah 25:23-24).

Alma and the people who entered into covenant with the Lord at the waters of Mormon were likewise taken into captivity. In this situation, however, they knew that
they had taken upon themselves the name of the Lord and had been adopted by him through their baptismal covenants. This understanding allowed them to have faith
that he would act as their go'el and redeem them from bondage. Therefore, they cried mightily and poured out their hearts to God. In response to their cries, the voice
of the Lord came to them, saying: "Lift up your heads and be of good comfort, for I know of the covenant which ye have made unto me; and I will covenant with my
people and deliver them out of bondage" (Mosiah 24:13). Here the Lord specifically refers to them as "my people," indicating an adoptive relationship, and says that
because of the covenant he will deliver them out of bondage.

Redemption of His People

Another example of the concept of adoptive redemption in the Book of Mormon can be seen in the repetition of the idea that the Lord will redeem "his people." The
phrase that the Lord will "redeem his people" appears ten times in the Book of Mormon and the declaration that he has "redeemed his people" occurs seven times.
From the text it is clear that it is the act of making and keeping covenants that makes a group of people "the people of the Lord" (see 1 Ne. 17:33-35). The text
explains that the redemption of Israel was made possible because the patriarchs loved the Lord and chose to accept his covenants.

And he loveth those who will have him to be their God. Behold, he loveth our fathers, and he covenanteth with them, yea, even Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; and he
remembereth the covenants which he had made; wherefore, he did bring them out of the land of Egypt. (1 Ne. 17:40)

The Book of Mormon explains that "the Lord's people" are not arbitrarily chosen to be saved while others are chosen to be damned. Instead, it stresses that "the Lord
esteemeth all flesh in one," but "he that is righteous is favored of God" (1 Ne. 17:35). This emphasis on righteousness clarifies the adoption of Israel. Because they were
righteous and willing to enter into covenants with the Lord, they became "the people of the Lord" (see Ex. 6:7).

This adoption by covenant to become the "people of the Lord" is illustrated in Mosiah 26. Here the Lord speaks to Alma about the people who were willing to enter
into a covenant with him at the waters of Mormon. In his address he explicitly states that the people who are willing to bear his name are his people. "Yea, blessed is
this people who are willing to bear my name; for in my name shall they be called; and they are mine" (Mosiah 26:18). Through their baptismal covenant the people of
Alma received a new name and were adopted. He explains that those who are adopted by covenant and keep that covenant will receive a place at his right hand, "for
behold, in my name are they called; and if they know me they shall come forth" (Mosiah 26:24). The Lord contrasts this promise of redemption with the fate of those
who will not enter into (or keep) their covenants, receive his name, and be adopted.

And it shall come to pass that when the second trump shall sound then shall they that never knew me come forth and shall stand before me. And then shall they know
that I am their Redeemer; but they would not be redeemed. (Mosiah 26:25-26)

The prophets of the Book of Mormon teach that redemption is offered to all; however, only those who enter into covenants and are adopted by the Lord, receiving his
name, create a family relationship with the Lord where he is able to act as their go'el and deliver them from the bondage of sin.

Adoptive Covenant Renewal

When the Lord visited his covenant people in the Americas after his resurrection he taught that:

I am he that gave the law, and I am he who covenanted with my people Israel; therefore, the law in me is fulfilled, for I have come to fulfil the law. . . . For behold, the
covenant which I have made with my people is not all fulfilled; but the law which was given unto Moses hath an end in me. (3 Ne. 15:5, 8)

Because the covenant was not all fulfilled, the Lord established baptism and the sacrament as covenant making and renewing ordinances. The sacrament was instituted
 Copyright in
specifically (c)remem
                 2005-2009,
                      branceInfobase   Media Corp.
                             of his redemptive  sacrifice. This ritual meal of covenant-renewal recalls the ritual meal of Moses and the elders of Israel with the
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part of the covenant on Mount Sinai (Ex. 24:9-11). In both cases, eating together symbolizes joining the family of the Lord.

The concept of adoptive redemption highlights the elements of this covenant renewal contained in the sacramental prayers recorded by Moroni "according to the
covenant which I have made with my people is not all fulfilled; but the law which was given unto Moses hath an end in me. (3 Ne. 15:5, 8)

Because the covenant was not all fulfilled, the Lord established baptism and the sacrament as covenant making and renewing ordinances. The sacrament was instituted
specifically in remem brance of his redemptive sacrifice. This ritual meal of covenant-renewal recalls the ritual meal of Moses and the elders of Israel with the Lord as a
part of the covenant on Mount Sinai (Ex. 24:9-11). In both cases, eating together symbolizes joining the family of the Lord.

The concept of adoptive redemption highlights the elements of this covenant renewal contained in the sacramental prayers recorded by Moroni "according to the
commandments of Christ" (Moro. 4:1). The priest, representing the congregation, prays to God "in the name of thy Son, Jesus Christ" (Moro. 4:3), recalling that
through baptism we take upon ourselves the name of Christ. In the prayer over the bread this covenantal renaming is renewed as the priest promises that "they are
willing to take upon them the name of thy Son."

The sacrament prayers teach what to do to keep the adoptive covenant of baptism: "take upon [oneself] the name of [Christ], and always remember him, and keep his
commandments" (Moro. 4:3). The promise in both prayers is that the participants "may have his Spirit to be with them" (Moro. 4:3;5:2). In spiritual terms, this is a
promise of redemption because it is by this promise that we can be "wrought upon and cleansed by the power of the Holy Ghost" (Moro. 6:4) and thereby be freed
from the spiritual prison of sin and separation from God.

Conclusion

The Hebrew text of the Old Testament explains the concept of the go'el as a family redeemer, and indicates how through covenant Yahweh becomes the go'el of Israel
and then redeems his people from bondage. The Book of Mormon keeps this con cept of Yahweh's being the go'el of Israel and identifies Yahweh as Jesus Christ. It
teaches that spiritual redemption comes through the price of Christ's suffering and death to those who become his adopted children through covenant and the reception
of his name.

An understanding of the role of covenants in creating an adoptive relationship with the Lord, allowing him to act as go'el, is more than a scriptural or historical footnote.
This understanding is crucial for Latter-day Saints as a modern covenant people. To fully appreciate the importance of covenants we must recognize that we are in
bondage, and, like the ancient Israelites, we need a go'el to redeem us. We must know that "were it not for the redemption which he hath made for his people, which
was prepared from the foundation of the world, . . . all mankind must have perished" (Mosiah 15:19). To appreciate the power of our covenants there must not only be
a recognition of bondage, but also an awareness that our go'el has already paid the redemption price, that "he suffered the pains of all men, yea, the pains of every living
creature, both men, women, and children" (2 Ne. 9:21). With this knowledge that our go'el has paid the ransom price, as a modern covenant people we can claim the
redemptive power of the Lord because we have established an adoptive relationship with him through our covenants. We must only believe in the reality of this
relationship and "exercise faith in the redemption of him who created [us]" (Alma 5:15).

The texts that we have examined show this pattern of adoptive redemption. Abraham, Jacob, Lehi, Nephi, Jacob, and the peoples of King Benjamin and Alma all
believed that Christ was their go'el or redeemer. They entered into adoptive covenants, received new names, and believed that this adoptive relationship would allow
the Lord to act as their go'el and redeem them. These people experienced this redemption; they either saw Jesus in the flesh or "died, firmly believing that their souls
were re deemed by the Lord Jesus Christ; thus they went out of the world rejoicing" (Alma 46:39). The experiences are a compelling demonstration of the redemptive
power of Christ as go'el. Just as the go'el was bound by his family ties to redeem his kinsman, so Yahweh became, through adoptive covenant, the go'el of the faithful in
the Old Testament and Book of Mormon and assured their redemption from captivity.

   J. Murray, "Redeemer; Redemption," in Geoffrey W. Bromiley, ed., The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, 4 vols. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1979),
4:61.

  Evode Beaucamp, "Aux origines du mot 'rï¿½demption' le 'rachat' dans l'ancien testament," Laval thï¿½ologique et philosophique 34 (1978): 50-51.

  Ibid., 53.

  Helmer Ringgren, "Gaï¿½ï¿½al," in G. Johannes Botterweck and Helmer Ringgren, ed., Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, 6 vols. (Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans, 1975), 2:351.

  Ibid., 2:341-42.

  Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed., s.v. "Save."

  Ibid., s.v., "Redeem."

  W. L. Liefeld, "Salvation," in Bromiley, ed., The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, 4:288.

  The material on the significance of names is from G. F. Hawthorne, "Name," in Bromiley, ed., International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, 3:481-83, and D. Stuart,
"Names, Proper," in Bromiley, ed., International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, 3:483-88.

  Bruce H. Porter and Stephen D. Ricks, "Names in Antiquity: Old, New, and Hidden," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by
Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1990), 1:504-5.

  Dennis J. McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant: A Study in the Ancient Oriental Documents and in the Old Testament (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1978), 266
(emphasis added).

  Consider also Deut. 7:8: "because he would keep the oath which he had sworn unto your fathers, hath the Lord brought you out with a mighty hand, and redeemed
you out of the house of bondmen, from the hand of Pharaoh king of Egypt" (emphasis added).

  The story of the Jaredites was not a text that was available to the Nephites until later in their history (Mosiah 28:17-19), and it demonstrates the continuity of the
Lord's relations with mankind throughout different dispensations.

  Hugh Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon , vol. 6 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 295-
309.

   John W. Welch, "Benjamin's Speech: A Classic Ancient Farewell Address," in John W. Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret
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      and F.A.R.M.S.,       Infobase
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                                                 his typology from William S. Kurz, "Luke 22:14-38 and Greco-Roman and Biblical Farewell Addresses,"    / 919
                                                                                                                                                     Journal of
Biblical Literature 104 (1985): 251-68.
309.

   John W. Welch, "Benjamin's Speech: A Classic Ancient Farewell Address," in John W. Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 120-23. He takes his typology from William S. Kurz, "Luke 22:14-38 and Greco-Roman and Biblical Farewell Addresses," Journal of
Biblical Literature 104 (1985): 251-68.

   John A. Tvedtnes, "King Benjamin and the Feast of Tabernacles," in Lundquist and Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by Faith, 2:197-237.

  Stephen D. Ricks, "The Treaty/Covenant Pattern in King Benjamin's Address (Mosiah 1-6)," BYU Studies 24 (Spring 1984): 151-62.

  Tvedtnes, "King Benjamin and the Feast of Tabernacles," 199.

  Ibid., 201.

  Ibid., 205.

   Ibid., 226. John W. Welch, comp., "King Benjamin's Speech in the Context of Ancient Israelite Festivals," F.A.R.M.S. preliminary report, 1985, 53-59. Tvedtnes,
in "King Benjamin and the Feast of Tabernacles," 237 n. 91, points out the difficulty in distinguishing between jubilee years and sabbatical years.

   Welch, "King Benjamin's Speech in the Context of Ancient Israelite Festivals," 58-59, argues for a setting at the end of the jubilee year, based on a description of
"continual peace throughout all the land" (Alma 30:2) forty- nine years later. While I find this a very observant comment I believe that a setting at the beginning of the
jubilee year and the addition of another year before the next jubilee celebration would not affect this chronology, given his own observation that "the inclusive mode of
sometimes counting the last year as the first of the next jubilee cycle accounts for the frequent confusion between 49 and 50 year jubilee counts"; "King Benjamin's
Speech," 54.

   The question as to why a king and not a priest would have led a covenant-renewal ceremony is addressed by Stephen D. Ricks, "The Ideology of Kingship in
Mosiah 1-6," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 116, who notes that the king in Israel was responsible to act as the "guardian of the covenant between
the Lord and his people." It is also interesting to consider how the king acts as a representative for the Lord. King Benjamin recognizes this position when he says that
"I . . . was suffered by the hand of the Lord that I should be a ruler and a king over this people" (Mosiah 2:11).

 Obviously, this is not an unusual observation to those who read the Old Testament with an understanding that Yahweh was Jesus Christ. The text of the Book of
Mormon clarifies this point.

   John W. Welch, Gordon C. Thomasson, and Robert F. Smith, "Abinadi and Pentecost," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 135-38.

   John W. Welch, Donald W. Parry, and Stephen D. Ricks, "This Day," in Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 117-19. They note that the phrase "this
day" (found in Mosiah 7:12;7:21), like its Hebrew equivalent etzem, is regularly used in a temple setting and acts as a "covenantal marker" (117).

  Future: Mosiah 13:33;15:1, 11; Alma 5:21, 27;6:8;11:40;33:22; Hel. 5:10; Ether 3:14. Past: Mosiah 12:23;15:18, 30;16:4;18:20; 3 Ne. 16:19;20:34.

The Type At the Border: An Inquiry Into Book of Mormon Typology
Robert E. Clark

Abstract: A certain combination of temperament and upbringing can lead to a sense of alienation from the scriptures' meaning. This paper considers the role that types
might play in overcoming that alienation as they mediate between scriptural understanding and human experience, permitting deeper insight into both. The difficulties and
possibilities inherent in such an approach are considered by way of typological analysis of the figures of Abinadi and the brother of Jared.

And now I say, is there not a type in this thing? For just as surely as this director did bring our fathers, by following its course, to the promised land, shall the words of
Christ, if we follow their course, carry us beyond this vale of sorrow into a far better land of promise.

(Alma 37:45)

Preface

What follows is a reading of typology in the Book of Mormon, a reading of several individual types as well as a reading of typology as a whole. For reasons that will
become clear in the course of this paper, I have tried to avoid relying upon any standard definition of "types" or "typology," hoping instead to let a meaning emerge from
the text itself or, rather, from our interaction therewith. This has involved moving many of the words and images of the scriptures to below the surface of the argument,
letting the course of the discussion be informed if not determined thereby. So while I may at times seem to stray from the topic of the Book of Mormon, more often
than not it remains present as a subtext.

The ideas in this essay are an attempt to respond to the doubt that education brings in its wake. This doubt comes in two complementary forms: the inability to believe
in what you can't see, and the inability to believe in what you can see; modern rationalism and postmodern decomprehension. These two doubts crystallize in the
following sequence: (1) Can I really take seriously ideas and doctrines that don't hold up to my educated probing? (2) Can I really take seriously either my own ability
to probe or my own construction of the doctrine I'm presumably probing?

The meaning of the gospel having thus come under radical question, the task at hand is one of recovery: recovering a supposed "original" meaning, one that has been
lost, or covered over by a process of accretion, which happens whenever an idea is transmitted or quoted without having been understood. To effect this hoped--for
recovery, it is necessary to go back to the original text, to the words of scripture. And since the very meaning of those words has come into question, it is necessary to
inquire into the nature of the word itself.

I. Introduction: Philosophy of Words and Types

A word is a substitute for something that is not immediately present. A word is a sign that gives me reason to believe in the thing it denotes-ï¿½not a sure knowledge
that it really exists, but reason to hope. A new word suggests a new idea, though I may not yet understand it.

When I hear a new word, I have two ways I might approach it. I can demand an explanation of what the word means, in terms that I am familiar with. This provides a
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sense of closure, but can easily distort the meaning of the word, if it in fact represents something that I have not already experienced, that I am not familiar

For example, I see the word "horse." Perhaps I have never seen a horse, so I ask what a "horse" is. I am told it is an animal, with four legs and a tail. It sounds like a
A word is a substitute for something that is not immediately present. A word is a sign that gives me reason to believe in the thing it denotes-ï¿½not a sure knowledge
that it really exists, but reason to hope. A new word suggests a new idea, though I may not yet understand it.

When I hear a new word, I have two ways I might approach it. I can demand an explanation of what the word means, in terms that I am familiar with. This provides a
sense of closure, but can easily distort the meaning of the word, if it in fact represents something that I have not already experienced, that I am not familiar with.

For example, I see the word "horse." Perhaps I have never seen a horse, so I ask what a "horse" is. I am told it is an animal, with four legs and a tail. It sounds like a
dog to me, which I have seen. "So it's kind of like a dog?" Well, kind of like a dog, yes, but do I have to stop there? Can I live with the anxiety of not knowing for sure
what it really is, with the tension of hoping someday in the future to see an actual horse, if I am willing to look? Can I keep myself from feeling that I know what a horse
is because I know what a dog is? Can I believe that something exists that is genuinely different than anything I have so far experienced?

So the other option is to leave the word open to new meaning, to recognize how much I don't know of what the word might be trying to convey, what it might be
standing for. Such an attitude can make reading difficult, as I am never completely sure that I understand everything that I'm reading, never able to say that I've
mastered the text. But it also provides the only way in which something genuinely new can reach me, can be taught to me, even from on high.

The words that are present here have roots going far back, all the way to Babel at least, tying them back like a taut string to the origin of language, a string carrying
vibrations waiting for us to hear them. Without a certain tension, a tension we might call hope, the line goes dead.

A word makes its appearance on the page by virtue of pressure, from a pen or from type. It's the same impression that gives rise to scriptural type, an earthly imprint of
the heavenly pattern, the plan by which God's Son would come to earth in the form of a man and be put to death that we might live. Or rather, an imprint of Christ
himself, prefiguring his presence among us, the word and image standing in for him so long as we do not know him personally. Types thus provide the possibility of
hope, if we are willing to abide the tension of the wait.

A type stands one step removed from the everyday world; the word is not the thing itself. It comes as no surprise, therefore, that the most forceful types of Christ in the
Book of Mormon should appear outside the main line of narrative-ï¿½Abinadi in the record of Limhi, and the brother of Jared in the plates of Ether. Reaching back to
the past through the texts that have been preserved, these subplots lay bare the core of our existence in this world and reveal him who makes our presence here
possible and our escape secure.

II. the Father and the Son: the Rock of Abinadi

We find ourselves in a fallen world, without a clear idea of how we got here, only gradually becoming aware in our developmental years of the world around us. And
before long, we find out that this world is far from ideal, as though everything were subject to some faceless outside force, held in captivity. We sense that something is
missing, that altogether half of who we are has been surrendered in order to maintain our life in this world. Or maybe we don't sense the loss, or we simply accept our
lot as the way of the world. It seems absurd to suggest that we have given something up, in some primeval past beyond our memory. It is no doubt better just to deal
with the world as it is than to pin your hopes on some kind of imagined redemption.

This is the situation of the people of Limhi when they are discovered by Ammon (Mosiah 7): subject to the Lamanites, rendering a tribute of one-half of all that they
possess, but not altogether without hope. They have some recollection of the world that they left generations back, but no idea what direction to follow in order to
return. And Limhi also seems to know how this bondage arose: through the slaying of the prophet Abinadi, who claimed that God himself should come into the world
and would be rejected by that world.

The outlines of the type become clear already. In at least one respect, Abinadi typifies Christ, coming among an apostate people and being rejected. But identifying the
type is only the first step toward really reading it, just as finding the dictionary definition of a word like "charity" is at best the first step toward really understanding the
concept. We have to inquire further as to the role Abinadi plays, his place and function. And there are two crucial elements in this inquiry, as in any typological inquiry
or symbolic reading: the word or name, which defines certain parameters of interpretation; and our experience, which we bring to these parameters in an effort to join
the two. In fact, this is what is involved in any reading, whether or not we would label it "symbolic." All words are symbols, after all.

The spelling of the name "Abinadi" suggests an analogy to the Hebrew word 'eben, meaning "rock" or "stone." We could say, following the parallel to Christ, that
Abinadi himself appears among the people as a foundation stone to be rejected (cf. Ps. 118:22). And yet, as Jacob makes clear (Jacob 4), it is upon the stone that is
rejected that we are able to and must build, this being the "mystery" that Jacob sets out to unfold: how it is possible to build upon this rejected stone, the stone that
Abinadi typifies and to which he testifies.

We can look for the key in Abinadi's sermons, particularly the one concerning Christ as the Father and the Son (Mosiah 15). It is no real surprise that Christ should
be both, any more than that my own father should be a son, or that his son should be a father. What isn't so clear is the connection between being a father and being a
son. It is easy to think of them as two distinct roles, but in Christ they are spoken of as one. Even the name of Abinadi suggests the necessity of this connection:
"Father" in Hebrew is 'ab, spelled aleph-beth; "son" is ben, spelled beth-nun. Joined together they become aleph-beth-nun, the root of "Abinadi," or of the rock,
ï¿½eb'en, on which we are to build.

So what is the connection that joins these two together, that binds the generations? What is the relation between the father and the son? How can we know of it?
Certainly our experience of being fathers, sons, mothers, or daughters is going to play a role in our understanding of this relation, but it is not always desirable to try to
make the analogy directly. For example, when we say that God is our father, am I to understand that statement by analogy to my earthly father? But what if I come
from a dysfunctional family? Should I think of God as I think of the father who beats me? The other option is to assume that I don't know what the word "father" means
and leave myself open to the tension of hope. And if my family isn't dysfunctional, if it is a "normal" family, even a "good" family? Do I then know what God is like as a
father? Do I then have to accept that I don't know what the word means?

There is a certain peril involved in questioning your own knowledge of basic words, or words that your community takes to be basic. Certainly in a family where the
word "love" is an expression of coercion and dependence, it is somewhat perilous to question the fact that your parents "love" you. It is perhaps a rare family that
allows its "love" to be questioned.

And yet even in such a family, the results of such questioning can be devastating, or at least exhausting. Rejecting what ev eryone around you takes to be plain,
assuming that there's something lying beyond the word's mark that you don't understand, and seeking for it with all that you've got, you soon enough find that things
begin to grow dark, that you become blind. The structure that the system had provided, sound or unsound, is no longer there for you, and you have no framework or
background against which to conceptualize the things you encounter. And perhaps you stumble in the dark and are left to all kinds of temptations.

How, then, is it possible to be recovered from this state, caught in limbo between worlds? This is the great mystery, the mystery whereby the stone that is rejected, the
solid structure of the language that you have lost in questioning, can itself become the foundation upon which all else can safely be built.

What  is it that
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deliberately cutting ourselves off from our mooring, from the sense of direction that is our birthright? Even in the most destructive cases, where we would think it
obvious that something is wrong with the situation, it is often preferable for a person to deny his or her own awareness, to deny the validity of his or her own judgment,
than to reject the integrity of the system. The mind will go to enormous lengths to let even a monstrously perverted world make sense, even to the point of self-
How, then, is it possible to be recovered from this state, caught in limbo between worlds? This is the great mystery, the mystery whereby the stone that is rejected, the
solid structure of the language that you have lost in questioning, can itself become the foundation upon which all else can safely be built.

What is it that we have rejected? Whether "good" or "bad," it is the tradition of our fathers that has come under question. But how is it possible to reject that tradition,
deliberately cutting ourselves off from our mooring, from the sense of direction that is our birthright? Even in the most destructive cases, where we would think it
obvious that something is wrong with the situation, it is often preferable for a person to deny his or her own awareness, to deny the validity of his or her own judgment,
than to reject the integrity of the system. The mind will go to enormous lengths to let even a monstrously perverted world make sense, even to the point of self-
annihilation. Under what conditions, then, can a person dare to make the voyage into darkness, to confront that abyss? Only when there is faith that something lies on
the other side, that there will be something or someone there to carry you across. Only then can a person give himself over to suffer the abyss's temptation and yield not
to that temptation by means of retreat or suicide.

In the best of families, it is the older generation that leaves room for that faith, that lets the children go, that lets them ques tion everything the family holds dear and true,
always knowing that when the questioning is through, wherever on earth or in hell that questioning might lead, the parents will always be there to come home to.

Christ, conceived by the power of God, was able to do what he did by virtue of the hope and freedom that was always there as he made his way through the trials of
the flesh. Only with the constancy of his father, and only by suffering in the flesh, was he in his turn able to extend the same constancy and hope to us, thus becoming
our father, the father of heaven and of earth.

Forsaking his home, Christ establishes the possibility of return thereto, overcoming a gap that seemed unbridgeable. An individual's transition from son to father involves
going to the extremity, even the extremity of cutting himself off from his own father, from the tradition of his fathers. It is this that leaves room for him to take his own
place freely in the generational chain. The welding link that joins father to son appears to us as a loss, an absence, buried in the depths of life's waters.

How then are we to build thereupon? Going to the extremity leaves room for restoration, true, but by no means assures it. Such a realm demands to be approached
with the greatest of caution and reverence, as though entering the walls of a temple, lest the separation be eternal. And standing there as guard and guide is the type,
carrying us along through the darkness as long as we are willing to abide its terms and conditions. We have got to be willing to look upon it with hope and humility,
believing that protection is possible.

III. Looking Into the Past: the Emptiness of Nonconfrontation

To look upon the scriptures is to liken the scriptures unto ourselves. What then do we see? It depends, of course. We need to have not only the scriptures before our
eyes, but ourselves as well, ourselves and our situation in the world. And how clearly can we really see that? How well do we understand the effects of our actions, or
the responsibility of our environment? When all is said and done, we simply don't know.

But how, then, will it be possible to understand the scripture, to liken it to ourselves when those selves are foreign to us? Not really understanding our own language,
our own communications among one another and within ourselves, how are we going to understand the language of scripture? This is the situation in which King Limhi,
for example, finds himself with regard to the twenty-four Jaredite plates (Mosiah 8), or the learned man with regard to the sealed book (2 Ne. 27), the modern world
facing the Book of Mormon. What is needed is a seer, someone who can bridge the gap from language to language, from the scripture to our experience-ï¿½someone
who can see into the depths of the word and of the soul; someone who knows of things past, of the worlds that we have left, where the words' origins lie, and of things
to come, the direction and purpose of it all. Only then can one really understand the present, and understand one's role in it.

Of himself, Limhi cannot see all that; he is unable to read it. He has to turn to the seer to gain insight into that buried past. The Limhi story provides the pattern. But
what is it that keeps us from looking, that we might live?

We think we know what is required; we think we know the meaning of things. And we know that we don't live up to it. Seeing our failures and convinced that we are
or ought to be able to do what is required of us, we conclude that we are just too lazy, and surely unworthy of exaltation. At least we feel this deep down, even if we
try to keep ourselves from feeling that way, telling ourselves that we are good people, after all, and that we're doing the best we can. Of course, we can only pull this
off by ignoring, for the time being at least, a significant set of requirements, telling ourselves that they don't really apply in our circumstances, or that they are to be
interpreted in a certain way, not others. We turn away, and not without good reason, from the burden of unworthiness. We refuse to look at what is there, afraid that
our greater knowledge will only be to our greater condemnation.

And we refuse to look at ourselves, as well. We commit sins, feel the sorrow of it, make what restitution we can, resolve not to do it again, and then try not to dwell on
our mistakes. Or sinful thoughts come to us, and our proper response is simply to shut them out, and try to turn our minds to something better. The sin isn't in the
original thought itself, we tell one another, but in letting it persist, dwelling on it. And if those thoughts keep coming back to us, that only demonstrates that the battle
doesn't let up, that we can never let our guard down, lest we fall. We turn away, and not without good reason, sure that in doing so, we are doing the right thing.

And yet, are we not told of people who lose desire for sin altogether? Is it really possible that even the desire could cease, that even the thoughts would disappear, that
the battle could have an end to it, even in this life? Oh, don't tell me that; that just makes me feel even more guilty! Something more to turn away from. One more
expectation that you are either unable or unwilling to fulfill; you don't even know which anymore.

One more expectation. You know what is expected of you; you just aren't doing it. You know what the words mean; you just can't abide by them. You know they are
true, all the more to your condemnation, or so you suppose. But is your knowledge in fact so sure? The Pharisees presumed to know the law and were thus forced into
their pious posturing to avoid the terror of not knowing, the terror of having their foundation drop out from under them. They could not recognize the one who fulfilled
the law, because they thought they knew what to expect. And they had to kill him, because to let him live would be to face the abyss, to see their own sin, to see
themselves, where every standard of goodness fails.

The Savior comes as one unexpected, received by those who wait for him in hope, those who hope for him in faith. He comes to those who have been left behind by
the Pharisees' standards of righteousness-ï¿½those who don't have anything to hang onto, or who are willing to give it all up, to put their hope in the unexpected.
Everything, including the scriptures, changes aspect when he appears; a meaning emerges that the Pharisees could no longer recognize. Caught up in trying to live the
law, they had lost sight of him and his presence therein, lost sight of the one who could provide the connection between the law and their lives, knowing the source of
both.

That great type of Christ, the serpent raised in the wilderness, was given that whosoever should look might live (see Alma 33:19). All that is needed is to look upon the
type, to look into the words, with the realization that maybe we do not know what is there. Thinking we know, we don't look, sure that it wouldn't save us, lazy
creatures that we are. But can you believe that maybe you don't know, that it might be something altogether different than what you expect? That it might be a message
of redemption, after all? Can you believe that the word of God will not remove you from reality, but will in fact provide a sense and ground to that reality? Can you
believe that it will be in your reach, and that anything that, in your honest awareness, presents itself as out of your reach could, in fact, be a false messiah? In sum, can
you  believe (c)
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IV. the Mystery At the Boundary: the Jaredite Plates
type, to look into the words, with the realization that maybe we do not know what is there. Thinking we know, we don't look, sure that it wouldn't save us, lazy
creatures that we are. But can you believe that maybe you don't know, that it might be something altogether different than what you expect? That it might be a message
of redemption, after all? Can you believe that the word of God will not remove you from reality, but will in fact provide a sense and ground to that reality? Can you
believe that it will be in your reach, and that anything that, in your honest awareness, presents itself as out of your reach could, in fact, be a false messiah? In sum, can
you believe that you are right?

IV. the Mystery At the Boundary: the Jaredite Plates

Can we really reach back, becoming innocent again, as little children? We say that children will speak words that have never been revealed from the foundation of this
fallen world; can we ever recover that pure language that now seems foolishness to us? Dreams, like childhood, take place in a different world, and even when we can
remember them, how can we know of their meaning? The texts that, miraculously enough, come into our possession are in a language that we have lost, that we are cut
off from. Can we ever read them?

As noted earlier, God has prepared a means of translation, a way of bridging that gap from language to language, from world to world. A seer, having a knowledge of
things past and of things to come, can bring the contents of the ancient records to our awareness, and can let us know of the things that took place in our primeval
childhood, unfolding all such mysteries.

Childhood, however, is mediated by adolescence. To reach the one, and thus become again as little children, we must confront the other, turning ourselves back from
our forward gaze and taking a look at where we got lost. Likewise, the people of Limhi must take a look at their past, at the eras of Zeniff and of Noah, before they
can be brought back to the land that they had left.

A curious thing happens, though, when the record of that past is reviewed before Ammon (Mosiah 8). King Limhi immediately inquires about a way to read the twenty-
four plates containing the Jaredite record, sure that they contain a great mystery. Their world has touched his, and he senses the worth for his own times of a knowledge
of their times, of their origin and destruction.

But that knowledge, that mystery, is by no means easy to bring to the surface. It is something that so deeply forms the fabric of our presence in the world, an element so
basic to our thought and speech, that types alone are able to render its existence discernable. And only indirectly at that, as we infer the material characters behind the
type on the page. Not having witnessed the press itself, I cannot speak with authority. And yet the type is before me, the words, extending the promise that they will
one day be made flesh, if their lead is followed.

What key, then, does the Jaredite record hold? What are these things that are so thoroughly hidden from our consciousness that to speak of them directly does them an
injustice, that have to be known indirectly by their shadows before calling them by name is meaningful?

There are two things that will always remain beyond the probing of this world's instruments: the boundaries of this world, birth and death. These boundaries are what
concern us here, and how we are to make it past them. We are on precarious ground to speak of what lies beyond until we have confronted the boundary, just as
Nephi cannot or will not tell us what lies beyond baptism (2 Ne. 32).

Actually, the first boundary concerns us only secondarily; at the start, it is just death that worries us, thus providing the impetus to the religious drive. But indeed, are not
birth and death essentially equated in the sign of baptism, rebirth through burial? From our perspective, the beginning and the end are dreadfully distinct, but is Christ
not both the first and the last? It is at the borders that we must seek him.

And the Book of Mormon practically lives at the borders-ï¿½a voice from the dust, the inaugurator of a new dispensation, itself bridging the gap between eras and
worlds. And then that persis tent narrative structuring device, the crossing of the great waters. The question is always there: How are we going to make it across? How
can the expanse be bridged?

But what is this expanse? What caused the lands to be divided in the first place, interrupting the continuity of eternity? We say that death is the result of sin, but what
about birth, an individual's first great catastrophe? Again, we don't know of ourselves. All of that is hidden from us in our present situation: a veil of forgetfulness. And
yet the types are there, standing between us and that knowledge, indicating the way but allowing no sure conclusions until the veil be rent, or the line of our hope reach
back far enough to carry us more sure intimations.

V. the Sacrifice At Mount Shelem: All Borders Overcome

To a certain point, we can speak from our experience. We know what we are talking about because we have lived it. And our experience is then able to resonate with
the words of scripture, and we can to a degree genuinely understand what is written. But sooner or later we reach a point in our reading where our experience fails us,
and either the words simply make no sense, or else they speak with greater or lesser clarity of something we can hardly imagine, but which must be real, for the words
testify of it. When we discuss these passages of scripture, the tone is altogether different. The experience is no longer back of it, and that absence comes through in the
way we talk about and quote it.

And yet the message is one that I dare not ignore. Only in reading what is there, however limited and even flawed that reading must be, will I be ready to assimilate the
experience that can truly make sense of it all. The type at the border of my ex perience has got to be looked upon and believed, apprehended, before the reality which
it mediates can be made apparent.

The story of the brother of Jared, as a type, lies at the extremity of human experience, at that place where the veil is rent and we are taken back into the presence of the
Lord. Or at least the brother of Jared is taken back, as he acts as intercessor for his people upon Mount Shelem (Ether 3). Shelem is the Hebrew singular term for the
"peace offering" of the Mosaic sacrificial rite. In going to this mountain, the brother of Jared is making a sacrifice for the sake of his people, in order that they might
cross the great waters in safety.

There are several dimensions to this sacrifice, several directions of reality into which it extends and along which it mediates. Each dimension stands independently, and
in the course of time they do not necessarily line upï¿½-and yet at a certain point, a point where time fails, they all intersect, and the altar of sacrifice becomes the center
of the universe.

Along one of these axes lie the great waters which his people are to cross. The waters stand between two worlds. Which two worlds? The nature of types doesn't
allow us to say for sure. They may be any two worlds, and the waters could be any kind of catastrophic transition, including birth and death. We are used to thinking of
death as a transition requiring mediation. And yet birth too is anything but an easy process, either for the mother or for the child, or perhaps even for the child's spirit.
Nothing will induce forgetfulness like a good trauma.

The peculiarity of the Jaredite voyage, however, is that they do not forget. Language and light remain their inheritance, thanks to the intercession of their high priest. At
least until the
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impossible, the soul's preservation in safety and innocence across the void between worlds, is accomplished.

And how is it done? How can that void possibly be overcome? What is the nature of this priesthood that can accomplish such things?
Nothing will induce forgetfulness like a good trauma.

The peculiarity of the Jaredite voyage, however, is that they do not forget. Language and light remain their inheritance, thanks to the intercession of their high priest. At
least until the wicked one comes to them in the new world and takes away their light as they choose themselves a king. But their arrival is safe. What seemed
impossible, the soul's preservation in safety and innocence across the void between worlds, is accomplished.

And how is it done? How can that void possibly be overcome? What is the nature of this priesthood that can accomplish such things?

Once again, the past has got to be confronted. And not a temporal past this time, but an entire past world, the world that has been forgotten in leaving our eternal
childhood home. Here too, the stones, 'abanï¿½m, are at the center of the sacrifice. This priesthood centers around the father-son relationship, the process by which a
son becomes a father. With Abinadi we discussed the necessary alienation, in which the father is rejected. Here we face the final reconciliation, in which the son, himself
becoming a father, is able for the first time to see his own father as he is.

The brother of Jared, having gone through the alienation of four years without prayer, hears the call reminding him of his duty to his people. Physically he is already a
father, but fatherhood requires something much more than physical creation. A sacrifice must be made to insure his family's safety. And not just their safety through the
vagaries of this life, but their safety as they encounter the borders of this life, whether spiritual or physical.

He hears the call and follows what instructions he receives. But those only take him so far. You can do what you saw your parents do and what they told you you ought
to do, but that will not be enough to provide for the coming generation. The sacrifice will be unique, and arrived at on your own.

He sees the void, sees what his people are lacking, what will destroy them. And, at the end of all his work, after all that he can do, he sees his own limitations, his own
emptiness. And he brings that emptiness before the Lord, his empty stones, knowing that it is the emblem of the son joined to the father that must be filled with light.
That is the great secret that he must receive, the meaning of that relationship. And there is only one way and one place in which it can be received: by making the
sacrifice necessary, with an eye to the salvation of his people, at the border between time and eternity.

He makes the sacrifice, confessing his emptiness and his readiness to believe. He brings with him no preconceptions, nothing to get in the way of seeing the Lord as he
is and re demption as what it is-ï¿½the redemption of his own people as well as the redemption of the world through Christ to come, knowing of each through the
other.

And through this sacrifice the great waters are overcome. Having confronted the forgotten past upon the mountain, and see ing his own future and the future of the
entire world contained therein, he has closed up the gap that time places between birth and death, between the past and the future. Upon that mountain, time is no
longer.

To us, of course, this makes little or no sense. We could perhaps go to greater lengths to spell it out in the abstract, to speculate as to its meaning and significance. But
however far we take it in that direction, it can only be and must be seen as preliminary to our own liminal encounter. This is the third dimension of the sacrifice, as the
account thereof extends itself into our own experience.

Recall the darkness into which questioning leads us. "Reality" is no longer self-evident, as you search for something "deeper." It is no surprise that one of the first things
to have been rejected in the great apostasy, as well as one of the last to be restored in this dispensation, was the notion of a physical God. When all the world seems an
illusion to you, you want your ultimate reality to be as far removed therefrom as possible. And when all communication seems to be a charade, it is no wonder that
prayer becomes impossible.

And yet without the apostasy there would be no restoration, just as without death there would be no resurrection. When the world has more than begun to dissolve,
and God along with it, the ground is prepared for a recovery, for the final revelation of God's physical reality, dispelling all the doubts that brought you there.

But doubt alone will not reveal it. Without hope, without that willingness to believe despite all doubt, but not denying or disowning that doubt, you remain in the
darkness. Let the world dissolve; be willing to search into and contemplate the darkest abyssï¿½-but only to the extent that the tether of your hope will reach. That is
the compromise of living in this world both physi cally and spiritually. You cannot abandon the law before it is fulfilled, giving up all interaction with a physical and
contingent world. But you cannot give yourself over wholly to the law, denying that which lies beyond it, and which alone can give meaning to it.

The sacrifice of the brother of Jared stands not only for the sacrifice that lies at the foundation of this world, but also for the sacrifice involved in any act of speech or of
writing, of type-making. Without a willingness to surrender the purity of silence, a willingness to live by the laws of an imperfect world, no communication is possible,
and hence no redemption. And yet not to believe that the words that are given us reach back somehow to the borders of perfection is to remain trapped in this world,
without the saving intercession of the Word. We must recognize the sacrifice that is made, the "impurity" of a God coming into this world, but we must also believe that
through that very sacrifice the heavens are opened and life is assured. And along with the brother of Jared, at the end of our journey through doubt and belief, we see
for the first time, with the greatest of surprise, the physical and literal reality of the Lord, the word made flesh.

Conclusion

Our voyage across the waters has been provided for; our presence in the world is a reality. The task now before us is one of understanding our place herein, how we
got to where we are, where we are moving toward. This involves coming to know the role that Christ has played in all of these stages, and how we are in fact in his
image. And this in turn can only be discovered through, among other things, the exercise of hope.

The Hebrew word generally translated as "hope," tiqvah, carries overtones of waiting, tension, a cord pulled taut. I said at the start of this paper that, wanting my
foundation to be sure, I hoped to let a meaning of typology emerge from the text itself. Given my belief that definition of a word is not something that can be
accomplished within the confines of this world, that the borders of a word's meanings have got to be confronted by each individual reader in a realm that can be known
by the reader alone, I am wary of trying to build on the findings and decisions of the tradition of biblical scholarship. I agree that we need to be aware of the structures
others have built, just as Joseph Smith needed to go through the process of investigating the several churches in his district. But if he had not been willing to wait, hoping
and believing that the Lord would give him the understanding he was unable to find behind the conflicting definitions that the world provided, there would have been no
restoration. I believe that for scholarship to be of real worth, it has got to take into account the imperative for every reader, both of scripture and of scholarship, to seek
after this understanding for him or herself, letting the definitions be met at a person's own borders, however great the tension of the wait may be.

  I suggest reading the whole of this and other cited chapters. Their structure plays an important role in the development of the following discussion.

   Naturally, such an interpretation is to be taken more in the spirit of midrash than as evidence of the author's philological naï¿½vetï¿½. For this particular insight, I am
indebted to Friedrich Weinreb, Roots of the Bible (Devon: Merlin Books, 1986), 120.
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The Economics of the Book of Mormon: Joseph Smith As Translator or Commentator
Garth L. Mangum
   Naturally, such an interpretation is to be taken more in the spirit of midrash than as evidence of the author's philological naï¿½vetï¿½. For this particular insight, I am
indebted to Friedrich Weinreb, Roots of the Bible (Devon: Merlin Books, 1986), 120.

The Economics of the Book of Mormon: Joseph Smith As Translator or Commentator
Garth L. Mangum

Abstract: From 1830 to the present those who find it difficult to accept "angelic visitations in the age of railroads" have searched Joseph Smith's nineteenth-century
environment for sources of the subject matter of the Book of Mormon. For example, in 1990 Susan Curtis explains the economic subthemes of the book as Joseph
Smith's commentary on "market capitalism." But the economic conditions of Joseph Smith's time and place are not reflected in the Book of Mormon. Its economic
descriptions are consistent with our vast knowledge of the economic conditions of the ancient Middle East and not inconsistent with the little known of the economics of
Mesoamerica of the relevant time period. Those more comfortable with Joseph Smith as universal commentator on the issues of his day would be well advised to
ignore economics or limit that topic to the Doctrine and Covenants. Those who accept him as translator of ancient scriptural documents can gain additional reassurance
from the economics of the Book of Mormon.

The mind boggles at the hypothesis that the youthful Joseph Smith was an insatiable intellectual sponge who, despite his limited education, isolated location, and lack of
access to the major communications channels of his day managed to tap into, absorb, and comment in the Book of Mormon on every major issue of his times. Of that
school of thought, the following may be typical:

American society in the midst of . . . vast changes produced anxiety as well as opportunities for its members. . . . Joseph Smith's work was informed by such fears and
cultural imperatives. The Book of Mormon addresses market capitalism, individual re sponsibility, and a Protestant sensibility. Alexander Campbell's indictment [that
Joseph Smith managed to incorporate into the Book of Mormon every current issue being debated in his contemporary society] is accurate.

Somehow intellectual virtuosity and ubiquitous knowledge is easier to accept than prophetic status. A professional economist may have no base from which to critique
the other supposedly contemporary topics attributed to the Book of Mormon but ought to be able to appraise the extent to which economic allusions in the book reflect
issues being debated in 1830 rather than economic conditions of the ancient Near East and Mesoamerica. But first it will be necessary to bore the reader with a
reminder of that painful intellectual excursion he or she probably once took through the pages of an Economics 101 textbook.

The Economic Problem

The basic fact of economics is scarcity. There are never enough economic resources to produce all of the goods and services human beings would like to have.
Therefore difficult and often divisive choices have to be made. Which of all of the vast variety of goods and services that might be produced shall be produced? Which
of the many alternative production techniques available shall be used to assure the most output from the available inputs? Since there will never be enough production to
satisfy insatiable human wants, how shall the results of production be distributed? An economic system is a manmade power mechanism for deciding those issues: what
to produce, how to produce it, and how to divide the result.

The economic resources in question are the factors that make production possible: land, labor, and capital in classic terms and natural resources, human resources, and
capital resources in modern terms. The others are self-evident, but by "capital" an economist means the results of past production saved rather than consumed and then
used to enhance current or future production. That could be part of last season's crops held over for replanting or to feed this year's plowers, planters, and reapers until
this year's harvest; a hoe or a plow made by a craftsperson while surviving on last year's accumulation of food, hoping to expand this year's output; or a modern factory
created out of a more complex version of exactly the same procedure.

Those economic decisions of what and how to produce and how to distribute output can and are made within the household with no professional observer feeling
obligated to comment. What makes economics into a profession is the process of specialization and exchange: when it is discovered that if each individual or group
specializes in that which it has the greatest comparative advantage for producing and then exchanges its surplus with those of other specializations, total output and well-
being is enhanced. But also created are the interdependencies, distortions between supply and demand, and disputes over relative exchange values which are the stuff
of economic conflict. But those issues did not wait to emerge in nineteenth-century America.

Economics Among the Nephites and Jaredites

Susan Curtis identifies four examples of what she considers to be nineteenth-century market capitalism in the Book of Mormon (Jarom 1:8; Hel. 3:7-11; 3 Ne. 6:7-8;
Ether 10:22). Had she added 2 Ne. 5:15-17 andEnos 1:20-21, she would have covered the most explicit references to production and exchange. Let us consider
them chronologically. In a brief period of Jaredite righteousness, a certain "Morianton built up many cities, and the people became exceedingly rich under his reign, both
in buildings, and in gold and silver, and in raising grain, and in flocks and herds" (Ether 10:12). Then occur five generations of internecine warfare before:

They built a great city, . . . and they were exceed ingly industrious and they did buy and sell and traffic one with another, that they might get gain. And they did work in
all manner of ore. . . . And they did all manner of fine work. And they did have silks and fine-twined linen. . . . And they did make all manner of tools to till the earth. . .
. And never could be a people . . . more prospered by the hand of the Lord. (Ether 10:20-28)

Later, on the same hemisphere, but among a different people, Nephi led his subjects into the wilderness to escape the depradations of the followers of his brothers after
the death of their father:

We did prosper exceedingly; for we did sow seed, and we did reap again in abundance. And we began to raise flocks. . . . And I did teach my people to build
buildings, and to work in all manner of wood, and of iron, and of copper, and of brass, and of steel. . . . [And] I, Nephi, did cause my people to be industrious, and to
labor with their hands. (2 Ne. 5:11-17)

With warfare continuing, Nephi's nephew Enos later describes the differing economies as well as the alternative lifestyles:

The Lamanites . . . [fed] upon beasts of prey; dwelling in tents. . . . And many of them did eat nothing but raw meat [whereas] the people of Nephi did till the land, and
raise all manner of grain, and of fruit, and flocks of herds . . . and also many horses. (Enos 1:20-21).

But a few generations later it was again necessary to cleanse the land of Lamanites, after which:

We multiplied exceedingly, and spread upon the face of the land, and became exceedingly rich in gold and in silver, and in precious things, and . . . in fine workmanship
of wood, in buildings, and in machinery, and also in iron and copper, and brass and steel, making all manner of tools of every kind to till the ground, and weapons of
war. (Jarom 1:8)
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Another  250 years pass, and a group of Nephites and converted Lamanites leave the now-contentious Nephite majority, move into the former Jaredite           lands
northward, and use cement as a building material, supplemented by timber which they have shipped to them from the south (Hel. 3:3-10), the latter transaction
apparently being Curtis's justification for including the incident among her illustrations of "market capitalism." However, the situation was more reflective of the
We multiplied exceedingly, and spread upon the face of the land, and became exceedingly rich in gold and in silver, and in precious things, and . . . in fine workmanship
of wood, in buildings, and in machinery, and also in iron and copper, and brass and steel, making all manner of tools of every kind to till the ground, and weapons of
war. (Jarom 1:8)

Another 250 years pass, and a group of Nephites and converted Lamanites leave the now-contentious Nephite majority, move into the former Jaredite lands
northward, and use cement as a building material, supplemented by timber which they have shipped to them from the south (Hel. 3:3-10), the latter transaction
apparently being Curtis's justification for including the incident among her illustrations of "market capitalism." However, the situation was more reflective of the
advantages of free trade in an economy limited to agriculture, mining, and handicraft:

There was peace in the land, insomuch that the Nephites did go into whatsoever part of the land they would. . . . The Lamanites did also go wherever they would, . . .
and thus they did have free intercourse one with another, to buy and to sell, and to get gain. . . . [And] they became exceedingly rich, both the Lamanites and the
Nephites; and they did have an exceeding plenty of gold and of silver, and all manner of precious metals. . . . And there were also curious workmen, who did work all
kinds of ore and did refine it; and thus they became rich. They did raise grain in abundance . . . and they did flourish exceedingly, both in the north and in the south.
(Hel. 6:8-13)

The need for economic infrastructure is cited a few years later when, after successfully resisting siege by Gadianton bands, the still-united Nephites and Lamanites
prosper, such that "there were many cities built anew, and there were many old cities repaired. And there were many highways cast up, and many roads made, which
led from city to city, and from land to land, and from place to place" (3 Ne. 6:7-8).

Then, of course, there is the economics of the "Golden Age of the Nephites" from A.D. 34-201 of which we are told only that "they had all things common among
them" (4 Ne. 1:3), with no description of structure or process.

But, beyond these explicit economic citations, on an implicit level the Book of Mormon is replete with economic references, as any history of human life must be. A
wealthy Manassehite resident of Jerusalem is immediately introduced. We are told he is possessed of a house liberally supplied with gold, silver, other precious things,
and "all manner of riches" in such great abundance as to cause another wealthy ruler in the city to "lust after it" and pursue murder to obtain it (1 Ne. 2:4;3:16, 22-25).
We are never told how Lehi obtained his wealth, but Nibley concludes from Lehi's lifestyle, his knowledge of Egyptian, and contemporary conditions that he was a
typical merchant of the time, organizing caravans and moving goods among major areas of the ancient Near East. Neither are we told the economic base of
Jerusalem, though that is a matter of history, but the very exis tence of a city is an economic phenomenon based on some combination of specialization and exchange;
buying, selling, and profit-making; and political and military adventure and subjugation. Nibley has also explored, with at least implied economic analysis, Laban with his
armor and armaments, his personal treasury, military and household subordinates, and social and political position as typical of his status and time (2 Ne. 4:9, 20, 27).
   Laban's sword and Nephi's bow of fine steel (1 Ne. 16:18) are evidence of an armaments industry and skill in artisanry, which is no surprise for the Jerusalem of
600 B.C., but which may also explain technological transfer into the Western Hemisphere promised land, if indeed it was not already here, at least among the Jaredites.

We have in the transport of tents and provisions into the wilderness without mention of flocks and herds a differentiation between the economic base of the nomad and
that of a traveling merchant. We also have evidence of skill with the weaponry of the hunt but dependence upon an apparently advanced technological means of
pursuing itï¿½-a steel bow; only prayer and humility make it possible to obtain food with more primitive weapons (1 Ne. 16:15, 18, 21, 23-32). We also find skill at
mining, smelting, and tool-making, though divine instruction is necessary for ship-building (1 Ne. 17:8-14, 16;19:1).

In the new land, there appears to be no period of isolated pioneering with subsistence living off the land but an almost immediate establishment of cities with
construction of buildings including temples, an assumption by Nephi of the role of overseer and a specialization of labor including working with wood, iron, copper,
brass, steel, gold, silver and "precious ores" (2 Ne. 5:15-18). The descendants of luxury-loving Laman and Lemuel, paradoxically, soon retrogress into a more primitive
hunting and pillaging status, apparently obtaining manufactured goods throughout most of their history only by robbing their more industrious Nephite cousins. However,
a city-building society, such as that of the Nephites, requires specialization and exchange. The countryside provides the food which the city can and must obtain either
by exchange or expropriation. A people governed in any way other than harsh dictatorship can develop a substantial urban sector only by providing in exchange for
foodstuffs either handicrafts or manufactured products, desired services, or a marketing function which facilitates exchange with other areas, rural or urban. Buildings
greater than what those engaged in primary extractionï¿½-hunting, fishing, herding, or farming-ï¿½can build for their own shelter require specialization in obtaining and
preparing building materials, site preparation, and performing the various construction tasks. Any specialization requires exchange. Exchange requires transportation,
communication, and some approach to marketing. Any exchange beyond immediate and equal barter requires some medium of exchange along with accounting and
storage.

Though not an explicit economic history, the Book of Mormon is replete with the specialized crafts of lawyers, merchants, priests, military professionals, civil servants,
and politicians. By implication all of the farmers, fishermen, herdsmen, building tradesmen, blacksmiths, and armorers of an agrarian, handicraft, trading society must
have been present. Prophets supported themselves by their own labors to avoid a professional clergy, though none of them ever reveals his secular occupation (Mosiah
2:14-16). Taxes were a familiar part of governing. It was the corrupt use of the revenues rather than taxing for public purposes that was King Noah's civic sin (Mosiah
11:3-10). Certainly producing foodstuffs and armaments for the military was assumed as a civic obligation (Alma 60:9).

The practice of identifying a city and a surrounding land bearing the same name indicates an economic as well as a political interaction. Numerous such city-states
existed among the Nephites, with travel among them enumerated for missionaries, soldiers, and rulers, but it is difficult to believe there would not have been traders as
well. Though the Lamanites are generally described as wild and ferocious but idle hunters, warriors, and pillagers, Ammon, Aaron, Omner, and Himni and their fellow
missionaries found an economy of competing herdsmen and a superstructure of subordinate and superior rulers residing in palaces someone had to build, with organized
modes of travel and conferences among themselves (Alma 17-22). A well-ordered monetary system was clearly in existence, at least among the Nephites (Alma 11:4-
19). None of the explicit descriptions of economic activity enumerated above is presented as a new in novation, but in every case as a resumption of commerce after a
forced exodus or devastating wars.

Are all of these references to economic life in the ancient Near East and Mesoamerica mere concoctions of Joseph Smith as a vehicle for comment on his
contemporary scene? Or do they fit better as reflections of ancient economies? To answer those questions, some exploration of the economies of the United States in
1830 and of the more exotic locations between 600 B.C. and A.D. 421 will be necessary.

The Characteristics of Market Capitalism in 1830

The essential components of "capitalism" are acquisitiveness and private ownership of the means of production and distribution. The essence of a market economy is
private initiative and competition. People must be motivated to produce and to take risks in pursuit of private reward rather than social improvement. There must be
both a legal structure and an ethic which allows and encourages private ownership and the use of resources for private gain, even if competitors are disadvantaged and
consumers pay high prices. The faith is that profit-seekers will recognize opportunity in consumer demand, guaranteeing that what is most desired will be produced, and
that excess profits will attract new producers, driving down prices. Specialization and exchange remain the basis of economic activity, but the motivation has changed.
Self-interestedness is justified because the competitive pursuit of maximized incomes will require every owner of a factor of production to use it to produce that product
upon which the consumer places the highest value. The private-enterprise capitalism described by Adam Smith and other economic philosophers in the last quarter of
 Copyright
the          (c)and
    eighteenth   2005-2009,    Infobase
                    the first quarter      Media
                                      of the      Corp.centuries was a replacement of a system called "mercantilism," in which kings tightly regulated their
                                             nineteenth                                                                                                Page     151 / 919
                                                                                                                                                             economies and
gave monopoly privileges to their supporters to trade goods for gold, enlarging the king's treasury, but not meeting the needs of the common man. Self-interest
channeled by the "invisible hand of competition" was expected to make better "what and how to produce and how to distribute the results" decisions than any ruler or
consumers pay high prices. The faith is that profit-seekers will recognize opportunity in consumer demand, guaranteeing that what is most desired will be produced, and
that excess profits will attract new producers, driving down prices. Specialization and exchange remain the basis of economic activity, but the motivation has changed.
Self-interestedness is justified because the competitive pursuit of maximized incomes will require every owner of a factor of production to use it to produce that product
upon which the consumer places the highest value. The private-enterprise capitalism described by Adam Smith and other economic philosophers in the last quarter of
the eighteenth and the first quarter of the nineteenth centuries was a replacement of a system called "mercantilism," in which kings tightly regulated their economies and
gave monopoly privileges to their supporters to trade goods for gold, enlarging the king's treasury, but not meeting the needs of the common man. Self-interest
channeled by the "invisible hand of competition" was expected to make better "what and how to produce and how to distribute the results" decisions than any ruler or
other central authority.

But these attributes of capitalism could have existed in 600 B.C. as well as A.D. 1830. What was different in the modern era was justification for acquisitiveness by all,
not just the ruling classes, and the emergence of the factory system and industrial production. Though described by Adam Smith in 1776, this laissez faire philosophy
had been emerging in Europe for a hundred years and spreading with a time lag to the American colonies. Its roots were agrarian but by the dawning of the nineteenth
century its applications in Europe were becoming industrial. It was not private enterprise which was controversial in Joseph Smith's time but the emerging European
factory system with its extremes of specialization and exchange, its exploitation of child labor, its long hours, low pay and abominable working conditions, sufficiently
better than the life of an agricultural peasant, however, to attract them to flock to it.

However, though such conditions might have alarmed British social reformers like Robert Owen, who came to America to establish a short-lived communal society in
New Harmony, Indiana in 1826, Joseph Smith had seen none of that at the time of the Book of Mormon's publication and very little of it in his entire lifetime. There
was little as yet of manufacturing and that limited largely to Massachusetts and a few coastal centers. In fact, Owen was unique in his experience with nascent
capitalism. The Shakers, with whom Joseph Smith was certainly familiar (D&C 49), and the Rappites and Separatists and other communal societies to which he may
have been exposed were equally unfamiliar with industrialization but were seeking only for Christian unity.

What might have been noted by an economic observer in western New York of the 1820s was a transition from subsistence agriculture to market agriculture as the
new Erie Canal opened transportation for farm products to seaboard cities. Barter would have been giving way to a money economy with consequent foreclosure on
the Smith farm. But, in general, economic conditions were improving throughout the young American nation between the devastating depression of 1819-21, felt
primarily among city dwellers, and the 1837 money panic which penetrated into the hinterlands. Nowhere does the Book of Mormon reflect upon industrial abuses, but
only upon the advantages of inter-city trade. Therefore, if the Book of Mormon were a commentary upon the American economy, it would be a paean to the
advantages of trade rather than a dirge on the evils of capitalist production. But then Mesoamerican pioneers had equal reason to praise the advantages of trade. The
economic evils the Book of Mormon decries are selfishness and materialism, but those are timeless sins.

The Economics of Antiquity

Mesopotamia had roads as early as 3000 B.C. and Egypt not long after. "Ancient Oriental foreign trade formed the whole region from Africa and Crete as far as
India, Iran and Turkestan, after 3000 B.C. or so, into one closely-knit bloc for the purpose of the economic exchange of certain goods." From 2000 B.C. onward
ivory from Central Africa, salt from the Dead Sea, ebony from Nubia, cedar from Lebanon, cypress and other woods from Babylonia, as well as asphalt, teak from
India, Akkadian jewelry, Mesopotamian tools, drugs, essences, and perfumes from Arabia, oil, honey, spices, nuts, and almonds from Palestine, and a seemingly
endless list of other products travelled by land and by sea from Africa to the Orient and to Southern Europe and the Caucasus across the land bridge which would later
be the beginning point of the Book of Mormon. Great building projects date at least as far back as the pyramid of Cheops, circa 2650 B.C., coins to at least 630
B.C., and buying and selling through markets at least back to the Greeks of the fifth century B.C. Abraham had silver shekels to buy land to bury Sarah (Gen.
23:16), and the Midianite merchantmen who carried Joseph to Egypt (Gen. 37:28) were organized to trade goods, not to transport slaves. Nor was there anything
strange about nomads from the land of Canaan traveling to the Egyptian breadbasket to buy grain (Gen. 42:2). Caravans had already been making that trip for
centuries. The Phoenicians traded, as well as pillaged, as far away as the British Isles as early as the tenth century B.C. Greek mining engineers opened up iron mines
in Egypt to supply armament workshops before 600 B.C. Grain from the Ukraine was reaching Athens by at least the fifth century B.C. Usher, in his classic
history of mechanical invention, identifies cranes, windlasses, winepresses, water-lifting devices, and other machines going back to 1500 B.C.

The archaeological and anthropological record of the Americas is much less complete and dating more difficult. Whatever may have been the Mesoamerican case in
Nephite and Jaredite times, there was unquestionably an intense trade over the 500 miles between the Aztecs of the now Mexico City area and the Mayas of the
Yucatan peninsula in the pre-Spanish era. Despite mountain and forest, both luxury wares and raw materials seem to have moved in abundance. Sorenson notes
Aztec trade representatives operating as far away as Panama at the time of the Spanish conquest. Since that is the case and no new technology was involved, there is
no reason to think city-to-city trade of more limited distance could not have been frequent in the previous millennium. Certainly, there is no economic comment nor
condition described in the Book of Mormon which would not have been typical of its claimed chronology and geography, either in the ancient Near East of Lehi's time
or in the Mesoamerica of his descendants.

Is the Book of Mormon a Modern Economic Commentary?

As usual, where one stands depends upon where one sits. If one insists on rejecting the possibility of an ancient date for the Book of Mormon, one must look for some
other source of its economic descriptions. But there is nothing in it that is descriptive of the economy familiar to Joseph Smith in the 1820s with subsistence agriculture
just beginning to give way to transport of rural farm produce to a faraway city market. Had Joseph Smith been a Philadelphia or New York City resident, he might
have seen more of the city to city or immediate hinterland to central city trade more typical of the Book of Mormon. In no sense does that book comment upon the
emerging American capitalism which Joseph Smith was not destined to experience. Nor is there anything in the book not reflective of known Middle Eastern conditions
or probable Mesoamerican conditions of the designated historical time periods. Note, for instance, the repetition of the ancient practices of bondage and tribute
(Mosiah 19:15;23:8-17) but the total absence of any discussion of colonialism and Manifest Destiny and the limited comments on slavery (Mosiah 2:13 andAlma 27:8-
9) which one might have expected to loom large in an 1830 work.

If one wants to make of Joseph Smith a universal social commentator on the issues of his day, one would do well to ignore the economics of the Book of Mormon and
concentrate on that of the Doctrine and Covenants, which at least provides economic policy prescriptions which its predecessor scripture pointedly avoids (D&C
42:30-35).

  Susan Curtis, "Early Nineteenth Century and the Book of Mormon," in Dan Vogel, ed., The Word of God: Essays on Mormon Scripture (Salt Lake City: Signature
Books, 1990), 85.

  Ibid., 87-88.

  Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/ There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book, 1988), 34-36.

   Abraham(c)
 Copyright  Malamat, "Origins
              2005-2009,      and the
                         Infobase     Formative
                                    Media Corp.Period," in H. H. Ben-Sasson, ed., A History of the Jewish People (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Page
                                                                                                                                         University Press,
                                                                                                                                                152 / 919
1976), 4-6.

  Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, 94-104.
  Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/ There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book, 1988), 34-36.

  Abraham Malamat, "Origins and the Formative Period," in H. H. Ben-Sasson, ed., A History of the Jewish People (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1976), 4-6.

  Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, 94-104.

  Robert L. Heilbroner, The Worldly Philosophers (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), 100-107.

  Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the United States (New York: Hillary House, 1875, repr. 1961), 63-266.

  Jean-Philippe Levy, The Economic Life of the Ancient World (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1964), 5.

   Fritz M. Heichelheim, An Ancient Economic History: From the Paleolithic Age to the Migrations of the Germanic, Slavic and Arabic Nations, 3 vols. (Leiden:
Sijthoff, 1958), 1:117.

  Ibid., 118-19.

  T. F. Carney, The Economies of Antiquity (Lawrence, KS: Coronado, 1973), 17, 19.

  Ibid., 107.

  Heichelheim, An Ancient Economic History, 2:38.

  Ibid., 48.

  Abbot Payson Usher, A History of Mechanical Invention (Boston: Beacon, 1929), 122-34.

   Anne M. Chapman, "Trade Enclaves in the Aztec and Maya Civilizations," in Karl Polanyi, Conrad M. Arensberg, and Harry W. Pearson, eds., Trade and Market
in the Early Empires (New York: Free Press, 1957), 114-53.

   John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1985), 103.

Mormon As Editor: a Study in Colophons Headers and Source Indicators
Thomas W. Mackay

Abstract: The Book of Mormon contains various colophons and source indicators that signal documents or authors that Mormon and the writers of the small plates
used, quoted, paraphrased, or summarized in composing the final text. Some of these headers have been italicized and separated out by the printer; others form an
integral part of the text but could as well have been separated and italicized. Mormon's extensive notation of sources is an other set of evidence for the intricate and
complex nature of the text and, simultaneously, of the magnitude of Mormon's work as an ancient editor and historian.

The Book of Mormon is a very complex ancient text. That complexity is emphasized by various contextual source indicators or colophons for documents and authors,
remnants of the materials Mormon used to compile his edited summary of Nephite history. Moreover, such indicators followed a Nephite tradition, since we find them
in the account in the small plates as well. A colophonï¿½-Greek for "summit, top, finishing"ï¿½-is a title or header, before or after a text, that may identify an author
(such as by name, parentage, origin, education, etc.), the title of text, book, or section, and it may have an attestation of accuracy or a prayer to deity. This
innovation of frequent headers reflects an editorial honesty, a genuine concern for credibility with the reading audience, and a sense of modesty while undertaking a
divine task. We can gain a heightened appreciation for Mormon as an ancient editor and historian by examining the source indicators and colophons of the Book of
Mormon and by seeing how the modern printer dealt with them.

Ancient texts did not enjoy the conveniences of modern printed books with a table of contents and index. Rolls or scrolls held less than codices-ï¿½books with leaves
bound at the spine. Especially when there was more than one text in a manuscript, a scribe might write incipit "here begins" [author, text] or explicit "here ends" [text or
book], perhaps leaving a blank space or even a leaf before commencing the next composition. The Gospel of Mark would be entitled secundum Marcum or kata
mapkon. In medieval manuscripts, at the beginning of a book there were sometimes capitula (a number with a summary phrase or sentence), corresponding to our table
of contents; but often they included a bit more detail or summary of chapter contents, though they lacked any reference to the folio or page where that portion of the
text began.

Moreover, scribes did not use footnotes for source indicators, although some authors, such as the Venerable Bede and Rabanus Maurus, did include an abbreviation of
an author's name as source marks in the margin when quoting at length from another writer, especially a church father. The practice of naming a specific source goes
back to Herodotos among historians and is also found in orators (dealing with political and legal matters). There was no standard edition of ancient texts with constant
page format, and in context usually only titles or book numbers were cited, though occasionally capitula or "chapters" are noted. Hence, the sparse contextual
references typically mentioned an author's name, per haps the title of the composition, and rarely even a book number, let alone a chapter. One device that could have
been used more frequently (but wasn't) is the canons of Eusebius, a reference table for parallel passages in the four Gospels, remnants of which are the paragraph
markings ï¿½ in our KJV Bible. But this system was not used even in homilies or commentaries. So there was no ancient or medieval tradition even in later Judaeo-
Christian culture that demanded the notation of sources. That Mormon scrupulously names his sources is a stunning feat. He is not heir to an ancient Judaic tradition
nor was he influenced by the Greco-Roman historical tradition. Yet, there were some precedents in Nephite record-keeping, as we can observe in the accounts from
the small plates; and the printer presents italic headers for 1 Nephi, 2 Nephi, and Jacob.

In the Book of Mormon, we have a range of introductory and inserted notations: names of authors for records, speeches, and epistles that are quoted or abridged-
ï¿½imbedded source indicators; genealogical or other authenticating information about the authors; and brief or extended summaries of contents, including subheaders
for complex inserts or documents. Nephi himself is in this tradition, a tradition that seems to be evident in what we have from Lehi, too, for he cites prophets from the
brass plates.

Heir to this literary tradition, Mormon develops it, and he assiduously presents to his readers source documents and texts while retaining a unity of narrative flow by his
historical account. Thus, even while transcribing a record, Mormon may paraphrase or summarize and then return to a first-person quotation. The resultant text is
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philosophy and purpose. Some of the natural textual or literary segments also appear as chapter divisions in the first edition of the Book of Mormon, as will be noted
below. The very word "chapter" is a product of medieval Latin manuscripts; that word was not a translation from the plates. Rather, whenever Joseph Smith (or Oliver
brass plates.

Heir to this literary tradition, Mormon develops it, and he assiduously presents to his readers source documents and texts while retaining a unity of narrative flow by his
historical account. Thus, even while transcribing a record, Mormon may paraphrase or summarize and then return to a first-person quotation. The resultant text is
clearly the product of a superb ancient historian concerned about naming and adhering to his sources while presenting an edited account that exhibits his own
philosophy and purpose. Some of the natural textual or literary segments also appear as chapter divisions in the first edition of the Book of Mormon, as will be noted
below. The very word "chapter" is a product of medieval Latin manuscripts; that word was not a translation from the plates. Rather, whenever Joseph Smith (or Oliver
Cowdery) saw a significant break in the translation from the ancient text, he added chapter indication marks in the printer's manuscript. The printer, John H. Gilbert,
observed that

Every chapter, if I remember correctly, was one solid paragraph, without a punctuation mark, from beginning to end.

Names of persons and places were generally capitalized, but sentences had no end. . . . I punctuated it to make it read as I supposed the Author intended.

So the 1830 chapters mark Mormon's (and Nephi's, Moroni's, etc.) subdivisions of the ancient books and are regularly logical narrative or speech divisions, as we
observe below from the present format. The present italicized headers still preserve the printer's choice for setting the 1830 edition. In the appendix to this article I have
listed the 1830 edition chapters (to which I will refer by Roman numerals in this article), with page numbers, compared to those of the current modern edition.
Colophons and contextual comments function as text dividers and source indicators and could have been printed as italicized headers, too. Clearly, the printer's
dilemma as to how he should set the type comes from the fact that Joseph Smith's translation preserved features of an ancient text, features unfamiliar to the modern
printer. Mormon did not have footnotes, a table of contents, an index, or hypertext links to help the readers. The brilliance and precision of his mind led to him to utilize
an extensive system of internal source references, while the magnitude of his mind also is evident in the scope and composition of the Book of Mormon as a whole.

The very title page of the entire Book of Mormon was translated from an original "header" to the complete volume begun by Mormon and extended by Moroni.
Headers or colophons were a literary practice of the Nephites and effectively provide a summary of contents for a book or section. We find them in the small plates,
where it is unlikely that Mormon would have been able to interpolate them, unless he transcribed the entire contents, which is exceedingly unlikely. The first occurs
before 1 Ne. 1, written and signed by Nephi. This header is augmented by 1 Ne. 1:1-3, a contextual colophon. The very contents of 1 Ne. 9 are effectively a header
for the new section-ï¿½what Nephi has taken from his own records instead of from his father's. Our 1 Ne. 10:1 begins chapter III in the 1830 edition; chapter II begins
at 1 Ne. 6:1. A small conclusion note or divider is at 1 Ne. 14:30, the end of Nephi's vision and the end of chapter III in the 1830 edition. Many subsections, especially
if they are a direct quotation of discourse, psalm, or prayer, may be indicated by a brief sentence followed by "Amen," as at 1 Ne. 9:6;14:30;15:36; and 22:31; also 2
Ne. 2:30;3:25;4:35;9:54;10:25;31:21; and 33:15. In a sense, 1 Ne. 19:21 functions as a colophon in that it attests to the veracity of the previous material. Similarly, 1
Ne. 19:22-24 is effectively an introductory header to Isa. 48-49 in 1 Ne. 20-21. In the 1830 edition, chapter IV corresponds to 1 Ne. 15; chapter V to 1 Ne. 16:1-
19:21 chapter VI to 1 Ne. 19:22-21:26 (the end of the Isaiah quotation); and chapter VII to 1 Ne. 22. So the original chapter divisions support our reading and
interpretation of 1 Ne. 19:21 as concluding a section and 1 Ne. 19:22-24 as introducing another.

Before 2 Ne. 1 is a brief header for 2 Ne. 1-5, but 2 Ne. 6:1 constitutes what could have been printed as a separate header for the teachings of Jacob that Nephi
inserts (2 Ne. 6-10). Isa. 50-51, quoted at 2 Ne. 7-8, is introduced by Jacob's quoting Isa. 49:24-26, the last three verses of the chapter (and that entire chapter
Nephi had already quoted at 1 Ne. 21) with a quotation sign-off indicator at 2 Ne. 9:1 as Jacob continues with his own words in his speech. He concludes with
"Amen" at 2 Ne. 9:54 and again at 10:25, possibly because 2 Ne. 10 was a continuation speech on the next (gathering) day or after a break for a meal. With 2 Ne.
11:1, Nephi himself marks the end of Jacob's words. He introduces 2 Ne. 12-24 (=Isaiah 2-14) with 2 Ne. 11:2-8; verse 8 is the effective colophon marker for the
Isaiah segment, with the sign-off at 2 Ne. 25:1. Then 2 Ne. 25:3 effectively marks out Nephi's own prophetic response and continuation of Isaiah, differentiating at 2
Ne. 31:1 between his prophesying and his admonition or exhortation. In the 1830 edition chapter I ended with the end of our 2 Ne. 2; chapters II, III, and IV comprise
respectively 2 Ne. 3, 4, and 5. Chapter V begins with 2 Ne. 6:1, where I said there was header material, and it concludes with the end of 2 Ne. 8, the two Isaiah
chapters; chapter VI is our 2 Ne. 9; 2 Ne. 10 constitutes chapter VII. As I suggested, the contents reflect ancient divisions. The return to Nephi's narrative and
introduction to his extended quotation from Isaiah, that is, 2 Ne. 11, begins chapter VIII, which continues to the end of 2 Ne. 15 (end of Isa. 5) chapter IX extends
from 2 Ne. 16:1 through the end of 2 Ne. 23 (end of Isa. 13) chapter X is 2 Ne. 24 (Isa. 14). When Nephi resumes his narrative at 2 Ne. 25:1 we have the beginning
of chapter XI; this concludes with the end of 2 Ne. 27. Chapter XII extends from 2 Ne. 28:1 through 2 Ne. 30, precisely where I noted a change in tone and content.
Chapters XIII, XIV, and XV correspond to our chapters 2 Ne. 31, 32, and 33.

Before Jacob 1 there is a brief header that seems to pertain only to Jacob 1 (the 1830 chapter I), for Jacob 2:1 is another header for Jacob's direct discourse with
closure at Jacob 3:14ï¿½precisely the 1830 chapter II. Jacob 4 includes some more of his words and prophecies, leading to the great allegory of Zenos in Jacob 5. For
the Zenos passage, Jacob 5:1 is the effective colophon. As with many others, it could have been printed separately as a header; or, conversely, what few separate
headers or colophons we do have could have been printed with the text instead of being separated off by the chapter markings editors have added after Joseph Smith
translated the ancient record. The Zenos passage was incorporated in Jacob's own discourse, which he ends with "Amen" at Jacob 6:13. The historical account that
follows, including the Sherem episode, he concludes with a true colophon attesting authorship at Jacob 7:27, followed by "Amen." But the 1830 edition prints Jacob 4
and 5 as chapter III, while Jacob 6 and 7 are respectively chapters IV and V.

After Jacob, the small plates are kept by Jacob's descendants, some without much to say, and the header system essentially ceases in that record. However, Enos
uses Enos 1:1-2 as his "contextual colophon," and he concludes with "Amen." Jarom 1:1-2 is Jarom's "contextual colophon," and 1:15 signals the end of his entry. The
record under the name of Omni is very complex, but, like Enos and Jarom, it has no formal colophon or header. Authorial change is recorded but little else until
Amaleki. Omni writes 1:1-3; Amaron, son of Omni, writes 1:4-8; Amaron's brother Chemish manages a single verse (1:9); and Chemish's son Abinadom scarcely does
any more (1:10-11). Of the group, Amaleki, the son of Abinadom, writes most extensively (1:12-30). Yet, the perfunctory nature of the record before Amaleki may
suggest a decline in Nephite civilization before Mosiah 1 led the people from the land of Nephi to the place where they discovered the people of Zarahemlaï¿½-the
"Mulekites"-ï¿½with whom they formed an amalgamated society. Under Mosiah 1 and Benjamin, the people are rejuvenated and true religion is spread by prophets.

Words of Mormon, a demarcation of the conclusion of the Small Plates of Nephi, provides an historical and editorial or literary bridge to unite and merge the contents
of the Small Plates into Mormon's extensive abridgment at the appropriate moment in Nephite history. Mormon takes pains (W of M 1:1-9) to help locate the reader in
time and literary-historical composition.

We do not have an italicized header before Mosiah, perhaps because when the Lord had Joseph Smith recommence translating by using the small plates of Nephi for
the early account and the large plates of Nephi only after that text ran out, Smith then picked up in the book of Mosiah where he had left off originally. Perhaps, as
Tvedtnes observes, Mosiah 1 does not represent the ancient beginning of the book of Mosiah on the plates of Mormon. Tvedtnes offers as incidental evidence the fact
that the printer's Book of Mormon manuscript does not have a title for the book of Mosiah, that it was written in later. Actually, the original manuscript for this
passage does not exist; only the printer's manuscript is extant, and Tvedtnes has correctly described for Mosiah 1 the lack of formal header for the book. The "record
of Zeniff" header before Mosiah 9 (and complemented by Mosiah 9:1) appears to encompass several matters that must have come from Alma's records, not the royal
records under Noahï¿½-clearly abridged by Mormon. The brief colophon or summary before Mosiah 23 is for the account in Mosiah 23 and 24 on Alma 1 and his
followers. No formal summary precedes Mormon's continuation of historical narrative beginning at Mosiah 25. In the 1830 edition, chapter I is Mosiah 1-3;II, III and
IV are respectively Mosiah 4, 5, and 6. These chapters represent natural divisions in the speech and action. Chapter V is Mosiah 7-8, until the header for the record of
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                                                                                                                                                     VII begins
account of Noah-ï¿½probably derived from the records of Alma but perhaps integrated with records of Limhi-ï¿½in Mosiah 11, breaking after Mosiah 13:24, where
Abinadi completes quoting the Decalogue from Exodus. Then begins chapter VIII, enclosing Mosiah 13:25-16:15 which concludes Abinadi's speech. Mormon's
of Zeniff" header before Mosiah 9 (and complemented by Mosiah 9:1) appears to encompass several matters that must have come from Alma's records, not the royal
records under Noahï¿½-clearly abridged by Mormon. The brief colophon or summary before Mosiah 23 is for the account in Mosiah 23 and 24 on Alma 1 and his
followers. No formal summary precedes Mormon's continuation of historical narrative beginning at Mosiah 25. In the 1830 edition, chapter I is Mosiah 1-3;II, III and
IV are respectively Mosiah 4, 5, and 6. These chapters represent natural divisions in the speech and action. Chapter V is Mosiah 7-8, until the header for the record of
Zeniff at the beginning of 1830 Mosiah chapter VI, which extends through the firsthand account, Mosiah 9 through the end of Mosiah 10. Chapter VII begins the
account of Noah-ï¿½probably derived from the records of Alma but perhaps integrated with records of Limhi-ï¿½in Mosiah 11, breaking after Mosiah 13:24, where
Abinadi completes quoting the Decalogue from Exodus. Then begins chapter VIII, enclosing Mosiah 13:25-16:15 which concludes Abinadi's speech. Mormon's
abridgment of Alma's records may begin with Mosiah 17:1, if not at 11:1, for the 1830 chapter IX is Mosiah 17:1 through the end of Mosiah 21; chapter X is Mosiah
22; and chapter XI is Mosiah 23 through 27. Mosiah 28 and 29 are, respectively, chapters XII and XIII-ï¿½with one small difference from the modern editions: the
last verse of Mosiah 28 is the beginning of XIII, and it would be consistent with Mormon's style to conclude a section or account with Mosiah 28:19 and to use Mosiah
28:20 to introduce a new chapter; thematically it complements Mosiah 1.

Apart from a brief identification of the author, the italicized header before Alma 1 is a bare historical summary, but only for Alma 1-4. There is a new header after Alma
4 to introduce Alma 5 (a speech recorded in the first person) and perhaps also 6, Mormon's subsequent narrative. As with Mosiah 25-29, Mormon's historical
narratives do not receive a colophon unless they are quoting fully or in close paraphrase a specific record. Before Alma 7 is another header, introducing another first-
person address. Alma 8 is Mormon's connecting account followed by another header for Alma and Amulek teaching at Ammonihah in Alma 9-14, with much of the
account in first-person discourse. But there is imbedded into the text of Alma 10:1 a subheader, indicating the transition to Amulek's speech and the response of the
people, including Zeezrom the lawyer, and the extended discourse by Alma, followed by the imprisonment (Alma 10-14). Yet the narrative appears to be part of
Mormon's abridging, though not without quotes. The 1830 chapters are I = Alma 1-3, II = Alma 4, III = Alma 5, IV = Alma 6, V = Alma 7, VI = Alma 8, VII = Alma
9, VIII = Alma 10-11, IX = Alma 12, X = Alma 13-15, XI = Alma 16.

Before Alma 17 is a new italicized header for the historical flashback for the fourteen-year ministry of the sons of Mosiah 2 and their companions, an account Mormon
had promised at Mosiah 28:9. Subheaders and historical or editorial markers abound. Alma 17:18-20:30 deals with Ammon, though without formal colophon; the
1830 chapter XII includes all of Alma 17-20. Before Alma 21ï¿½-but introducing another part of the ministry-ï¿½is a subheader for Aaron and Muloki, and here
begins chapter XIII. At Alma 22:35, Mormon states that his insert on geography and culture has ended, and he returns to abridging "the account of Ammon and Aaron,
Omner and Himni, and their brethren" (the last of the 1830 chapter XIII). The conclusion to that narrative is Alma 25:17. The next verse, Alma 26:1, begins with what
could be printed as a separate header for Ammon's speech, ending with "Amen" at 26:37, the end of chapter XIV. Mormon's narrative (his moral lessons are often
prefixed by "and thus we see" as at Alma 28:13, 14) leads without any colophon or literary marker to Alma 29, which is identified as a psalm or hymn of praise by
Alma 2 as he reflects on the experiences of his friends (note Alma 29:13-17). He ends with "Amen," and that is the end of chapter XV. The reprise of narrative at Alma
30 has no header. But when Alma quotes Zenos, a contextual subheader is included at Alma 33:3-4 and ends with 33:12-13. After finishing his speech with "Amen,"
Alma ceases, but Mormon has a subheader at Alma 34:1 for the transition to Amulek's discourse. In the 1830 edition, chapter XVI is the entire Korihor and Zoramite
accounts, Alma 30:1-35:16 the end of the narrative sequel to Amulek's address. The printer recognized and separated several contextual headers in Mormon's
abridgment. Hence, Mormon's book of Alma is comparatively replete with separate italicized headers.

When Mormon weaves the instructions of Alma to his sons into his account, he provides some brief historical narrative for the setting, then adds what could be a
colophon for the larger section of Alma 36-42: "And we have an account of his commandments, which he gave unto them according to his own record" (Alma 35:16).
This is followed by a subheader before Alma 36-37, "the commandments of Alma to his son Helaman" (beginning of chapter XVII). Its parallel subheaders are "the
commandments of Alma to his son Shiblon" before Alma 38 (marking the division between the 1830 chapters XVII and XVIII) and "the commandments of Alma to his
son Corianton" before Alma 39-42, chapter XIX. Then, as elsewhere, Mormon recommences his historical narrative (Alma 43-44 = chapter XX) without subheader
or other overt divider. As the major historical source shifts from Alma 2 to his son Helaman 1 , Mormon inserts the header at the beginning of Alma 45 (=begin chapter
XXI)-ï¿½with other subheaders or imbedded source indicators at Alma 54:4 (for 54:5-14), 15 (for 54:16-24); 56:1-2 (for Alma 56:2-58:41 60:1 (for 60:1-36); 61:1
(for 61:2-21); and 63:1, 10-13, 17. The 1830 chapters are XXI = Alma 45-49 (the nineteenth year of the Judges), XXII = Alma 50 (years 20-24), XXIII = Alma 51
(year 25), XXIV = Alma 52-53 (years 26-28), XXV = Alma 54-55 (the twenty-ninth year of the judges), XXVI = Alma 56-58 (Helaman's epistle, received in year
thirty), XXVII = Alma 59-60 (Moroni's epistle to Pahoran), XXVIII = Alma 61 (Pahoran's epistle to Moroni), XXIX = Alma 62, XXX = Alma 63.

In Helaman we have not only the italicized general header (giving briefly the identity of the author but primarily stating a historical summary or overview) before chapter
1, but also an other identity-plus-contents header before chapter 7, where Nephi 2 , the son of Helaman 2 , has a dramatic encounter with the Gadianton followersï¿½-
and the text includes some first-person passages (e.g., Hel. 7:13-29;8 8:11-28]; 9 [esp. 9:21-36]). Although Samuel was mentioned in the header before chapter 7, he
is noted again by a (sub)header before chapter 13. After the conclusion of his prophecies, Mormon continues his historical narrative without any introductory header.
But at Hel. 16:25 we have what would have stood apart from the text in a Greek or Latin manuscript: the explicit or "here ends" notation. It could have been printed
that way for the Book of Mormon, too. In the 1830 edition chapter I = Hel. 1-2, II = Hel. 3-6. The italicized header before Hel. 7 begins chapter III (concluding with
the ending of Hel. 10), and it is printed in 1830 as though it were for a new book. Chapter IV is Hel. 11-12, ending with the last words of Mormon's inserted
lamentation on human frailty; it is divided from chapter V (= Hel. 13-16) by our italicized header on Samuel, similarly printed in 1830 as though a new book title.

The colophon at the beginning of 3 Nephi is purely a genealogical announcement to establish the identity and authority of the writer; it is not a summary of contents. 3
Ne. 3:1 effectively is a subheader for the epistle of Giddianhi to Lachoneus (3 Ne. 3:2-10) it also begins the 1830 chapter II. Although Mormon does not insert a
literary marker, he speaks as editor in first-person discourse at 3 Ne. 5:8-26, ending with an "Amen"-ï¿½the end of the 1830 chapter II. Mormon addresses his
audience in an extended colophon for personal identification and for summary testimony of God's goodness and intervention, his truthfulness, and his honoring of his
covenant with all the house of Jacob (3 1 Ne. 25). Chapter III comprises 3 Ne. 6-7, IV equals 3 Ne. 8-10-ï¿½natural subdivisions of the text. As he commences to
recount the physical destruction attendant to the death and resurrection of the Lord, Mormon emphasizes the reliability of his source (3 Ne. 8:1). Then 3 Ne. 9:1
introduces the voice from heaven, and so the verse is a contextual header or literary marker, as though it were printed as other distinct headers. The narrative of chapter
10 stands on its own, yet lacking a subheader-ï¿½a consistent practice I have noted. When he summarizes the Lord's ministry, Mormon begins with a summary of
contents in an italicized header before 3 Ne. 11 (for chapters 11-18 [the first day's ministry] and 19-28 [with a subheader at 28:1 to introduce the words of Jesus]).
Without marker or header (just as he had done in 3 Ne. 5), Mormon then addresses his future audience directly (chapters 29-30). This same lack of header or marker
characterizes the Lord's inclusion in his teaching to the Nephites of three chapters from the Old Testament. When the Lord quotes Isa. 54 (3 Ne. 22) there is no
subheader, but the preceding text is fashioned from Isa. 52:11-12, and the first verse after the quotation (3 Ne. 23:1) refers to Isaiah by name. At 3 Ne. 24:1 he gives
an extended contextual header to Malachi, and then quotes the last two chapters of the Old Testament (3 Ne. 24-25 = Mal. 3-4). In the 1830 edition, chapter V
corresponds to 3 Ne. 11:1-13:24 a rather strange division; VI is 3 Ne. 13:25-14:27 the end of the section corresponding to Matt. 5-7. Chapter VII comprises 3 Ne.
15-16, VIII = 3 Ne. 17-18, with a natural division before the teachings of the following day. The divisions between chapters IX and XI, and between XIII and XIV
seem arbitrary, and they may reflect segments of translation. I cannot posit other reasons. Chapter IX covers 3 Ne. 19-21:21; X covers 3 Ne. 21:22-23:13 XI is 3
Ne. 22:14-26:5 The division between X and XI is analogous to the division between Mosiah XII and XIII where Mosiah 28:20 commences the narrative of Mosiah
29. Chapter XII (3 Ne. 26:6-27:22 begins with Mormon's words to his audience, explaining how the Spirit prohibited him from recording substantial teachings from the
record until the Lord could prove his people, and the chapter concludes after the Lord's definition of the gospel. In chapter XIII we have 3 Ne. 27:23-29:9 with
chapter XIV being simply the two verses of 3 Ne. 30-ï¿½Mormon's plea to conclude his recording of the resurrected Lord's teachings in America.

At the beginning of 4 Nephi is a colophon for identification and almost a generic summary: "an account of the people of Nephi, according to his record." That record
was continued by a family line of writers, the last of whom was Ammaron (4 Nephi header and 1:4, 19, 21, 47). At the end of his abridgment of the book, Mormon
writes, "and(c)
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more details, a more extensive account. Mormon knew he had but little time to complete his work. When he comes to his own record of his days, he has only a
contextual colophon, which we label Morm. 1:1. With a prophetic view, he turns to his audience, our days, the "Gentiles" as he calls us, and painfully pleads that we not
repeat the tragedy of the previous inhabitants of this land. Poignantly he urges us to turn from war to Christ, to know who we are, and then ends with "Amen" (Morm.
chapter XIV being simply the two verses of 3 Ne. 30-ï¿½Mormon's plea to conclude his recording of the resurrected Lord's teachings in America.

At the beginning of 4 Nephi is a colophon for identification and almost a generic summary: "an account of the people of Nephi, according to his record." That record
was continued by a family line of writers, the last of whom was Ammaron (4 Nephi header and 1:4, 19, 21, 47). At the end of his abridgment of the book, Mormon
writes, "and thus is the end of the record of Ammaron" (4 Ne. 1:49). Perhaps Mormon was tired, perhaps he was rushed, but when we read 4 Nephi, we wish for
more details, a more extensive account. Mormon knew he had but little time to complete his work. When he comes to his own record of his days, he has only a
contextual colophon, which we label Morm. 1:1. With a prophetic view, he turns to his audience, our days, the "Gentiles" as he calls us, and painfully pleads that we not
repeat the tragedy of the previous inhabitants of this land. Poignantly he urges us to turn from war to Christ, to know who we are, and then ends with "Amen" (Morm.
7:10). When Moroni continues his father's record, his initial statement (Morm. 8:1) is a contextual header, noting his identity. In the 1830 division of the text, chapter I
is Morm. 1-3, II is Morm. 4-5, III = Morm. 6-7, IV begins Moroni's continuation and includes Morm. 8-9.

Perhaps Moroni's "sign-off" at Morm. 9:37 was intended to be his last entry. But he adds a digest of the Jaredite record left by Ether, writing a header before Ether 1
and expanding it with what we label Ether 1:1-2 (there is no printed header in the 1830 edition). Thus Moroni presents a verification of his source. Explaining why he
did not include all of the great revelations of the brother of Jared, Moroni recounts what the Lord revealed to him, beginning "for the Lord said unto me" and ending
"Amen" (Ether 4:6-19)-ï¿½a marked subsection. Thus Ether appears to be a unity, while there are several insertions by Moroni as editor. The 1830 chapter divisions
have Ether 1-4 = I (with Ether 4 being Moroni's prophecy and comment about the vision of the brother of Jared), Ether 5 = II (Moroni's words to Joseph Smith, the
future translator), Ether 6-8 = III (ending with Moroni on secret combinations, reflecting his father's reluctance to discuss the details), Ether 9-11 = IV, Ether 12
(Moroni on faith and charity) = V, Ether 13-15 = VI. In making a "chapter" division following editorial comment on historical events or circumstances or on notable
religious teachings or visions, Moroni emulates his father's practice.

In the book of Moroni, after the first brief introductory chapter on author and historical orientation, we have what corresponds to documents in an appendix. There is
no single header, but each chapter, in our format (which corresponds precisely to the 1830 format), has an imbedded contextual header that could have been printed
separately: Moro. 2:1;3:1;4:1;5:1;6:1;7:1;8:1; and chapter nine does have its own header printed separately in italics. Several of these units end with "Amen." Finally,
for chapter 10, Moroni addresses the future audience, speaking openly and with great feeling. He closes with an exhortation, manifesting his confidence in the Lord,
who will reward him as due.

It must have been indeed difficult for the modern printer to try to punctuate the text and to make various decisions on the printed presentation. Some passages were
clearly headers, and they appear set apart, usually in italics, sometimes in a larger point or even in capitals. Other passages could have been treated in a similar fashion.
Colophons, headers, text markers, and source indicators in the Book of Mormon are the result of its being an ancient text, and the "chapters" or segments of the ancient
books generally reflect natural divisions of the text. This was an ancient Nephite literary tradition, as may be seen on the small plates, one that Mormon follows and
greatly develops. Unfortunately, in its modern, translated format, the various headers are not consistently treated, nor had they always been noted originally with a single
design or purpose. However, they attest to Mormon's sense of accuracy and his concern for his audience's comprehension. The rigors of editing the massive material
did not cause Mormon to deviate from his philosophy or his purpose as an ancient prophet-historian though writing for an audience of a later era and different culture.

Appendix
Comparison of Chapter Divisions

1830 Edition Current 1981 Edition     Chapter Pages Chapter: verse Pages

First Nephi

I (italics) * 5-16 1-5 1-11
II 16-21 6-9 11-17
III 21-35 10-14 17-30
IV 35-38 15 30-33
V 38-52 16:1-19:21 33-46
VI 52-56 19:22-21:26 46-50
VII 56-59 22 50-53

Second Nephi

I * 59-66 1-2 53-60
II 66-68 3 60-62
III 68-71 4 62-65
IV 71-73 5 65-67
V 74-78 6-8 67-72
VI 78-83 9 72-77
VII 83-85 10 78-80
VIII 86-91 11-15 80-86
IX 91-99 16-22 86-93
X 99-102 23-24 94-96
XI 102-12 25-27 96-106
XII 112-18 28-30 106-12
XIII 118-20 31 112-15
XIV 120-21 32 115-16
XV 121-22 33 116-17

Jacob

I * 123-24 1 117-19
II 124-29 2-3 119-23
III 129-39 4-5 123-32
IV 139-40 6 132-33
V 140-42 7 133-35

Enos

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Jarom
V 140-42 7 133-35

Enos

I 143-45 1 136-38

Jarom

I 146-47 1 138-40

Omni

I 148-51 1 140-43

Words of Mormon

I 151-53 1 143-45

Mosiah

I 153-62 1-3 145-54
II 162-65 4 154-57
III 166-67 5 157-59
IV 167-68 6 159
V 168-73 7-8 159-64
VI * 173-77 9-10 164-67
VII * 177-84 11:1-13:24 167-73
VIII 184-89 13:25-16:15 173-79
IX 190-201 17-21 179-89
X 201-2 22 189-90
XI * 202-15 23-27 190-202
XII 215-16 28:1-19 202-3
XIII 216-21 28:20-29:47 203-7

Alma

I * 221-30 1-3 207-15
II 230-32 4 215-17
III * 232-38 5 217-23
IV 238-39 6 223
V * 239-42 7(and header) 223-26
VI 242-45 8 226-28
VII * 245-48 9 228-31
VIII 248-54 10-11 231-37
IX 254-59 12:1-13:9 237-41
X 259-66 13:10-15:19 241-48
XI 266-68 16 248-50
XII * 269-82 17-20 250-61
XIII * 282-89 21-22 261-66
XIV 289-99 23-26 266-75
XV 299-304 27-29 275-80
XVI 304-23 30-35 280-97
XVII * 323-30 36-37 297-304
XVIII * 330-32 38 304-5
XIX * 332-40 39-42 305-31
XX 340-47 43-44 331-20
XXI * 348-62 45-49 320-32
XXII 362-66 50 332-36
XXIII 336-70 51 336-39
XXIV 370-77 52-53 339-44
XXV 377-81 54-55 344-48
XXVI 382-93 56-58 348-57
XXVII 393-98 59-60 357-61
XXVIII 398-400 61 361-62
XXIX 400-5 62 363-66
XXX 405-7 63 366-68

Helaman

I * 407-11 1-2 368-72
II 412-26 3-6 372-84
III * 426-36 7-10 384-92
IV 436-41 11-12 392-97
V 441-51 13-16 397-406

Third Nephi

ICopyright
  * 452-56 1-2  406-10
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II 457-65 3-5 410-17
III 465-70 6-7 417-22
IV 470-76 8-10 422-27
V 441-51 13-16 397-406

Third Nephi

I * 452-56 1-2 406-10
II 457-65 3-5 410-17
III 465-70 6-7 417-22
IV 470-76 8-10 422-27
V * 476-83 11-13:24 427-34
VI 483-85 13:25-14:27 434-35
VII 485-88 15-16 435-40
VIII 488-93 17-18 440-44
IX 493-500 19:1-21:21 444-52
X 501-3 21:22-23:13 452-54
XI 503-6 22:14-26:5 454-57
XII 506-8 26:6-27:22 457-60
XIII 509-13 27:23-29:9 460-64
XIV 513-14 30 464

Fourth Nephi

I 514-18 1 465-68

Mormon

I 518-24 1-3 469-74
II 524-28 4-5 474-78
III 528-31 6-7 478-81
IV 531-38 8-9 481-87

Ether

I 538-47 1-4 487-96
II 547-48 5 496
III 548-55 6-8 496-502
IV 555-62 9-11 502-8
V 562-66 12 508-12
VI 566-73 13-15 512-18

Moroni

I 574 1 518
II 574 2 518-19
III 575 3 519
IV 575 4 519
V 574-75 5 519-20
VI 576 6 520
VII 577-80 7 521-25
VIII 581-83 8 525-27
IX * 583-85 9 527-29
X 585-88 10 529-31

  Hugh Nibley, Since Cumorah, 2d ed., vol. 7 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 151-52.

  See Paul Meyvaert, "Bede the Scholar," in Gerald Bonner, ed., Famulus Christi: Essays in Commemoration of the Thirteenth Centenary of the Birth of the Venerable
Bede (London: SPCK, 1976), 57.

  The ï¿½ mark itself derives from an uncial C with two vertical fill lines or areas of highlight, such as we find in Cistercian manuscripts of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, alternating blue and reddish-orange for the mark. The C is for capitulum.

  For Mormon's philosophy of history as he edits, see Thomas W. Mackay, "Mormon's Philosophy of History: Hel. 12 in the Perspective of Mormon's Editing
Procedures," in Charles D. Tate and Monte S. Nyman, eds., The Book of Mormon: The Book of Helaman and 3 Ne. 1-8, According to Thy Word (Provo: Religious
Studies Center, Brigham Young University 1992), 129-46.

  Memorandum, made by John H. Gilbert, Esq., 8 September 1892, Palmyra, New York, printed on three unnumbered prefatory pages to the 1958 reprint of the
1830 edition of the Book of Mormon by Wilfrod** C. Wood, Joseph Smith Begins His Work.

   Book of Mormon chapters and verses (imitating the biblical pattern developed in Paris during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries by the masters of theology,
particularly Stephen Langton) were devised by Orson Pratt for the 1879 edition. In 1981, the current edition took into account some textual corrections back to the
manuscripts. See Royal Skousen, "Book of Mormon Editions," in Daniel H. Ludlow, ed., The Encyclopedia of Mormonism, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1991),
1:175-76.

   Moroni begins with "Sealed by the hand of Moroni." See the lucid discussion by Daniel H. Ludlow, "The Title Page," in Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate, Jr.,
eds. The Book of Mormon: First Nephi, The Doctrinal Foundation (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1988), 27-32. The title page is
now corrected for format and paragraph division from the 1830 edition (which incorrectly divided the sentence about the book of Ether, the record of the people of
Jared, to form the paragraph separation), although there still could be a division between the words of Mormon and Moroni.
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  See John A. Tvedtnes, "Colophons in the Book of Mormon," in John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 32-37.
eds. The Book of Mormon: First Nephi, The Doctrinal Foundation (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1988), 27-32. The title page is
now corrected for format and paragraph division from the 1830 edition (which incorrectly divided the sentence about the book of Ether, the record of the people of
Jared, to form the paragraph separation), although there still could be a division between the words of Mormon and Moroni.

  See John A. Tvedtnes, "Colophons in the Book of Mormon," in John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 32-37.

   John S. Tanner, "Jacob and His Descendants as Authors," in Sorenson and Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon , 52-66.

  Tvedtnes, "Colophons," 33.

    Tvedtnes, "Mormon's Editorial Promises," in Sorenson and Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon , 29, errs in relating Mosiah 28:19-20 to this account:
it pertains only to the Jaredite record Mosiah 2 translated from the gold plates, comprising the book of Ether, discovered by Limhi's scouts. Moroni answered this
promise by appending a summary of Ether's account to his father's record.

  Current chapter and verse division began with the 1879 edition.

  An asterisk by the chapter number denotes that a header is printed in italics under the chapter number. These same headers are reproduced in the modern editions
before the chapter number and are not numbered with the verses. So, there is no convenient way to cite Mormon's summary headers unless they have been left as
contextual comments.

Joseph Smith's Receipt of the Plates and the Israelite Feast of Trumpets
Lenet Hadley Read

Abstract: Joseph Smith received the golden plates on the Israelite Day of Remembrance (or Rosh ha-Shanah). Biblical references and interpretation by Jewish sages
through the centuries set this day as the day God would remember his covenants with Israel to bring them back from exile. Also called the Feast of Trumpets, on this
day ritual trumpet blasts signify the issuance of revelation and a call for Israel to gather for God's word of redemption. Set at the time of Israel's final agricultural harvest,
the day also symbolizes the Lord's final harvest of souls. Furthermore, it initiates the completion of the Lord's time periods, the Days of Awe, and signifies the last time
to prepare for final judgment and the Messianic Age. The coming forth of the Book of Mormon is literally fulfilling such prophecies of the day.

In addition to the Sabbath, six biblical holy days hold prominent importance in Israel as times of worship with prophetic implication. They began at God's command
(Lev. 23). The first three observancesï¿½-Passover, the barley sheaf offering, the Feast of Weeks-ï¿½coincide with Israel's first yearly harvest and hold prophetic
witness of Christ's mortal ministry, which his death, resurrection, and initial harvest of souls fulfilled, on the very days those festivals were observed. The final three
holy timesï¿½-Feast of Trumpets, Day of Atonement, Feast of Tabernaclesï¿½-fall at Israel's final harvest and also hold prophetic meaning for the Lord's work among
his people. These last three worship times, taken together, are called Israel's High Holy Days, or Days of Awe.

Joseph Smith's history dates the reception of the golden plates: "On the twenty-second day of September, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven" (JS-H 1:59).
Interestingly, 22 September 1827 was the day Jews throughout the world celebrated the Feast of Trumpets, which initiates the Days of Awe. Because of the
prophetic pattern in Israel's holy days, the question arises, how much significance is there to the correlation between these two events?

While scholars do not completely agree on everything concerning the Feast of Trumpets, various methods can be used to ascertain its purpose and significance, i.e., its
origins as a biblical commandment; its timing; its names; its history; its ritual, including prayers offered and scriptures read; its role according to tradition; its relationship
to other holy days; and its significance as seen by rabbis and scholars.

An examination of the Feast of Trumpets from these perspectives reveals four major meanings, which work together as a unity. The Feast of Trumpets signifies the time
of Israel's final harvest; the Day of Remembrance of God's covenants with Israel; the announcement of revelation or truth; and preparation for God's holiest times,
including the Messianic Age. These four purposes bear strong corollaries with the restoration of the gospel, beginning with the reception of the Book of Mormon.

The Feast of Trumpets Signifies Israel's Final Harvest

The Lord commanded Israel, "In the seventh month, in the first day of the month, shall ye have a sabbath, a memorial of blowing of trumpets" (Lev. 23:24). By setting
the festival in the seventh month of the Judaic calendar, (usually falling in our September), the day, like other Israelite holy days God commanded, was timed to coincide
with an agricultural harvest (Ex. 34:22), in this case the harvest of fruits and grapes, the final harvest of the year. In fact, this festival was also anciently called the
Feast of Ingathering [of the harvest]. The Feast of Tabernacles, which follows a short time later, celebrates the completion of all of Israel's harvests.

The correlation of Israel's holy days with harvest periods has been shown to be important typologically. According to Elder Bruce R. McConkie, the harvest which the
High Holy Days celebrate is symbolic of Christ's final harvest of souls. In speaking of the symbolism of the final festival as a completed harvest, he states, "The fact that
[The Feast of Tabernacles] celebrated the completion of the full harvest symbolizes the gospel reality that it is the mission of the house of Israel to gather all nations to
Jehovah, a process that is now going forward, but will not be completed until that millennial day when 'the Lord shall be king over all the earth' and shall reign personally
thereon." In other words, the Feast of Tabernacles is a "type" of Christ's Messianic reign after the completed harvest of souls (see also Zech. 14:16).

Certainly, the Lord's word to Latter-day Saints is replete with "harvest" imagery. "For behold the field is white already to harvest; and lo, he that thrusteth in his sickle
with his might, the same layeth up in store that he perisheth not" (D&C 4:4).

The Book of Mormon has been a major instrument in initiating and perpetuating the Lord's final harvest. Therefore, it appears highly meaningful that the golden plates
were received on the Feast of Ingathering, a holy day which coincided with Israel's final harvest and symbolized Israel's final harvest of souls.

The Feast of Trumpets Signifies God's Remembrance of His Covenants With Israel

One of the original names given to the day is Yom ha-Zikkaron ("Day of Remembrance"). This name originates from the Lord's commandment to blow trumpets for
remembrance on that day. The term zikhron means "memorial" or "remembrance," and, according to one authority, "The significance of zikhron is inherent in its
definition, a sound which will arouse God's remembrance (or judgment) of his people."

Tradition and biblical history show a connection between this holy day and God's remembrance of his covenants with Israel. First, like other holy days, it is a memorial
of Israel's deliverance by God from their exile in Egypt, which is understood by many to be a pattern for Israel's future exiles and exoduses (Jer. 16:14-15). In
addition, according to Jewish tradition the Israelites returned to freedom from slavery on this date, prior to the completed Exodus.
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Furthermore, the Lord remembered Israel on this day after their return from exile in Babylon-ï¿½when they were granted spiritual renewal. On the first day of the
seventh month, Ezra read again from the book of the law, and the people rejoiced greatly because he "gave the sense, and caused them to understand the
Tradition and biblical history show a connection between this holy day and God's remembrance of his covenants with Israel. First, like other holy days, it is a memorial
of Israel's deliverance by God from their exile in Egypt, which is understood by many to be a pattern for Israel's future exiles and exoduses (Jer. 16:14-15). In
addition, according to Jewish tradition the Israelites returned to freedom from slavery on this date, prior to the completed Exodus.

Furthermore, the Lord remembered Israel on this day after their return from exile in Babylon-ï¿½when they were granted spiritual renewal. On the first day of the
seventh month, Ezra read again from the book of the law, and the people rejoiced greatly because he "gave the sense, and caused them to understand the
reading" (Neh. 8:1-12). Through the exile, they had lost God's truths, which were now restored in clarity. Hearing the Lord's truths again brought them repentance and
joy.

On the very day, then, when they were observing the Day of Remembrance, they were actively engaged in hearing again the true law after its loss while in exile. The full
importance of this situation can only be grasped when we realize that the return from Babylonian exile is a "type" of the latter-day return from spiritual Babylon. As
the return from Babylon would have its latter-day counterpart, the Day of Remembrance would have its latter-day counterpart.

Many scholars agree that the major theme of the day is "Remembrance," God's remembrance of his covenants with Israel, and the need of Israel's remembrance of
their God. The prayers of the day contain many pleadings and high expectations toward these ends. Such pleadings include, "Remember us unto life" and "May our
remembrance . . . come before Thee." Specific hope is uttered that God will even remember them "for deliverance and well-being on this Day of Remembrance."

The prayers "invoke the merit of the patriarchs and the covenant made with them." And the blessings expected from God in return are phrased, "I will for their sakes
remember the covenant of their ancestors, whom I brought forth out of the land of Egypt" (Lev. 26:45).

In addition to the prayers, many readings of the service concentrate on the Lord's promises to remember his covenants-ï¿½with implications for Israel's restoration and
return from exile. Some of these readings date from very early times. One scholar states, "Beyond any shadow of doubt the leading motif in the choice of the
readings for Rosh ha-Shanah during the two centuries or so before Christ was Remembrance." Among readings still used today are scriptures prophesying the
restoration of Ephraim. One, Jer. 31:1-20, calls Ephraim "a darling son unto me" and states that "I do earnestly remember him." One sage cites the words, zakhor
ezkerenu ("I shall remember him") as especially meaningful for the Day of Remembrance. Also read are scriptures dealing with the ending of Sarah's and Hannah's
barrenness (Gen. 21; 1 Sam. 1-2:10). According to tradition, Rachel, Hannah and Sarah were remembered on this day, their fruitfulness restored. The implication of
such "remembrances" is the final fulfillment of covenanted blessings previously promised but seemingly forgotten. After barren Rachel was remembered, she was
blessed with Joseph from whom came Ephraim and Manasseh. Through Hannah's ended barrenness came the return to a righteous priesthood.

Throughout the centuries, various Jewish scholars, in explaining the purpose of the trumpet sound on the Feast of Trumpets, have seen it as signal of Israel's redemption
from world-wide exile. That concept comes from scriptural references in the prophets and the psalms, such as Isa. 27:13. "And it shall come to pass in that day [the
time of regathering], that the great trumpet shall be blown, and they shall come which were ready to perish in the land of Assyria, and the outcasts in the land of Egypt."


Zech. 9:14 and the surrounding prophecies are used to confirm the relationship. Zechariah's statement, "And the Lord God shall blow the trumpet," accompanies
pronouncements that Ephraim would help raise up God's covenanted people (Zech. 9:13), and that those of Israel's blood would again become his flock (Zech. 9:16.).

The name most often used today for the feast is Rosh ha-Shanah, which means the New Year. But this was not the original name, and the day's significance is really as
a "new beginning." It is understood to be the day when the Lord moves from his seat of judgment and sits instead upon the seat of mercy. Layer upon layer, this holy
day symbolizes that new beginning Israel would experience as God has mercy upon them in exile, remembers his covenants with their fathers, and restores them as his
people. This new beginning for Israel was to be initiated with the sounding of the trumpet. A commentator on Rosh ha-Shanah's liturgy explains, "Expectantly, we await
the sounding of the Shofar of Liberation, when Zion will be free to receive its exiled children from all parts of the earth."

The Trumpet Signifies the Proclaiming of Truth

The blowing of the trumpet (a shofar or ram's horn is used in modern practice) is the major ritual of the Feast of Trumpets. These instruments are seen as a symbol of
revelation as well as redemption. The trumpet sound is associated with revelation because the first mention of it was at Mount Sinai. It is understood, therefore, to be
a memorial of Sinai. "The celebration of Passover was to be an annual reminder of the exodus. The ritual blast of the shofar would similarly recall by association the
revelation on Mount Sinai."

However, the sound of the shofar is seen not only as a memorial of Sinai's revelation, but as having importance for the future as well. Because the trumpet preceded
God's revealing of his law at Sinai (Ex. 19:16), some interpreters declare that the trumpet on Rosh ha-Shanah signifies a further gift of revelation, in particular, the
granting of the true law, resulting in redemption. "The smaller horn was sounded at Sinai, but the great shofar will initiate redemption." We can see why
"Trumpets," a prayer regarding revelation, is recited on Rosh ha-Shanah.

The scriptures, both ancient and modern, speak of the trumpet as preceding proclamations of truth which lead to redemption (Isa. 58:1; Alma 29:1; D&C 33:2). The
imagery of proclaiming the gospel like a trumpet remains a part of our heritage. "And at all times, and in all places, he shall open his mouth and declare my gospel as
with the voice of a trump" (D&C 24:12).

Furthermore, one of the most common symbols of the restored gospel is that of the angel Moroni portrayed in the act of blowing the trumpet. We know this image
symbolizes proclaiming the gospel to the world, particularly to the house of Israel. Indeed, much of the fullness of the Lord's truth began with the coming forth of the
Book of Mormon.

In the scriptures, the sound of the trumpet is also used as a call for God's people to assemble or gather (Num. 10:2-3), as a warning (Num. 10:9; Joel 2:1), as a signal
of something important to come (Rev. 8-9). The sound of the trumpet on the one festival day set aside by God for the blowing of the trumpet seems to carry all of these
meanings, and therefore does signify something important in the destiny of Israel. The truth which came out of the golden plates is still causing a gathering, is still offering
its warnings, and is still acting as harbinger of great things to come.

The Festival Signifies Preparation for the Messianic Age

It would be a great mistake to see the Feast of Trumpets as a festival without relationship to any other. Part of its significance is in its juxtaposition to the Lord's other
holy days, particularly as preparation for those days considered most holy of all days.

The Feast of Trumpets (Rosh ha-Shanah), Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur), and Feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot) are together called the High Holy Days, and the Days
of Awe. To begin with, these days fall in the seventh month of the Judaic calendar, which gives them special status-ï¿½as seventh periods of days, weeks, months,
years, are generally
 Copyright           considered
             (c) 2005-2009,     particularly
                             Infobase  Media holy and significant, and as times of completion.
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The trumpet sound of Rosh ha-Shanah includes the need for repentance in preparation for the days ahead. One scholar enunciates its message as, "Awake from your
slumbers, you who have fallen asleep in life, and reflect on your deeds. Remember your Creator." The way the ram's horn is blown portrays that theme. First comes
holy days, particularly as preparation for those days considered most holy of all days.

The Feast of Trumpets (Rosh ha-Shanah), Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur), and Feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot) are together called the High Holy Days, and the Days
of Awe. To begin with, these days fall in the seventh month of the Judaic calendar, which gives them special status-ï¿½as seventh periods of days, weeks, months,
years, are generally considered particularly holy and significant, and as times of completion.

The trumpet sound of Rosh ha-Shanah includes the need for repentance in preparation for the days ahead. One scholar enunciates its message as, "Awake from your
slumbers, you who have fallen asleep in life, and reflect on your deeds. Remember your Creator." The way the ram's horn is blown portrays that theme. First comes
a long lengthy note promising hope. Sets of short notes follow to symbolize weeping for one's transgressions and the desire to forsake them. A last long note promises
God's forgiveness to the truly repentant.

The day's prayers of repentance are said to prepare one for the coming Messianic Age. It is believed the Lord makes a prejudgment on Rosh Hashanah as to "who
shall live and who shall die; . . . who shall be cast down and who elevated." However, those judgments can be changed through repentance, prayer, and charity since
the final judgments are not "sealed" until the Day of Atonement or Yom Kippur.

The days between Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur therefore signify the only time left to repent, and are thus called the Ten Days of Penitence. The intervening time
period is a crucial period for returning to God and to righteousness, with the trumpet sound representing God's final warning before the rapidly approaching judgment.


The Day of Atonement is considered the day when the un repentant are doomed, but the repentant are forgiven and reconciled with God. Worshippers on Yom Kippur
believe they spiritually enter the Holy of Holies, symbolic of entering God's presence, and that this sacred time permits them their "highest and deepest communion with
God."

The relationship between these holy days may bear witness of what will occur in the last days. While Christ performed the acts of atonement through his suffering,
crucifixion, and resurrection, the work is not yet complete. Christ's return will actually complete the reconciliation between him and mankind, serving as the great time of
At-one-ment, when repentant individuals can physically enter his presence.

Because Israel's last three holy days signify something momentous to come, the period between Rosh ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur are called The Days of Awe, with
the Day of Atonement considered most "awesome" and most holy of all days. The Feast of Tabernacles follows. We have already learned it signifies the completed
harvest and the Messiah's reign.

The Reception of the Golden Plates Fulfilled the Prophecies Associated With the Feast of Trumpets

Was the coming forth of the Book of Mormon on Rosh ha-Shanah coincidental? Truth is often manifest through fulfillment.

The golden plates were delivered to Joseph Smith early in the morning of 22 September 1827. The Feast of Trumpets, with prayers pleading for God's remembrance
of his still exiled people, had begun at sundown the previous evening. The services continued that morning, with the sound of trumpets. All that those trumpets
symbolized was now to be fulfilled. That day, God remembered his people. That day, new revelation was granted, which would bring a return to the true law. That day
Israel's final harvest began. From then on, Israel would be called to repentance in preparation for the time of judgment ahead.

The Book of Mormon continues to reawaken exiled Israel, bringing them back to true worship and renewed covenants. It is the means of helping Israel prepare for the
coming Day of At-one-ment, when the Christ will reappear and reconcile all repentant unto himself. The days are approaching when the harvest will be completed and
Christ will come and dwell with his people, therefore keeping the ultimate Feast of the Tabernacles. It was Moroni who delivered the golden plates on 22 September
1827-ï¿½the Feast of Trumpets. Now his image trumpets from temple spires the final warning to awaken, gather, repent, and prepare.

The Lord has used many ways to prophesy of what would come to pass in the future. We have long been familiar with prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel,
who spoke of the restoration of Israel and the gospel in the latter-days. However, the Lord has also told us that his ways are often difficult to find out. When we do
discover them, we shall feel awe (D&C 76:114-19).

In addition to other prophecies, the Lord also foretold his future works through the holy days he established in Israel. Through the first of these holy days he witnessed
of his crucifixion (Passover), his resurrection (offering of the first sheaf of barley), and of the beginning of his first harvest (fulfilled on Pentecost). His early disciples
were aware of these connections and used them to bear testimony of Christ as the Messiah (1 Cor. 5:7;15:20).

Through the last three holy days, the Lord has witnessed of his latter-day remembrance of Israel's covenants (Feast of Trumpets), his reunification with the repentant
who return to his presence (Day of At-one-ment), and of his millennial reign when the harvest is complete (Feast of Tabernacles). These works are a witness for our
day. Every witness strengthens our testimony, providing new energy to obey and endure.

Knowing that this is indeed the final harvest with an ever shortening time to labor should create greater motivation to thrust in our sickle with all our might. While
working in that harvest, we are called to make known every wonderful work the Lord has performed among the people (D&C 65:4).

  Bruce R. McConkie, Promised Messiah (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978), 428-32.

  John P. Pratt, "The Restoration of Priesthood Keys on Easter 1836," Ensign 15 (June 1985): 59-68 and 15 (July 1985): 55-64; Joseph Fielding McConkie, Gospel
Symbolism (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1985), 48-50, 84-85; Lenet Hadley Read, "Symbols of the Harvest," Ensign 5 (January 1975): 32-36; McConkie, Promised
Messiah, 428-32.

  McConkie, Promised Messiah, 432-37; Read, "Symbols of the Harvest," 35-36.

  Eduard Mahler, Handbuch der jï¿½dischen Chronologie (Leipzig: Fock, 1916), 588. Verification can also be obtained from Jewish community libraries. The date
can be recalculated from Jewish calendars.

  Norman H. Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival: Its Origins and Development (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1947), 24; Abraham P.
Bloch, The Biblical and Historical Background of the Jewish Holy Days (New York: KTAV, 1978), 18-19; Abraham P. Bloch, The Biblical and Historical
Background of Jewish Customs and Ceremonies (New York: KTAV, 1980), 182; Hayyim Schauss, The Jewish Festivals from Their Beginning to Our Own Day, tr.
Samuel Jaffe (Cincinnati: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1938), 113, 116.

  Apparently, because they both celebrated the same harvest, the Feast of Trumpets and the Feast of Tabernacles were referred to as a feast of Ingathering. Snaith,
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The Jewish New Year Festival, 17, 23-28; Bloch, Jewish Holy Days, 18-19; Bloch, Jewish Customs and Ceremonies, 181-83; Schauss, The Jewish          Festivals
Their Beginning to Our Own Day, 113.
Background of Jewish Customs and Ceremonies (New York: KTAV, 1980), 182; Hayyim Schauss, The Jewish Festivals from Their Beginning to Our Own Day, tr.
Samuel Jaffe (Cincinnati: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1938), 113, 116.

  Apparently, because they both celebrated the same harvest, the Feast of Trumpets and the Feast of Tabernacles were referred to as a feast of Ingathering. Snaith,
The Jewish New Year Festival, 17, 23-28; Bloch, Jewish Holy Days, 18-19; Bloch, Jewish Customs and Ceremonies, 181-83; Schauss, The Jewish Festivals from
Their Beginning to Our Own Day, 113.

  McConkie, The Promised Messiah, 433.

   Bloch, The Jewish Holy Days, 21, states the persistent belief, "The ingathering of the Jewish people and its ultimate return to God will be announced by a prolonged
blast of the shofar."

  Louis Jacobs, "Ro'sh Ha-shanah and Yom Kippur," in Mircea Eliade, ed., The Encyclopedia of Religion, 12 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1987), 12:474; Max
Arzt, Justice and Mercy: Commentary on the Liturgy of the New Year and the Day of Atonement (San Francisco: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963), 36, 146.

  Bloch, Jewish Customs and Ceremonies, 142.

  Rabbi Nosson Scherman and Rabbi Meir Zlotowitz, eds., Rosh Hashanah: Its Significance, Laws, and Prayers (Brooklyn, New York: Mesorah, 1983), 60, 99.

  Nehama Liebowitz, Studies in Shemot (Exodus) (Jerusalem: The World Zionist Organization, 1981), 8.

  Scherman and Zlotowitz, Rosh Hashanah, 99.

  Bruce R. McConkie, The Millennial Messiah (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982), 289-93.

  Arzt, Justice and Mercy, 129; Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival, 162, 172.

  Arzt, Justice and Mercy, 32; Other examples of this theme are shown on 108, 112-13.

  Ibid., 32.

  Ibid., 164.

  Ibid., 185.

  Ibid., 121-48.

  Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival, 172.

  Arzt, Justice and Mercy, 146-48.

  Ibid., 129; Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival, 168. One source of this tradition is The Talmud (b.RH 11a), which says, "On New Year Sarah, Rachel and
Hannah were visited [or their barrenness ended]."

  Scherman and Zlotowitz, Rosh Hashanah, 58, 61-62, 112-13, 117-18; Arzt, Justice and Mercy, 55, 94, 154; Bloch, Jewish Holy Days, 21; Snaith, The Jewish
New Year Festival, 162; Leo Trepp, The Complete Book of Jewish Observance (New York: Behrman House and Summit Books, 1980), 95.

  Scherman and Zlotowitz, Rosh Hashanah, 58, 112-13; Bloch, Jewish Holy Days, 21; Philip Goodman, ed., The Rosh Hashanah Anthology (Philadelphia: Jewish
Publication Society, 1970), 23.

  Bloch, Jewish Holy Days, 21; Goodman, The Rosh Hashanah Anthology, 22.

  Arzt, Justice and Mercy, 149.

  Ibid., 55; see also 94.

  Trepp, The Complete Book of Jewish Observance, 95.

  Bloch, Jewish Customs and Ceremonies, 144.

  Goodman, The Rosh Hashanah Anthology, 42.

  Trepp, The Complete Book of Jewish Observance, 95.

  Goodman, The Rosh Hashanah Anthology, 42.

  Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival, 165.

  Maimonides, Code of Law, Repentance 3:4.

  Jacobs, "Ro'sh Ha-shanah and Yom Kippur," in Eliade, The Encyclopedia of Religion, 12:474.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.
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  Scherman and Zlotowitz, Rosh Hashanah, 111.

  Trepp, The Complete Book of Jewish Observance, 92.
  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Scherman and Zlotowitz, Rosh Hashanah, 111.

  Trepp, The Complete Book of Jewish Observance, 92.

   I am not necessarily saying that Christ's return will actually occur on the Day of Atonement. While the pattern of Christ's fulfillment of events on his holy days might
indicate the wisdom to be prepared on that day, it is more wise to be prepared on every day. The point being made is that the relationship of these three holy days
bears another witness of what will occur in the last days. The final harvest of Israel has begun. When Christ returns, the repentant and obedient will be fully reconciled
with him, physically entering into his presence after being cut off due to sin. Afterwards, Christ will reign during the Millennium when the spiritual harvest is complete.

Moses' Brazen Serpent As It Relates to Serpent Worship in Mesoamerica
Wallace E. Hunt Jr.

Abstract: This paper shows that the account of Moses' brazen serpent as taught by the Nephite leaders presents parallels to the symbol and name of the Mesoamerican
god, "Quetzalcoatl." It further shows that the term flying, used in the Nephite but not in the biblical account of the fiery serpent, has parallels in the Old and New
Worlds.

Archaeologists and scholars agree there are countless documented instances of serpent worship in varying forms throughout human history. Yet, despite the
innumerable varieties of serpent worship, only in Mesoamerica do we find a preponderance of "feathered" serpent worship. Carrasco emphatically states that "there is
no doubt that serpent symbolism and more specifically feathered serpent symbolism is spread throughout the architecture of ceremonial centers in Mesoamerica."
The God who was represented by statues and pictorial representations of feathered serpents was known as "Quetzalcoatl."

Although the ancient peoples of Mesoamerica worshiped many different gods, the beauty of an indigenous bird so captured their interest that they not only borrowed its
name, but used its form as well to represent their principal and most revered God, called "Quetzalcoatl" by the Toltecs and Aztecs, and "Kukulcan" and "Gucumatz" by
the Maya. Native to the highlands of Chiapas, Mexico, and Guatemala, the quetzal is a strikingly beautiful creature with a three-foot long iridescent green tail,
crimson breast, and a myriad of other bright colors on its coat.

Although Quetzalcoatl's origin is clouded in obscurity, the legends, the few pre-Columbian writings extant today, and the early post-Conquest writings contain an
abundance of material on this ancient and revered god. These accounts are contradictory and vary widely both on the god's attributes and the details of how he was
worshiped, undoubtedly due to a millennium of digressions from the original concept from the end of the Book of Mormon to the time of the Conquest. However,
through all this maze, we find that the Mesoamericans consistently endow Quetzalcoatl with many Christlike attributes, some of which are listed below:

--Quetzalcoatl was the creator of life. --Quetzalcoatl taught virtue. --Quetzalcoatl was the greatest Lord of all.         --Quetzalcoatl had a "long beard and the features
of a white man." --The Mesoamericans believed Quetzalcoatl would return.

Although at first glance the meaning of the name "Quetzalcoatl" might strike one as a far cry from the concept of the Christian deity, it is quite possible that this depiction
could have originated from an experience of the Israelite nation on their journey from Egypt as related in both the Old Testament and the brass plates of Laban. After
traveling for approximately thirty-eight years in the desert, the Israelites received the last miracle of their exodus, one that carried with it a most important lesson and
symbol. As before, the people rebelled and complained.

And the people spake against God, and against Moses, Wherefore have ye brought us up out of Egypt to die in the wilderness? for there is no bread, neither is there
any water; and our soul loatheth this light bread.

And the Lord sent fiery serpents among the people, and they bit the people; and much people of Israel died.

Therefore the people came to Moses, and said, We have sinned, for we have spoken against the Lord, and against thee; pray unto the Lord, that he take away the
serpents from us. And Moses prayed for the people.

And the Lord said unto Moses, Make thee a fiery serpent, and set it upon a pole: and it shall come to pass, that everyone that is bitten, when he looketh upon it, shall
live.

And Moses made a serpent of brass, and put it upon a pole, and it came to pass, that if a serpent had bitten any man, when he beheld the serpent of brass, he lived.
(Numbers 21: 5-9; emphasis added)

But why did God use the word fiery in his command, "Make thee a fiery serpent?" Although most Bible scholars concede that the serpents in this area were very
colorful, even of a "glowing fiery red color," there is some disagreement among them as to whether the original Hebrew word for "fiery" referred to the snake's color
or its venomous bite. This paper suggests that it referred to both attributes.

Although it would be presumptuous to speculate on the Lord's actual reason for using the word fiery, we can assume he wanted the serpent to be bold, bright, and
colorful in order to draw attention to this powerful symbol. Although the Lord did not specify which material to use, Moses constructed the serpent of brass. Even
though it would have been easier and faster to use cloth or wood, brass may have seemed the best choice for portraying a "fiery" aspect. One can imagine the
dramatic impact the gleaming brass serpent had on the suffering Israelites as Moses carried it aloft, high above his head, the serpent flashing a myriad of piercing fiery
colors when the sun shone upon its numerous angles and crevices. Such a spectacle would surely serve to remind the people of the fiery intensity of their snake bites
while simultaneously displaying God's omnipotence, since, as they looked upon it, they were healed.

Interestingly, the brazen serpent was kept by the Israelites for some 500 years, during which time the sacred symbol was devalued into "an object of popular worship in
Judah," until Hezekiah, a righteous King, "brake in pieces the brazen serpent that Moses had made: for unto those days the children of Israel did burn incense to
it" (2 Kgs. 18:4). Even though the Israelites were the Lord's chosen people, they, having lost sight of its meaning and spiritual symbolism, had degenerated into
worshiping the serpent as an idol.

Actually, the five verses above from the book of Numbers comprise only a very brief summary of this important event, which eventually led to this idolatrous serpent
worship. The passages contain surprisingly little detail and absolutely no indication of its true significance. A glimpse of its importance is revealed in the third chapter of
John, when Jesus tells Nicodemus:
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And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up: That whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life.
(John 3: 14-15)
Actually, the five verses above from the book of Numbers comprise only a very brief summary of this important event, which eventually led to this idolatrous serpent
worship. The passages contain surprisingly little detail and absolutely no indication of its true significance. A glimpse of its importance is revealed in the third chapter of
John, when Jesus tells Nicodemus:

And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of man be lifted up: That whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have eternal life.
(John 3: 14-15)

Paul also refers briefly to the incident: "Neither let us tempt Christ, as some of them also tempted, and were destroyed of serpents" (1 Cor. 10:9).

Because there are so few references in the Bible, to fully understand the Lord's lesson, we must turn to the Book of Mormon and the people of Mesoamerica. The
written records of the Nephites, which were essential in maintaining their adherence to the Lord's commandments, consisted of the brass plates of Laban (specified as
scripture) as well as their own written histories, some of which were also considered scripture (Alma 18:38). The importance of these written records became apparent
when the Mulekites merged with the Nephites. The Mulekites had no written records, their language had become corrupt, and they had even denied their God. The
Mulekites "did rejoice exceed ingly" (Omni 1:14) because the Nephites had the brass plates. Though the Mulekites apparently outnumbered the Nephites, the
Nephite king became the leader when the groups merged, for the Nephites, because of their reliance on records and record keeping, were strongly united and stable
(Omni 1:14-19). In fact, there appears to be a fascination with historical records throughout the entire history of the Nephites. The best example of this is when King
Limhi's people and the followers of Alma returned to Zarahemla and were reunited with the main Nephite group. Their first act, filled with emotion, was the reading of
each group's records (Mosiah 25:5-9).

With this love for their ancestors and their writings, one can easily understand that in calling the Nephites to repentance, their leaders would often urge them to
remember what the Lord had done for their fathers. In the Book of Mormon, the various writers refer to the Lord's dealings with their fathers some seventy-nine
times. Thus, it appears that the Nephite leaders were continually reminding their people what had happened to their fathers. As a result, it is natural that the Nephite
leaders used and adapted events from the lives of their forefathers for their everyday teachings, including the story of Moses and his brazen serpent, thus keeping the
story alive and active among the people. Further, it was common practice to distribute copies of the scriptures among all the Nephites (Alma 63:12; Jacob 7:23; and
Alma 14:1), who were continually encouraged by their leaders to read them.

Although the brazen serpent event is described five separate times in the Book of Mormon (2 1 Ne. 25:20; Alma 33:19-22;37:46; Hel. 8:14-15), the most
significant account is where Nephi refers to the event in admonishing his brothers. Note Nephi's use of the word flying in his description of the serpent:

And he did straiten them in the wilderness with his rod; for they hardened their hearts, even as ye have; and the Lord straitened them because of their iniquity. He sent
fiery flying serpents among them; and after they were bitten he prepared a way that they might be healed; and the labor which they had to perform was to look; and
because of the simpleness of the way, or the easiness of it, there were many who perished. (1 Ne. 17:41)

In contrast to the Old Testament, the Book of Mormon clearly defines the Lord's lesson, which, as McConkie states, was to "typify Christ and point attention to the
salvation which would come because he would be lifted up on the cross."

When one compares the biblical and the Book of Mormon accounts of the brazen serpent, one can assume, because of the greater detail contained in the Book of
Mormon, that the Book of Mormon source, the brass plates of Laban, which had not undergone the ravages of editing and translations, contained a more accurate
account of the brazen serpent event than is set forth in the Bible. As a result, in interpreting the event and its significance, it seems prudent to rely more heavily upon
the Book of Mormon account.

It now becomes imperative to explore why the biblical account refers only to "fiery serpents," whereas the Book of Mormon refers to "fiery flying serpents," for the use
of the word flying is important in understanding what took place in Mesoamerica. If Joseph Smith had personally authored the Book of Mormon instead of merely
translating it, he would have been foolish to interject the term flying into the description of Moses' serpent, since the term flying is not used in the biblical account of this
event. This term does, however, appear later in the Old Testament. In two of his prophecies unrelated to the brazen ser pent account, Isaiah uses the phrase "fiery flying
serpent" (Isa. 14:29;30:6; cf. 2 Ne. 24:29). Since Nephi describes the serpent as not only "fiery," but also "flying," we can theorize the Bible originally depicted a "fiery
flying serpent," but somewhere along the way, the term flying was changed or omitted as various scribes and editors translated and retranslated the Bible over the
centuries.

This usage of the term flying in association with Moses' brazen serpent is indirectly supported by numerous works of modern scholars. For example, Karen Joines
notes in her exhaustive study of this subject that to the Hebrew word for serpent used in Numbers "may be attributed wings." Joines further states that neither "the
Revised Standard Version nor the Septuagint translations of the Hebrew Bible has been at great care to make consistent translations of the Hebrew words for
serpents." Henry also suggests that the serpents "flew in their faces and poisoned them."

In addition, there are isolated accounts of winged serpents in this area of the desert. Joines quotes Herodotus as believing "this desert to be a haven for flying serpents."
    Bush, while he does not give the concept credence, does agree that "the popular idea has for some cause invested these serpents with wings . . . [and] it is supposed
that the epithet flying was given from their power of leaping to a considerable distance in passing from tree to tree." Perhaps most significant, however, is the analysis
by Auerbach: the serpent "was not simply placed upon a pole; this would be sufficiently designated by makkel or simply 'es. Rather, it was connected with the 'flagstaff.'
" In this manner, the serpent would appear as a flag, as though it were flying. If Moses did indeed attach his brass serpent outstretched and perpendicular to his
pole, it would comply fully with the description "fiery flying serpent."

Thus, the connection can be made that Nephi's use of the term flying (and very likely its usage by other Book of Mormon leaders as well) could have been carried over
into the later religious beliefs of the Mesoamericans, since we do find in Mesoamerica the application of the term flying in association with serpent representations of
their God. For example, Carrasco refers to a Mixtec prose source containing stories in which Quetzalcoatl was referred to as "9 Ehecatl" (a calendric name) or "a flying
serpent." Nicholson reports that the Otomis (contemporaries of the Aztecs, the Otomi language being second in importance only to Nahuatl), in one of their annual
veintena ceremonies honoring Quetzalcoatl, attributed the word antazhoni, meaning "Great Flying," to Quetzalcoatl. In his extensive work on native antiquities, Frey
Bernardino de Sahagun, one of the early fathers to come to New Spain, in the context of a description of a serpent named after Quetzalcoatl, stated, "And when it flies
or descends, a great wind blows. Wherever it goes, it flies." Thomkins also quotes Sejourne's description that "Teotihaucan was the place where the serpent learned
miraculously to fly." Another example of a flying serpent can be found in The Maya, in which Coe displays a gold disc found at the Sacred Cenote at Chichï¿½n
Itzï¿½. On the disc is a serpent surrounded by clouds, thus implying a flying serpent.

In this connection, it is important to focus upon why the word quetzal was selected as the first element in their God's name, Quetzalcoatl. Since the quetzal bird was
revered for its magnificent color, beauty, and elusiveness, it inspired awe and reverence and was capable of evoking the image of a "fiery flying serpent" in the minds of
its beholders. This perception applied not only to the quetzal's overall appearance, but also to the bird's individual attributes. For example, since feathers are the source
of a bird's ability to fly, and since birds are, in fact, distinguished from other creatures by their flying, the "feathered" (or "quetzal") portion of the name could have easily
and  naturally(c)emanated
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                                 Infobase   the word   "flying" as used by Nephi in the phrase "fiery flying serpents." Feathers connote flying!
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Also, since the term fiery was illustrated by Moses' usage of a material which imparted vivid color, the Mesoamerican usage of the quetzal bird's name was a natural
choice, since the bird was so brightly colored. With the blazing equatorial sun shining on its crimson breast and its iridescent green three-foot long tail rippling in the
In this connection, it is important to focus upon why the word quetzal was selected as the first element in their God's name, Quetzalcoatl. Since the quetzal bird was
revered for its magnificent color, beauty, and elusiveness, it inspired awe and reverence and was capable of evoking the image of a "fiery flying serpent" in the minds of
its beholders. This perception applied not only to the quetzal's overall appearance, but also to the bird's individual attributes. For example, since feathers are the source
of a bird's ability to fly, and since birds are, in fact, distinguished from other creatures by their flying, the "feathered" (or "quetzal") portion of the name could have easily
and naturally emanated originally from the word "flying" as used by Nephi in the phrase "fiery flying serpents." Feathers connote flying!

Also, since the term fiery was illustrated by Moses' usage of a material which imparted vivid color, the Mesoamerican usage of the quetzal bird's name was a natural
choice, since the bird was so brightly colored. With the blazing equatorial sun shining on its crimson breast and its iridescent green three-foot long tail rippling in the
wind, the quetzal itself could seem to appear as some type of formidable "fiery flying serpent."

Conclusion

Naming their God after the venerable quetzal bird was certainly a natural and instinctive choice for the Mesoamericans. Further, since they also used the word coatl, or
serpent, their vision of their deity must have embodied attributes symbolized both by this vividly colored flying bird and by serpents. Could it be that this embodiment
was actually rooted in a version of Nephi's "fiery flying serpent" that was corrupted over time?

As archaeologists and scholars continue exploring Mesoamerica, it is entirely possible that further facts and analogies may surface in support of this theory. In that case,
the innumerable remnants of ancient feathered serpent statues and renderings could, ironically, be viewed as yet one more testament to the Book of Mormon and to
Joseph Smith's faithful translation of the Nephite records.

  David Carrasco, Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 50; see also J. Eric S. Thompson, The Rise and Fall of Maya
Civilization (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1986), 121.

   Because these titles refer to the same god, their interpretationï¿½-"feathered" or "plumed" serpent-ï¿½is the same. The Aztec word quetzal is the name of a bird and
also means "tail feather." The word coatl means snake. Similarly the Maya word, Kukulcan, is a combination of two words, kukul meaning "feather" and can meaning
"snake." In the Quichï¿½ Maya name Gucumatz, guc means "green feathers" and cumatz means "serpent." Anne L. Bowes, "The Quetzal," National Geographic
(January 1969): 141; see also Charles Gallenkamp, The Riddle and Rediscovery of a Lost Civilization: Maya, 3d ed. (New York: Penguin, 1987), 165, 118; and Delia
Goetz and Sylvanus G. Morley, trans., Popol Vuh (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975), 78.

   Thompson, The Rise and Fall of Maya Civilization, 20. Of interest is the fact that the quetzal bird cannot survive in captivity, for once confined, it ceases to eat and
dies. The highly revered quetzal is the national bird of Guatemala. Its currency bears the bird's name.

  This may be due in part to the confusion and intermingling of stories surrounding the rulers (most notably Topiltzin of Tollan or Tula) who adopted for themselves the
name of Quetzalcoatl. Legends made each such leader an "Hombre-Dios" (Man-God); Carrasco, Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire, 88. To further add to the
entanglement, the Mesoamericans saw their rulers in some manner as avatars of the spirit or gods. Reality blends into the mystic; see Roberta H. Markman and Peter
Markman, The Flayed God: The Mesoamerican Mythological Tradition (San Francisco: Harper, 1992), 269.

  Ibid., 32; see also Goetz and Morley, Popol Vuh, 83.

  Gallenkamp, The Riddle and Rediscovery of a Lost Civilization: Maya, 166.

  Carrasco, Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire, 43.

  T. A. Willard, Kukulcan: The Bearded Conqueror (Los Angeles: Murray & Gee, 1941), 159.

  Bernal Diaz, The Conquest of New Spain, trans. J. M. Cohen (London: Penguin, 1963); see also Carrasco, Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire, 48; and Brian M.
Fagan, Kingdoms of Gold: Kingdoms of Jade (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1991), 37; and Adrian Recinos and Delia Goetz, The Annals of the Cakchizuels
(Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma, 1953), 40.

  George Bush, Notes, Critical and Practical, on the Book of Numbers (Oxford: Oxford University, 1868), 313. See also J. Jones et al., The Old Testament:
According to the Authorised Version (New York: Pott & Young, 1878), Num. 21.

   In the Bible, and in some scholarly interpretations and comments, the metal "brass" is described as vividly colorful; for example, in Ezekiel's vision, the cherubim
"sparkled like the colour of burnished brass" (Ezek. 1:7).

  George B. Gray, The International Critical Commentary on the Holy Scriptures of the Old & New Testaments (Edinburgh: Clark, 1965), 274.

  The fact that Amaleki would comment that the Mulekites "had become exceedingly numerous" (Omni 1:17) when discovered by Mosiah would infer that the
Mulekites were a much larger group. Other scholars have also come to this conclusion. See Rodney Turner, "The Lamanite Mark," in Monte S. Nyman and Charles D.
Tate, Jr., eds., The Book of Mormon: Second Nephi, The Doctrinal Structure (Provo: Religious Studies Center, 1989), 143; see also George Reynolds and Janne M.
Sjodahl, Commentary on the Book of Mormon , ed. Philip C. Reynolds, 7 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Press, 1955), 1:509; cf. John L. Sorenson, "When Lehi's
Party Arrived in the Land, Did They Find Others There?" Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 1/1 (1992): 13-17.

  Reinforcing this concept is an astute work by Louis Midgley, "The Ways of Remembrance," in John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the
Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 168-76.

  This count is based upon the author's personal research, using the Infobase's computer program, and excludes any Jaredite references since the Jaredites would not
have had a record of the brazen serpent episode.

  For example, King Benjamin counseled his sons to "remember to search them [the Nephite records] diligently, that ye may profit thereby" (Mosiah 1:7). Also note
Alma's exhortation to the poor of the Zoramites, who even in poverty must have had access to the scriptures: "ye ought to search the scriptures" (Alma 33:2).

   To comprehend fully the widespread use of this event by the Nephites, we should keep in mind that Mormon (who wanted to communicate emphatically that the
Book of Mormon contains only a very small part of the Nephite activities) tells us five times that, in his abridgment, he wrote less than "a hundredth part" of the written
record (Jacob 3:13; Morm. 1:5; Hel. 3:14; 3 Ne. 5:8;26:6). Therefore it is reasonable to assume that the Nephite records may have contained many more references
to the brazen serpent account.
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 Bruce R. McConkie, Mormon Doctrine (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966), 104; see also Joseph Fielding Smith, Doctrines of Salvation, comp. Bruce R.
McConkie, 3 vols. (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft 1974), 1:22.
   To comprehend fully the widespread use of this event by the Nephites, we should keep in mind that Mormon (who wanted to communicate emphatically that the
Book of Mormon contains only a very small part of the Nephite activities) tells us five times that, in his abridgment, he wrote less than "a hundredth part" of the written
record (Jacob 3:13; Morm. 1:5; Hel. 3:14; 3 Ne. 5:8;26:6). Therefore it is reasonable to assume that the Nephite records may have contained many more references
to the brazen serpent account.

 Bruce R. McConkie, Mormon Doctrine (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966), 104; see also Joseph Fielding Smith, Doctrines of Salvation, comp. Bruce R.
McConkie, 3 vols. (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft 1974), 1:22.

   For example, in 1 Ne. 17:41 and Alma 33:20, we find that many of the Israelites would not humble themselves and take the simple step to look and be saved.
Action by each individual was required in order to be saved (Num. 21:9). Although the Israelites prayed "that he take away the serpents from us" (Num. 21:7), the
Lord did not remove the serpents. Instead, he provided a cure which required a showing of faith on the part of each individual. In his wisdom, the Lord does not take
away the power of Satan, nor does he eliminate sin and temptation in the world. Instead, the Lord provides each individual with the ability to be shielded from the
effects of evil, if and to the extent that such individual has sufficient faith to follow the Lord's guidance.

   One might ask the question why Joseph Smith did not add the word "flying" or other details to this story in his inspired "New Translation" of the Bible. Because of
both time constraints and practicality, "most of the passages revised or added by Joseph Smith are of doctrinal significance"; Robert J. Matthews, "Joseph Smith
Translation of The Bible (JST)," in Daniel H. Ludlow, ed., Encyclopedia of Mormonism, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 2:767. In the Old Testament, 96.5%
of the verses were left intact, with most of the revision attention given to Genesis (200 revisions) and Exodus (66 revisions), where there were important doctrinal points
to be made; Richard P. Howard, Restoration Scriptures (Independence, MO: Herald, 1969), 109. George A. Horton, Jr., "Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and
Deuteronomy," in Monte S. Nyman and Robert L. Millet, eds., The Joseph Smith Translation (Provo: Religious Studies Center, 1985), 75, also indicates that Numbers
received only two changes. Further, the Prophet was apparently never fully finished with all the changes that could have been included as reported in Robert J.
Matthews, Joseph Smith's Translation of the Bible (Provo: Brigham Young University Press, 1975), 214.

   Karen R. Joines, Serpent Symbolism in the Old Testament (Haddonfield, NJ: Haddonfield House, 1974), 8. Sturdy also indicates the word is sometimes translated
"flying serpents"; John Sturdy, Numbers (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University, 1976), 148.

  Joines, Serpent Symbolism in the Old Testament, 100.

   Matthew Henry, An Exposition of the Old and New Testament, 4 vols. (New York: Carter & Bros., 1853), 1:543.

  Joines, Serpent Symbolism in the Old Testament, 44.

  Bush, Notes, Critical and Practical, on the Book of Numbers , 313.

   Elias Auerbach, Moses , trans. Robert Barchay and Israel Lehman (Detroit: Wayne State University, 1975), 137. Bush, Notes, Critical and Practical, on the Book
of Numbers , 316, also comes to the same conclusion. He states "signifying properly a banner-staff."

   Consistent with this concept were the words of the Maya prophet Chilam Balam of Mani: "The raised wooden standard shall come. . . . Our lord comes, Itza! Our
elder brother comes, oh men of Tantun. Receive your guests, the bearded men, the men of the east, the bearers of the sign of God, Lord"; Ralph L. Roys, The Book of
the Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1967), 167-68.

  Carrasco, Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire, 28; also, Sylvanus G. Morley and George W. Brainerd, The Ancient Maya, 4th ed. (Stanford: Stanford University,
1983), 470, suggest that the two names may refer to the same God.

  Henry B. Nicholson, "Religion in Pre-Hispanic Central Mexico," in Gordon F. Ekholm and Ignacio Bernal, eds., Handbook of Middle American Indians, 15 vols.
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964-76), 10:table 4, example 4.

  Frey Bernardino de Sahagun, Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain, trans. Charles E. Dibble and Arthur J. O. Anderson, 12 vols. (Sante
Fe, NM: School of American Research and University of Utah, 1963), 11:85.

  Peter, Tompkins, Mysteries of the Mexican Pyramids (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), 388.

  Michael D. Coe, The Maya (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987), 136.

   In his Bird of Life, Bird of Death (New York: Dell, 1987), 215, Jonathan E. Maslow recounts his quest to find and observe the "resplendent" quetzal, the male bird
is described as flying straight down the mountainside, shrieking loudly, and flying in an undulating movement so that the long tail feathers stream and sway behind it "like
a flying serpent . . . if snakes could fly."

The Radical Reformation of the Reorganization of the Restoration: Recent Changes
in the Rlds Understanding of the Book of Mormon
Louis Midgley

Abstract: Beginning in the 1960s, the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS) has modified its understanding of the Book of Mormon and
Joseph Smith's prophetic charisms. Where the RLDS were earlier permitted to do this, they are now encouraged by their leaders to read the Book of Mormon as
nineteenth-century fiction, though they are still permitted to find in it, if they wish, some inspiring passages. These changes have been resisted by a conservative minority
that has lost the battle for control of the Reorganization and now tends to worship outside RLDS congregations. A few Latter-day Saints have also begun to read the
Book of Mormon as fiction. Their efforts to turn the Book of Mormon into nineteenth-century fiction have been opposed by competent Latter-day Saint scholarship,
though not without resistance from those who control "independent" and "liberal" publishing ventures.

In spite of considerable subtle and now some increasingly overt institutional pressure to modify their traditional understanding and even deeply held beliefs, some
present and former members of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (hereafter RLDS or Reorganization) cling to the Book of Mormon,
believing it is an authentic ancient text, as well as the word of God. In 1966, when the pressure to modify their understanding of the Book of Mormon first began, those
within the Reorganization who were then zealous about that book chartered the Foundation for Research on Ancient America (FRAA). Whatever else that might be
said about it, the persistence of FRAA is noteworthy, especially given the continuing efforts from within the RLDS bureaucracy and hierarchy to alter the understanding
of the Book of Mormon. While these efforts have not, at least to this point, been aimed at removing the Book of Mormon from the canon of the Reorganization, they
are, as we shall see, clearly aimed at portraying the Book of Mormon as something other than an authentic ancient text, thereby clearly implying radical modifications in
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how   (or even(c)if)2005-2009,
                     it might stillInfobase  Media
                                    be considered   Corp. genuinely normative for the community of faith and memory.
                                                  somehow                                                                                           Page 166 / 919

I called attention to these efforts to modify the RLDS stance on the Book of Mormon in some detail in 1991,         and I will not repeat that account here. Instead, I will
within the Reorganization who were then zealous about that book chartered the Foundation for Research on Ancient America (FRAA). Whatever else that might be
said about it, the persistence of FRAA is noteworthy, especially given the continuing efforts from within the RLDS bureaucracy and hierarchy to alter the understanding
of the Book of Mormon. While these efforts have not, at least to this point, been aimed at removing the Book of Mormon from the canon of the Reorganization, they
are, as we shall see, clearly aimed at portraying the Book of Mormon as something other than an authentic ancient text, thereby clearly implying radical modifications in
how (or even if) it might still be considered somehow genuinely normative for the community of faith and memory.

I called attention to these efforts to modify the RLDS stance on the Book of Mormon in some detail in 1991, and I will not repeat that account here. Instead, I will
demonstrate that there is more to the story than could be reported in that essay. The radical shift that I will describe in the RLDS understanding of the Book of Mormon
is not, however, an isolated event; it is part of a package of larger changes going on among the RLDS.

A Hostile Takeover

According to William D. (Bill) Russell, "for the past thirty years or so there has been a deepening theological division within the ranks of the Reorganized Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints." This increasingly formalized and grinding separation of contentious factions appears to many devout believers to constitute
something remarkably like what Harold Bloom has recently called a "hostile takeover" when describing analogous power moves by those he labels "Neo-
Fundamentalists" (or "Know-Nothing ministers, many of whom border on functional illiteracy") in the Southern Baptist Convention. Beginning even in the early
sixties, there was evidence that elements within the RLDS hierarchy and bureaucracy were willing to allow and even promote the setting in place of a radically new
understanding of the Book of Mormon as part of a concerted effort to move the Reorganization in the direction of liberal Protestantism. Of course, more than just an
understanding of the Book of Mormon has been challenged. Hence, to devout, traditional RLDS, the events of the last three decades appear as a series of calamities
for their faith-community.

In the struggle that has been taking place for three decades, if Bill Russell is correct, power within the RLDS movement was initially sought by a group of Protestant
seminary-trained theological "liberals," who initially infiltrated the bureaucracy (and Graceland College, the small RLDS school in Lamoni, Iowa) and then eventually
gained the confidence of the hierarchy, finally wresting control of RLDS institutional machinery from traditional believers. W. B. "Pat" Spillman argues that when
the RLDS were "largely rural," the tendency was for them to sympathize with "an exaggerated biblical literalism" and hence they manifested "disdain for the 'teachings of
men,' which they saw as threatening the basis of their faith." But, where once the RLDS were rural folk, they are now urban. And where their clergy once lacked
"formal education," the leaders of the Reorganization now expect "greater expertise and professionalism from its full-time ministers" and they look "increasingly to
secular institutions and seminaries of other faiths to obtain the required training." What such shifts produced, according to Spillman, was "perhaps unconscious
accommodation to the standards and values of the United States' middle class." "For a variety of reasons the [RLDS] church began to deemphasize its most unique
aspects and stress those more characteristic of 'orthodox' Christian denominations. It particularly played down its historic 'one true church' claim." The RLDS began
"providing more substantial support for its leaders and their families"; they "gradually improved its appointee [professional clergy] family allowances and instituted
attractive fringe benefits such as fully equipped church automobiles, total medical care, college tuition reimbursement for dependents, and a relatively generous
retirement plan." All this is possible, according to Spillman, because "the [RLDS] church in North America is no longer constituted largely of lower and working class
families." The RLDS church now demonstrates what he calls "considerable wealth." Spillman boasts that "the Temple project in Independence is undoubtedly a
measure of the church's aggregate influence. Within the space of two years, a church with fewer than 51,000 contributing members raised more than $40 million toward
a project expected to cost at least $75 million for its completion."

As indications of an RLDS coming-of-age, Spillman reports that "in the Reorganized Church evidence of reduced tension and increased accommodation to society
is . . . present. The First Presidency's support of ecumenical efforts is only one of many theological indicators of social accommodation. Though still officially
proscribed, open communion is tolerated, even defended, in some Reorganized Church congregations. While the Book of Mormon is still revered and quoted, the
church permits open criticism of traditional accounts of its origin and its theology." Finally, "the cherished concept of Zion itself has become increasingly vague and
less compelling to leaders and members alike." Like his colleagues, Spillman attributes these developments to the "upward social mobility of the church" as it moves
increasingly toward an accommodation with the world. The RLDS, starting out as a lower-class, poorly educated, rural sect, have now gradually lost "their sense of
'over-and-againstness.'" As they have moved up the social and economic ladder, they have sought an accommodation with the larger, more glamorous, and presumably
sophisticated elements of the dominant culture. Hence, "Reorganized Church members cannot deny that substantial change in what some people regard as essential doc
trine and practice has occurred and will continue to occur in the future." Why were the liberals successful in their takeover of the Reorganized Church? Spillman's
answer: "Long experience confirms that power resides at the level where the money is," and since the liberals, at least from their own perspective, tend to be better
educated and have more wealth than their unsophisticated but more orthodox fellow churchmen, they have won in the resulting struggle for power in the RLDS
community. And if the unsophisticated, rural, less educated and less-wealthy primitive believers do not like it, they are free to leave. Spillman uses a metaphor usually
employed to describe the breakup of families: "While 'divorce' is rarely a pleasant prospect, over the long term, some separations and divorces may be regarded as
inevitable."

This takeover has led to radical alterations of traditional RLDS understandings and outright abandonment of others. Transformations have gradually taken place in the
RLDS under standing of the Book of Mormon, Joseph Smith and his prophetic roll, his visions, what constitutes divine revelation, the book of Abraham,
priesthood, the temple and whether it should include ordinances such as baptism for the dead, the gathering and Zion, whether there should be an open
communion with members of other Christian groups or denominations, whether there was an apostasy and hence a genuine restoration of anything authentically
ancient, and what constitutes "authority" and even a "church." All of these, and more, have undergone and are undergoing sometimes radical reinterpretation by the
regnant establishment. In addition, the "liberals" are clearly intent on concentrating power now that they have it within their grasp. However, one significant obstacle to
such an undertaking has been the traditional understanding of the RLDS past, and especially of the Book of Mormon and Joseph Smith and his prophetic claims.

RLDS historians have sensed that, since the texts upon which accounts of the past necessarily rest are interpretations of events and since all subsequent accounts are
also interpretations, that a radical reshaping of the RLDS understanding of their past is both possible and necessary in order to reconstitute the RLDS community more
fully along liberal Protestant lines. Hence, the recent history of the RLDS by Richard P. Howard, as well as the one by Paul M. Edwards, are best seen as
sustained efforts to recast the RLDS understanding of their past in ways more congenial with the ideology currently being espoused by the RLDS hierarchy and
bureaucracy. In order to accommodate radical changes in traditional beliefs, the RLDS liberal estab lishment has found it desirableï¿½-perhaps even necessary-ï¿½to
refashion the traditional account of the Reorganization from its beginning in 1851 to the present, but, more importantly, to pro vide a new understanding of those
portions of their past that they share with The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Of course, the most interesting and instructive modifications in the RLDS
understanding of the Mormon past, from a Latter-day Saint standpoint, concern the period between 1820 and 1844.

Given the consciously intended and carefully worked out reformation of the Reorganization's understanding of the restoration, new interpretations of Joseph Smith and
his prophetic claims, as well as the Book of Mormon, have been necessary. The function of these explanations is to justify and bolster the ideology of the faction
currently in control of the Reorganization. Even saying this much-ï¿½which should be obvious to those with a smattering of information about recent RLDS
controversiesï¿½-risks giving offense to those who see the religious world more or less through the lens provided by the now-dominant RLDS faction. Those with
either secular or religious convictions tend to be irritated or even outragedï¿½-sometimes justifiably-ï¿½when accounts are offered of what is going on in their
communities that do not correspond to their sense of reality or conform to their perspective of the restoration. While I am obviously not supportive of the ideology or
the power politics of the faction that currently has the upper hand among the RLDS, I do not wish to offend delicate sensitivities.
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I write from the perspective of one situated in a different and, as it turns out, increasingly less related "faith-community," to use the expression the RLDS use to describe
themselves. Having at least some bias on these matters seems quite unavoidable. Nor is it necessarily desirable, as some journalists and historians still pretend, to strive
controversiesï¿½-risks giving offense to those who see the religious world more or less through the lens provided by the now-dominant RLDS faction. Those with
either secular or religious convictions tend to be irritated or even outragedï¿½-sometimes justifiably-ï¿½when accounts are offered of what is going on in their
communities that do not correspond to their sense of reality or conform to their perspective of the restoration. While I am obviously not supportive of the ideology or
the power politics of the faction that currently has the upper hand among the RLDS, I do not wish to offend delicate sensitivities.

I write from the perspective of one situated in a different and, as it turns out, increasingly less related "faith-community," to use the expression the RLDS use to describe
themselves. Having at least some bias on these matters seems quite unavoidable. Nor is it necessarily desirable, as some journalists and historians still pretend, to strive
to avoid all biases. Be that as it may, every account will necessarily involve some bias, even or especially one provided by the RLDS leadership, including components
in the RLDS bureaucracy. What is most intriguing is to identify and describe these RLDS biases and then compare and contrast them with those at work among Latter-
day Saints.

Reforming the Community of Faith and Memory

Previously I described many of the published views of RLDS authors on the Book of Mormon. None of these writers, with one possible exception, allows for the
possibility that the Book of Mormon is an authentic ancient text. But these agnostic views on the Book of Mormon are not representative of the understanding of at
least a minority of primitive believers among the RLDS. Revisionist explanations have been promulgated by RLDS leaders since the sixties. For example, Richard P.
Howard, RLDS Church Historian and prominent spokesman for the ideology now being advanced by both the RLDS bureaucracy and hierarchy, has much to say
about what it is that historians are doing when they tell their stories. Historians, he claims, "see the events and those who made them only through the mists of
fragmented and often conflicting records. Then they must interpret those records. Interpretation always occurs in a preconceived framework of meaning and purpose."
Another way of making this point is that what historians bring to the taskï¿½-their preunderstandings, assumptions, beliefs, preferences and biases-ï¿½will at least color
and perhaps even determine what they claim to find or discover in the past. Hence, if one begins with the assumption, which Howard clearly does, that the Book of
Mormon is not an authentic ancient text, then not only will the understanding of that text be radically altered, but so will virtually everything logically linked to that
understanding. Hence, if there was no real Lehi colony, then it follows that there were no real plates that Joseph Smith had that were witnessed by others, nor were
there any real encounters with angelic figures from the past. Howard obviously sees exactly where his revisionist history is leading, though he is careful not to state his
views too bluntly, lest the less than converted among those remaining in the liberalized RLDS flock be unnecessarily agitated. And he is nothing if not tentative when
dealing with complicated issues. "The interpretations," he claims, "must of necessity be tentative, open to correction. There must be willingness to discard one
interpretation for another based on more reliable historical evidence and method."

Given the realities of attempting to tell a story on the basis of whatever happens to have been recorded and preserved, and with our limited capacities to draw from
such texts a plausible account of past events, tentativeness is indeed a virtue among historians. But after having said that much, it is also the case that our indecisiveness
about certain issues may make a profound difference to the life of a community of faith and memory. Hence Howard pleads for openness, but not for an openness to
the possibility that real angels visited Joseph Smith, or that there really was a Lehi colony, or virtually any of the traditional contents of the faith of the Saints, either
Latter-day Saints or RLDS. Instead, he insists that "faith will take on new meaning and vitality, informed in part by events reinterpreted in this specific framework of
historical conception." Presumably, when looked at his way, "we will see figures of the past as authentic persons with the same joys, fears, hopes, and anxieties as we
know in church life today."

So we are now to "focus on the complexity of Joseph Smith's multifaceted personality" for clues about the "faith-community" he started. Howard sees the "Saints as a
people of paradoxes," at least partly because "they displayed courage tempered by fear, faith informed by doubt." We presumably now know from the work
beginning with Fawn Brodie's 1945 account of Joseph Smith that his "rich family heritage was a strength to his own self-image, including his interest in 'white magic' and
his capacity for religious speculations about subjects of antiquity." Perhaps such language is Howard's subtle way of telling his readers what he really thinks went on
in the production of the Book of Mormon. But, if that is the caseï¿½-and there is every reason to believe that it isï¿½-it is simply less than fully candid to pretend that
something has not been lost for the faith when the Book of Mormon is seen as merely an imaginative, speculative account of the past-ï¿½frontier fiction-ï¿½into which
bits and pieces of the immediate nineteenth-century environment were worked by Joseph Smith either knowingly or unknowingly. One wonders why it would not be
more open and honest for those who either can no longer believe the essentials of the founding story, or who never came to believe them in the first place, not to face
up to that fact and move on to something a little less bizarre, at least from their secularized perspective.

Howard describes "the process of Book of Mormon translation." He adds: "Suffice it to say that it is as yet unknown precisely how Joseph Smith translated the
Book of Mormon. Theories abound, but neither the actors in the drama nor later scholars have fully explained the translation method." Howard insists that
understanding what "translation" meant to Joseph Smith "may help to illuminate the difficulty of uncovering the method. When Joseph Smith, Jr., used the word
'translation' in relation to the Book of Mormon, he described a process more commonly known as 'revelation.'" So Howard shifts the enigma from what he calls the
"process of translation" to the "process of revelation." He insists that "a revelatory process, then, was the essence of Book of Mormon translation," and then
concludes that what Joseph Smith was doing when he translated the Book of Mormon "bears no relation to a linguistic exercise of conveying ideas to one language
from another." With this hypothesis in place, Howard is ready to argue, though in subdued tones, that the Book of Mormon is not an authentic ancient text, for
nothing was translated-ï¿½nothing authentically ancient was provided by Joseph Smith. Hence, from Howard's perspective, "Book of Mormon translation implied an
imaginative, intuitive mind, verbalizing a lengthy and varied text under the subjective impress of inspiration. The result would profoundly relate to its time and place."
"The resulting text had a profound connection with this time and place. It addressed many concerns of nineteenth-century New York people. These are the important
aspects of Book of Mormon history. They spoke to the early Latter Day Saint faith." In all of this, Howard is clearly not interpreting the text, but explaining it on
essentially secular, naturalistic assumptions which are not examined but merely assumed.

Specifically, according to Howard, in imaginatively crafting the Book of Mormon, Joseph Smith drew upon such features of his own immediate environment as
speculation concerning "the Hebraic origin of some of the ancient peoples of the Western Hemisphere," or upon interest in "native American burial mounds in New
England, New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio." That is as far as Howard goes in identifying what he calls "the profound connection" that the Book of Mormon has
with its "time and place," though he grants that "other explanatory materials are easily available," and hence he finds it necessary in his new account of Mormon things to
"only briefly describe the contents of the Book of Mormon," always with an eye to seeing its relationship with what he considers its nineteenth-century time and place.


The Politics of Empowered Revisionism

In his "Editor's Introduction: Questions to Legal Answers," Daniel C. Peterson responded to Bill Russell's letter justifying RLDS revisionist ideology on the grounds
that it amounted to a perfectly harmless and entirely necessary and wholesome "rethinking of our traditions." Peterson correctly challenged that sophistry by pointing out
the extent to which such "rethinking" involved jettisoning the foundations of the faith. He insisted that what people like Russell, Howard, and others among the RLDS
have in mind is more like "redefining" or "replacing." In order to give "some idea of just what 'rethinking' has meant to one specific region of the RLDS church,"
Peterson quoted extensively from an item that appeared in the press describing events that took place in April 1991 in the RLDS congregation in Orem, Utah.
Immediately after Armand Wijckmans, then pastor of the congregation, had held a regional Book of Mormon day, at which at least one Latter-day Saint scholar
spoke, Mr. Wijckmans was locked out of his church and eventually "silenced," that is, he had his "priesthood license" removed. The end result was the formation by
younger and more aggressive elements of the congregation of what is called an "Independent Restoration Branch," which is entirely separate from the official
Reorganized
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Peterson was called on the carpet in a letter written by A. Bruce Lindgren (on behalf of the RLDS First Presidency) for having cited the newspaper item. It would
appear that the same irritation that led the RLDS First Presidency to silence FRAA by withdrawing permission for them to hold an annual meeting in the Auditorium in
Peterson quoted extensively from an item that appeared in the press describing events that took place in April 1991 in the RLDS congregation in Orem, Utah.
Immediately after Armand Wijckmans, then pastor of the congregation, had held a regional Book of Mormon day, at which at least one Latter-day Saint scholar
spoke, Mr. Wijckmans was locked out of his church and eventually "silenced," that is, he had his "priesthood license" removed. The end result was the formation by
younger and more aggressive elements of the congregation of what is called an "Independent Restoration Branch," which is entirely separate from the official
Reorganized Church.

Peterson was called on the carpet in a letter written by A. Bruce Lindgren (on behalf of the RLDS First Presidency) for having cited the newspaper item. It would
appear that the same irritation that led the RLDS First Presidency to silence FRAA by withdrawing permission for them to hold an annual meeting in the Auditorium in
Independence also had something to do with the "silencing" of Pastor Wijckmans in Orem, although what took place in Orem preceded the publication of the
condemnation of FRAA by the RLDS First Presidency by a month. One certainly can understand why the RLDS hierarchy and bureaucracy does not want their new
understandings of the Book of Mormon and related matters to become a topic of public discussion or controversy. However, I am in no way bound by their
understanding of their institutional imperatives, even though I appreciate the importance of comity in dealing with sensitive matters. On the other hand, Lindgren (on
behalf of the RLDS First Presidency) has one justifiable complaint. It is a mistake to assume on the basis of what was quoted by Peterson about what took place in the
Orem congregation that the RLDS have some official policy of silencing those who may still believe in the historical authenticity of the Book of Mormon and who
therefore still preach from that text on the assumption that it is the word of God made available to us by the power of God. Neither believing in or using the Book of
Mormon appears to be grounds for silencing. But holding a regional Book of Mormon day at which Latter-day Saint scholars are invited to defend the Book of
Mormon may, if I understand the official statement of the RLDS First Presidency, constitute actionable insubordination.

Some of the statements Lindgren included in his letter are clearly true. For example, as we have seen, "members of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter
Day Saints," according to Lindgren, "hold varying views on the Book of Mormon. The church continues to use and honor the book as scripture." But they are clearly
involved in "rethinking" exactly what they mean by "scripture" precisely because they have also been "rethinking" what constitutes divine special "revelations" such as
those that stand at the very core of the faith.

Crushing Fraa

But there are still some RLDS and former RLDSï¿½-those involved in FRAA, for example-ï¿½who are struggling to resist the fashionably revisionist account of the
Book of Mormon, which reduces it to "inspired" or merely potentially "inspiring" fiction with some more or less acceptable religious content. For years FRAA was
permitted to hold an annual meeting on the Book of Mormon at the RLDS headquarters, then in the Auditorium in Independence, Missouri. On some occasions FRAA
invited Latter-day Saint scholars to give addresses on the Book of Mormon. Apparently by May 1991 FRAA had simply gone too far and at that time the RLDS
First Presidency took steps to put FRAA out of business or at least to restrict its impact on RLDS members as much as possible. Hence, in the May 1991 issue of the
Saints Herald, the mass circulation magazine under the direct editorial control of the RLDS First Presidency, there appeared an official statement by them on FRAA.
"Requests for information have come to the First Presidency," they report, "from field leaders about recent activities of the Foundation for Research on Ancient
America [FRAA]. Some confusion has developed regarding the foundation's intentions and its relationship to the church." The RLDS First Presidency expressed
concern that among the membership of FRAA were those "who are former priesthood and members of the [RLDS] church. If it desires to stand separate but ancillary
to the church, it currently is functioning in violation of several church policies: solicitation of funds across jurisdictional boundaries; conducting regional activities without
proper authorization from field leadership, sometimes in competition with local church programming, and sometimes sponsored by 'Restoration branches'; publishing
materials targeted for church member usage that have not received the editorial review of the First Presidency; and publishing materials that compete with church
publications in both sales and theological content."

The RLDS First Presidency also accused FRAA of "extending its scope of activity beyond the original ongoing research [on the Book of Mormon] and annual
assemblies to include more frequent gatherings and publications," thereby compounding confusion among the RLDS who want to understand the Book of Mormon.
Hence, according to the RLDS First Presidency, "some have assumed that FRAA is a valid source for understanding the church's doctrine regarding the Book of
Mormon and related issues." They then emphatically declined to "turn over to a separate organization the task of representing the church's position on matters of faith
and doctrine." And because there is "increasing confusion as to whether FRAA is qualified or authorized to teach what the church believes about the Book of Mormon,
and because the privilege of using the Auditorium for conferences on the Book of Mormon carries with it an implied authorization from us, the First Presidency has
decided to withdraw that privilege." They closed their statement on FRAA by affirming that they encourage the RLDS "to pursue their study of the Book of Mormon
and all related subjects by using the resources provided by the church through Herald House and Temple School. Such materials currently represent the best
understandings and most appropriate interpretations of the book itself, how it was revealed, its place in our history, and how it serves the church today as one of the
three standard books of scripture." This appears to be a nice way of asserting that if one wants to get clear on the current "official" RLDS stance on the Book of
Mormon, one must turn to accounts like that provided by Richard P. Howard, or to actions by the RLDS First Presidency. But the story does not end with this effort
to quash FRAA. Just over a year later, a member of the RLDS First Presidency set forth in the pages of the Saints Herald the current thinking of the RLDS hierarchy
on the Book of Mormon.

"Growing Up As a People " While Giving Up on the Book of Mormon

Alan Tyree, a member of the RLDS First Presidency until his recent replacement by W. Grant McMurray, published an essay in the Saints Herald in June 1992, in
which he asked the following questions concerning the Book of Mormon: "What should be our stance regarding the Book of Mormon in evangelism? Can we use it in
evangelism when it often causes others to look at us in suspicion, attributing to us all the negative aspects of Mormonism, including racism?" "What do we tell non-
member inquirers about it? How do we answer the critics who say we are racist because, like the Mormon church in Utah, we also believe the Book of Mormon? In
nations where government authorities urge us not to use the corporate name of the church because it will cause people to misunderstand who we are and what we stand
for, can we use a book of scripture which causes such confusion?"

Tyree's answer to these questions is that, "with regard to the Book of Mormon, we have been growing up as a people, learning more about church history, learning
more about ancient American archaeology and anthropology and cultural history, learning more about the internal qualities of the book as a piece of religious literature."
   This new maturity has produced, according to Tyree, three types of people in the Reorganization. "The first type have never doubted or questioned the difference
between God as God really is, and God as they perceive God to be." These people are like children or childlike adults. The second group, and clearly those whom
Tyree sees as genuinely mature RLDS, "treat their present understanding of God as symbolic of what God really isï¿½-and therefore as temporary and tentative."
The third group may suspect that what they believe is flawed, "but they are afraid to face the possibility of losing their faith if they should discover that their knowledge
of God is not perfect." Such people are "unfaithful," according to Tyree, because they prefer their own "dogma to additional light and truth from God." Tyree insists
that, "if the Book of Mormon is to have some claim on humans it must be reasonable to them. . . . Our concepts regarding the Book of Mormon and its origins must at
least be compatible with reason."

What might a "rational" account of the Book of Mormon look like? Tyree considers an answer "compatible with reason" to the question of where the Book of Mormon
came from to be crucial to a mature faith. He lists a number of possible explanations of its origins, including the notion of what he calls "plenary revelation," that is, that
Joseph Smith gained access to the English for the book "through a miraculous means," or that it was simply "given by divine power." That view would seem to entail that
the book is an authentic ancient text. A second possible explanation "is that the revelation came by a fully conceptual means" and hence Joseph Smith was given access
toCopyright
   "the meaning  of an unknown
            (c) 2005-2009,       language."
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produced "by human authorship. This supposes that Joseph Smith was gifted and could have written the work himself." When understood as Joseph Smith's "original
composition, it could have been the product of his own mind and of the times in which speculation concerning the origins and history of ancient Americans was
popular." Such an account, richly illustrated in Richard P. Howard's recent work, as we have seen, either explicitly or implicitly dispenses with the notion that the Book
What might a "rational" account of the Book of Mormon look like? Tyree considers an answer "compatible with reason" to the question of where the Book of Mormon
came from to be crucial to a mature faith. He lists a number of possible explanations of its origins, including the notion of what he calls "plenary revelation," that is, that
Joseph Smith gained access to the English for the book "through a miraculous means," or that it was simply "given by divine power." That view would seem to entail that
the book is an authentic ancient text. A second possible explanation "is that the revelation came by a fully conceptual means" and hence Joseph Smith was given access
to "the meaning of an unknown language." This account also seems to entail the historical authenticity of the book. A third possibility is that the Book of Mormon was
produced "by human authorship. This supposes that Joseph Smith was gifted and could have written the work himself." When understood as Joseph Smith's "original
composition, it could have been the product of his own mind and of the times in which speculation concerning the origins and history of ancient Americans was
popular." Such an account, richly illustrated in Richard P. Howard's recent work, as we have seen, either explicitly or implicitly dispenses with the notion that the Book
of Mormon is an authentic ancient text. A fourth explanation is that Joseph Smith can be seen "as a clairvoyant." Such a vague explanation might be compatible with any
of the other accounts, depending upon what exactly is meant by "clairvoyant." Finally, some combination of these explanations or other accounts might be possible,
though Tyree does not attempt to explain how such explanations could be synthesized or harmonized.

Where does Tyree feel that the RLDS should stand on the question of the historical authenticity of the Book of Mormon? What he claims as certain is that "the
historicity of the book can not be proven," but also that many of its teachings "are not found in the New Testament but in the development of medieval theology." The
conclusion that he draws from these assertions is that the Book of Mormon must be received as scripture "in the same way we receive the Bible." But the reader is left
to guess about what that might entail. Be that as it may, according to Tyree, "we know that Joseph Smith, while uneducated according to our standards, was better
educated than his peers and was gifted in intellect and linguistic ability." And "from reputable Mormon archaeologists . . . we have learned that there is no
archaeological support for the Book of Mormon." "The style of writing, biblical quotations, concepts, and anachronisms are consistent with a nineteenth century
hypothesis of authorship." "The concepts of the life and ministry of Jesus Christ expounded in the Book of Mormon are also rooted in nineteenth-century
understandings. It is capable of being identified as a nineteenth-century scripture because it deals with questions and concepts of the period and place of its coming
forth. Without equivocation, it may be affirmed as scripture. But its relationship to prenineteenth-century history (specifically ancient American history) is so far not
established by any authority external to itself."

After pushing the hypothesis that the Book of Mormon is nineteenth-century fiction, Tyree claims that the RLDS should "decide for themselves what they will do with
the Book of Mormon. Millions have chosen to call it 'scripture.' " Tyree insists that the RLDS "let it speak for itself. If it is useful to people, they will make that decision
for themselves. But let us not make that decision for them, by making it a test of faith and fellowship that they must believe in the book." This opinion is fully
consistent with that expressed in 1976 by Peter Judd and A. Bruce Lindgren: "from the early years of the [RLDS] church up to the present day there have been a
number of different ways in which Latter Day Saints view the Book of Mormon." In 1976, Judd and Lindgren recommended that individual RLDS "form their own
opinion of its value."

Why should it be accepted as scripture, if it is not what it claims to be, the authentic record of an ancient people with whom God had dealings? From Tyree's
perspective it seems that "it is scripture because of its acceptance and use by people, millions of them, who testify that it functions in their lives as scripture." But to
make that point he has to include Latter-day Saints who emphatically understand the book to be an authentic ancient text and not a nineteenth-century work of fiction in
which the imaginatively gifted Joseph Smith sought to address his own religious concerns, as well as those of his rustic neighbors. To say that it is scripture because it is
believed to be scripture obviously does not answer the question of why it should be believed to be scripture. There is something circular in that kind of reasoning. In
January 1991 a seminar of what the RLDS call their Joint Council (consisting of the First Presidency, Twelve, and Presiding Bishop) was held on the scriptures and that
group reached what Tyree calls "a high degree of consensus regarding the Book of Mormon," including the following: (1) it is scripture, (2) it is important to RLDS
history as "an example of the prophetic ministry of Joseph Smith, Jr.," (3) there are many questions about the Book of Mormon for which "we do not have final
answers," (4) each person can determine the "personal value of all or parts of the book in their own lives," and (5) the RLDS leadership "acknowledge some practical
limitations of parts of the book," but also find passages in it "which we consider divine, eternal and universal."

Silencing Criticisms; Reaching Accommodations; Acquiring Respectability

The Book of Mormon continues to be ridiculed in the popular press, attacked by anti-Mormon propagandists, and criticized by secularized intellectuals and cultural
Mormons for whom it is far too closely related to what the redoubtable John Stuart Mill mocked as a modern form of madness-ï¿½"an alleged new revelation . . . in the
age of newspapers, railways, and the electric telegraphy." For example, George D. Smith, the owner of Signature Books, known for his criticism of Joseph Smith
and the Book of Mormon, claims that what he calls New Mormon History has ignited controversy: "Within the LDS community, traditional narratives of the
supernatural have usually been taught as factual events. Beginning in the 1950s, however, professional Mormon historians . . . began to present a more inclusive past.
Historical inquiry has reexamined traditional accounts in the context of contemporary American culture." This "new historiography," according to Smith, does not
focus on the question of whether Joseph Smith was or was not a genuine prophet, but is interested, much like what we saw in Richard P. Howard's work, in
understanding "Mormonism as part of American religious experience." Smith then denigrates those he labels "traditional Mormon historians" because they "typically
reject compromises, such as the view that a mythical Book of Mormon can evince religious authenticity as 'inspired redaction.' Everything in the Book of Mormon, they
say, must be accepted as historical fact." Thus it turns out that something like what is happening to the Book of Mormon among the RLDS is also being
recommended by cultural Mormons. But unlike the situation within the Reorganization-ï¿½where there has not been an opportunity for an effective defense of a
genuinely believing account of the past at least partly because both the bureaucracy and hierarchy have been in thrall to revisionist ideologiesï¿½-Latter-day Saint
intellectuals who accept the essential elements of the traditional account have been able to respond to the revisionist challenge, though not without an ongoing struggle,
as we shall see.

I will provide, in addition to the example of George D. Smith and his associates, two other examples: First, in 1984, Ernest H. Taves, an anti-Mormon publicist, opined
as follows: "Theologians and scholars of other denominations and religions do not attend seriously to the Book of Mormon . One branch of the Mormon Church, the
Reorganized Church, with headquarters in Missouri, repudiates the Book of Abraham , which remains a sacred canon in the Utah church." Since, according to
Taves, what Latter-day Saints want above everything else "is widespread acceptance by the mainstream religious community," holding onto the Book of Mormon and
book of Abraham keeps them "alien and apart." Moreover, the Book of Mormon also presumably creates serious and painful problems for those Taves quaintly
labels "Mormon intellectuals." "Consider the plight of young [now somewhat older] Mormon historians examining the early history of their church. To the extent that
they carry on their research with the objectivity expected as a matter of course in historical research generally, and to the extent that their published work reflects that
objectivity, they will incur the condemnation of high church authority." In language that sounds like it could have been lifted from Lavina Fielding Anderson's recent
outburst in Dialogue or from one of D. Michael Quinn's tirades against the Brethren and Brigham Young University, Taves claims that "intellectual life within the church
seems now to be getting worse, not better."

Taves holds that an insistence that "the church stands or falls on the authenticity of the Book of Mormon" is exactly what "will continue to prevent mainstream scholars
from granting Mormonism the kind of consideration readily granted to other religions." In a show of concern for the welfare of the Saints, Taves holds that "an
obvious solution presents itself, at least to the non-Mormon: Accept the prosaic origin of the Book of Mormon , leave behind the shady beginnings of the church, join
the rest of the world, and go ahead with what you've got." "Here it should be noted," according to Taves, "that the position of the Reorganized Church with respect
to these problems is considerably more liberal than that of the Utah church, as may be seen in the work of William D. Russell. Russell set forth the view that the
believing Mormon can accept the fact that Joseph wrote the Book of Mormon , 'and can still hold that the book has a legitimate place in the canon of scripture for
Latter Day Saints.'" Taves thus opens the prospect for the Saints of respectability among gentiles. But the accommodation he proposes is for the Saints to join those
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mocking      (c) 2005-2009,
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thwarted by the Brethren.

Second, in 1982, in what may have been the most extensive single journalistic treatment of the Church, John Farrell reported that "during the Arrington years, the
the rest of the world, and go ahead with what you've got." "Here it should be noted," according to Taves, "that the position of the Reorganized Church with respect
to these problems is considerably more liberal than that of the Utah church, as may be seen in the work of William D. Russell. Russell set forth the view that the
believing Mormon can accept the fact that Joseph wrote the Book of Mormon , 'and can still hold that the book has a legitimate place in the canon of scripture for
Latter Day Saints.'" Taves thus opens the prospect for the Saints of respectability among gentiles. But the accommodation he proposes is for the Saints to join those
mocking gentiles in the great and spacious building. And he is also solicitous for ostensibly belea guered Latter-day Saint intellectuals who are presumably being
thwarted by the Brethren.

Second, in 1982, in what may have been the most extensive single journalistic treatment of the Church, John Farrell reported that "during the Arrington years, the
[unidentified Mormon] historians tried to gently nudge the church away from its insistence on literal interpretation" of the Book of Mormon. "Liberal Latter-day Saints,"
Farrell reports having been told, "would find it easier to stick with their church if only it would treat The Book of Mormon as an allegorical story that teaches righteous
behavior but isn't necessarily historic truthï¿½-the way the Christian churches treat" the Bible. This is exactly the subtle shift currently being made by the RLDS liberal
establishment. Farrell also indicated that he had been told by certain unidentified Mormon intellectuals that "it would be easier if the church were willing to treat . . . the
Book of Mormon and the Book of Abraham as parables, but the hierarchy won't back down." From my perspective, that is indeed good news. As bizarre as some
of Farrell's opinions might appear to be, they do not seem to have been sheer journalistic inventions. Hence, one of the more striking recent developments among some
Latter-day Saint intellectuals is the emergence of writers who argue against the historical authenticity of the Book of Mormon, while opining that it can still be inspired or
inspiring when understood as Joseph Smith's historical fiction.

Unfortunately, a few so-called Mormon "intellectuals" have played into the hands of those who do not have the interests of the Kingdom in mind, at least from my
perspective. Hence, for me, one annoying and depressing feature found on the margins of Mormon culture is the tendency of a few dissidents to fight their battles in the
press, while picturing themselves as heroic figures advancing the cause of truth against a repressive Church. It is, of course, easy to find an audience for lurid stories of
repression and injustice when The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is the target, as the remarks by Ernest Taves seem to illustrate. Dissidents complain that
they are being restricted, persecuted, and punished by institutions over which they have no control and that are insensitive to their feelings. They tend to picture
themselves as faultless heroes and helpless victims, while they hold the Church hostage by threatening public relations scandals if their demands are not met or if their
ideology is not declared normative.

For example, Lavina Fielding Anderson recently opined that the "past two decades have seen accelerating tensions in the relationship between the institutional church"
and those she labels "intellectuals and feminists," which she describes as "overlapping subcommunities." By "intellectual" she clearly has in mind a certain, though not
representative, sample of more or less well-educated Latter-day Saints, that is, a small group of deracinated people on the fringes of the Mormon community. She
admits to approaching what she considers the degenerating relationship between a few revisionist intellectuals and some radical feminists who fear Church leaders "as a
woman interested in relationships. I am," she concedes, "less interested in the various positions defended and attacked about, say, the New Mormon History, than I am
about how such attacks and defenses are conducted, what they do to our community, and the human costs in pain, mistrust, and violations of agency. The relationship
between Mormon intellectuals and feminists and their church is a troubled and painful relationship." But in place of careful analysis, clarification of issues, and
competent history, what we are given is a fifty-page "chronology" presented in that way "partly because the basic facts of 'what happened' need to be determined
before a responsible analysis can be made and partly because I believe it shows patterns over time that are both hopeful and ominous." Clearly, since she has not
given sufficient attention to the intellectual content of the controversies she mentions, she does not sense the way her own bias has colored if not constituted what she
sees as the facts about what she claims to see taking place. Anderson's gossipy litany of presumed abuses by the Brethren of what someone in the same re cent issue of
Dialogue called "intellectual free agency" rests on assumptions that are not self-evident, nor are they clearly set forth and defended with arguments.

Presumably one of the many troublesome indications of the growing repression of intellectuals by the Brethren-ï¿½that is the controlling theme of Anderson's
chronology-ï¿½was the following: "30 September 1981. Louis C. Midgley of BYU's political science department attacks the New Mormon History and historians for a
lack of faith. Joined periodically by David Earle Bohn and Gary Novak, he continues his vigorous critique of 'objective' history to the present." Unfortunately, for
Anderson's point, I did not use the expression New Mormon History in that paper and I came to know of such a label only later. Furthermore, I have always been
puzzled about what, if anything, this label was supposed to identify. Suppose, just for the sake of argument, that a case could be made that I had in fact attacked
something called New Mormon History on October 15, 1981, at the Western History Association meetings in San Antonio, Texas. How would my having done
such a thing, or having been joined later by Bohn and Novak, constitute a basic fact about what "really happened" in the supposed "clash between obedience to
ecclesiastical authority and the integrity of individual conscience"? More directly, how could my having read and circulated a paper constitute trust-destroying, hurtful
repression of dissident intellectuals by the Brethren or by the Church? If by merely setting forth an argument and expressing my opinion, I am speaking for the Church
and thereby inflicting pain or violating the freedom of others to express their opinions, I have truly misunderstood my role and greatly underestimated my authority and
power.

For Anderson, it seems, intellectual issues are not really important to "Mormon intellectuals." I find this ironic and even distressing. Instead, what really counts for her is
the feelings of people who picture themselves as victims. One wonders where she was when Dialogue published an essay containing patently false charges couched in
abusive language, and directed at Bohn, Novak, Neal Kramer, and me, merely because we had the audacity to question the soundness of some recent Mormon
history or raise some questions that certainly needed to be raised. I wonder, does it not matter to her that something important, even crucial, is at stake when authors
invoke naturalistic explanations that rule out the possibility that the gospel of Jesus Christ was restored through Joseph Smith or that the Book of Mormon is true.
Instead of emoting about the pain caused by alleged insensitivity of the Brethren, it would have been useful for her to get clear, for example, on exactly what is at stake
in the recent discussion of Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon. And, as an intellectual, she should have insisted that the conversation continue, letting the chips fall
where they may. Certainly the much-needed conversation should not be prevented from taking place for either personal or intellectual reasons.

If there has really been censorship or repression or efforts to invoke censorship, if there has been a wanton disregard for proper comity in intellectual discussions,
responsibility for such behavior can be found among people who consider themselves heroic liberals and who are proud to picture themselves as unfortunate victims of
authoritarian control. For example, those who have been in control of Dialogue have been in a position to determine who could publish what in that magazine. But
Anderson's emotionally charged "chronology" does not mention any of that sort of thing, nor does she call attention to efforts by so-called liberals to censor the
discussion that otherwise might have taken place in Dialogue and in other venues. Nor does she indicate that for at least a decade she herself has influenced what could
or could not be discussed on certain crucial issues through her close links to those in control of Dialogue.

Of course, that is not to say that Dialogue has been merely a kind of puerile monologue where fashionable slogans and ideology dominated and solid scholarship was
entirely wanting, but it has at times tended in that direction and, unfortunatelyï¿½-if we can judge from its most recent issues-ï¿½it may be moving more in that direction
in the future. Those who love the Kingdom will look elsewhere for learning and light. And in so doing they will not allow dissidents on the fringes of the Latter-day Saint
community to push them in the direction that the RLDS have taken on the Book of Mormon. One way to prevent such a slide is to encourage a free and open
discussion. Fortunately there are a few genuinely "alternative voices" to the party line peddled by Signature Books and in Dialogue and other kindred spirit
publications. One can now find presses ready to publish competent explications and defenses of the Book of Mormon and Joseph Smith's prophetic truth claims,
something that cultural Mormons bent on going down the same path taken since the sixties by the RLDS have resisted with both passion and political cunning for more
than a decade. In the Latter-day Saint community, unlike the Reorganization, it seems that this discussion cannot be prevented from taking place, and that is a good
thing both for the intellectual climate in which we find ourselves and for the building of the Kingdom.

  In the seventies
 Copyright         the RLDSInfobase
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                                                shift informally from the name Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints to "Saints Church," and in some
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cases individual congregations appear to have done just that, especially in Australia, though for legal purposes it was intended that the former name would remain. For
an attempt to popularize the name "Saints Church," see Peter A. Judd and A. Bruce Lindgren, An Introduction to the Saints Church (Independence, MO: Herald,
1975). The problem of the name of the Reorganization has once again surfaced. The Saints Herald has recently contained several discussions of the advisability of a
something that cultural Mormons bent on going down the same path taken since the sixties by the RLDS have resisted with both passion and political cunning for more
than a decade. In the Latter-day Saint community, unlike the Reorganization, it seems that this discussion cannot be prevented from taking place, and that is a good
thing both for the intellectual climate in which we find ourselves and for the building of the Kingdom.

   In the seventies the RLDS made an effort to shift informally from the name Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints to "Saints Church," and in some
cases individual congregations appear to have done just that, especially in Australia, though for legal purposes it was intended that the former name would remain. For
an attempt to popularize the name "Saints Church," see Peter A. Judd and A. Bruce Lindgren, An Introduction to the Saints Church (Independence, MO: Herald,
1975). The problem of the name of the Reorganization has once again surfaced. The Saints Herald has recently contained several discussions of the advisability of a
shift in the name in order to avoid the constant and embarrassing confusion with what the RLDS tend to call the Utah Mormons (The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-
day Saints). See, for example, Stephen Koehler, "What's in Our Name," Saints Herald 139/3 (1992): 106-7. Typical of the comments are these: "Do we want the new
Temple to be known as 'another Mormon temple'? Do we want our message of world importance to be swallowed up in our confusing association with the LDS
church?"

   See Louis Midgley, "More Revisionist Legerdemain and the Book of Mormon," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 3 (1991): 261-65, 267-81. This was a
review of Daniel H. Vogel, ed., The Word of God: Essays on Mormon Scripture (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1990).

  Bill Russell, "The Fundamentalist Schism, 1958-Present," in Roger D. Launius and W. B. "Pat" Spillman, eds., Let Contention Cease: The Dynamics of Dissent in the
Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Independence, MO: Herald, 1991), 125. Let Contention Cease consists of nine essays providing details on
current and past RLDS dissent, contention, and rebellion.

   There are now at least fifteen thousand and perhaps as many as thirty thousand thoroughly marginalized former RLDS who assemble in what they tend to call
Independent Restoration Branches, which constitute separate congregations of RLDS who have removed themselves (or have been removed) from the official RLDS
congregations and now operate independently, often after those holding priesthood offices have been "silenced" by the liberal establishment by having their priesthood
licenses lifted. While apparently still remaining on the RLDS membership rolls, they hold their own meetings, conduct weddings, elect officers, administer "communion,"
baptize, and ordain, all without official authorization (Russell, Let Contention Cease, 134). Russell, in Let Contention Cease, 134, cf. 139, claims to "have identified
more than 200 independent local groups in thirty-two states, Canada and Australia." Some of these people have gone further than meeting in independent branches and
have formed numerous small dissenting sects each claiming (or awaiting) what they consider the authority vacated by the dominant RLDS faction. The number
assembling in such independent branches may seem relatively insignificant until it is realized that at the end of 1990 the RLDS reported having 244,186 total World
Church members, 150,935 of whom were living in the United States; cf. Saints Herald 138/8 (1991): 311-12.

   Harold Bloom, The American Religion: The Emergence of the Post- Christian Nation (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 230. Bloom, Yale University literary
polymath, in one of his picturesque rhetorical tirades against religion in America, unctuously describes "the deep sorrow, sometimes despair, of the young Southern
Baptists, both clergy and lay persons, who study at the Yale Divinity School"-ï¿½they are anguished. "To have one's denomination taken away from one by another, on
the analogue of a hostile takeover in the corporate world, is clearly an extraordinary experience." He describes the dramatic victory of a faction of Southern Baptists
commonly known as Fundamentalists over a more moderate clergy. The label "fundamentalist" originally derived from a series of tracts known as The Fundamentals
issued by a group of conservative evangelical churchmen beginning in 1910 and eventually having an impact on most American Protestantism in one way or another and
to greater or lesser degrees. Fundamentalism as such seems to have had no impact on the Latter-day Saints. Hence, the label "fundamentalist," in the Mormon context,
refers to polygamist sects and not to a recent movement similar to that found in Protestant circles.

   Let Contention Ceaseï¿½one wonders whether this is a request or a commandï¿½-offers some valuable insights into both internal RLDS politics and currently
fashionable RLDS ideology essentially from the perspective of the dominant "liberal" establishment. However, two authors, Bill Russell (see his "The Fundamentalist
Schism," in Let Contention Cease, 125-51) and the Reverend Larry W. Conrad, once RLDS, but now a pastor in the United Methodist Church (see his "Dissent
among the Dissenters," in Let Contention Cease, 199-239), include essays that are sympathetic with at least the plight of traditional believers.

   Russell has circulated papers describing the scale and varieties of dissent against the RLDS liberal establishment. He promises to assemble these into a book. For an
additional published version of one of these papers, see his "Defenders of the Faith: Varieties of RLDS Dissent," Sunstone 14/3 (1990): 14-19; see also "RLDS Schism
in the Wake of D&C 156," an unpublished paper read at the Sunstone Symposium in Salt Lake City, Utah, on 27 August 1987; "The RLDS Hierarchy's Response to
Its Fundamentalist Critics," an unpublished paper delivered at the 1989 Mormon History Association meetings in Quincy, Iowa; "The Current State of RLDS Dissent,"
an unpublished paper read at the August 1989 Sunstone meeting in Salt Lake City, Utah; "Richard Price: Leading Publicist of the RLDS Schismatics," an unpublished
paper read at the John Whitmer Historical Association meetings in Independence, Missouri, on 29 September 1990; "Schism within the Schism: The Restoration
Seventies Reorganize the Reorganization," an unpublished paper read at a Sunstone Symposium in 1991 in Salt Lake City, Utah; and "The Current State of RLDS
Schism," an unpublished paper read at the Mormon History Association meetings in Lamoni, Iowa, on 21 May 1993.

   While these people are described as "liberal" this does not neces sarily mean that they are tolerant of differing views, once they have gained power. On this point, see
Paul M. Edwards, "Ethics and Dissent in Mormonism," in Let Contention Cease, 241-57. In one of the clearest passages in his rather confused and confusing essay,
Edwards writes: "For the Reorganized Church there is considerable smoke for a fairly small fire; for the Mormons [Latter-day Saints] not even much smoke.
Reorganized Church dissenters will stay longer in the structure, but in the final analysis they will find the need to be outside." Edwards senses that the institutional
imperative, to which he now almost reluctantly bows, is to push the liberal agenda only moderately, in order to minimize disaffection if not dissent. Hence, "the more
popular middle-of-the-road responses to the central ideas of our time [those ideas driving the new 'liberal' establishment?] leave us driving one additional nail into the
coffins of Mormon dissent. As dutiful followers not only of the church but of the social fads of our civilization, we seek to manage the behavior of the church and in so
doing leave behind the passionate source of our dissent" (252-53). By "our dissent" he seems to have in mind his early dissent from the traditional RLDS stance. But
those days are now over and it is time for the liberals to consolidate power; hence, dissent is now a naughty word, except in nostalgic recollections by the old master
dissenter himself, Paul M. Edwards.

  For an enthusiastic and detailed account of these events from an institutional perspective, see Richard P. Howard, The Church through the Years, vol. 2, The
Reorganization Comes of Age, 1860-1992 (Independence, MO: Herald, 1993), 358-76, 378-79, 409-32.

  For a description of an important early episode in this takeover, see William J. Knapp, "Professionalizing Religious Education in the Church: The 'New Curriculum'
Controversy," John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 1 (1982): 47-56. Knapp describes an abortive early effort of the liberal faction to wrest control of the
RLDS curriculum.

  Spillman, "Dissent and the Future of the Church," in Let Contention Cease, 268-69.

  Ibid., 272.

  Ibid., 270.
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  Ibid., 274.

  Ibid., 276.
  Ibid., 272.

  Ibid., 270.

  Ibid., 274.

  Ibid., 276.

  The title of the second volume of Richard P. Howard's The Church through the Years is The Reorganization Comes of Age.

  Spillman, "Dissent and the Future of the Church," 281-82.

  Ibid., 282.

  Ibid., 285.

  Ibid., 287.

   Ibid., 289. In addition, Donald J. Breckon's essay entitled "The Politics of Dissent and the Reorganized Church," in Let Contention Cease, 153-76, tells a similar tale
in a different vocabulary.

   See Leland Negaard, "The Problem of Second Isaiah in the Book of Mormon" (B.D. thesis, Union Theological Seminary, New York, 1961); James E. Lancaster,
"By the Gift and Power of God," Saints Herald 109/22 (1962): 14-18, 22, 33. This essay, in a somewhat different form, was then reprinted under the title "The
Method of Translation of the Book of Mormon" in the John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 3 (1983): 51-61; then under the same title in Maurice Draper, ed.,
Restoration Studies III (Independence, MO: Herald, 1986), 220-31; and then eventually reprinted in Vogel, ed., The Word of God, 97-112; A. Bruce Lindgren, "The
Book of Mormon," Courage 1/4 (June 1971): 264-265; Judd and Lindgren, An Introduction to the Saints Church, 83-88; William D. Russell, "A Further Inquiry into
the Historicity of the Book of Mormon: The Use of the Sermon on the Mount in Third Nephi," Sunstone 7/5 (1982): 20-27 [originally "The Historicity of the Book of
Mormon : The Thought of Preexilic Israel and I & II Nephi Compared," which was Russell's 1977 Presidential Address to the John Whitmer Historical Association,
read on 24 September 1977]; Lindgren, "Sin and Redemption in the Book of Mormon," in Maurice L. Draper and A. Bruce Lindgren, eds., Restoration Studies II
(Independence, MO: Herald, 1983), 201-6; Lindgren, "Sign or Scripture: Approaches to the Book of Mormon," Dialogue 19/1 (1986): 69-70, 72-75, reprinted with
editorial changes in Dan Vogel's The Word of God, 55-62; Wayne Ham, "Problems in Interpreting the Book of Mormon as History," Courage 1/1 (1970): 15-22 [this
was originally an unsigned portion of the so-called "Position Papers" generated by the RLDS curriculum committee and members of the RLDS First Presidency and
published without permission as Position Papers (Independence, MO: Cumorah Books, [1968]). Though not RLDS, an essay by Graceland-College-trained Susan
Curtis has drawn considerable attention. See her "Palmyra Revisited: A Look at Early Nineteenth-Century America and the Book of Mormon," John Whitmer
Historical Association Journal 2 (1982): 30-37; reprinted under the title "Early Nineteenth-Century America and the Book of Mormon," in Vogel, ed., The Word of
God, 81-96. For a detailed analysis and criticism of this essay, see my review of Vogel's book, Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 3 (1991): 267-71. Not
even the work of inveterate anti-Mormon luminaries Sandra and Jerald Tanner rivals the Curtis essay for dogmatic confidence and absurdity.

    See, for example, Paul M. Edwards, "The Secular Smiths," Journal of Mormon History 4 (1977): 3-17; reprinted in Draper and Lindgren, eds., Restoration Studies
II , 89-101.

  See Richard P. Howard, "An Analysis of Six Contemporary Accounts Touching Joseph Smith's First Vision," in Maurice L. Draper and Clare D. Vlahos, eds.,
Restoration Studies I (Independence, MO: Herald, 1980), 95-117; Richard P. Howard, "Joseph Smith's First Vision: The RLDS Tradition," Journal of Mormon
History 7 (1980): 23-29.

  See Geoffrey F. Spencer, "A Reinterpretation of Inspiration, Revelation and L.D.S. Scripture," University Bulletin 20/2&3 (1968): 41-51, 103, reprinted with major
changes in Vogel, ed., The Word of God, 19-27; Sharon Welch, "Revelation in the Restoration Movement," Commission (September 1979): 27-33; Spencer,
"Revelation and Restoration Principle," in Draper and Lindgren, eds., Restoration Studies II , 186-92; Richard P. Howard, "Latter Day Saint Scriptures and the
Doctrine of Propositional Revelation," Courage 1/4 (1971): 209-25, reprinted in Vogel, ed., The Word of God, 1-18; Howard, "Protective and Learning Images in
Latter Day Saint Revelation," John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 6 (1986): 3-9; Clare D. Vlahos, "Joseph Smith Jr.'s Conception of Revelation," in Draper
and Lindgren, eds., Restoration Studies II , 63-74.

   See Richard P. Howard, "A Tentative Approach to the Book of Abraham," Dialogue 3/2 (1968): 88-92; Richard P. Howard, "The Book of 'Abraham' in the Light
of History and Egyptology," Courage, Pilot Issue (April 1970): 33-47; Richard P. Howard, "Joseph Smith, The Book of Abraham, and the Reorganized Church of the
1970s," Saints Herald 117/10 (1970): 28-30; 117/11 (1970): 20-21, 47; 117/12 (1979): 24-26.

  See Paul M. Edwards, "RLDS Priesthood Structure and Process," Dialogue 17/3 (1984): 6-11.

  See Roger D. Launius, "The Ambivalent Rejection: Baptism for the Dead and the Reorganized Church Experience," Dialogue 23/2 (1990): 61-84.

  See Geoffrey F. Spencer, "Symbol and Process: An Exploration into the Concept of Zion," in Draper and Vlahos, eds., Restoration Studies I , 278-86; A. Bruce
Lindgren, "Zion as a Doctrine of Providence," in Draper and Vlahos, eds., Restoration Studies I , 287-95.

  See W. Grant McMurray, "Closed Communion in the Restoration," Courage 2/1 (1971): 277-84.

  See C. Robert Mesle, "The Restoration and History: New Testament Christianity," Dialogue 19/2 (1986): 55-68; W. Grant McMurray, "The Meaning of
Restoration," Commission 3/1 (1974): 8-11.

   Edwards put the matter bluntly: if Mormonism really wants freedom of expression, then that kind of change might "necessarily be the end of the movementï¿½-
perhaps not the end of the institution but of the community. If the Mormon movement is defined by its tradition and its prescription, then to stand in dissent is to want it
to be that which it is not." Edwards senses a dilemma: "I personally believe dissent is good because I do not want Mormonismï¿½-or any other institutionï¿½-running
loose upon the world unchecked" (Edwards, "Ethics and Dissent in Mormonism," in Let Contention Cease, 254). But "if the prescriptive view of Mormonism is correct
then I am a spokesman-ï¿½not for myself nor some contingency . . . , but for the movement itself-ï¿½for the prescriptive truths of two centuries. If not, I am unlawfully
accepting the authority and the community it grants me" (ibid., 255).

  Richard P. Howard, RLDS Church Historian, and one of the more significant figures in the remodeling of his church, has made his mark with a column entitled "Since
 Copyright (c)
Yesterday"     2005-2009,
           in the           Infobase
                  Saints Herald        Media
                                that began in Corp.
                                              1969 and that appeared almost monthly for the next sixteen years. And when this column did not appear,
                                                                                                                                               Page  it often
                                                                                                                                                         173was
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because he had an essay or a series of essays on some historical topic coming out in the Saints Herald.
accepting the authority and the community it grants me" (ibid., 255).

  Richard P. Howard, RLDS Church Historian, and one of the more significant figures in the remodeling of his church, has made his mark with a column entitled "Since
Yesterday" in the Saints Herald that began in 1969 and that appeared almost monthly for the next sixteen years. And when this column did not appear, it often was
because he had an essay or a series of essays on some historical topic coming out in the Saints Herald.

   Richard P. Howard, The Church through the Years, vol. 1, RLDS Beginnings, to 1860 (Independence, MO: Herald, 1992); and vol. 2, The Reorganization Comes
of Age, 1860-1990.

  Paul M. Edwards, Our Legacy of Faith: A Brief History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Independence, MO: Herald, 1991).

   In "More Revisionist Legerdemain and the Book of Mormon," I examined the published statements of A. Bruce Lindgren, who since we last looked in on him has
been promoted to World Church Secretary (to the RLDS First Presidency) from his old position in the RLDS Temple School Division, which is, among other things,
the RLDS ministerial training operation-ï¿½it is now housed in their new Temple in Independence, Missouri; Bill Russell, political science and history teacher at the
RLDS Graceland College in Lamoni, Iowa; Wayne Ham, currently director of the new RLDS Temple; Paul M. Edwards, currently director of the Temple School. I
also described the opinions of James E. Lancaster and Leland Negaard. See Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 3 (1991): 261-65, 267-81.

  That is, James E. Lancaster, whose views on the historical au thenticity of the Book of Mormon are not clearly discernable from the one essay he has written that
deals in some way with that book.

  For Richard P. Howard's views on the so-called "dissidents," that is, those resisting the liberal takeover, see his The Reorganization Comes of Age, 409-32ï¿½a
chapter entitled "Schismatic Strains Resurface, 1960-1990."

  Howard, RLDS Beginnings, to 1860, 31.

  Ibid.

   Ibid., 23. Such florid descriptions are typical of Howard's style, which tends toward the melodramatic. His writings are thus filled with expressions of anguish about
his having to raise the hard questions and hence struggle in "these heavy seas" to fashion "a more usable faith" (ibid., 12), which he is at pains to describe as one
informed by the rigorous applications of the historical method as he understands such things. But Howard holds out hope: "In quiet, unhurried reflection on our common
past, we can find solace, peace of mind, and new hope. We discover a heritage mixed with gladness and despair. That sort of real past," he assures his readers,
"speaks to our own joyful, often sad, faith journey" (ibid., 22).

  Ibid., 86.

   In the "New Mormon History" or "Revisionist History," about which Howard and other RLDS historians are euphoric, there is, he assures his readers, the possibility
of what he calls "a more usable faith" (ibid., 12). The other possibility, for Howard, seems to be "believing what was not so" about the past.

  Ibid., 115.

  Ibid., 116.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 118, cf. 119 for similar language.

  Ibid., 119.

  Ibid. (emphasis added).

  Ibid., 120.

  Ibid., 112.

   Ibid. Howard lists "some of those cultural, religious, and social aspects" found in Joseph Smith's immediate environment that were worked into the Book of Mormon,
including the following: (1) the chosen land theme, (2) the religious utopian idea, (3) a self-supporting rather than paid clergy, (4), anti-catholicism, (5) the millennium
and gathering of the Jews, (6) anti-secret society sentiment, (7) preference for democratic rather than monarchical rule. Howard adds that "other important religious
issues, including the faith-works controversy, sectarianism, original sin, and trinitarianism/unitarianism, were themes of both the Book of Mormon and the nineteenth-
century social scene in the United States. Yet another Book of Mormon theme, also played out in the larger culture in a cyclic pattern, was an uneasy distrust of
wealth" (ibid., 120-23). Clearly this is no argument for the historical authenticity of the Book of Mormon. Instead, it is a rather typical effort to read the book as
nineteenth-century fiction, or to persuade others to understand it that way. It is instructive to see what scholarly support for his reading of the Book of Mormon can be
provided by Howard. He cites the essay by Susan Curtis [Mernitz] as an excellent analysis of themes relating to nineteenth-century American culture and the Book of
Mormon (ibid., 125 n. 12). See Curtis, "Palmyra Revisited: A Look at Early Nineteenth-Century America and the Book of Mormon," 30-37; reprinted in Vogel, ed.,
The Word of God as "Early Nineteenth-Century America and the Book of Mormon," 81-96.

   Daniel C. Peterson, "Editor's Introduction: Questions to Legal Answers," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 4 (1992): vii-lxxvi at lviii-lxi.

  Ibid., lvii-lix.

  See Diane Butler Christensen, "Disillusioned RLDS Faithful Form New Flock," Utah County Journal, 15 September 1991.

  Letter from A. Bruce Lindgren to Stephen D. Ricks, 9 September 1992.

   Several people associated with F.A.R.M.S. made an effort to determine whether the news item was accurate, and also to determine, as far as it was possible, what
might have actually led to the silencing of Mr. Wijckmans. And while not all of the relevant details can or ought to be dis cussed in publicï¿½-a position that Lindgren
also stresses(c)
 Copyright    in his letterï¿½-it
                 2005-2009,       can be said
                               Infobase       thatCorp.
                                          Media    what was reported in the newspaper is essentially what Mr. Wijckmans believes to have taken place. In addition, it must
                                                                                                                                                     Page 174 / 919
be stressed that the silencing of Mr. Wijckmans followed immediately on his having held a regional Book of Mormon day at which at least one Latter-day Saint
delivered a lecture supporting the Book of Mormon. And, as we will see, such activity seems to irritate the RLDS First Presidency, or those acting under their
supervision.
  Letter from A. Bruce Lindgren to Stephen D. Ricks, 9 September 1992.

   Several people associated with F.A.R.M.S. made an effort to determine whether the news item was accurate, and also to determine, as far as it was possible, what
might have actually led to the silencing of Mr. Wijckmans. And while not all of the relevant details can or ought to be dis cussed in publicï¿½-a position that Lindgren
also stresses in his letterï¿½-it can be said that what was reported in the newspaper is essentially what Mr. Wijckmans believes to have taken place. In addition, it must
be stressed that the silencing of Mr. Wijckmans followed immediately on his having held a regional Book of Mormon day at which at least one Latter-day Saint
delivered a lecture supporting the Book of Mormon. And, as we will see, such activity seems to irritate the RLDS First Presidency, or those acting under their
supervision.

  John W. Welch, Donald W. Parry, Hugh Nibley, and perhaps other Latter-day Saint scholars have addressed the annual meetings of FRAA in Independence,
Missouri, on issues relating to the Book of Mormon.

   See "Foundation for Research On Ancient America," Saints Herald 138/5 (1991): 182. This item is signed "The First Presidency." They explain that FRAA was
begun "in 1966 without church sponsorship. It has not been and is not now officially associated with the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints."
They also explain that FRAA is not "a continuation of the former Archaeological Research Society, sponsored by the World Church from 1944 until 1978." They then
suggest that "the confusion also may be partly a result of FRAA's attempt to take a neutral stand among the various entities [like the Latter-day Saints?] that have a
belief in the Book of Mormon."

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

   Ibid. "Because of the content and faith position of their materials on the Book of Mormon, we feel," wrote the RLDS First Presidency, "we have a responsibility to
the church to say that there is reason for questioning the scholarship of some of the materials published and distributed by FRAA."

  Ibid.

  Alan D. Tyree, "Christian Witness of the Book of Mormon," Saints Herald 139/6 (1992): 13.

   Ibid., 13. I admit to being simply baffled by the bizarre charge that Latter-day Saints are racist because we believe the Book of Mormon. It is common to find
critical statements about what the RLDS tend to call the "Utah Mormon Church" in the pages of the Saints Herald. Tyree's essay is typical in that he is concerned to
find ways of distinguishing the RLDS from the Latter- day Saints.

  Ibid., 11 (emphasis added).

  Ibid., 12.

  That is, to the latest scholarly fashions.

  Tyree, "Christian Witness of the Book of Mormon," 12.

   Tyree quotes and paraphrases a paper read by the RLDS First Presidency in a meeting at the Auditorium in Independence, Missouri, on 9-12 January 1979 when
they presented to the salaried appointees and executive staff members of the Reorganized Church what they called the "Faith to Grow" program. The papers presented
at that time have come to be known as the "Presidential Papers" and have been circulated by concerned dissident RLDS as an indication of apostasy among RLDS
leadership. For the statements on the Book of Mormon, see Presidential Papers (Independence, MO: Cumorah Books, 1979), 28-31 (from material read at First
Presidency Meetings, 9 January 1979, 1:45 p.m.). Tyree quotes extensively from this document, but without a full citation.

  Tyree, "Christian Witness of the Book of Mormon," 14.

  As far as I know there are no RLDS professional archaeologists. Tyree may have in mind Latter-day Saint archaeologists, but he mentions no names, and hence it is
not clear whom he has in mind. His stance on this matter is essentially that of the anti-Mormon propaganda put out by the Gospel Truths Ministries operating out of
Grand Rapids, Michigan. For example, see Luke P. Wilson, "The Scientific Search for Nephite Remains," Heart and Mind: The Newsletter of the Gospel Truths
Ministries (Fall 1992): 2-3, 5. Wilson has a section of his essay entitled "An LDS Archaeologist's Conclusion," which draws upon an unpublished paper read on 25
August 1984 at a Sunstone Theological Conference in Salt Lake City by Raymond T. Matheny, who is described as a "former Brigham Young University anthropology
professor" (ibid., 3). The word "former" is gratuitous, since Matheny still teaches at BYU. Wilson's essay is augmented by Joel Groat's "Bones, Stones and the
Scriptures: Has Archaeology Helped or Hurt the Bible?" Heart and Mind (Fall 1992): 1, 4-5. For a complete response to these essays, see William J. Hamblin, "Basic
Methodological Problems with the Anti-Mormon Approach to the Geography and Archaeology of the Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1
(1993): 161-97.

  Tyree, "Christian Witness of the Book of Mormon."

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 24.

  Judd and Lindgren, An Introduction to the Saints Church, 88; cf. Midgley in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 3 (1991): 272-73.

  Tyree, "Christian Witness of the Book of Mormon," 24. No in dication is given of how to sort out what is true from what is false in the Book of Mormon by Alan
Tyree.

   John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1947), 92.

  For some of the relevant details, see my "George Dempster Smith, Jr., on the Book of Mormon," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 4 (1992): 5-12; cf.
Richard E. Turley, Jr., Victims: The LDS Church and the Mark Hofmann Case (Urbana & Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 86.

  George D. Smith, "Editor's Introduction," Faithful History: Essays on Writing Mormon History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1992), viii.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                       Page 175 / 919
  Ibid., ix.
Richard E. Turley, Jr., Victims: The LDS Church and the Mark Hofmann Case (Urbana & Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 86.

  George D. Smith, "Editor's Introduction," Faithful History: Essays on Writing Mormon History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1992), viii.

  Ibid., ix.

  Ibid.; cf. Lawrence Foster's remarks in "A Radical Misstatement," Dialogue 22/2 (1989): 5-6.

   For an outstanding example, see Brent Lee Metcalfe, ed., New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical Methodology (Salt Lake City:
Signature Books, 1993). The copyright for this book is owned by "Smith Research Associates," even though other books published by Signature Books indicate that
the press owns the copyright. Does this indicate that some or all of the ten authors whose essays appear in this book have been employed by George D. Smith?

  Ernest H. Taves, Trouble Enough: Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon (New York: Prometheus , 1984), 261.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 262. Of course, D. Michael Quinn is then identified by Taves as a hero-ï¿½the "one Mormon historian [who] has taken a clear stand against his ecclesiastical
superiors." Quinn has made a minor career out of courting such accolades from those on the fringes of the Church.

  Ibid., 263; cf. Lavina Fielding Anderson, "The LDS Intellectual Community and Church Leadership: A Contemporary Chronology," Dialogue 26/1 (1993): 7-64; D.
Michael Quinn, "On Being a Mormon Historian (and Its Aftermath)," in Smith, ed., Faithful History, 69-111. For trenchant remarks on Quinn's essay, see Gary F.
Novak's review of Faithful History in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 5 (1993): 233-41.

  Taves, Trouble Enough, 263.

    Ibid. According to Taves, "it may come as a surprise to many Mormons and non-Mormons alike that many church members who would like to think of themselves
as 'good' Mormons do not believe in the authenticity of the Book of Mormon ." His only example is Sterling M. McMurrin, who has made it clear that "he had never
believed in the Book of Mormon ," and has announced, as justification for his disbelief, the dogma "that you don't get books from angels and translate them by miracles;
it is just that simple." See "An Interview with Sterling McMurrin," Dialogue 17/1 (1984): 25.

  Ibid., 264.

   John Farrell, "The Historian's Dilemma," in "Utah: Inside the Church/State," Denver Post, 21-28 November 1982 (Special Report), 42.

  See, for example, Anthony A. (Tony) Hutchinson, "The Word of God Is Enough: The Book of Mormon as Nineteenth-Century Fiction," in Metcalfe, ed., New
Approaches to the Book of Mormon , 1-19.

  This tendency has recently been exacerbated by a few radical feminists, if that is the appropriate label, who argue that they are victims of an oppression that is not
merely endemic to Mormon culture but is present everywhere. Hence, it is not surprising that such "arguments" are reduced to statements about how deeply they "feel"
about matters, how much they "hurt," and about the "pain" they experience. Apparently to stake a claim to pain is a way to win in this game. This bromide, when
generalized, rests on the assumption that institutions necessarily oppress. The only appropriate corrective is presumably to grant the alleged victim authority and power-
ï¿½that and only that will right all wrongs.

  Anderson, "The LDS Intellectual Community and Church Leadership," 7.

  Ibid., 8.

  Ibid.

   Richard D. Poll, "Dialogue toward Forgiveness: A Supporting View," Dialogue 26/1 (1993): 69. I must admit that I had not heard of that one before. But this issue
of Dialogue contained a number of wonders, including the celebration of frontal male nudity on the covers of the journal.

  Anderson, "The LDS Intellectual Community and Church Leadership," 17.

   See the extensive discussion of the confusion over the label New Mormon History in my "The Acids of Modernity and the Crisis in Mormon Historiography," in
Smith, ed., Faithful History, 189-92, 216-19. An attentive reader will note that nothing in that discussion constitutes an attack on anything or anyone but it is merely an
attempt to get clear on how the label New Mormon History has been used and what it might mean to those who enjoy using it.

   September 30, 1981, was the date of the draft of the paper that I read, which I called "The Question of Faith and History," but which D. Michael Quinn, who
arranged the session, unfortunately chose to call "A Critique of Mormon Historians." I did not attack anyone for "lack of faith." Instead, I cited only two examples of
authors whose essays contained what I considered confusion over historical method to illustrate my argument about the relationships of history to the grounds and
content of faith.

  See the personal remarks and signs of resentment in Thomas G. Alexander, "Historiography and the New Mormon History: A Historian's Perspective," Dialogue
19/3 (1989): 5; and in his "No Way to Build Bridges," Dialogue 21/1 (1989): 5; and also in his "Afterwords," BYU Studies 29/4 (1989): 143-44; cf. Midgley, "Which
Middle Ground?" Dialogue 22/2 (1989): 6-9.

  For brief comments on one such egregious instance of censorship and then attempted censorship, see Novak's review of Faithful History, 239-40.

   The publication by Signature Books of a collection of essays entitled New Approaches to the Book of Mormon provides radically revisionist views on the Book of
Mormon and hence also on Joseph Smith's prophetic charisms. But there is nothing new in this book, except perhaps the details, and some of these have appeared
previously in Dialogue and Sunstone (or in Trinity Journal-ï¿½a Protestant evangelical publication). What are whimsically described as "New Approaches" turn out to
be either (1) efforts, for example, by Brent Lee Metcalfe, Dan Vogel, Stan Larson, and Edward H. Ashment, to market sophisticated versions of the anti-Mormon
argument that the Book of Mormon is fraudulent because it is nineteenth-century fiction, or (2) the endeavor by Tony Hutchinson and David P. Wright to claim that,
even though the Book of Mormon, from their perspective, is nineteenth-century fiction (and hence not in any way an authentic ancient text), it still might be "interesting
and religiously
 Copyright       relevant" or "religiously
            (c) 2005-2009,                 relevant
                               Infobase Media       and significant" (Wright's language in New Approaches, 166, 211), but not a divine special revelation as is understood in
                                                 Corp.                                                                                                Page 176 / 919
the Book of Mormon itself or by Latter-day Saints. The opinion of Hutchinson and Wright is similar to that currently held by those in the Reorganization who crave the
accommodation with liberal Protestant schol arship and theology. The recent factional turmoil in the Reorganization is suggestive of what one might expect in the Latter-
day Saint community if such a revisionist ideology concerning the Book of Mormon where to become normative or even an acceptable alternative to the traditional
previously in Dialogue and Sunstone (or in Trinity Journal-ï¿½a Protestant evangelical publication). What are whimsically described as "New Approaches" turn out to
be either (1) efforts, for example, by Brent Lee Metcalfe, Dan Vogel, Stan Larson, and Edward H. Ashment, to market sophisticated versions of the anti-Mormon
argument that the Book of Mormon is fraudulent because it is nineteenth-century fiction, or (2) the endeavor by Tony Hutchinson and David P. Wright to claim that,
even though the Book of Mormon, from their perspective, is nineteenth-century fiction (and hence not in any way an authentic ancient text), it still might be "interesting
and religiously relevant" or "religiously relevant and significant" (Wright's language in New Approaches, 166, 211), but not a divine special revelation as is understood in
the Book of Mormon itself or by Latter-day Saints. The opinion of Hutchinson and Wright is similar to that currently held by those in the Reorganization who crave the
accommodation with liberal Protestant schol arship and theology. The recent factional turmoil in the Reorganization is suggestive of what one might expect in the Latter-
day Saint community if such a revisionist ideology concerning the Book of Mormon where to become normative or even an acceptable alternative to the traditional
faith.

Comments on the Book of Mormon Witnesses: a Response to Jerald and Sandra Tanner
Matthew Roper

Abstract: Critics of the Book of Mormon frequently claim that some of the Book of Mormon witnesses later doubted or denied their testimony of the Book of
Mormon. They also claim that the activities of the Three Witnesses while out of the Church cast doubt upon the reliability of their earlier written testimony. I review
evidence for these claims and also discuss the issue of what may constitute a witness of the Book of Mormon and whether the witnesses ever doubted or denied their
testimony of the Book of Mormon. Evidence for later disbelief in the Book of Mormon is examined and found to be unpersuasive. Several miscellaneous issues relating
to Jerald and Sandra Tanner's criticisms of the Book of Mormon are also detailed.

Last year's Review of Books on the Book of Mormon has provoked brief but interesting comments from anti-Mormon writers Jerald and Sandra Tanner, whose book
was the subject of review. At that time I chided the Tanners for ignoring competent responses to their criticisms of the Book of Mormon witnesses. Unfortunately,
the Tanners' recent comments on the Three Witnesses of the Book of Mormon are also flawed for the same reason. Still, while those comments are without historical
merit, they do provide an excellent opportunity to discuss several historical issues relating to the witnesses, which are significant in light of their testimonies of the Book
of Mormon.

Nonofficial Witnesses of the Book of Mormon

Last year, I took issue with the misleading way the Tanners' used a citation of Brigham Young.

Some of the witnesses of the Book of Mormon, who handled the plates and conversed with the angels of God, were afterwards left to doubt and to disbelieve that they
had ever seen an angel. One of the Quorum of the Twelve-ï¿½a young man full of faith and good works, prayed, and the vision of his mind was opened, and the angel
of God came and laid the plates before him, and he saw and handled them, and saw the angel, and conversed with him as he would with one of his friends; but after all
this, he was left to doubt, and plunged into apostacy [sic], and has continued to contend against this work. There are hundreds in a similar condition.

I previously noted that the Tanners had only cited the first sentence of the statement, giving the misleading impression that President Young had reference to the eleven
official Book of Mormon witnesses, when, in fact, the next sentence explains that he was referring to a member of the Quorum of the Twelve. None of the eleven
special witnesses of the Book of Mormon was a member of the Quorum of the Twelve.

The Tanners now claim that the statement shows that Young felt that "two or more of the [three] witnesses had fallen into disbelief." But this ignores other statements
by Brigham Young which affirm that the witnesses were always true to their testimonies of the Book of Mormon, even after they left the Church. "Martin Harris
declared, before God and angels, that he had seen angels. Did he apostatize? Yes, though he says that the Book of Mormon is true. Oliver Cowdery also left the
Church, though he never denied the Book of Mormon, not even in the wickedest days he ever saw." Abundant evidence from interviews and personal
correspondence shows that David Whitmer staunchly adhered to his testimony of the Book of Mormon and never doubted the reality of the angel and the plates, a
fact that was acknowledged by early Mormon leaders. Brigham's statement does not fit the Eight Witnesses either, since they only saw and handled the plates, while
the doubters in question disbelieved "that they had ever seen an angel." This makes the Tanners' claim that Brigham had reference to one of the eleven difficult to
sustain.

The Tanners, however, argue that Brigham Young's statement refers to "different cases of apostasy. First he spoke of some of the Book of Mormon witnesses having
doubt and disbelief concerning the gold plates from which the Book of Mormon was supposed to be translated and also regarding the angel who showed them the
plates. President Young then claimed that a member of the Quorum of the Twelve also had an experience in which 'an angel of God came and laid the plates before
him.' " Once again, however, the Tanners' explanation does not accurately represent what Brigham Young said. He did not state that some of the Three or Eight
Witnesses doubted that they saw or handled the plates, but only speaks of "some" unidentified witnesses of the Book of Mormon who doubted and disbelieved that
they had "seen an angel." Moreover, the word "also" is not part of Brigham Young's statement. Consequently, the phrase "some of the witnesses" in the first sentence
need only include the young member of the Twelve and one other unidentified individual, and not one of the official eleven witnesses, as the Tanners claim. Finally,
President Young compares these doubters to unidentified "hundreds of others in a similar condition" of unbelief. Whether intentional or not, by emphasizing only the first
sentence of the paragraph, the Tanners do in fact perpetuate a misleading and inaccurate interpretation of Brigham Young's statement, an interpretation which has little
or no historical basis.

The Tanners insist that when Brigham Young speaks of "witnesses" to the Book of Mormon, he can only be referring to the Three or Eight Witnesses. However, that
interpretation only makes sense if the use of the term by Brigham Young and his contemporaries is exclusive to the official eleven. While Brigham Young clearly
recognized the unique calling of the Three and Eight Witnesses to the Book of Mormon, he and his contem poraries could also use the term witness in the context of the
Book of Mormon to designate a wider group of individuals. "How many witnesses has the Book of Mormon?" he once asked. "Hundreds and thousands are now living
upon the earth, who testify of its truth." "Besides the testimony of these twelve witnesses, hundreds and thousands have received a witness to themselves from the
heavens, and who can dispute their testimony?" In other words, according to Brigham Young, anyone who can testify that the Book of Mormon is true is, in a very
real sense, a Book of Mormon witness. That would include all those testifying from a variety of experiencesï¿½-those who saw angels, saw or handled the plates, heard
the voice of God, had visions, dreams, or those who simply prayed and received the testimony of the Holy Ghost that it is true. So the term witness need not be
limited to the official eleven. However, the context of Brigham Young's statement alludes to "some," that is, at least two within the group of Book of Mormon witnesses
who "handled the plates and conversed with the angels of God." So Brigham Young is speaking of those witnesses who could testify of angels, the plates, or both.
Known examples from Church history suggest that there may be many who could fall into that category.

In a revelation given in 1831 the Lord stated, "I have sent forth mine angel flying through the midst of heaven, having the everlasting gospel, who hath appeared unto
some and hath committed it unto man, who shall appear unto many that dwell on the earth" (D&C 133:36). In 1837 John Taylor referred to the testimony of Joseph
Smith regarding the angel and the plates, noting that Joseph "was told to choose other three men to whom God would reveal the same things. These three men were to
gether, making prayer to the Lord on the subject, and the angel of the Lord appeared to them, unfolded God's purposes, showed them the plates, and told them the
interpretation was correct. Since that time angels have appeared to a great number of others, who bear testimony to the same things." Early convert Zerah Pulsipher
joined the Church shortly after he saw a vision in which angels testified to him that the Book of Mormon was "the great revelation of the last days in which all things
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                                  be fulfilled."  Oliver Granger reportedly had a vision in which the angel Moroni appeared to him and testified thatPage    177
                                                                                                                                                       the Book   of / 919
Mormon was true. Another convert, Benjamin Brown, described how after pleading with the Lord for a testimony of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon, he
was visited and severely rebuked by divine messengers who then warned him, "Now you know for yourself! You have seen and heard! If you now fall away, there is
Smith regarding the angel and the plates, noting that Joseph "was told to choose other three men to whom God would reveal the same things. These three men were to
gether, making prayer to the Lord on the subject, and the angel of the Lord appeared to them, unfolded God's purposes, showed them the plates, and told them the
interpretation was correct. Since that time angels have appeared to a great number of others, who bear testimony to the same things." Early convert Zerah Pulsipher
joined the Church shortly after he saw a vision in which angels testified to him that the Book of Mormon was "the great revelation of the last days in which all things
spoken of by the prophets must be fulfilled." Oliver Granger reportedly had a vision in which the angel Moroni appeared to him and testified that the Book of
Mormon was true. Another convert, Benjamin Brown, described how after pleading with the Lord for a testimony of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon, he
was visited and severely rebuked by divine messengers who then warned him, "Now you know for yourself! You have seen and heard! If you now fall away, there is
no forgiveness for you."

Not only did some individuals receive the witness of heavenly messengers who testified of the Book of Mormon, but others not among the eleven saw both an angel
and the plates. Joseph Smith's mother reported that Lucy Harris described a dream in which she was reproved by an angel for her unbelief. "She [Mrs. Harris] related
a very remarkable dream which she said she had during the night. It ran as follows. She said that a personage appeared to her, who told her, that as she had disputed
the servant of the Lord, and said his word was not to be believed, and had also asked him many improper questions, she had done that which was not right in the sight
of God. After which he said to her, 'Behold, here are the plates, look upon them and believe.' After giving us an account of her dream, she described the record very
minutely." Yet after all this she still rejected the Gospel. Harrison Burgess, another early convert to the Church, witnessed a similar experience in 1832, although in
this instance it was not a dream. He explained that after he retired to the woods, he "commenced praying to the God of heaven for a testimony of these things. Suddenly
a glorious personage clothed in white stood before me and exhibited to my view the plates from which the Book of Mormon was taken." While the Book of
Mormon was being translated at the Whitmer home in Fayette, New York, Mary Musselman Whitmer was shown the plates by a messenger who "turned the leaves of
the book of plates over, leaf after leaf, and also showed her the engravings upon them; after which he told her to be faithful in bearing her burden a little longer,
promising that if she would do so, she would be blessed and her reward would be sure, if she proved faithful to the end."

In 1846 John D. Lee visited Luke Johnson in St. Joseph, Missouri. Johnson had been one of the original twelve apostles who had left the Church during the Kirtland
apostasy of 1837-38. Not insignificantly, Lee described Johnson as "one of the witnesses to the Book of Mormon" even though he was not one of the eleven.
According to Lee:

While there I met Luke Johnson, one of the wit nesses to the Book of Mormon . I had a curiosity to talk with him concerning the same. We took a walk down on the
river bank. I asked him if the statement he signed about seeing the angel and the plates, was true. If he did see the plates from which the Book of Mormon was printed
or translated. He said it was true. I then said, 'How is it that you have left the Church? If the angel appeared to you, and you saw the plates, how can you now live out
of the Church? I understand you were one of the twelve apostles at the first organization of the Church?' 'I was one of the twelve,' said he, 'I have not denied the truth
of the Book of Mormon. But myself and several others were overtaken in a fault at Kirtland, Ohio. . . . But I have reflected over the matter much since that time, and I
have come to the conclusion that each man is accountable for his own sins, also that the course I have been pursuing injures me alone, and I intend to visit the Saints
and again ask to be admitted to the Church.

Luke Johnson returned to the Church in time to accompany the first Saints west and would later become a bishop in the Church. Consequently, Brigham Young's
statement, "and has continued to contend against this work," may refer to yet another apostle who left the Church during the Kirtland apostasy. Brigham's statement
may in fact refer to Luke's brother Lyman Johnson who reportedly apostatized after having seen an angel. "Lyman Johnson had wonderful manifestations given unto
him; but when he fell into transgression . . . the power and authority that had distinguished him before was withdrawn." "I remember hearing President Snow say on
more than one occasion," recalled Mathias Cowley, "how determined Lyman E. Johnson was to see an angel from the Lord. He plead [sic] with and teased the Lord to
send an angel to him until he saw an angel; but President Snow said the trouble with him was that he saw an angel one day and saw the devil the next day, and finally
the devil got away with him."

Although the Tanners claim that Brigham Young said the Three Witnesses doubted their testimony of the Book of Mormon, available historical evidence does not
support that position. Since many early members of the Church claimed powerful spiritual experiences connected with the Book of Mormon, and since these individuals
are also referred to by early Mormons as Book of Mormon "witnesses," we can justifiably conclude that the phrase "some of the witnesses," contrary to the Tanners,
does indeed refer to some early Mormons who had similar experiences, but not to one of the official Book of Mormon witnesses.

Oliver Cowdery

The Tanners assert that while "none of the witnesses ever gave a written statement repudiating the Book of Mormon, some of them did seem to have seasons of
skepticism about the authenticity of that work." In support of this claim they cite a poem, which appeared in the Times and Seasons in 1841, written by Joel H.
Johnson, which stated that the Book of Mormon was true even if "denied by Oliver." According to the Tanners this poem makes it clear "that the Mormons believed
that Oliver Cowdery had denied his testimony of the Book of Mormon." In fact, all the poem suggests is that Johnson may have believed that Oliver had denied his
testimony to the Book of Mormon. But, even assuming that this is Johnson's meaning, which is doubtful, the statement is without evidential value since Johnson never
had an opportunity to witness any denial. Johnson was in Kirtland at the time of Cowdery's excommunication in Missouri and after that had no known contact with this
Book of Mormon witness. While the Tanners and other critics frequently quote the Johnson poem, there is little reason to believe that the line is anything more than a
hypothetical statement or one based on unsubstantiated rumor.

The Tanners also cite a statement made by G. J. Keen in 1885. Keen reported somewhat ambiguously that when Cowdery was accepted as a member of the
Protestant Methodist Church at Tiffin, Ohio, in the 1840s, "he arose and addressed the audience present, admitted his error and implored forgiveness, and said he was
sorry and ashamed of his connection with Mormonism." The Tanners naively conclude from this that Oliver must have been ashamed of his testimony of the Book of
Mormon, but since the purported statement says nothing about the Book of Mormon, the plates, or the angel, one cannot infer such a denial, since each of the
witnesses continued to reaffirm his testimony of the Book of Mormon, while at times opposing other Church teachings, such as polygamy, which they believed to be in
error. For instance, Thomas B. Marsh, who also turned against Joseph Smith, interviewed Oliver Cowdery and David Whitmer shortly after their excommunication and
at the height of their bitterness against Joseph Smith. Although at that time they considered Joseph to be a fallen prophet, both witnesses still reaffirmed their testimony
of the angel.

Fortunately, for the historian of the Book of Mormon witnesses, we have contemporary letters written by Cowdery during his years in Ohio and Wisconsin that provide
valuable information on Cowdery's attitudes about his former Church and friends. As primary sources written by Cowdery himself, they are far more useful than the
ambiguous and late recollection of Keen. In these letters Cowdery frequently alludes to the persecution he often received for having formerly been connected with
Mormonism and also expresses regret over the unfortunate events which led to his estrangement from the Church. These letters also portray a man anxious to
clear his name from what he felt were unjustified attacks upon his character, a matter which he felt was designed by his enemies to undermine the weight of his
testimony. In a letter to Phineas Young in 1846 from Tiffin, Ohio, he explained some of the reasons for this sensitivity.

And that I may not be misunderstood, let me here say, that I have only sought, and only asked, that my character might be exonerated from those charges im puted to
me, the crimes of theft, forgery etc. Those which all my former associates knew to be false. I do not, I have never asked, to be excused, or exempted from an
acknowledgement of any actual fault or wrong-ï¿½for of these there are many, which it always was my pleasure to confessï¿½-I have cherished a hope, and that one of
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my  fondest,(c)
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                  I might leave         Media Corp.
                                such a character as those who might believe in my testimony, after I should be called hence, might do so, not only forPage    178
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                                                                                                                                                                 of truth,
but might not blush for the private character of the man who bore that testimony. I have been sensitive on this subject, I admit, but I ought to so be, you would be under
the circumstances, had you stood in the presence of John with our departed Brother Joseph, to receive the Lesser Priesthood, and in the presence of Peter, to receive
And that I may not be misunderstood, let me here say, that I have only sought, and only asked, that my character might be exonerated from those charges im puted to
me, the crimes of theft, forgery etc. Those which all my former associates knew to be false. I do not, I have never asked, to be excused, or exempted from an
acknowledgement of any actual fault or wrong-ï¿½for of these there are many, which it always was my pleasure to confessï¿½-I have cherished a hope, and that one of
my fondest, that I might leave such a character as those who might believe in my testimony, after I should be called hence, might do so, not only for the sake of truth,
but might not blush for the private character of the man who bore that testimony. I have been sensitive on this subject, I admit, but I ought to so be, you would be under
the circumstances, had you stood in the presence of John with our departed Brother Joseph, to receive the Lesser Priesthood, and in the presence of Peter, to receive
the Greater, and looked down through time, and witness the effects that these two must produceï¿½-you would feel what you have never felt, were wicked men
conspiring to lessen the effects of your testimony on man, after you should have gone to your long sought rest.

Such statements made by Cowdery during the Tiffin period, while he was still a nonmember, show that, while outside of the Church, he continued to maintain the reality
of certain restoration events in which he was both a witness and a participant.

Martin Harris

There is no evidence for the Tanners' claim that Martin Harris ever denied or doubted his testimony of the Book of Mormon. However, since he affiliated with several
Mormon splinter groups between 1838 and 1870, the Tanners claim that he was "unstable and easily influenced by charismatic leaders." But that statement does not
hold true of Harris's testimony of the Book of Mormon, which for years remained the mainstay of his life. As one historian correctly notes, with each of these splinter
groups["[Harris] desired to preach to them more than to listen to them. While separated from the body of the Church, he responded in friendship to those who sought
his support and fussed over him. But in each case Harris wanted to preach Book of Mormon, which usually led to a dividing of the ways." Martin was
excommunicated in December 1837 in Kirtland, Ohio, where he remained for the next thirty-two years. During this time, Harris associated himself with Warren Parrish
and other Kirtland dis senters who organized a church. On March 30, 1839, George A. Smith wrote a letter from Kirtland describing some of the divisions in the
Parrish party. "Last Sabbath a division arose among the Parrish party about the Book of Mormon; John F. Boynton, Warren Parrish, Luke Johnson and others said it
was nonsense. Martin Harris then bore testimony of its truth and said all would be damned if they rejected it." Such actions suggest a significant degree of
independence for which Harris is generally not given credit.

After the Saints left Kirtland, Harris lost contact with the main body of the Church and was not in harmony with some Church doctrines during this time. However, a
rebaptism in 1842 suggests that he still sympathized with Mormon teachings. Although in 1846 Martin briefly affiliated with the Strangites and was sent by them on a
mission to England, available sources from this period indicate that he was never fully committed to the Strangite cause. His main motivation in going seems to have
been to testify of the Book of Mormon. On one occasion Martin attempted to address a conference of Latter-day Saints in Birmingham, but was forbidden from doing
so, and then was curtly asked to leave the meeting. Bitter and obviously embar rassed by the rebuff, Harris then reportedly went out into the street and began to rail
against Church leaders. However, George Mantle, who witnessed the event, later recalled:

When we came out of the meeting Martin Harris was beset with a crowd in the street, expecting he would furnish them with material to war against Mormonism; but
when asked if Joseph Smith was a true prophet of God, he answered yes; and when asked if the Book of Mormon was true, this was his answer: "Do you know that is
the sun shining on us? Because as sure as you know that, I know that Joseph Smith was a true prophet of God, and that he translated that book by the power of God."


Harris sympathized for a time with other dissenters such as William McLellin and Gladden Bishop, but these men still accepted the Book of Mormon. As Anderson
rightly notes, "Every affiliation of Martin Harris was with some Mormon group, except when he accepted some Shaker beliefs, a position not basically contrary to his
testimony of the Book of Mormon because the foundation of that movement was acceptance of personal revelation from heavenly beings."

The Tanners attempt to downplay the significance of the witnesses' written testimony by noting similarities between it and several nineteenth-century Shaker writings in
which some Shaker believers claimed to have seen angels and visions. "Joseph Smith only had three witnesses who claimed to see an angel. The Shakers, however,
had a large number of witnesses who claimed they saw angels and the book. [In Shaker writings,] there are over a hundred pages of testimony from 'Living Witnesses.'
" But the quantity of witnesses has little meaning if those witnesses afterwards admit that they were wrong. Unlike the Book of Mormon, the Shaker Roll and Book
afterwards fell into discredit and dishonor among the Shakers themselves and was abandoned by its leaders and most believers, while the Book of Mormon
continued to be a vitally important part of Mormon scripture to which each of the witnesses, including Martin Harris, continued to testify, even while outside of the
Church.

On page 14 of their recent newsletter, the Tanners assert that "Martin Harris' involvement with the Shakers raises some serious doubts regarding his belief in the Book
of Mormon. We feel that a believer in the Book of Mormon could not accept these revelations without repudiating the teachings of Joseph Smith." But such a
conclusion is absurd, since the witnesses obviously did at times reject some of Joseph Smith's teachings, while still maintaining that the Book of Mormon was true and
that their experience was real. However, the Tanners' conclusion is unjustified for another reason: Martin Harris never accepted all Shaker beliefs. For instance, while
devoted Shakers advocated celibacy, Martin remained married during this period and had several children. Further, Harris never joined nearby communities of
Shakers as the fully committed would have done. Shakers believed in spiritual gifts and emphasized preparation for Christ's Second Coming, things that Harris had
believed even before he joined the Church. Even an early revelation to the Prophet Joseph Smith suggested that the Shakers had some truths (D&C 49:1-28). Harris
was likely enthusiastic about certain elements of Shakerism that paralleled his own beliefs in a restoration, but he rejected other Shaker beliefs and practices, which his
actions during these years clearly show. Thus, Harris's brief interest in the Shaker Roll and Book is quite understandable and consistent. "Since it claimed to come
from angels to prepare the world for the Millennium, it would be broadly harmonious with Martin Harris' commitment to the Book of Mormon, which in a far more
historical and rational sense is committed to the same goal." But although Harris's interest in Shakerism was short-lived, evidence from the same period shows that he
never wavered from his testimony of the Book of Mormon.

David Whitmer

While the Tanners have no evidence that David Whitmer ever doubted or denied his testimony of the Book of Mormon, they claim that his testimony cannot be relied
upon because he later claimed to have had other revelations criticizing the Mormons. The Tanners note that David briefly followed the pretensions of William McLellin
and once gave several revelations which "strongly condemned Mormonism." They also claim that there is no evidence that he ever repudiated these revelations. In
fact, soon after this, the Whitmers and Hiram Page admitted that these activities were improper and "not in accordance with the order of the gospel church." And
later, David Whitmer alluded to these actions and revelations as "errors in doctrine, which the Lord has since shown me, and which errors I have confessed and
repented of." The Tanners also cite a statement made by David Whitmer two years before his death in 1887: "If you believe my testimony to the Book of Mormon; if
you believe that God spake to us three witnesses by his own voice, then I tell you that in June 1838, God spake to me again by his own voice from the heavens, and
told me to 'separate myself from among the Latter-day Saints, for as they sought to do unto me, so it should be done unto them.' " According to the Tanners,
"Mormons cannot accept this testimony by their own witness without destroying faith in Joseph Smith." Actually, the voice David described said nothing about
Joseph Smith, his revelations, or the truthfulness of the Church, although by 1887 David had obviously drawn his own conclusions from the experience. The Tanners
incorrectly state that this voice told David Whitmer "that he should leave the Mormon Church," since by this time David had already been excommunicated and was
no  longer a member.
 Copyright   (c) 2005-2009,David  simply reports
                               Infobase          that he was told to "separate" himself from the Latter-day Saint community at Far West, which was probably
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under the circumstances. Yet, significantly, for nearly fifty-one years after that separation, he continued to maintain that his testimony of the Book of Mormon was
true.
told me to 'separate myself from among the Latter-day Saints, for as they sought to do unto me, so it should be done unto them.' " According to the Tanners,
"Mormons cannot accept this testimony by their own witness without destroying faith in Joseph Smith." Actually, the voice David described said nothing about
Joseph Smith, his revelations, or the truthfulness of the Church, although by 1887 David had obviously drawn his own conclusions from the experience. The Tanners
incorrectly state that this voice told David Whitmer "that he should leave the Mormon Church," since by this time David had already been excommunicated and was
no longer a member. David simply reports that he was told to "separate" himself from the Latter-day Saint community at Far West, which was probably a good idea
under the circumstances. Yet, significantly, for nearly fifty-one years after that separation, he continued to maintain that his testimony of the Book of Mormon was
true.

B. H. Roberts: a Doubting Witness of the Book of Mormon?

During a recent Salt Lake City radio program, Jerald Tanner suggested that I had misrepresented a statement by B. H. Roberts in which the former Church leader
explained the purpose of his unpublished presentation of Book of Mormon criticisms. After checking the citation in my review with the source in question, I realized
that I had inadvertently cited a secondary source, when I should have cited the letter itself, a copy of which was readily available. While I regret the mistake, the
citation, even as it stands in the review, accurately demonstrates Roberts's position on his unpublished study. Lest there be any question on this matter, however, I now
cite Roberts's letter in its entirety. Italics indicate those words cited in the review.

President Heber J. Grant and Council
and Quorum of Twelve Apostles
Salt Lake City, Utah

Salt Lake City, Utah, March, 15th 1923 [1922]

Dear Brethren:
You will perhaps remember that during the hearing on "Problems of the Book of Mormon" reported to your Council January, 1922, I stated in my remarks that there
were other problems which I thought should be considered in addition to those submitted in my report. Brother Richard R. Lyman asked if they would help solve the
problems already presented, or if they would increase our difficulties. My answer was that they would very greatly increase our difficulties, on which he replied, "Then I
do not know why we should consider them." My answer was, however, that it was my intention to go on with the consideration to the last analysis. Accordingly, since
the matter was already so far under my hand, I continued my studies, and submit herewith the record of them. I do not say my conclusions, for they are undrawn.

In writing out this my report to you of those studies, I have written it from the viewpoint of an open mind, investigating the facts of the Book of Mormon origin and
authorship. Let me say once for all, so as to avoid what might otherwise call for repeated explanation, that what is herein set forth does not represent any conclusions of
mine. This report herewith submitted is what it purports to be, namely a "study of Book of Mormon origins," for the information of those who ought to know everything
about it pro et con, as well as that which has been produced against it, and that which may be produced against it. I am taking the position that our faith is not only
unshaken but unshakable in the Book of Mormon, and therefore we can look without fear upon all that can be said against it.

While searching for the answers to the questions of Mr. Couch, submitted through Mr. William E. Riter, I came in contact with the material here used, and concluded
that while the subject was fresh in my mind to make it of record for those who should be its students and know on what ground the Book of Mormon may be
questioned, as well as that which supports its authenticity and its truth.

If it is impossible for the General Authorities to consider this whole matter together, then, I submit that it might be referred to the committee you appointed to consider
with me the answers to be given Mr. Couch, namely, Elders Ivins, Talmadge [sic], and Widtsoe, with a request that they report on the same. I am very sure that you
will find the material herewith submitted of intense interest, and it may be of very great importance since it represents what may be used by some opponent in criticism
of the Book of Mormon.

It is not necessary for me to suggest that maintenance of the truth of the Book of Mormon is absolutely essential to the integrity of the whole Mormon movement, for it
is inconceivable that the Book of Mormon should be untrue in its origin or character and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints be a true Church.

All which is respectfully submitted

ï¿½Very truly your brother

Although the Tanners are familiar with this statement, they have until now remained strangely silent about it. While Roberts's studies have been available in published
form since 1985, the Tanners failed to mention Roberts's statement in their 1987 revision of Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? In their 1989 work Major Problems
of Mormonism they are also strangely silent concerning the statement. Even their most recent discussion of B. H. Roberts's studies says nothing about the cover
letter which Roberts always intended should accompany the manuscript. Their continuing silence regarding evidence for Roberts's continuing belief in the Book of
Mormon is inexcusable.

"Tannerism": Shadow or Reality?

Last year, I also cited several examples from chapter five of Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" where the Tanners had misrepresented statements by Richard L.
Anderson. Since it was obvious that Anderson's statements did not support and in fact undermined the very arguments the Tanners were trying to make, I seriously
wondered why they had bothered to quote him at all. The Tanners retorted, "If [Roper] had carefully read all of Chapter 5 of our book, he would not have fallen into
this serious error." After reading the Tanners' response I went back and reread that chapter. I am grateful to the Tanners for that invitation, which has now confirmed
my first evaluation. Below are several additional examples from their writings, some of which I apparently missed before.

Book of Mormon Witnesses

Tanners' Partial Quotation Full Quotation by Anderson

The cessation of his activity The cessation of his activity
in the Church meant a in the Church meant a
suspension of his role as a suspension of his role as a
witness of the Book of witness of the Book of
Mormon. Not that his convic- Mormon. Not that his convic-
tion ceased, but he discontin- tion ceased, but he discontin-
ued public testimony . . . he ued public testimony as he
logically affiliated himself with worked out a successful legal
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a Christian congregation for a and political career in non-
time, the Methodist Protestant Mormon society and avoided
church at Tiffin, its prejudiced antagonism by
Mormon. Not that his convic- Mormon. Not that his convic-
tion ceased, but he discontin- tion ceased, but he discontin-
ued public testimony . . . he ued public testimony as he
logically affiliated himself with worked out a successful legal
a Christian congregation for a and political career in non-
time, the Methodist Protestant Mormon society and avoided
church at Tiffin, its prejudiced antagonism by
Ohio. (Tanner, "Roper Attacks creating as little conflict as
Mormonism: Shadow or possible. Since faith in Jesus
Reality?, 13) Christ was the foundation of
his religion, he logically affil-
iated himself with a Christian
congregation for a time, the
Methodist Protestant Church at
Tiffin, Ohio. There is no more
inconsistency in this than
Paul's worshipping in the
Jewish synagogue, or Joseph
Smith's becoming a Mason in
order to stem prejudice.
(Anderson, Investigating the
Book of Mormon Witnesses, 57)

Tanners' Partial Quotation Full Quotation by Widtsoe

Hiram Page (1800-1852), Hiram Page (1800-1852),
appears to have been appears to have been
somewhat fanatical. He found somewhat fanatical. He found
a stone through which he a stone through which he
claimed to receive revelations, claimed to receive revelations,
often contrary to those re- often contrary to those re-
ceived by Joseph Smith. For ceived by Joseph Smith. For
this he was reprimanded. this he was reprimanded. At
(Tanner and Tanner, last he withdrew from the
Mormonism: Shadow or Church, but, as with the others,
Reality? 52) courageously and sturdily
maintained that he had seen the
plates, and that Joseph Smith
was a Prophet of God. (John
A. Widtsoe, Joseph Smith:
Seeker After Truth, 58)

Nineteenth-Century Parallels

Tanners' Partial Quotation Full Quotation by Nibley

The Book of Mormon can The Book of Mormon can
and should be tested. It invites and should be tested. It invites
criticism, . . . (Tanner and criticism, and the best possible
Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow test for its authenticity is
or Reality? 63) provided by its own oft-
proclaimed provenance in the
Old World. Since the Nephites
are really a branch broken off
from the main cultural, racial,
and religious stock, that
provenance can be readily ex-
amined. (Nibley, An Approach
to the Book of Mormon , 16)

Tanners' Partial Quotation Full Quotation by Nibley

A forgery is defined by A forgery is defined by
specialists in ancient docu- specialists in ancient docu-
ments as "any document which ments as "any document which
was not produced in the time, was not produced in the time,
place, and manner claimed by it place and manner claimed by it
or its publishers" (Tanner and or its publisher." The Book of
Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow Mormon obligingly gives full
or Reality? 74). information regarding the time,
place and manner of its
production. . . . The
authenticity of an ancient
writing can be judged only in
terms of what it claims for it-
self, never of what others claim
for it. Otherwise one might
begin   by assuming
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              (c) 2005-2009,                                        Page 181 / 919
Book of Mormon was
written by an Eskimo hunter, a
Portuguese fisherman, or a
writing can be judged only in
terms of what it claims for it-
self, never of what others claim
for it. Otherwise one might
begin by assuming that the
Book of Mormon was
written by an Eskimo hunter, a
Portuguese fisherman, or a
New York farmer, and from
there proceed to seek out
anything and everything in its
pages that might confirm the
theory. That won't do, because
literary evidence can always be
contrived, by an ingenious and
dedicated interpreter. [The
author then goes on to say that
most Book of Mormon critics
have "expended their powers in
examining not what the Book
of Mormon claims for itself,
but only what others have
claimed for it" (Nibley, Since Cumorah, 142-43).]

Tanners' Partial Quotation Full Quotation by Sperry

The Mormon people have The Mormon people have
no objection to scholars finding no objections to scholars
parallels to Shakespeare (i.e., finding parallels to Shakespeare
in Book of Mormon passages). in a passage of the Book of
(Tanner and Tanner, Mormon if such parallels are
Mormonism: Shadow or fairly used (Sidney Sperry,
Reality? 84) Problems of the Book of
Mormon , 124-27, emphasis
added). [The Tanners then
omit a discussion showing that
similar language can be found
in other ancient sources
suggesting that the ideas in
question were not original to
Shakespeare.]

Creative Ability?

The Tanners have asserted that Joseph Smith was very familiar with nineteenth-century works that speculated on the Hebrew origins of native Americans. Recently they
have stated, "We are convinced that Joseph Smith read a number of books and articles about the Indians-ï¿½especially books equating them with the Israelites."
And what is the evidence for that? "His own mother, Lucy Smith, tells that Joseph had a fervent interest in the ancient Indians before he received the plates from which
he 'translated' the Book of Mormon." They then cite a statement from Lucy Mack Smith as follows:

During our evening conversations, Joseph would occasionally give us some of the most amusing recitals that could be imagined. He would describe the ancient
inhabitants of this continent, their dress, mode of travelling, and the animals upon which they rode; their cities, their buildings, with every particular; their mode of
warfare; and also their religious worship. This he would do with as much ease, seemingly, as if he had spent his whole life with them.

In other words the Prophet's mother is the evidence for Joseph's creativity! However, the Tanners have again misrepresented the statement in question for the Prophet's
mother did not claim that Joseph obtained this information on his own or from books, but rather that this was after "he continued to receive instructions from the Lord,
and we continued to get the children together every evening for the purpose of listening while he gave us a relation of the same. . . . [Joseph] had never read the Bible
through in his life: he seemed much less inclined to the perusal of books than any of the rest of our children, but far more given to meditation and deep study." The
citation doesn't at all support what the Tanners claim it does.

Another example of this same problem can be seen in the Tanners' attempt to show that Joseph Smith possessed the creative ability to make up interesting new names
such as are found in the Book of Mormon. To support this assertion they quote the following statement:

Tanners' Partial Quotation Full Quotation

While residing at Kirtland, While residing at Kirtland,
Elder Reynolds Cahoon had a Elder Reynolds Cahoon had a
son born to him. One day when son born to him. One day when
President Joseph Smith was President Joseph Smith was
passing his door he called the passing his door he called the
Prophet in and asked him to Prophet in and asked him to
bless and name the baby. bless and name the baby.
Joseph did so and gave the boy Joseph did so and gave the boy
the name of Mahonri the name of Mahonri
Moriancumer. (Tanner and Moriancumer. When he had
Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow finished the blessing, he laid the
or Reality? 95) child on the bed, and turning to
Elder Cahoon he said, the
 Copyright
name  I have(c) 2005-2009,
             given your son isInfobase Media Corp.                                                                                                        Page 182 / 919
the name of the Brother of
Jared; the Lord has just shown
Moriancumer. (Tanner and Moriancumer. When he had
Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow finished the blessing, he laid the
or Reality? 95) child on the bed, and turning to
Elder Cahoon he said, the
name I have given your son is
the name of the Brother of
Jared; the Lord has just shown
or revealed it to me. Elder
William F. Cahoon, who was
standing near heard the
Prophet make this statement to
his father; and this was the first
time the name of the brother of
Jared was known in the Church
in this dispensation. (The
Juvenile Instructor 27/8 [15
April 1892]: 282)

The full quotation explains that this name was not Joseph Smith's creation, but was in fact "revealed" to him by the Lord. When an anonymous Latter-day Saint writer
first pointed this out, the Tanners somewhat lamely responded, "We just assumed that people would know this was supposed to be an inspired name." But, of
course, nobody else made that assumption, since the Tanners did not provide the full quotation. Moreover, the disingenuousness of that response is quite obvious since
the only reason that the Tanners cite the statement at all is to provide evidence that "Joseph Smith certainly had the ability to make up 'new names.' " The Tanners'
unwillingness to admit this obvious fact strongly suggests that their deception is intentional, since the quotation provides no evidence for Joseph Smith's creative ability
beyond their assumption that a revelation did not occur.

The First Vision

Tanner Partial Quotation Full Quotation by Kimball

Do you suppose that God in Do you suppose that God in
person called upon Joseph person called upon Joseph
Smith, our Prophet? God Smith, our Prophet? God
called upon him; But God did called upon him; But God did
not come himself and call, . . . not come himself and call, but
(Tanner and Tanner, he sent Peter to do it. Do you
Mormonism: Shadow or not see? He sent Peter and sent
Reality? 154) Moroni to Joseph, and told him
that he had got the plates. Did
God come himself? No: he sent
Moroni and told him there was
a record. (Heber C. Kimball,
JD 6:29)

When the last quotation is read in context it becomes clear that Elder Kimball was not speaking of the First Vision at all, but was speaking of the restoration of the
Priesthood and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon.

Other examples could also be cited. However, those listed above, as well as those I mentioned last year, are enough to suggest a disturbing pattern of
misrepresentation in the Tanners' writings, which makes it difficult for thoughtful readers to take their work seriously. To paraphrase our critics, perhaps, if the Tanners
had "carefully read" the sources they cite, they "would not have fallen into this serious error." However, whether this pattern is deliberate or simply due to carelessness,
it is probably unlikely that the Tanners will ever willingly acknowledge such problems. "We, in fact, fail to see how we have misused the[quote[s]." That blindness
reveals more about the authors and their motives than about the Church they so vainly oppose.

Notes and Communications

   Jerald and Sandra Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" Salt Lake City Messenger 82 (September 1992): 12-14. About a third of the Tanners'
comments are lifted from their recent work Major Problems of Mormonism (Salt Lake City: Utah Lighthouse Ministry, 1989), 142-48. In my review I noted that,
within the anti-Mormon community, the Tanners' work was thought to be significant (Matthew Roper, review of Jerald and Sandra Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow or
Reality? in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 4 [1992]: 169-70). I did not suggest, as the Tanners inaccurately assert, that it was particularly significant among
members of the Church. Quite frankly, most Latter-day Saints with whom I have spoken are entirely unfamiliar with the Tanners or their work. The authors, however,
seem elated that fellow critic Dean Helland has described their book Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? as "the heavyweight of all books on Mormonism," but how
impressed can you really be over the praise of one who also describes Loftes Tryk as a "thinker" and one with whom he "resonated well"? Dean Helland, "Meeting the
Book of Mormon Challenge in Chile," Ph.D. diss., Oral Roberts University, 1990, 43; for an entertaining evaluation of Tryk's work see Daniel C. Peterson, "A
Modern Malleus maleficarum," in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 3 (1991): 231-60; see also Louis Midgley, "Playing with Half a Decker: The Countercult
Religious Tradition Confronts the Book of Mormon," in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 5 (1993): 116-71; Massimo Introvigne, "The Devil Makers:
Contemporary Evangelical Fundamental Anti-Mormonism and Its 19th Century French Origins," unpublished paper read at the annual meeting of the Mormon History
Association, May 1992, at St. George, Utah.

   Particularly, Richard Lloyd Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1981). I would like to thank Dr. Anderson for
his helpful comments on this article.

  Roper, review of Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 171-72.

  JD 7:164 (emphasis added).

  The Tanners complained that my criticism was unfair (p. 13). They responded that the adjoining page of Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? contained a "photographic
copy of not only the quotation but also the entire page of Brigham Young's sermon!" (ibid.). Unfortunately, the Tanners have failed to reproduce the page in question in
more recent adaptations of their work; see Jerald and Sandra Tanner, The Changing World of Mormonism, 2d ed. (Chicago: Moody Press, 1981), 94. So the issue
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                     Page 183 / 919
remains a legitimate one.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 13.
  The Tanners complained that my criticism was unfair (p. 13). They responded that the adjoining page of Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? contained a "photographic
copy of not only the quotation but also the entire page of Brigham Young's sermon!" (ibid.). Unfortunately, the Tanners have failed to reproduce the page in question in
more recent adaptations of their work; see Jerald and Sandra Tanner, The Changing World of Mormonism, 2d ed. (Chicago: Moody Press, 1981), 94. So the issue
remains a legitimate one.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 13.

  JD 2:257 (emphasis added).

  Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 79-92; Lyndon W. Cook, David Whitmer Interviews: A Restoration Witness (Orem, UT: Grandin, 1991).

  JD 22:254; 23:101.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 13

   Ironically, the Tanners accuse me of trying to "redefine Brigham Young's statement" (ibid.), when, in fact, they have done so by fabricating the nontextual word "also"
to defend a dubious interpretation without historical support.

  Ibid.

  JD 10:326.

  JD 12:208.

   Orson Pratt, in JD 16:216-17, speaks in a similar vein: "I will ask the Latter-day Saintsï¿½those now sitting before me throughout this large audience, how did you
know that Joseph Smith was a Prophet of God when you dwelt in England and had never seen the man? How did you know in Sweden, in Denmark, in Norway,
Switzerland, Italy, Australia and in the various parts of the earth from which you emigrated? How did you know that Joseph Smith was a Prophet of God before you
crossed the mighty ocean and came to this land? You learned this fact by a knowledge imparted to you by the gift and power of the Holy Ghost in your own native
countries. There you have been healed, and have seen the manifestation of the power of God in healing the sick from time to time. There you have had the vision of
your minds opened to behold heavenly things. There you have heard the voice of the Almighty speaking to you by revelation and testifying to you of the things of
heaven. Many of you have experienced those great and blessed gifts." Orson Pratt described this all-inclusive group as a "vast cloud of witnesses raised up among all
nations, and kindreds, and tongues and people to whom this work has been sent, . . . bearing the same testimonyï¿½-that God has spoken and that the Book of
Mormon is true, for the Lord revealed it to them" (emphasis added).

  Latter-day Saint Messenger and Advocate 3/9 (June 1837): 513 (emphasis added).

  Zerah Pulsipher, History of Zerah Pulsipher, unpublished manuscript, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, 5.

  Augusta J. Crocheron, Representative Women of Deseret (Salt Lake City: Graham, 1884), 24.

  Benjamin Brown, Testimonies for the Truth . . . (Liverpool: Richards, 1853), 5.

  Lucy Mack Smith, Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith the Prophet and His Progenitors for Many Generations (Liverpool: Richards, 1853), 112.

  Harrison Burgess, "Sketch of a Life Well Spent," LDS Church Archives, 65-66.

 Andrew Jensen, The Historical Record (October 1881): 621, cited in Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 30-33; for a de scription by David
Whitmer see Cook, David Whitmer Interviews, 13, 28, 182, 214, 216-18.

  There is virtually no difference between a witness to the Book of Mormon and a witness of the Book of Mormon. Church leaders could also use the preposition to in
describing the Three Witnesses; cf. JD 7:55; 12:87.

   John D. Lee, Mormonism Unveiled or the Life and Confessions of the Late Bishop John D. Lee (St. Louis, Missouri: Bryan, 1877), 184 (emphasis added).

  JD 26:248. A blessing in February 1835 promised "that Holy angels shall administer to him occasionally," in HC 2:188.

  Conference Report (4 October 1901): 18.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 13.

 Times and Seasons 2 (1841): 482. The authors have ignored Richard Lloyd Anderson's discussion of the poem in Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon
Witnesses, 152-55.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 14.

   "Before claiming that Johnson 'admitted' Cowdery's denial of his testimony, one must assume that 'denied' is used in the narrow sense of renouncing, and not in the
more general sense of 'setting aside' the Book of Mormon in practice, though passively knowing it true. For instance, it is popularly said that Peter 'denied' Christ, one
of Johnson's examples. In reality Peter did not deny Christ's divinity, for that was not in question-ï¿½but he vehemently declined to be linked with Jesus at the high
priest's house. Peter's 'denial' by disassociating himself from Christ is parallel to Oliver's disassociation from the Book of Mormon by not actively promoting it for a
time. This raises the larger question of whether Johnson as a poet intended to use narrow analytical language anyway, for his overstatement is evident in the cases of
Paul killing Christians or the Jewish people killing Christï¿½-neither is strictly true" (Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 153-54).

  Johnson was baptized on 1 June 1831, remaining in Amherst, Ohio, until July 1833, at which time he moved to Kirtland. He remained there until 6 July 1838, but
never went to Missouri. Johnson described these events in his autobiography, "Life of Joel H. Johnson: Written by Himself," Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine
29 (1938): 170-71, as follows: "I helped to organize the Kirtland Camp in 1838 and travelled with it as far as Springfield, Illinois; was called by council to stop there
 Copyright
and         (c)of2005-2009,
    take care                  Infobase Media
                  the sick. I commenced       Corp.and soon gathered a branch of the Church of forty members over which I presided until January
                                         preaching                                                                                                   Page     184
                                                                                                                                                       8, 1839,     / 919
                                                                                                                                                                 when  the
Lord showed me by revelation that I must immediately go to Carthage in Hancock county"; . Johnson remained in Hancock County until the end of May 1846 when
mobs forced him and his family to move to Knox County, Illinois. On 6 May 1848 Johnson left for Winter Quarters and on 5 July he departed with the Willard
  Johnson was baptized on 1 June 1831, remaining in Amherst, Ohio, until July 1833, at which time he moved to Kirtland. He remained there until 6 July 1838, but
never went to Missouri. Johnson described these events in his autobiography, "Life of Joel H. Johnson: Written by Himself," Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine
29 (1938): 170-71, as follows: "I helped to organize the Kirtland Camp in 1838 and travelled with it as far as Springfield, Illinois; was called by council to stop there
and take care of the sick. I commenced preaching and soon gathered a branch of the Church of forty members over which I presided until January 8, 1839, when the
Lord showed me by revelation that I must immediately go to Carthage in Hancock county"; . Johnson remained in Hancock County until the end of May 1846 when
mobs forced him and his family to move to Knox County, Illinois. On 6 May 1848 Johnson left for Winter Quarters and on 5 July he departed with the Willard
Richards company for Salt Lake, arriving there on 9 October 1848 (ibid.). See also his 6 February 1840 letter in Times and Seasons (1 March 1841): 76-77.

  "After the objector takes one arbitrary meaning of 'denied,' he is left with Johnson quoting an unidentified number of middlemen, supposedly quoting Cowdery. It
does not matter historically if an irresponsible rumor can be proved to be contemporaryï¿½-it is still rumor without direct evidence to support it," in Anderson,
Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 154.

   Affidavit of G. J. Keen, 14 April 1885, in Charles A. Shook, The True Origin of the Book of Mormon (Cincinnati, OH: Standard, 1914), 58-59. Close associates
of Cowdery during this time speak of his reluctance even to discuss Mormonism at all. When Thomas Gregg asked W. Lang if Cowdery had ever "openly denounced
Mormonism," Lang responded, "No man ever knew better than he how to keep one's own counsel. He would never allow any man to drag him into a conversation on
the subject" (William Lang to Thomas Gregg, 5 November 1881, Tiffin, Ohio, in Shook, The True Origin of the Book of Mormon , 56). "I think that it is absolutely
certain," wrote W. H. Gibson, "that Mr. C., after his separation from the Mormons, never conversed on the subject with his most intimate friends, and never by word
or act, disclosed anything relating to the conception, development or progress of the 'Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.' " (W. H. Gibson to Thomas Gregg,
3 August 1882, Tiffin, Ohio, in Shook, The True Origin of the Book of Mormon , 57). So when Keen states that in 1840 he learned of Cowdery's "full and final
renunciation" of Mormonism (Shook, The True Origin of the Book of Mormon , 59), he can only be referring to Oliver's official resignation from the Church in April
1838, at which time he indicated that while he strongly disagreed with Joseph Smith and other Church leaders and was in conflict with certain prin ciples relating to "the
outward government of this Church," he did not disbelieve basic doctrines; cf. Donald Q. Cannon and Lyndon W. Cook, eds., Far West Record (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book, 1983), 165-66.

   Shook, The True Origin of the Book of Mormon , 58-59.

   "I enquired seriously at David if it was true that he had seen the angel, according to the testimony as one of the witnesses of the Book of Mormon. He replied, as
sure as there is a God in heaven, he saw the angel, according to his testimony in that book. I asked him, if so, how did he not stand by Joseph? He answered, in the
days when Joseph received the Book of Mormon, and brought it forth, he was a good man filled with the Holy Ghost, but he considered he had now fallen. I
interrogated Oliver Cowdery in the same manner, who answered me similarly," in "History of Thomas Baldwin Marsh," Deseret News, 24 March 1858. For additional
evidence of Oliver Cowdery's adherence to his testimony of the Book of Mormon during his absence from the Church, see Richard Lloyd Anderson's discussion of his
courtroom testimony in Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 57-60; JD 22:254). Brigham Young also described another apparently distinct affirmation which
occurred at Cowdery's law office (JD 7:55). Brigham could have learned of these accounts from close relatives, such as Phineas Young, who kept in close contact with
Oliver during his absence from the Church and who were present at his return in 1848 (ibid.; Seymour B. Young, Conference Reports [April 1921], 115-16). For
information on Oliver's testimony of Priesthood restoration and his attitudes toward the Church from 1848 until his death in 1850, see Richard Lloyd Anderson, "The
Second Witness of Priesthood Restoration," Improvement Era 71/9 (September 1968): 15-24; Anderson, "The Second Witness on Priesthood Succession,"
Improvement Era 71 (November 1968): 14-20.

   Many of these have been made available in Stanley R. Gunn, Oliver Cowdery: Second Elder and Scribe (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1962). While Gunn's collection
is not comprehensive, he was among the first historians to make these letters generally available and provides a useful commentary, even though it is now somewhat
dated.

   "My business is steadily increasing-ï¿½nothing operates against me, except the fact that I have been formerly connected with, what is now an important Church.
Were it not for this I believe I could rise to the heights of my ambition. But shame on man, or men, who are so beneath themselves as to make this a business. My God
has sustained me, and is able to sustain me, and through his own mysterious providence, lift me above all my foes," Oliver Cowdery to Phineas Young, 19 August
1842, Tiffin, Ohio, in Gunn, Oliver Cowdery, 245. "I do not have that society [of close friends and relations] here. I am a mark for my enemies and only stand in the
strength of my God. They fear my talent and God has put the fear of my countenance upon their hearts. They have tried to overcome me, but God the Lord has raised
me up," Oliver Cowdery to Phineas Young, 26 August 1843, Tiffin, Ohio, in Gunn, Oliver Cowdery, 246. See also Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon
Witnesses, 37-48.

  Oliver Cowdery to Brigham Young et al., 25 December 1842, Tiffin, Ohio, in Gunn, Oliver Cowdery, 161-62.

  Oliver Cowdery to Phineas Young, 18 December 1845, Tiffin, Ohio, in Gunn, Oliver Cowdery, 248-49; Oliver Cowdery to Phineas Young, 26 March 1846, Tiffin,
Ohio, in Gunn, Oliver Cowdery, 250-51.

  Oliver Cowdery to Phineas Young, 23 March 1846, in Gunn, Oliver Cowdery, 250-51.

  Ibid. (emphasis added).

   Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 14. This religious instability has been greatly exaggerated by the Tanners and others. For a
clearer perspective see Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 167-70.

  Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 111-12.

   Rhett S. James, The Man Who Knew: The Early Years: A Play about Martin Harris 1824-1830 (Cache Valley, UT: Martin Harris Pageant Committee, 1983, 168
n. 313; James's annotations provide a valuable historical commentary on Harris's life.

  George A. Smith to Josiah Fleming, 30 March 1838, Kirtland, Ohio.

   Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 112-13. Obviously distrustful of Harris's apostate status, Latter-day Saint leaders in England complained
that Martin Harris, "ashamed of his profession as a Strangite . . . tells some of our brethren on whom he called, that he was of the same profession with themselves-
ï¿½that he had just come from America and wished to get acquainted with the Saints"; Millennial Star 8 (3 October 1846): 128 (emphasis added). Harris's lack of
enthusiasm for Strang and his Latter-day Saint sympathies so troubled Strangite leaders that they soon brought him back to Philadelphia, where he abandoned them for
good; Lester Brooks to James M. Adams, 12 January 1847, in Milo M. Quaife, The Kingdom of Saint James: A Narrative of the Mormons (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1930), 243. Martin emphatically denied that during the journey, he had ever lectured against Mormonism: "No man heard me in any way deny the
truth of the Book
 Copyright         of Mormon,
             (c) 2005-2009,   the administration
                            Infobase   Media Corp.of the angel that showed me the plates; nor the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints under
                                                                                                                                                     Page 185 / 919
the administration of Joseph Smith, Jr."; Journal History, 1 June 1877, as cited in Madge Harris Tuckett and Belle Harris Wilson, The Martin Harris Story (Provo:
Vintage Books, 1983), 65.
ï¿½that he had just come from America and wished to get acquainted with the Saints"; Millennial Star 8 (3 October 1846): 128 (emphasis added). Harris's lack of
enthusiasm for Strang and his Latter-day Saint sympathies so troubled Strangite leaders that they soon brought him back to Philadelphia, where he abandoned them for
good; Lester Brooks to James M. Adams, 12 January 1847, in Milo M. Quaife, The Kingdom of Saint James: A Narrative of the Mormons (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1930), 243. Martin emphatically denied that during the journey, he had ever lectured against Mormonism: "No man heard me in any way deny the
truth of the Book of Mormon, the administration of the angel that showed me the plates; nor the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints under
the administration of Joseph Smith, Jr."; Journal History, 1 June 1877, as cited in Madge Harris Tuckett and Belle Harris Wilson, The Martin Harris Story (Provo:
Vintage Books, 1983), 65.

  Millennial Star 8 (31 October 1846): 128.

  George Mantle to Marietta Walker, 26 December 1888, Saint Catherine, Missouri, cited in Autumn Leaves 2 (1889): 141.

   Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 111. Harris's involvement with the Shakers has already been discussed by Richard Anderson, 164-66, yet
the Tanners have ignored his discussion of the matter. Is this, to paraphrase the Tanners (p. 13), an indication of the "superficiality" of their review?

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 14.

   One nineteenth-century authority on the Shakers relates, "Some of the most curious literature of the Shakers dates from this period [early-to-midnineteenth century];
and it is freely admitted by their leading men that they were in some cases misled into acts and publications which they have since seen reason to regret. Their belief is
that they were deceived by false spirits, and were unable, in many cases, to distinguish the true from the false. That is to say, they hold to their faith in 'spiritual
communications,' so called; but repudiate much in which they formerly had faith, believing this which they now reject to have come from the evil one. . . . The most
curious relics of those days are two considerable volumes, which have since fallen into discredit among the Shakers themselves, but were at the time of their issue
regarded as highly important. One of these is entitled 'A Holy, Sacred, and Divine Roll and Book, from the Lord God of Heaven to the Inhabitants of the Earth.' . . .
The second work is called 'The Divine Book of Holy and Eternal Wisdom, revealing the Word of God, out of whose mouth goeth a sharp Sword.' . . . These two
volumes are not now, as formerly, held in honor by the Shakers. One of their elders declared to me that I ought never to have seen them, and that their best use was to
burn them," in Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the United States (New York: Hillary House Publishers, 1961), 235, 245, 248, 250; this is a reprint of
the 1875 edition.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 14.

  Wayne C. Gunnell, "Martin Harris: Witness and Benefactor to the Book of Mormon," Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1955, 58-59.

 For a discussion of Martin Harris's attitudes regarding the Shaker Book in relation to his testimony of the Book of Mormon, see Anderson, Investigating the Book of
Mormon Witnesses, 164-66.

  Ibid., 165-66.

  Ibid., 165.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 14.

  Tanner, Major Problems of Mormonism, 146.

  Hiram Page to Alfred Bonny and others, 24 June 1849, Olive Branch (August 1849): 28.

  David Whitmer, An Address to All Believers in Christ (Richmond, MO: n.p., 1887), 27.

   Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 165: "What kind of a 'voice' did David hear? . . . David does not really say; he only implies that it was
audible by comparing it with the command to testify of the Book of Mormon. But there are problems with that because David Whitmer did not treat the two
experiences equally in his long lifetime. He only mentioned the undefined voice at Far West once, in this last writing to fellow believersï¿½-but he had repeatedly
testified of an audible voice authenticating the Book of Mormon. Those with him in 1830 in the New York grove certified that they had also heard God's voice then,
but neither Oliver Cowdery nor John Whitmer, both of whom left Far West with David at this time, say anything about the heavenly command in 1838. Whatever came
to David Whitmer, the latter experience fails to contradict his earlier divine command to testify of the ancient record. David Whitmer could have received true spiritual
comfort because of the unjust methods that his former associates were using against him; or he may have only felt that God spoke to him because of the powerful
indignation that swelled up in his soul; or if he gave way to the spirit of anger and retaliation, he invited Satan to inspire him and deceive him," in Anderson, Investigating
the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 164.

   Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 14. David Whitmer would have found such reasoning absurd: "Some people think if they can
only make it appear that Joseph's life and character were not perfect, and that he had human weaknesses, that it would prove that he was not a prophet; yet the same
persons will believe that Moses who killed the Egyptian, and David, who had Uriah killed, and who took a multitude of wives, and Solomon who was a polygamist and
idolator; and Peter, who lied and cursed, &c., were all prophets and should be honored and respected. What the individual life of Joseph Smith was after he translated
the Book of Mormon, has nothing to do with the question as to whether he was, or was not inspired to bring that book forth." David Whitmer, interview by William H.
Kelly and G. A. Blakeslee, 15 January 1882, Richmond, Missouri, The Saints' Herald 29 (1 March 1882), in Cook, David Whitmer Interviews, 852 (emphasis
added).

  When David Whitmer states, "In the Spring of 1838, the heads of the Church and many of the members had gone deep into error and blindness" (ibid.), he is clearly
expressing his own opinions and not the content of any purported revelation.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 14.

  David Whitmer was excommunicated from the Church on 13 April 1838; Cannon and Cook, Far West Record, 176-78.

  Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 163-64: "These circumstances are well known to Mormon historians; after the excommunications of Oliver
Cowdery and David and John Whitmer, Sidney Rigdon had preached his 'Salt Sermon,' warning dissenters not to interfere with Mormon society. The Whitmers and
Cowdery were next told to get out of town, and with turmoil caused by forcible rejection, they left the Mormon center of Far West. Joseph Smith later criticized Sidney
Rigdon's aggressive speeches and also the secret teachings of Sampson Avard, probably the chief mover in this expulsion." For an historical perspective on Sampson
Avard, the Mormons,
 Copyright            and the
            (c) 2005-2009,    Danites,Media
                            Infobase   see Leland
                                             Corp.Gentry, "The Danite Band of 1838," BYU Studies 14/4 (Summer 1974): 421-50; Rebecca Foster      PageCornwall
                                                                                                                                                          186 /and
                                                                                                                                                                 919
Leonard J. Arrington, "Perpetration of a Myth: Mormon Danites in Five Western Novels, 1840-90," BYU Studies 23/2 (Spring 1983): 147-65; Richard L. Anderson,
"Atchison's Letters and the Causes of Mormon Expulsion from Missouri," BYU Studies 26/3 (Summer 1986): 3-47; David Whittaker, "The Book of Daniel in Early
Mormon Thought," in By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 1:166-74.
  Anderson, Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, 163-64: "These circumstances are well known to Mormon historians; after the excommunications of Oliver
Cowdery and David and John Whitmer, Sidney Rigdon had preached his 'Salt Sermon,' warning dissenters not to interfere with Mormon society. The Whitmers and
Cowdery were next told to get out of town, and with turmoil caused by forcible rejection, they left the Mormon center of Far West. Joseph Smith later criticized Sidney
Rigdon's aggressive speeches and also the secret teachings of Sampson Avard, probably the chief mover in this expulsion." For an historical perspective on Sampson
Avard, the Mormons, and the Danites, see Leland Gentry, "The Danite Band of 1838," BYU Studies 14/4 (Summer 1974): 421-50; Rebecca Foster Cornwall and
Leonard J. Arrington, "Perpetration of a Myth: Mormon Danites in Five Western Novels, 1840-90," BYU Studies 23/2 (Spring 1983): 147-65; Richard L. Anderson,
"Atchison's Letters and the Causes of Mormon Expulsion from Missouri," BYU Studies 26/3 (Summer 1986): 3-47; David Whittaker, "The Book of Daniel in Early
Mormon Thought," in By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 1:166-74.

  Roper, review of Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 193.

   The secondary source from which I took the citation was Truman Madsen and John Welch, "Did B. H. Roberts Lose Faith in the Book of Mormon?" F.A.R.M.S.
paper, 1985, part 2, page 3. Through a careless editorial mistake on my part, I neglected to place an "Ibid." at the beginning of footnote 79 on page 193 of the review.
My original purpose in citing the reference to the published version of Roberts's study (Brigham Madsen, ed., B. H. Roberts: Studies of the Book of Mormon [Urbana
and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985], 57-58) was to draw attention to the fact that the Tanners, although familiar with Roberts's statement, were "completely
silent about Roberts's own explanation of the study's purpose, when in fact it sheds an entirely different light on the state of his faith and testimony" (Roper, review of
Jerald and Sandra Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?, 193, n. 79). That point is still a legitimate one, since they have advertised the book for sale through their
ministry and bookstore for a number of years. Welch inadvertently inserted two of Roberts's sentences, one from the first paragraph and another from the fourth into
the middle of the second paragraph of Roberts's letter. The word "this" has also been replaced by the word "the" in line 6 of paragraph 2 and the word "very" has also
been deleted from line 7 of paragraph 4. A xerox copy of Roberts's original letter, however, can be found in the same article as Exhibit 6. I would like to thank Jerald
Tanner for bringing this mistake to my attention.

   B. H. Roberts to Heber J. Grant and the Council of Twelve Apostles, 15 March 1923, Salt Lake City, Utah (emphasis added). A photocopy of the document is
reproduced in Exhibit 6 of Welch and Madsen, "Did B. H. Roberts Lose Faith in the Book of Mormon." The year date on the letter is incorrect and should date 1922,
not 1923. See Brigham Madsen, B. H. Roberts: Studies of the Book of Mormon , 33, n. 65, 57-58.

  Madsen, B. H. Roberts: Studies of the Book of Mormon , 57-58. This work was first made available through the Tanners' bookstore in October 1986 and was
advertised in their newsletter.

  Jerald and Sandra Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 5th ed. (Salt Lake City: Utah Lighthouse Ministry, 1987), 82-84.

  Jerald and Sandra Tanner, Major Problems of Mormonism (Salt Lake City: Utah Lighthouse Ministry, 1989), 156-60.

  Jerald and Sandra Tanner, "B. H. Roberts' Doubts," Salt Lake City Messenger 84 (April 1993): 10-11.

   B. H. Roberts to Richard R. Lyman, 24 October 1927, cited in Madsen, B. H. Roberts: Studies of the Book of Mormon , 58-60. Roberts felt that the Ethan Smith,
View of the Hebrews , theory might "in the hands of a skillful opponent" be used at some future time in an attempt to embarrass the Church. It was in order to prepare
future believers to defend against such attacks, and not because he doubted the truth of the Book of Mormon, that he had pursued the study. "Such a question as that
may possibly arise some day, and if it does, it would be greatly to the advantage of our future Defenders of the Faith, if they had in hand a thorough digest of the subject
matter," in ibid, 59-60. If the statements in Roberts's presentation truly represented his own conclusions about the Book of Mormon as the Tanners claim, it is highly
unlikely that his brethren in the First Presidency and Quorum of the Twelve, to whom it was written, would have retained him in a position of Church leadership for the
next decade.

   Roper, review or Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 172-76. The fact that writers such as the Tanners make inadvertent mistakes is not particularly significant, unless
those citations alter, distort, or suppress information that may weaken their arguments. What I find disturbing about the Tanners' writings is not the fact that there are
mistakes, but that those examples often delete or hide information which is relevant to the very issues at stake.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 14.

  Jerald and Sandra Tanner, "The Book of Mormon: Ancient or Modern," Salt Lake City Messenger 84 (April 1993): 7.

  Ibid.

  As cited by the Tanners, "The Book of Mormon: Ancient or Modern?" 7, from Lucy Mack Smith, Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith the Prophet and His
Progenitors for Many Generations (Liverpool: Richards, 1853), 85.

  Ibid., 84-85.

  Jerald and Sandra Tanner, Answering Dr Clandestine: A Response to the Anonymous L.D.S. Historian, enlarged ed. (Salt Lake City: Utah Lighthouse Ministry,
1978), 35.

  Tanner and Tanner, Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 95 (emphasis added).

  Roper, review of Mormonism: Shadow or Reality? 171-76.

  Tanner and Tanner, "Roper Attacks Mormonism: Shadow or Reality?" 14.

Nephi's Jerusalem and Laban's Sword
William J. Adams Jr.

When Nephi returns to obtain the plates of Laban, he finds Laban unconscious in the streets of Jerusalem. One of Laban's personal possessions that greatly fascinates
Nephi is Laban's sword. As a matter of fact, Nephi is so intrigued that he describes the sword explicitly in 1 Ne. 4:9 as having a blade of the most expensive steel and a
hilt of well-worked gold.

What were swords of Nephi's time like? Archaeology has unfortunately found few swords, mainly because swords are made of iron, which can quickly rust away. But
one exciting find was excavated by Avraham Eitan at a site three miles south of Jericho called Vered Jericho.
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The sword found at Vered Jericho is three feet long, about three inches wide, is made of iron, and has a bronze haft with a wooden grip. Even the tip of the sword
remains intact. The strata from which the sword was excavated dates to the late seventh century or about 620 B.C. Most swords from the Middle East, as portrayed in
hilt of well-worked gold.

What were swords of Nephi's time like? Archaeology has unfortunately found few swords, mainly because swords are made of iron, which can quickly rust away. But
one exciting find was excavated by Avraham Eitan at a site three miles south of Jericho called Vered Jericho.

The sword found at Vered Jericho is three feet long, about three inches wide, is made of iron, and has a bronze haft with a wooden grip. Even the tip of the sword
remains intact. The strata from which the sword was excavated dates to the late seventh century or about 620 B.C. Most swords from the Middle East, as portrayed in
pictures and reliefs, were short and seem to have been used like daggers. Thus, this three-foot sword from Vered Jericho seems to be unique in its large size.

Something else makes the Vered Jericho sword unique, and that is the fact that Israelite men of this time seem to have been only about five feet tall. Thus, a sword
three feet long and three inches wide would be quite a large hand weapon and brings the image of the medieval broadsword to mind. Perhaps the Israelite warriors
used this sword in a similar manner.

Finally, 1 Ne. 4:18 indicates that Nephi took Laban by the hair and with the other hand he swung the sword of Laban in such a way as to decapitate him. I do not
believe that a short, almost dagger-sized sword would decapitate Laban, but I can imagine that a longer, three-foot sword would have the weight and momentum to do
what is described in 1 Ne. 4:18.

Now, with these comments in mind, let us compare the sword found at Vered Jericho with the sword of Laban as described in 1 Ne. 4:9:

Vered Jericho Sword Laban's Sword

Handle Bronze, with Gold, well worked
wooden grip
Blade Iron, three feet long Expensive steel,
in a sheath, heavy
enough to decapitate

Today, we would refer to the Vered Jericho sword as a "factory" product, whereas Laban's sword would be considered an expensive, "customized" product.

The discovery of the seventh-century B.C. sword found at Vered Jericho gives us a tangible artifact with which we can gain a more vivid picture of Nephi and his times.

  Hershel Shanks, "BAR Interviews Avraham Eitan," Biblical Archaeological Review 12/4 (1986): 30-38.

  Joseph A. Callaway, "The Height of Ancient Israelites," a letter, Biblical Archaeological Review 10/1 (1984): 20.

Sariah in the Elephantine Papyri
Jeffrey R. Chadwick

The Book of Mormon introduces Sariah, the faithful wife of the prophet Lehi and mother of Nephi and his brothers (1 Ne. 2:5). The conjectural Hebrew spelling of
Sariah would be sï¿½ryh and would be pronounced something like Sar-yah. The skeptic might suggest that this name was an invention of Joseph Smith, since Sariah
does not appear in the Bible as a female personal name. However, in a significant historical parallel to the Book of Mormon, the Hebrew name Sariah, spelled sryh, has
been identified in a reconstructed form as the name of a Jewish woman living at Elephantine in Upper Egypt during the fifth century B.C.

The reference to Sariah of Elephantine is found in Aramaic Papyrus #22 (also called Cowley #22 or C-22) and appears in Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C.
Although the language of the documents is Aramaic, A. E. Cowley specifies that the names are in fact Hebrew. Line 4 of C-22 lists the personal name [ry[h br]t hws
'br hrmn. The probable vocalization is Sariah barat Hoshea' bar Harman, and the text means "Sariah daughter of Hoshea son of Hï¿½arman." Cowley had to
reconstruct part of the text, supplying the final h of Sariah and the initial b-r of barat, but the spacing is adequate, and the comparative context of the papyrus leaves
little doubt that the reconstruction is accurate. The extant final t of barat assures us that the person was a daughter, not a son, and, after the letters b-r are supplied,
there is only room for one additional letter-ï¿½the final h of Sariah.

A more recent and exhaustive work on the Elephantine Papyri, Archives from Elephantine, published in 1968 by Bezalel Porten, concurs with Cowley's reconstruction
and translation. The Porten volume includes significant research concerning the Jewish military colony on Elephantine Island and also contains a black-and-white
photo of C-22, including Line 4.

Although sryh is not found as a female name in the Bible, it is well documented as a male name in ancient Israel, appearing nineteen times in the Hebrew Old Testament,
representing eleven different men. The male name sryh is thought to be the short form of sryhw, whose full form is probably pronounced Saryahu, featuring the
common theophoric element Yahu from the divine name Yahuweh, or Jehovah. The longer form sryhw is found only once in the Hebrew Old Testament (Jer. 36:26),
but it is also known from several instances on Iron Age seals and clay bullae found in Israel. In the King James Version of the Bible, the nineteen instances of the
male name sryh and the single appearance of sryhw are all rendered in English as Seraiah. (The English equivalents of many biblical Yahu names omit the final syllable,
such as Isaiah [Yeshayahu], Jeremiah [Yirmyahu], Zedekiah [Zidkiyahu], etc.) Cowley follows the KJV in using the S-e-r-a-i-a-h spelling to render [ry[h br]t
hwsï¿½as "Seraiah daughter of Hoshea." The English Seraiah spelling is an effort to represent a Hebrew pronunciation of Sera-yah or Sra-yah, which would
essentially mean "Yah has struggled" (the first element of sï¿½ryh and sryhw is usually interpreted as deriving from the srh root, meaning to "struggle" or "strive"). But in
light of evidence from Iron Age seals and clay bullae, Nahman Avigad suggests that sryhw may be read Saryahu, meaning "Yahuweh is prince (sr)." By extension, the
shorter name sryh would be read Sar-yah, both in the case of the eleven biblically noted men and in the case of the female from Elephantine. And by the same
extension, rather than Cowley's Seraiah spelling, the Book of Mormon Sariah spelling would more correctly represent the name of our lady of Elephantine.

But what had she done, this Sariah of Elephantine, to merit mention in Papyrus C-22? Line 1 indicates a contribution to Yahu Elaha, "the Lord God." And while the
purpose of the monetary offering is not explained, Cowley believes that it was for the expenses of the Jewish temple on Elephantine Island. He also dates the
donation and the writing to the year 419 B.C. The complete text of Line 4 indicates that Sariah had donated two sheqels of silver (ksf), a generous subscription given
the generally high value of silver in ancient Egypt.

It is of particular note here that there was a Jewish (i.e., Israelite) temple at Elephantine, since this would parallel the existence of the temple "like unto the temple of
Solomon" that Nephi built in the New World. The Elephantine temple was built and used by the military colony of Jewish mercenaries and their families who lived on
the island, which was known to them as Yeb, a name meaning ivory. (Elephantine was the Greek name of the island.) This colony had probably been established at a
time when Judah was a subservient ally of Egypt, perhaps as early as the reign of Manasseh (ca. 650 B.C.) or possibly at the outset of the reign of Jehoiakim (ca. 609
B.C.). At the time of Sariah's donation to the temple (419 B.C.), the Jewish military garrison (known by the Hebrew word degel, meaning "banner") protected the
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The Elephantine Papyri were discovered at the beginning of the twentieth century (prior to 1903), far too late for Joseph Smith to have known of the female name
Solomon" that Nephi built in the New World. The Elephantine temple was built and used by the military colony of Jewish mercenaries and their families who lived on
the island, which was known to them as Yeb, a name meaning ivory. (Elephantine was the Greek name of the island.) This colony had probably been established at a
time when Judah was a subservient ally of Egypt, perhaps as early as the reign of Manasseh (ca. 650 B.C.) or possibly at the outset of the reign of Jehoiakim (ca. 609
B.C.). At the time of Sariah's donation to the temple (419 B.C.), the Jewish military garrison (known by the Hebrew word degel, meaning "banner") protected the
interests of the Persian Empire in the southern part of Egypt.

The Elephantine Papyri were discovered at the beginning of the twentieth century (prior to 1903), far too late for Joseph Smith to have known of the female name
Sariah in Papyrus C-22. For Latter-day Saint students today, however, the historical parallels between Sariah of Elephantine and Sariah the wife of Lehi are interesting,
even if coincidental. Aside from sharing the same Hebrew name and the same Judahite-Israelite background, both women lived a great distance from Jerusalem. One's
location would indicate that she probably used Egyptian as a language in addition to Aramaic, whereas the other's husband and at least one son were schooled in "the
language of the Egyptians" as well as their native Hebrew tongue (1 Ne. 1:2). Both women reverenced "the Lord God" (Aramaic Yahu Elaha; cf. 2 Ne. 5:30). Both
women lived among Judahite-Israelite colonies that built their own temples outside the sphere of the temple at Jerusalem (2 Ne. 5:16), a practice which we are
beginning to understand was not uncommon among Israelites both in the land of the Bible and of the Book of Mormon.

Of course, this is not the first time that a Book of Mormon proper name which appeared to defy the normal rules of gender has been vindicated by the archaeological
discovery of an ancient Jewish document. In 1973 Hugh Nibley pointed out that those who maintained that Alma was a Latin female personal name out of place in the
Book of Mormon would have to rethink their positions. The reason for this was Yigael Yadin's discovery of the Hebrew male personal name Alma ben Yehuda
(Alma son of Yehuda) in a land deed among the Bar Kokhba Letters from the wilderness of Judea. As with the Alma episode, Latter-day Saint students may now
be assured that the appearance of the female Hebrew name Sariah in the Book of Mormon stands vindicated-ï¿½vindicated by the single line in Papyrus C-22 that
mentions the donation of Sariah barat Hoshea, Sariah daughter of Hoshea.

  Arthur E. Cowley, ed. and trans., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century b.c. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1923), 67.

  Ibid., xv.

  Ibid., 67.

  Bezalel Porten, Archives from Elephantine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 320.

  Ibid., plate 11.

  See 2 Sam. 8:17; 2 Kgs. 25:18;23:25; 1 Chr. 4:13-14;4:35;6:14; Ezra 2:2;7:1; Neh. 10:2;11:11;12:1, 12; Jer. 40:8;51:59, 61;52:24.

  The divine name Yahu is present in Line 1 of Papyrus Cowley #22. Cowley believed it not to be a short form of YHWH but rather an "earlier form." In any case,
both forms of the name represent the same Israelite Deity. Cowley also prefers the transliteration Ya'u, maintaining that the h of Aramaic Yahu "seems to be a mere
vowel-sign" (Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century b.c., xviii), a position with which I disagree. Regarding the name YHWH, usually rendered Yahweh with
vowels, I prefer the longer Yahuweh, with the middle u preserving a lengthened oo sound evident in the theophoric yahu element of many Israelite proper names.

  Nahman Avigad, Hebrew Bullae from the Time of Jeremiah (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1986), 46.

  Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century b.c., 71.

   Yahu Elaha is the Aramaic equivalent of Hebrew Yahuweh Elohim, which is traditionally rendered in English as "the Lord God" (KJV renders it "the LORD God,"
with "LORD" in all capitals representing the presence of the name Yahuweh in the Hebrew text). Cowley prefers "Ya'u the God" (Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth
Century b.c., xviii), but I believe this creates a false distinction between the deity worshipped in the land of Israel and the one worshipped at Elephantineï¿½-a
distinction that did not in reality exist, since it was the same deity being worshipped in both cases.

  Cowley, Aramaic Papyri, 65.

  Ibid., 66.

  Numerous instances of the name/title the Lord God are found in the Book of Mormon. A few from the time Sariah wife of Lehi was presumably alive are 1 Ne.
13:32;14:25;19:11;21:22;22:8, 11; 2 Ne. 1:9;2:16;3:5;4:4, 7;5:21, 22, 30;6:6, 9, and 12 (not including Isaiah quotations).

  In addition to the temple built by Nephi in the New World, small shrines built at Arad and Beersheba in ancient Judah also qualify as temples "like unto the temple of
Solomon" in their tripartite form and function.

  Hugh W. Nibley, The Prophetic Book of Mormon , vol. 8 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1989), 281.

  Ibid., 282; Yigael Yadin, Bar Kokhba (Jerusalem: Steimatzky, 1971), 176-77.

Translation of the Book of Mormon: Interpreting the Evidence
Stephen D. Ricks

Concerning the manner in which the seerstone or the "interpreters" functioned, Joseph Smith reported only that they operated "by the gift and power of God." This is
particularly unfortunate, since only he was in a position to describe from personal experience how these instruments enhanced his power to translate. However, each of
the Three Witnesses related, directly or indirectly, their ideas concerning the process of translation. These statements, with a few other contemporary or near-
contemporary accounts, as well as some of my own reflections on translating, may provide some additional insight into the process by which Joseph translated the
plates.

According to Samuel W. Richards, Oliver Cowdery gave him the following description of the translation of the Book of Mormon:

He represented Joseph as sitting at a table with the plates before him, translating them by means of the Urim and Thummim, while he (Oliver) sat beside him writing
every word as Joseph spoke them to him. This was done by holding the "translators" over the hieroglyphics, the translation appearing distinctly on the instrument, which
had been touched by the finger of God and dedicated and consecrated for the express purpose of translating languages. Every word was distinctly visible even to every
letter; and if Oliver omitted a word or failed to spell a word correctly, the translation remained on the "interpreter" until it was copied correctly.
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Martin Harris explained the translation to Edward Stevenson in this manner:
He represented Joseph as sitting at a table with the plates before him, translating them by means of the Urim and Thummim, while he (Oliver) sat beside him writing
every word as Joseph spoke them to him. This was done by holding the "translators" over the hieroglyphics, the translation appearing distinctly on the instrument, which
had been touched by the finger of God and dedicated and consecrated for the express purpose of translating languages. Every word was distinctly visible even to every
letter; and if Oliver omitted a word or failed to spell a word correctly, the translation remained on the "interpreter" until it was copied correctly.

Martin Harris explained the translation to Edward Stevenson in this manner:

By the aid of the seer stone, sentences would appear and were read by the Prophet and written by Martin, and when finished he would say, "Written," and if correctly
written that sentence would disappear and another appear in its place, but if not written correctly it remained until corrected, so that the translation was just as it was
engraven on the plates, precisely in the language then used.

In his Address to All Believers in Christ, David Whitmer wrote:

I will now give you a description of the manner in which the Book of Mormon was translated. Joseph would put the seer stone into a hat, drawing it closely around his
face to exclude the light; and in the darkness the spiritual light would shine. A piece of something resembling parchment would appear, and on that appeared the writing.
One character at a time would appear, and under it was the interpretation in English. Brother Joseph would read off the English to Oliver Cowdery, who was his
principal scribe, and when it was written down and repeated to Brother Joseph to see if it was correct, then it would disappear, and another with the interpretation
would appear. Thus the Book of Mormon was translated by the gift and power of God, and not by any power of man.

The evidentiary value of these statements is, of course, lessened somewhat since (1) they derive from individuals who themselves were not actively involved in
translating, (2) they were made many years after the fact, and (3) in the case of two of them (Harris and Cowdery) they come at second hand. However, they may still
provide us some guidance in understanding Joseph Smith's method of translating.

What elements are common to each of these statements? At least two, both of which I think may be relied upon: (1) some instrument consecrated for the purpose of
translationï¿½-a "seerstone," "translators," or "Urim and Thummim"ï¿½-that was used by Joseph Smith is mentioned in each account; and (2) words or sentences in
English would appear on that instrument and would then be read off to the scribe. David Whitmer, in his account, also claims that "a piece of something resembling
parchment would appear, and on that appeared the writing. One character at a time would appear, and under it was the interpreta tion in English." This statement is
somewhat problematical from a linguistic point of view. It suggests a simple one-for-one equivalency of words in the original language of the Book of Mormon and in
English. This is scarcely likely in two closely related modern languages, much less in an ancient and modern language from two different language families. An
examination of any page of an interlinear text (a text with a source language, such as Greek, Latin, or Hebrew, with a translation into a target language such as English
below the line) will reveal a multitude of divergences from a word-for-word translation: some words are left untranslated, some are translated with more than one word,
and often the order of words in the source language does not parallel (sometimes not even closely) the word order of the target language. A word-for-word rendering,
as David Whitmer's statement seems to imply, would have resulted in a syntactic and semantic puree. On the other hand, the statement given on the authority of Oliver
Cowdery, "this was done by holding the 'translators' over the hieroglyphics, the translation appearing distinctly on the instrument," need not imply a word-for-word
rendering, but simply a close link between the words of the original and those of the translation.

The Reverend Diedrich Willers, a minister of German Reformed Church congregations in Bearytown and Fayette, New York, at the time of the Church's restoration
and a celebrated opponent of the Church, wrote in 1830 to two colleagues in York, Pennsylvania, concerning the rise of the Church. In the letter he included the
following account concerning the coming forth of the Book of Mormon: "The Angel indicated that . . . under these plates were hidden spectacles, without which he
could not translate these plates, that by using these spectacles, he (Smith) would be in a position to read these ancient languages, which he had never studied and that
the Holy Ghost would reveal to him the translation in the English language." "With all its awkwardness and grammatical chaos," the translation was thus, "according to
contemporary reports, a product of spiritual impressions to Joseph Smith rather than an automatic appearance of the English words. This would make Joseph Smith,
despite his grammatical limitations, a translator in fact rather than a mere transcriber of the handwriting of God."

If the translation took place through a process of spiritual impressions, it was still not without effort on the part of Joseph Smith, as a revelation given to Oliver Cowdery
in 1829, now in the Doctrine and Covenants, suggests. In D&C 9:7-8, Oliver who had desired the gift of translation, was told: "Behold you have not understood; you
have supposed that I would give it unto you, when you took no thought save it was to ask me. But behold, I say unto you, that you must study it out in your mind; then
you must ask me if it be right, and if it is right I will cause that your bosom shall burn within you; therefore, you shall feel that it is right." Had Oliver presumed an
effortless, automatic translation? These verses strongly suggest that effort was required by the translator to search for and find the appropriate expression, something
which would not have been the case if the words for the English translation had automatically appeared on the seerstone or interpreters.

But what kind of effort was involved? It must have been in rendering the ideas on the plates into English. But how would Joseph Smith have known those ideas? Part of
the divine process by which Joseph worked may have allowed him to think, as it were, in that language, to understand, by inspiration, the ideas of the language. The
effort in translating may have taken the form of expressing the ideas on the plates in felicitous English. Such effort can sometimes be daunting. I am currently engaged in
the translation of two books, one in German and one in Hebrew, the former rather longer than the Book of Mormon, the latter somewhat shorter. I have found that it is
one thing to grasp in my mind the ideas of the original without translating those ideas into English but that it is quite a different matter to find the most felicitous
expression for those ideas in English. There is also very considerable effort involved in continuing the process of translation hour after hour. I would consider my day an
unalloyed success if I were to complete a translation of five to seven pages. This is roughly the rate at which Joseph Smith labored on the translation of the Book of
Mormon.

The accounts of the Three Witnesses speak of words appearing on the seerstone or "translators." But at what point in the translation process did they appear? I believe
that it was after Joseph had formulated in his mind a translation that represented with sufficient accuracy the ideas found on the original. Was there only one correct
translation for the ideas found on the plates? I do not believe so. Could a "correct" translation be improved upon in word choice or in some other manner, or could
these ideas have been rendered into different words? Yes. I regularly teach a graduate course in ancient Hebrew, where we read parts of the Old Testament or the
Dead Sea Scrolls in Hebrew. Were I to give my students a translation examination from Hebrew into English, it is possible-ï¿½indeed, likely-ï¿½that I would receive
from them several different renderings of the same verse in English but still consider them all essentially "correct," since each reflected with acceptable accuracy the
ideas found on the original. Joseph himself seems to have felt no particular compunctions about revising the Book of Mormon, as witness the numerous changes (mostly
of a grammatical nature) made by him in 1837 in the second edition of the Book of Mormon. If he had considered only one rendering acceptable, then he would
certainly have refrained from making any changes in it (unless the changes resulted from errors in transcription or printing).

A reasonable scenario for the method of translating the Book of Mormon, in my estimation, would be one in which the means at Joseph's disposal (the seerstone and
the interpreters) enhanced his capacity to understand (as one who knows a second language well enough to be able to think in it understands) the sense of the words
and phrases on the plates as well as to grasp the relation of these words to each other. However, the actual translation was Joseph's alone and the opportunity to
improve it in grammar and word choice still remained open. Thus, while it would be incorrect to minimize the divine element in the process of translation of the Book of
Mormon, it would also be misleading and potentially hazardous to deny the human factor.

   Times and Seasons 2/9 (1 March 1842): 707 (HC 4:537); Warren Cowdery, "Manuscript History of the Church," Bk A-l, pp. 121-22. Joseph also uses the phrase
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"by the gift (c)
             and2005-2009, Infobase
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                                                 to N. E. Seaton, in DHC 1:315; cf. his 13 November 1843 letter to James Arlington Bennett in Times       / 919
                                                                                                                                                       Seasons
4/24 (1 November 1843): 373, where he states: "By the power of God I translated the Book of Mormon from hieroglyphics."
Mormon, it would also be misleading and potentially hazardous to deny the human factor.

   Times and Seasons 2/9 (1 March 1842): 707 (HC 4:537); Warren Cowdery, "Manuscript History of the Church," Bk A-l, pp. 121-22. Joseph also uses the phrase
"by the gift and power of God" in an 1833 letter to N. E. Seaton, in DHC 1:315; cf. his 13 November 1843 letter to James Arlington Bennett in Times and Seasons
4/24 (1 November 1843): 373, where he states: "By the power of God I translated the Book of Mormon from hieroglyphics."

   Other studies that have treated this topic include Richard Anderson, "By the Gift and Power of God," Ensign 7 (September 1977): 79-85; HC 1:127-33; B. H.
Roberts, Defense of the Faith and the Saints, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1907), 275-311; an excellent unpublished study by Robert F. Smith, "
'Translation of Languages' (Hermeneia Glosson 1 Cor. 12:10)," June 1980.

  Personal statement of Samuel W. Richards, 25 May 1907, in Harold B. Lee Library, BYU, Special Collections, cited in Anderson, "By the Gift and Power of God,"
85.

   Edward Stevenson's account of Harris's Sunday morning lecture in Salt Lake City, 4 September 1870, published in the Deseret Evening News, 5 September 1870,
and reprinted in the Deseret News, 30 November 1881, and in the Millennial Star 44 (6 February 1882): 86-87. Joseph's brother William made a statement to similar
effect in William Smith on Mormonism (Lamoni, IO: Herald Steam Book and Job Office, 1883), 12.

  David Whitmer, An Address to All Believers in Christ (Richmond, MO: n.p., 1887), 12.

  D. Michael Quinn, "The First Months of Mormonism: A Contemporary View by Reverend Diederich Willers," New York History 54 (1973): 326.

  Ibid., 321.

   Similarly, John A. Widtsoe, in Gospel Interpretations (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1947), stated that the translator must first perceive the thought and "then attempt to
reproduce the thought correctly, with every inflection of meaning, in the best words at his command. . . . This makes it unavoidable that much of the translator himself
remains in his translation. Cf. also B. H. Roberts, New Witnesses for God, 3 vols. (Salt Lake: Deseret News, 1909), 2:121.

Comments on Nephite Chronology
John L. Sorenson

The publication of Randall P. Spackman's "Introduction to Book of Mormon Chronology: The Principal Prophecies, Calendars, and Dates"               makes it advisable for
me to clarify the record in regard to statements I have published on chronology.

In An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon , I presented an expanded view of the Nephite calendar that I had briefly sketched in 1970. I pointed out
that the statement in the Book of Mormon about "600 years" intervening between the departure of Lehi from Jerusalem and the signs of the birth of Jesus Christ
reported in 3 Nephi could not be reconciled with the secular calendar. Any resolution of the discrepancy required recognition that the Nephites were using a "year" of
different length than the solar year used in secular history in the tradition of Western civilization. I suggested that a "Mayan" (actually, southern Mesoamerican) "year" of
360 days was probably in use among them, and that when that unit was applied to interpret the scriptural statements, the major elements of Nephite chronology
appeared to fall into place, with the departure of Lehi around 597 B.C. and the birth of the Savior in 5 B.C.

Those comments by me were made simply because the question of chronology seemed important to me, while nobody competent in the calendrical materials had to
that point presented a sensible picture of the matter. I claimed only tentative understanding of the issues involved and saw myself as merely suggesting some possible,
partial solutions. But I did not do serious research on the complex topic. After reading a prepublication draft of An Ancient American Setting, Jay Huber addressed the
subject. I encouraged and commented on a draft of his long article which F.A.R.M.S. published as "Lehi's 600 Year Prophecy and the Birth of Christ." It
represented a great improvement in depth of scholarship over my limited efforts. Now we have Spackman's important paper, which is far superior to anything
heretofore (again, I commented critically, but positively, on drafts). I find Spackman's arguments generally persuasive. They should be considered to supersede any
statements on the Nephite calendar I have made.

In particular, I had assumed that Lehi left Jerusalem in the first year of Zedekiah's reign. Rather, Spackman appears to be right that the departure took place shortly
before the fall of Jerusalem, over a decade later, because assumptions I made about the timing of events reported in 1 Ne. 1-18 are less likely than those he advances.
Furthermore, I supposed without adequate basis that while the "Mulekites" still used the Jewish lunar count (see the expression "moons" at Omni 1:21), Mosiah's party
employed some sort of solar-based calendar which superseded that of Zarahemla's people upon their political amalgamation. Spackman soundly argues that the Jewish
lunar count probably would have been used continuously by the Nephites even if they also followed a solar calendar. The less-than-600 solar years counted by
Western secular history between the departure of Lehi from Jerusalem and the birth of Christ turns out to be accommodated better (in a cultural sense) by reference to
a Nephite lunar calendar (with an average year length of about 354 days) than by my supposition of the adoption of a "Mayan" 360-day count.

Spackman's complex analysis still needs serious criticism by experts in the several subjects he treats, including the Jewish calendar, other Near Eastern calendars,
astronomy, and Mesoamerican calendars. I comment here on one area where I can add something-ï¿½the question of Mesoamerican seasons in relation to the Nephite
calendar, on which my published views now also need correction.

I had supposed that the Nephite new year's day referred to in Alma 51:37 and 52:1, when captain Teancum killed king Amalickiah and so turned back the Lamanite
military offensive that had reached as far as the land of Bountiful, fell near the winter solstice in December. Spackman calculates that in the year 69 B.C., the Nephites'
new year's day fell on February 25. My analysis of the Book of Mormon text found that most references to warfare placed it near the end or the beginning of the
Nephite year. I reasoned that these Lamanite and Nephite military cam paigns would have been constrained by the same conditions that made most Mesoamerican
warfare fall between late November and early February.

Further investigation has persuaded me, however, that I generalized too much. In fact, the length and timing of the "dry season" and "wet season" vary substantially from
region to region, depending upon specific local meteorological and topographic conditions. Generalizing for the entire area can introduce errors when comparison is
made with Book of Mormon events. Particularly, in the region I recognize as the probable location of Bountiful, southernmost Veracruz and extreme western Tabasco
states in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, rains during the North American winter months are caused by massive incursions into Mesoamerica of cold air masses from higher
latitudes. These result from the polar air masses that sweep southward through the Mississippi River valley, then out across the Gulf of Mexico where additional
moisture is picked up. When this air reaches southern Mexico, it is funnelled by mountains on either side of the saddle-shaped isthmus so that it pours across that pass
and adjacent territories-ï¿½the "bottom" of the Gulf of Mexicoï¿½-out over the Pacific Ocean. On its way south up the Gulf Coast side, this air is orographically lifted
by the mountains, causing it to drop much of its moisture on southern Veracruz, Tabasco, Campeche, and northern Chiapas. (Then, as it descends down the Pacific
slope, the consequent warming effect produces strong, dry winds along the Pacific coast, which means that agriculture along that strip is always a doubtful business.)
The   rains produced
 Copyright           by these Infobase
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                                          in December
                                                Corp. through February mean that on the Gulf side of the isthmus "the so-called dry season is not very dry." Only
                                                                                                                                                   Page     191 / 919
March, April, and early May have low rainfall. For instance, at Santa Maria Chimalapa, up in the mountainous spine of the isthmus, rain due to northers recurs with
some frequency through early February and irregularly up to another month after that. However, along the band of sand dunes "down by the seashore" (Alma 51:25)
adjacent to the Gulf Coast ("the beach" of Alma 51:32), travel is usually feasible by February.
moisture is picked up. When this air reaches southern Mexico, it is funnelled by mountains on either side of the saddle-shaped isthmus so that it pours across that pass
and adjacent territories-ï¿½the "bottom" of the Gulf of Mexicoï¿½-out over the Pacific Ocean. On its way south up the Gulf Coast side, this air is orographically lifted
by the mountains, causing it to drop much of its moisture on southern Veracruz, Tabasco, Campeche, and northern Chiapas. (Then, as it descends down the Pacific
slope, the consequent warming effect produces strong, dry winds along the Pacific coast, which means that agriculture along that strip is always a doubtful business.)
The rains produced by these "northers" in December through February mean that on the Gulf side of the isthmus "the so-called dry season is not very dry." Only
March, April, and early May have low rainfall. For instance, at Santa Maria Chimalapa, up in the mountainous spine of the isthmus, rain due to northers recurs with
some frequency through early February and irregularly up to another month after that. However, along the band of sand dunes "down by the seashore" (Alma 51:25)
adjacent to the Gulf Coast ("the beach" of Alma 51:32), travel is usually feasible by February.

Western highland Guatemala, which I consider part of the land of Nephi from which Lamanite soldiers would have been drawn, differs. Most of the northers are
blocked by intervening high elevations; consequently, dry conditions develop months earlier than in the isthmus zone. The dry season in Guatemala begins in November;
in late December the harvest begins and continues through the middle of February. But again, local factors make a big difference; the dry season lasts substantially
longer along the very coast, and also back in the highlands, than in the intermediate zoneï¿½-the foothills facing the Pacific Ocean.

ï¿½Amalickiah's armies were recruited from "the land of Nephi," and he would have had to adapt his plans to the agricultural schedule of the Lamanite peasants who
formed the "wonderfully great army" that he dispatched to attack the city of Moroni on the east sea (Alma 51:9, 11-12, 22-28). A plausible schedule would have been:
(1) much of the harvest already gath ered before the men departed from their home areas in the high lands (January?); (2) weeks of movement to a staging area
(Antionum?) near Moroni on the east sea; (3) one or two weeks to conquer the settlements near the seacoast, from Moroni to near Bountiful (see Alma 51:23-28).
Given the dates for the harvest on the one hand and the dry period when military operations in the field could be reliably scheduled on the other hand, for both my land
of Nephi (highland Guatemala) and the Moroni-Bountiful area (Gulf Coast), I believe that logistics, weather, trail conditions, etc., would not permit an attack on Moroni
to be launched before mid-February. Spackman's date of February 25 for the new year's day reported in Alma 52:1 is reasonable, as I now understand natural
conditions in both contemporary Middle America and Book of Mormon lands. On the contrary, my earlier proposal for a date around the winter solstice now seems
too early. The correlation between the Nephite months and our cur rent months which I proposed in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon thus needs to be revised by
about two months.

About the Contributors

William J. Adams, Jr., Ph.D., is Learning Center Coordinator with Granite Community Education, Salt Lake City.

Jeffrey R. Chadwick, Ph.D., teaches on the Near Eastern Studies faculty at the Jerusalem Center for Near Eastern Studies in Israel.

Robert E. Clark, B.A., is pursuing graduate studies in History of Religions at the University of Chicago Divinity School.

Wallace E. Hunt, Jr., B.S., is a retired businessman and an avid collector of early Mormon Americana.

Jennifer Clark Lane, B.A., is a graduate student in Near Eastern Studies at Brigham Young University.

Thomas W. Mackay, Ph.D., is professor of Classical and Medieval Studies at Brigham Young University.

Garth L. Mangum, Ph.D., is the Max McGraw Professor of Economics and Management at the University of Utah.

Louis Midgley, Ph.D., is professor of Political Science at Brigham Young University.

Robert L. Millet, Ph.D., is dean of Religious Education and pro fessor of Ancient Scripture at Brigham Young University.

Lenet Hadley Read, B.A., has completed one year of postgraduate studies in religion.

Stephen D. Ricks, Ph.D., is associate dean of General and Honors Education at Brigham Young University and professor of Hebrew and Semitic languages.

Matthew Roper is a senior in history at Brigham Young University.

John L. Sorenson, Ph.D., is professor emeritus of anthropology at Brigham Young University.

Corbin T. Volluz, J.D., is a senior deputy prosecuting attorney for Skagit County, Washington.

Book of Mormon Studies Spring 1994
ï¿½ Copyright 1994 by the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS). All rights reserved. Licensed by Infobases, Inc. for inclusion in the LDS
Collectors Library.

Randall P. Spackman, "Introduction to Book of Mormon Chronology: The Principal Prophecies, Calendars, and Dates" F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1993.

John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1985), 270-76; "Observations on Nephite
Chronology," number 8 in my series of privately circulated "Book of Mormon Working Papers."

Jay Huber, "Lehi's 600 Year Prophecy and the Birth of Christ," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1982

Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting, 270; cf. also "Transoceanic Crossings," in Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate, Jr., eds., The Book of Mormon: First
Nephi, the Doctrinal Foundation (Provo: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1988), 261.

See John L. Sorenson, "Seasonality of Warfare in the Book of Mormon and in Mesoamerica," in Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin, eds., Warfare in the Book
of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 445-77; and, "Seasons of War, Seasons of Peace in the Book of Mormon," in John L. Sorenson
and Melvin J. Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 249-55.

Spackman, Introduction to Book of Mormon Chronology, 30.

Michael D. (c)
Copyright  Coe, "Photogrammetry
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                          Infobase   the Ecology
                                          Corp. of Olmec Civilization," paper read at Working Conference on Aerial Photography and Anthropology,
                                                                                                                                        Page 192 Cambridge,
                                                                                                                                                    / 919
Massachusetts, 10-12 May 1969, 8.

Carlos Muï¿½oz Muï¿½oz, Cr ica de Santa Maria Chimalapa: en las selvas del Istmo de Tehuantepec ((San Luis Potosï¿½: Ediciones Molina, 1977), 30-46, 59-74.
and Melvin J. Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 249-55.

Spackman, Introduction to Book of Mormon Chronology, 30.

Michael D. Coe, "Photogrammetry and the Ecology of Olmec Civilization," paper read at Working Conference on Aerial Photography and Anthropology, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 10-12 May 1969, 8.

Carlos Muï¿½oz Muï¿½oz, Cr ica de Santa Maria Chimalapa: en las selvas del Istmo de Tehuantepec ((San Luis Potosï¿½: Ediciones Molina, 1977), 30-46, 59-74.

Robert C. West and John P. Augelli, Middle America: Its Lands and Peoples, 2d ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1976), 43, fig. 2.18. Jorge A. Viv Escoto,
"Weather and Climate of Mexico and Central America," in R. C. West, ed., andbook of Middle American Indians vol. 1. atural Environment and Early Cultures
((Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964), fig. 3, 193, 201-3, fig. 14, 213. This was confirmed by my personal experience with travel in the area between January and
April.

Charles Wagley, "The Social and Religious Life of a Guatemalan Village," American Anthropological Association Memoir 41 (1949): 110-11, 118.

Gareth W. Lowe et al., "Izapa: An Introduction to the Ruins and Monuments," BYU New World Archaeological Foundation Papers 31 (1982): 55, 61.

On how we know this from the Book of Mormon text, see my The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Book, rev. ed., (Provo: F.A.R.M.S., 1992),
266.

I may, of course, be reasoning circularly between the two sets of data, but, being aware of that danger, I still believe that the conclusion seems right.

Editor's Introduction
Stephen D. Ricks

We begin with this issue the third year of publication of the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies. I am gratified by the growing number of outstanding submissions to the
Journal. The contents of this issue are reflective of their quality and breadth: studies on the history, language, theology, and literary style of the Book of Mormon, written
by persons of widely varying backgrounds, all of whom share a love of the Book of Mormon and a commitment to its value.

In one particular area I wish to solicit further submissions--Notes and Communications. A contribution need not be long to be significant. If you have a contribution of
one-half to three or four pages to introduce a new topic or to continue a discussion that has already been going on, I encourage you to submit it for consideration.

As always, this journal is the fruit of the efforts of many individuals. I would like to thank my board of editors for their important input and suggestions. In addition, I
would like to thank Melvin Thorne for timely editorial advice, and Shirley Ricks for seeing this issue through to publication.

What's in a Name? Book of Mormon Language Names and [Metonymic] Naming
Gordon C. Thomasson

Abstract: Anthropological perspectives are presented on names, and on the social and literary function of names, in principle and in the Book of Mormon. The function
of names in kinship; secret names; names, ritual, and rites of passage are first discussed in general and then from a Latter-day Saint perspective. The symbolic use of
names and metonymy or metonymic naming is then discussed. Examples are given of biblical and Book of Mormon metonymic naming, nomenclature, and taxonomy.
Finally, it is suggested that biblical laws of purity form the foundation for a pattern of metonymic associations with the name Lamanite, where the dichotomy of
clean/unclean is used to give name to social alienation and pollution.

Introduction

What's in a name? On occasion the name or title Doctor has been incorrectly ascribed to meï¿½-not as a conferred Ph.D., but as an M.D. or physician. I am an
interdisciplinary social scientist, an applied anthropologist, and a historian among other things, but not a medical doctor (though for some the confusion may have arisen
because I have done research on and taught medical anthropology in a B.S./R.N. degree-granting college of nursing). The confusion is natural. Everyone from plant
physiologists to doctors of philosophy in theater arts is as likely to hear garrulous hypochondriacs begin a long recitation of their symptoms on hearing the title doctor at
a party, since the majority of the population, outside the academic community, first think of medical practitioners when they hear that name or title.

Like names or titles in less secular societies, in our culture the title doctor, whatever academic field its origin, usually signifies that the bearer has indeed undergone
certain rites of passage. And the name doctor (as well as certain vestments, oaths, and covenants) both symbolizes and in some ways teaches the individual and the
community what that particular person's role in society is to be and what skills, abilities, or authority that individual legitimately can be expected to exercise. It also struc
tures the relationships such an individual has with the rest of the community. So titles that are mistaken for that of the M.D. are quite legitimately confused, from a
social point of view.

Kinship

Names, first of all, can, and I stress the conditional, tell us about kinship. Any Balinese, upon learning that my oldest son is named after his maternal great-grandfather,
would smile and nod knowingly. How else should he be named, since from their point-of-view great-grandfathers are reincarnated as great-grandsons? But in our
modern and increasingly secular and socially fragmented world, kin relationships are rarely reflected in anything except last names. Generations live far apart in space,
time, and world view. As a result, in 1984 when this study was first presented, I knew of several thirteen-to-seventeen-year-old "Raquels" and many more two-to-
seven-year-old Brookes and Farrahs. Such names tell us nothing specific about the genealogy of such individuals, however much they reflect the fragmentation of
families in our society and the media tastes of these children's parentsï¿½-just as Jared Mahonri Moriancumr Jones' name reflects his parents' religion. Many are glad
for a world where no one says, "Oh, you're a son of xxxx, aren't you?" or "You're that so-and-so's son!" In our society today, children rarely suffer for the sins of their
parents, at least in name.

Secret Names

An elementary point learned along the fieldwork-path to becoming an anthropologist is that names are often not what they seem to be, either for the person who bears
them or for the rest of society. Among the Kpelle of West Africa with whom I worked, in a pattern found in many areas which experience a high infant mortality rate,
naming serves a talismanic function: protecting children from evil. Boys are given names such as "good for nothing" or "dirt," for example, so that they will be beneath
the notice of the powers of death-ï¿½unattractive targets, as it were. Upon reaching the age where they are initiated into the secret men's Poro society, these boys will
be given "manly"
 Copyright         names such
            (c) 2005-2009,       as Leopard,
                              Infobase  MediathatCorp.
                                                  reflect their real worth to society. This fact, that people's names change through time, is a bane to the superficial
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genealogist. It should not be surprising to us as Latter-day Saints, if we carefully examine the entire complex of our ritual life, and this may provide some suggestions for
future Book of Mormon investigations as well.
An elementary point learned along the fieldwork-path to becoming an anthropologist is that names are often not what they seem to be, either for the person who bears
them or for the rest of society. Among the Kpelle of West Africa with whom I worked, in a pattern found in many areas which experience a high infant mortality rate,
naming serves a talismanic function: protecting children from evil. Boys are given names such as "good for nothing" or "dirt," for example, so that they will be beneath
the notice of the powers of death-ï¿½unattractive targets, as it were. Upon reaching the age where they are initiated into the secret men's Poro society, these boys will
be given "manly" names such as Leopard, that reflect their real worth to society. This fact, that people's names change through time, is a bane to the superficial
genealogist. It should not be surprising to us as Latter-day Saints, if we carefully examine the entire complex of our ritual life, and this may provide some suggestions for
future Book of Mormon investigations as well.

Names and Ritual: Rites of Passage

Names can be acquired by legitimate means, through ritual. With the objective of their sons being legitimate descendants of Abraham and thereby partakers of the
Abrahamic covenant, Jews and Moslems still practice circumcision. If we carefully study Arnold Van Gennep's pioneering classic work, Rites of Passage, we will
find a pattern of ritual name-giving associated with transitions to specific life stages that has familiar resonances within the Latter-day Saint religion. Linked with each of
these passages is the usually gradual (line upon line, precept upon precept) pattern of teaching and reception of certain knowledge appropriate to that age, the making
of covenants, explicit or implied, with the larger society, and the receiving of a new name. In this light, if we examine Latter-day Saint practices we will find that:

1. Upon making the transition from pre-earth life or the "spirit world" to mortality, the first thing we ritually give an infant is a "name" by which that child will be known,
except in cases of bad health where the child may first be anointed and blessed to be healed.

2. As a child grows, the next transition we find it making is being baptized. Associated with certain covenants which the child (or the adult as pseudochild) makes is the
taking upon oneself the name of Christ, or, properly speaking, becoming a Christian in name, and, it is to be hoped, in behavior.

3. The next name assumed and given is that of Brother or Sister, as the newly baptized Christian is also confirmed a member of the institutional Church, entering into a
theologically not-so-fictive kinship relationship with others who have made the same covenants to

be willing to mourn with those that mourn; yea, and comfort those that stand in need of comfort, and to stand as witnesses of God at all times, and in all things, and in all
places that they may be in, even until death. (Mosiah 18:9)

This named kin-relationship is reciprocally assumed and made even less "fictive" by the local congregation accepting the new member through the process of common
consent (a type of adoption).

4. The next specific naming takes place approximately at puberty for boys, when our society splits what had been sexually undifferentiated patterns of childhood
socialization (the Primary program prior to the Blazer/Merrie Miss age) into specific sexually differentiated associations or societies for socialization of youth into their
future roles as adults. Boys at approximately twelve years of age are ordained and given the name of deacons, with a set of scripturally mandated responsibilities and
roles that give them their place within society. At the same time that boys are learning their roles as both future fathers and priesthood holders, girls are instructed in the
roles they will fill. Ordination as a teacher and finally a priest gives the boy more roles, and teaches him more of society's expectations, to say nothing of conferring upon
him new names.

5. At some point in this phase of pre-adulthood, both sexes have the opportunity to take upon them not just their personal name, but their tribe's name as well, through
what we call "patriarchal" blessings, which affirm the person's lineage and give further instruction as to how that individual is to live.

6. As the men and women enter adulthood they are reinte grated socially in the Gospel Doctrine class of the Sunday School. At about this time, men, if willing and able
to live the covenants and fill the expected roles, are given the name of Elderï¿½-an appropriate title for an adult within any social system. From this point onward it is
also appropriateï¿½-other rites of passage such as missions being preferred but not absolutely required-ï¿½that those entering marriage do so in a context wherein they
also receive more names, based upon new covenants, learned roles and expectations, including receiving through ritual the names of husband or wife, and later, mother
or father. All these names condition the individual's social relationships and other people's expectations of them.

7. Progressing in age, men and women can gain other names. Through auxiliary and priesthood callings names such as President and Bishop are acquired. The degree
to which such names structure social relationships and role expectations can be imagined if one pictures the reactions in a bar if the bartender were to say "Why, hello,
Bishop," depending on if he was addressing him as a customer or a visitor.

These patterns are not new or unique to Latter-day Saints. But some, upon examining Latter-day Saint temple worship, think they find a discontinuity between it and
the rest of the Gospel. From an anthropological perspective, there is none. The problem is, and this brings us directly back to the Book of Mormon, that these
patterns of public ritual and culture are the water in which we, like fishes, swim. They are so commonplace as to be invisible to us normally, and we take them for
granted until confronted by something as dramatic and personally revealing as the Latter-day Saint temple experience.

Not Quite a Digression: on Taking the Book of Mormon for Granted

An example of how we take things for granted is found in our own unconscious goyische cultural bias (gentile American, as con trasted to Latter-day Saint), having led
to our missing the fact of Israelite worship, festival, and holy day observances in the Book of Mormon. For some time there has been a widespread awareness of the
ancient nature of events described in Mosiah 1-6. In the summer of 1984 I discovered that there was a second divine kingship allusion (Alma 20:9-12) in the Book
of Mormon. A few weeks later I discovered a rather clear reference to the Rosh ha-Shanah through Yom Kippur "days of penitence (or awe)" (Alma 30:2-4), and
after that I recognized that Alma 36-42 reflected a Passover ritual.

What does this have to do with language in general and names in particular? I mention this revolution in approach to the Book of Mormon because it suggests why we
previously may have missed obvious dimensions of the scriptures' meanings. One reason is our assumptions about what we would find in the text. Another is its authors'
natural tendency to take for granted their own culture and assume that later readers would automatically understand the subtle allusions they were making to what
"everyone" in their society, down to almost the youngest child, would of course immediately understand. If we were to describe a sacrament meeting we would almost
certainly omit details that any "man from Mars" would notice, because we take them so for granted. So it is with the Book of Mormon.

Symbolic Use of Names: Metonymy

In secularized Western societies we often take names far too lightly. As a result we miss much of what a truly polysemous text (having multiple meanings or
significations), such as the Book of Mormon may communicate. Many years ago Hugh Nibley gave us a huge leg-up in the study of Book of Mormon names when
he showed the Old World precedents and correlations for a number of the otherwise extrabiblical and extraordinary names it contains, such as Paanchi and Korihor.
In the spring of 1984, after noting a few odd uses of names in the Book of Mormon, and at the risk of landing myself squarely on Bird Island, based on my own
research I proposed a theory which would account for some of thoseï¿½-in Joseph Smith's day unknownï¿½-Old World names occurring in the text. In a few words,
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my hypothesis is that in order to facilitate editorial condensation of the Nephite records,    a process of metonymic naming was used by Mormon,      Moroni,
others, wherein symbolically or historically "loaded" names may have been substituted for the actual personal names of given individuals.
significations), such as the Book of Mormon may communicate. Many years ago Hugh Nibley gave us a huge leg-up in the study of Book of Mormon names when
he showed the Old World precedents and correlations for a number of the otherwise extrabiblical and extraordinary names it contains, such as Paanchi and Korihor.
In the spring of 1984, after noting a few odd uses of names in the Book of Mormon, and at the risk of landing myself squarely on Bird Island, based on my own
research I proposed a theory which would account for some of thoseï¿½-in Joseph Smith's day unknownï¿½-Old World names occurring in the text. In a few words,
my hypothesis is that in order to facilitate editorial condensation of the Nephite records,    a process of metonymic naming was used by Mormon, Moroni, or
others, wherein symbolically or historically "loaded" names may have been substituted for the actual personal names of given individuals.

Metonymy or metonymic naming involves "naming by association," a metaphoric process of linking two concepts or persons together in such a way as to tell us more
about the latter by means of what we already know about the former. For example, to call a potential scandal a "Watergate" is to suggest volumes in a single word.
Similarly, if we call an individual a Judas or a Quisling, rather than giving his or her proper name, we can in one word convey an immense amount of information about
how we at least feel toward that person. Names which are specific to particular castes in India have a metonymic function, linking the individual clearly to the role they
are to perform in this life. In this case, these are names which the person actually bears in real life. Other names are assigned after-the-fact.

Biblical Metonymy

Not all names are metonymically assigned after-the-fact, but some, if they are not, are very convenient. In considering whether metonymy is a biblical phenomenon, I
first think of Paul. When we are told that Paul was first named Saul, and that the Son of David's words to him were "Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?" (Acts 9:4),
if we know our bible as Saul would have known it, our minds can link King Saul, who persecuted David, with the New Testament apostle-to-be. The most explicit
imagery comes when David stands outside Saul's cave with Saul's bottle and spear, saying, "wherefore doth my Lord thus pursue after his servant?" (1 Sam. 26:18; see
also verses 5-20, and 1 Sam. 24:1-15.) We could describe this as a typological coincidence, or perhaps as an after-the-fact renaming of Paul by himself (or Luke?)
to more vividly illustrate the nature of his actions by comparing him (self) with the wicked Saul who pursued and attempted to kill the anointed one of Israel. If the latter
is the case, then this would be an example of metonymic naming.

Not all names are metonymic, of course. The Joseph Smiths, Sr. and Jr., come by their real names quite legitimately, whether one chooses to see this as an inspired
fulfillment of prophecy or, as do some critics, as a "coincidence." There is, in any case, a legitimate metonymic association between them and the Joseph who was
sold into Egypt. But in some cases we find names that are almost certainly editorial insertions. For example, while David was in flight, he sought food from a man the
biblical text names as Nabal. It stretches credibility to believe that a man would, as an affluent adult Israelite, carry with him the name of Mr. Fool. But that is his name,
according to the text, and his actions are indeed foolishï¿½-refusing food to the anointed king and consistently successful warrior, David (1 Sam. 25:25). Nabal is, I
believe, a clear example of inspired editorial, after-the-fact metonymic naming in the Old Testament.

Metonymy in the Book of Mormon

Names can have multiple meanings and functions. The Greek "pre-historic" word Mormo (which is to say it is a loan word into Greek, probably from some other
Mediterranean culture) refers to the sound made by wild animals, a growl or a murmur, and is an example of onomatopoeia. If the place name Mormon has the same
root as Mormo, it is quite appropriately used, based upon this etymology, to refer to the wilderness area where Alma's young Church began, a place characterized by
the text as being "infested, by times, or at seasons, by wild beasts" (Mosiah 18:4). The word Mormon almost immediately took on other associations, however,
linked with the covenants entered into by the members of the new Church. It may also have good Egyptian meanings, including associations with wild animals and even
with the concept of "more good." The prophet Mormon's name might make perfectly good sense in describing him as a successful military commander (the Lion of
Judah, Richard the Lionhearted, etc.), but is much better understood for its link to the covenants made by Alma's flock, and may well have been given to him by his
parents because of its didactic/metonymic associations. Names may have multiple meanings and functions, especially in a multilingual and multicultural context.

The Book of Mormon unquestionably employs metonymic naming in several contexts. First of all, kings of the Nephites, Lamanites, and peoples of Zarahemla, among
others, received the name of the first king over that people, along with their own given name (see for example Jacob 1:11; Mosiah 7:21-22; and Omni 14). The
peoples who followed these leaders were also metonymically named, receiving the name Nephites, in Jacob 1:14, for instance. Those who move from one group to
another or from one lifestyle to another are also metonymically named by the Book of Mormonï¿½-coming to be known as Nephites, Lamanites, or whatever by the
spiritual choices they make, rather than their genealogy, as in 4 Ne. 20 where we read about the

people who had revolted from the church and taken upon them the name of Lamanites.

Apart from general patterns of metonymic naming in the Book of Mormon, we find that metonymy as a technique of editorial condensation and commentary may have
been employed, telling us a great deal about an individual apart from his Nephite or Lamanitishness, or his being a king or descendent of kings. I suggest that metonymy
was in fact a major editorial technique in the Book of Mormon and the Bible.

Names such as Paanchi, Korihor, and Aha come to mind. In dif ferent contexts, Dr. Nibley and Benjamin Urrutia have pointed out that Jaredite names appear at times
when severe problems arise in Nephite society. Is a direct bull's eye such as Paanchi the person's real name, or has the guilty party's name been changed to tell more
about him in a small amount of space. If Alma 2 's apostasy took place some time after his marriage, could this explain why he gave apparently "heavy," probably
Jaredite names to his younger sons such as Shiblon and Corianton, in contrast to naming his first son, Helaman, apparently after his father's first convert. Is it a reflection
of his rebellion at the time, or an after-the-fact reflection of the kind of life he was leading and led them into, before he had repented?

Given the fact that in the ancient Near East a word equivalent to the word anti could mean just what it means in English today, the name of the Lamanite crown prince,
son of Lamoni's father, "Anti-Nephi-Lehi" is a perfectly appropriate throne name for what the Lamanites had stood for, prior to their conversion. Was Anti-Nephi-Lehi
his real name, a ritual title, or a metonym?

The renaming of the city-site of Ammonihah as the "Desolation of Nehors" is a perfect example of metonymy, whether it was a contemporary designation or was given
after-the-fact. Such a name conveys both cause and effect to readers of the text.

Robert F. Smith has suggested a meaning for Gadiantonï¿½-specifically "my fortune is [in] oppression/affliction/rapine"-ï¿½which is classically metonymic, and very
much to the point in this case.

The "Nephite" Coriantumr of Hel. 1 may be a metonym, as his revolt leads to a scene of carnage very similar to that created at least in part by the Jaredite with the
same name.

Isabel, and here I have come to agree with the majority of the F.A.R.M.S. committee, may well be metonymically linked with the Old Testament Jezebel who led Israel
into idolatry or whoring after false gods, as the harlot Isabel does Corianton and those he should teach.

Another example, suggested by Benjamin Urrutia after I advanced the metonymy hypothesis, is to be found in Laban. In both the Old Testament and the Book of
Mormon, Laban is a scheming kinsman who denies relatives property that is rightfully theirs, causes them to flee from his presence, exploits their resources, mounts
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punitive expeditions against them, and who finally must be overcome, by almost any means. It is also worthy of note, as John Tvedtnes has mentioned,     that195  / 919
                                                                                                                                                              Laban is
Nabal backwards, and that such word-plays and puns, as well as gemmatrias-ï¿½are there any of these in the Book of Mormon?-ï¿½are typical of Hebrew naming.
into idolatry or whoring after false gods, as the harlot Isabel does Corianton and those he should teach.

Another example, suggested by Benjamin Urrutia after I advanced the metonymy hypothesis, is to be found in Laban. In both the Old Testament and the Book of
Mormon, Laban is a scheming kinsman who denies relatives property that is rightfully theirs, causes them to flee from his presence, exploits their resources, mounts
punitive expeditions against them, and who finally must be overcome, by almost any means. It is also worthy of note, as John Tvedtnes has mentioned, that Laban is
Nabal backwards, and that such word-plays and puns, as well as gemmatrias-ï¿½are there any of these in the Book of Mormon?-ï¿½are typical of Hebrew naming.

Jack Welch has suggested that Alma's own name, potentially suggesting either eternal or hidden, may well be a metonym, or a name given to signify the change that has
occurred in an individual, and a rite of passage that has been experienced.

Finally, and this is the name that convinced me to pursue this entire subject, we come to Benjamin Urrutia's correlation of ezrom and the name Zeezrom. In Alma 11 we
find a seeming digression from the topic of the text in the complex discussion of Nephite weights and units of measure and equivalents. Conspicuous, now, among the
names of the units of value given is that of an ezrom (Alma 11:6, 12). It is a quantity of silver. Immediately after the discussion of money we find the person who is
called Zeezrom. This appears to be a compound of the word Ze, which we can translate "This is an" as a prefix, and the word "ezrom." Zeezrom is distinguished by
having offered 10.5 ezrom of silver to Alma and Amulek if they would deny their testimonies. Zeezrom is a lawyer of dubious repute-ï¿½today we might call him a bag-
man, or a "fixer"ï¿½-one who offers bribes, and his name entirely fits his life before he repents (Alma 11:12). His name would translate "this is a unit of silver." Besides
linking him with his actions, the name links him into a typological complex with those who would sell their signs and tokens for money and to Judas' selling/betraying
Christ for thirty pieces of silver. If this is not metonymic naming I am anxious to learn what it might be. Lest the likelihood of Zeezrom being a metonym be underrated, I
subsequently noted that the largest Nephite weights and units of measure, the antion of gold (Alma 11:19), appears in later chapters of the text of Alma, first in referring
to a chief ruler of Ammonihahï¿½-one Antionah (a big man in status and self-esteem, Alma 12:20)ï¿½-and later to the big-money town or pride-in-wealth city of
Antionum (Alma 31:3), home of the noveau riche bourgeois Zoramites (note they take upon themselves the name of an exservant, Zoram).

With the name of Zeezrom and the probable use of the word antion in other related contexts, I believe that we have a prima facia case for pursuing the concept of
metonymic naming as a mechanism for exploring the scriptures both for a deeper under standing of their meaning and as a possible key to some of the linguistic features
of Nephite language, many of which appear to be quite ancient, such as its color vocabulary.

To be Named Unclean: Biblical Laws of Purity and Metonymic Associations of the Name Lamanite

As noted above, the Book of Mormon reflects ancient Israelite religion on the most macro scales at which it can be read. The book's overall historical skeleton is the
biblical ritual cycle of the ancient Mosaic calendar, ranging from the fifty-year cycle of jubilees down to the preexilic (having their origins before the Babylonian
captivity) annual feasts, festivals, and holy days. At the same time that it can be appreciated on this scale, the text can be read on descending levels of magnitude down
to almost microscopic levels of detail as reflected in the choice of single words, yet stillï¿½-like the repetitive pattern of a Mandelbrot set in "chaos" mathematical
equations-ï¿½essential features of Israelite religion reappear. And what are found, consistently, are not the highly elaborated and detailed codes of later rabbinic
Judaism, but the more essential and fundamental patterns which emerge from historical study of the five books of Moses.

The presence of biblical laws of purity, of subtle distinctions between the clean and the unclean, and of a rhetoric of otherness based on or reflected in a pattern of
metonymic naming in the Book of Mormon is strong evidence for the preexilic origin of the text and Book of Mormon cultures. This is in line with the recent reversing
of a trend of at least a century; the canonical Torah of Judaism is increasingly being recognized today as having ancient rather than postexilic origins. Archaeological
discovery of two preexilic silver amulets which contain the text of the intrinsically most priestly blessing still in use today (Num. 6:22-27)-ï¿½what should have been
postexilic "P" texts according to older evolutionary models of textual criticism-ï¿½call at least the dating scheme associated with the "JEDP" hypothesis severely into
question. Instead of models of a recent (postexilic) Torah, the picture in Deuteronomy of the Torah in the ark (Deut. 31:26) is plausible, and the suggestions that King
Josiah employed the book of the law in his religious reformation of 622 B.C. (2 Kgs. 23:24), and that Nehemiah indeed used the books of Moses in his Year Rite at
the Water Gate (Neh. 8:1-8), are regaining credibility. The Tanakh or canonical compilation of the books of the Law, the Prophets, and the Writings, is today
recognized as dating back at least to the second century B.C. And every book of the Jewish canon has been found among the Dead Sea Scrolls from Qumran, with the
exception of the book of Esther. Thus, the ancient laws governing purity, the clean, and the unclean should, in fact, have been part of Nephite culture, rather than being
an anachronism.

Laws of the Clean and the Unclean

A typical example of the richly detailed minutiae reflecting Israelite religion in the Book of Mormon involves reflection of the most essential laws which distinguish the
clean from the unclean. Something of the history of the development of Israelite religion, or a lack of awareness of some of the Oral Law among the Nephites, may
also be reflected. Consider first the Jaredite taxonomy of permissible foods.

And also all manner of cattle, of oxen, and cows, and of sheep, and of swine, and of goats, and also many other kinds of animals which were useful for the food of
man. (Ether 9:18)

Here we find a reflection of the Noahide law (Gen. 7:2, 8;8:20, which preceded the Law of Moses). These refugees from the Tower of Babel, existing before the
patriarchs and the Abrahamic covenant, Israel as a people, and Moses, did not scruple to categorize swine as edible.

In the age of the patriarchs we see that nomadism and pastoralism were the predominant lifestyles after Abram fled his father's house (e.g,. Gen. 13:5-7).

And the boys grew: and Esau was a cunning hunter, a man of the field; and Jacob was a plain man, dwelling in tents.

And Isaac loved Esau, because he did eat of his veni son: but Rebekah loved Jacob. (Gen. 25:27-28)

The dual pattern persists later, although hunting apparently becomes less respectable. In fact, "clean" beasts killed by hunting are acceptable food even today, but only if
no other sustenance is available. Otherwise clean species, if they are taken as prey through hunting in which the animal is killed but not ritually slaughtered in a correct
manner, contain substantial amounts of blood. The Mosaic law elaborates on these concepts (e.g., Lev. 10:10;11:47;20:25; Deut. 12:22-25;14; Ezek. 22:26;44:7,
25).

The Lehite party, as it traveled down the Arabian peninsula, sub sisted of necessity on wild game, even eating it uncooked. In contrast to the rules governing
consumption of the Passover lamb (Ex. 12:8-9), the refugees ate some of their meat raw (an expedient because of the security risk fires posed in the wilderness?).
There were well-known exceptions to the laws in extreme circumstances (1 Kgs. 17:4-6).

For the Lord had not hitherto suffered that we should make much fire, as we journeyed in the wilderness; for he said: I will make thy food become sweet, that ye cook
it not;

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                                                  and I will prepare the way before you, if it so be that ye shall keep my commandments; wherefore, inasmuch as ye/ shall
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keep my commandments ye shall be led towards the promised land; and ye shall know that it is by me that ye are led. (1 Ne. 17:12-13)
For the Lord had not hitherto suffered that we should make much fire, as we journeyed in the wilderness; for he said: I will make thy food become sweet, that ye cook
it not;

And I will also be your light in the wilderness; and I will prepare the way before you, if it so be that ye shall keep my commandments; wherefore, inasmuch as ye shall
keep my commandments ye shall be led towards the promised land; and ye shall know that it is by me that ye are led. (1 Ne. 17:12-13)

They hunted out of apparent need, and suffered when they could not find game.

And it came to pass that we did take our bows and our arrows, and go forth into the wilderness to slay food for our families; and after we had slain food for our
families we did return again to our families in the wilderness, to the place of Shazer. And we did go forth again in the wilderness, following the same direction, keeping
in the most fertile parts of the wilderness, which were in the borders near the Red Sea.

And it came to pass that we did travel for the space of many days, slaying food by the way, with our bows and our arrows and our stones and our slings.

And we did follow the directions of the ball, which led us in the more fertile parts of the wilderness.

And after we had traveled for the space of many days, we did pitch our tents for the space of a time, that we might again rest ourselves and obtain food for our families.

And it came to pass that as I, Nephi, went forth to slay food, behold, I did break my bow, which was made of fine steel; and after I did break my bow, behold, my
brethren were angry with me because of the loss of my bow, for we did obtain no food.

And it came to pass that we did return without food to our families, and being much fatigued, because of their journeying, they did suffer much for the want of food. (1
Ne. 16:14-19)

While initially settling the promised land and adjusting to its new ecosystem, flora and fauna, this pattern continues. Nephi later describes the animals found some time
after arriving in the promised land in the Americas.

And it came to pass that we did find upon the land of promise, as we journeyed in the wilderness, that there were beasts in the forests of every kind, both the cow and
the ox, and the ass and the horse, and the goat and the wild goat, and all manner of wild animals, which were for the use of men. And we did find all manner of ore,
both of gold, and of silver, and of copper. (1 Ne. 18:25)

Giving Name to Social Alienation and Pollution

Up to the point that the Lehite colony divides into the Lamanite and Nephite factions (2 Ne. 5), the diet question lacks any obvious polemical content or implied
question of ritual purity. It should be noted that by this point in their history the colonists who follow Nephi appear to have made a transition to a relatively more
sedentary agricultural lifestyle. From the mention of separation, however, the Nephite records reflect a concern for the essentials of the laws of the clean and the
unclean, the raw and the cooked, a distinction between purity and danger that serves as a condemnation or measure of the depravity of the Lamanites. First we are told
that

And because of their cursing which was upon them they did become an idle people, full of mischief and subtlety, and did seek in the wilderness for beasts of prey. (2
Ne. 5:24)

From this point onward in the text, the name Lamanite is metonymically associated with the most clear and explicit forms of ritual impurity. The force of this description
only becomes obvious over time. Nephites, including their prophet/leaders, still hunted, as we see in the case of the prophet Enos.

Behold, I went to hunt beasts in the forests; and the words which I had often heard my father speak concerning eternal life, and the joy of the saints, sunk deep into my
heart. (Enos 1:3)

After his own blessing, however, Enos comes to see something of the depravity of the Lamanites.

And I bear record that the people of Nephi did seek diligently to restore the Lamanites unto the true faith in God. But our labors were vain; their hatred was fixed, and
they were led by their evil nature that they became wild, and ferocious, and a bloodthirsty people, full of idolatry and filthiness; feeding upon beasts of prey; dwelling in
tents, and wandering about in the wilderness with a short skin girdle about their loins and their heads shaven; and their skill was in the bow, and in the cimeter, and the
ax. And many of them did eat nothing save it was raw meat; and they were continually seeking to destroy us. (Enos 1:20)

Here, Enos scores the Lamanites, among other grievous sins, for not just "seeking" but for eating: "feeding upon beasts of prey," and apparently for preferring to eat
"raw meat" even when it is unnecessary. This consumption of unclean and thus forbidden animals, when agricultural and pastoral lifestyles are possible and are being
practiced by the Nephites, is given as a sign of degeneracy. Moreover, "bloodthirsty" can refer both to people who are warlike or murderous in intent, and to dietary
choices.

And they were scattered upon much of the face of the land, and the Lamanites also. And they were exceedingly more numerous than were they of the Nephites; and
they loved murder and would drink the blood of beasts. (Jarom 1:6)

Here we have the ultimate condemnation in the earliest of biblical terms of uncleanness. Not only are the Lamanites hunting and killing animals in an unacceptable
manner when, it appears, alternatives are available, but they hunt and eat animals which are intrinsically unclean, and drink their blood. The text does not question the
Lamanites' "machismo," but differentiates the Nephites from the Lamanites along the most clear-cut of biblical lines, which are a part of Jewish religious consciousness
to this day.

The violation of these prohibitions is a clear differentiator. The rhetoric of otherness and the unclean is consistent, and the metonymic associations linked to the name
Lamanite are a com mon denominator, identifying those who rebel against God and the curse that comes upon them. Apostate Nephites are apparently scored for the
same behaviors as the Lamanites.

[Amalickiah, who was a Nephite by birth] . . . did curse God, and also Moroni, swearing with an oath that he would drink his blood; and this because Moroni had kept
the commandments of God in preparing for the safety of his people. (Alma 49:25-27)

Over time, settled agriculture seems to have depleted stocks of wild game or deprived them of habitat to the point that hunting became a liability (it is time consuming,
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                                                          greater distances from more settled populations). This figured into Nephite military strategy.

But behold, there were no wild beasts nor game in those lands which had been deserted by the Nephites, and there was no game for the robbers save it were in the
the commandments of God in preparing for the safety of his people. (Alma 49:25-27)

Over time, settled agriculture seems to have depleted stocks of wild game or deprived them of habitat to the point that hunting became a liability (it is time consuming,
and as stocks are depleted, must be done at increasingly greater distances from more settled populations). This figured into Nephite military strategy.

But behold, there were no wild beasts nor game in those lands which had been deserted by the Nephites, and there was no game for the robbers save it were in the
wilderness.

And the robbers could not exist save it were in the wilderness, for the want of food; for the Nephites had left their lands desolate, and had gathered their flocks and
their herds and all their substance, and they were in one body.

Therefore, there was no chance for the robbers to plunder and to obtain food, save it were to come up in open battle against the Nephites; and the Nephites being in
one body, and having so great a number, and having reserved for themselves provisions, and horses and cattle, and flocks of every kind, that they might subsist for the
space of seven years, in the which time they did hope to destroy the robbers from off the face of the land; and thus the eighteenth year did pass away. (3 Ne. 4:2-4)

In conclusion, we see that the laws of ritual purity, of metonymically named distinctions between the clean and the unclean, were used to differentiate those who kept
the laws of God and those who rebelled against them. Exceptions to these laws in the Book of Mormon are found to make sense in historical context and are
predictable from an Old World perspective of expedients rather than absolutes. In the Lehite colony, and later as the Nephites and Lamanites differentiated themselves,
one from another, adherence to the dietary laws became a crucial measure of conformity to or rebellion against the Lord's laws. The Nephite prophets came to
distinguish themselves and those who followed them by using a rhetoric of otherness and a pattern of metonymic naming, based in significant degree on adherence to the
laws of ritual purity, the clean and the unclean, and diet.

Finally, that which is ancient can illuminate what is modern. Book of Mormon critics' claims that the "Christianity" or Church of [Messianic] Anticipation in the Book of
Mormon is anachronistic stand illuminated by the fact that some of the writers of the Dead Sea scrolls in fact knew that one was to come who would be called not a
"Teacher of Righteousness" but a "Messiah," as forcefully argued in Robert Eisenman and Michael Wise's The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered. There is no point to all
of this, of course, unless it also helps us, through the scriptures' messages, to draw nearer to God. I offer these ideas in the hope that we all may so do, precisely in the
name of Jesus Christ.

Appendix 1

Color Names in the Book of Mormon

The King James or Authorized version of the Apocrypha was searched using a text supplied by Robert Kraft of CCAT at the University of Pennsylvania, using
WordCruncherï¿½ software.

ï¿½* Ellipses indicate words with suffixes.

ï¿½** Metals, precious stones, and blood totals are for comparison, since they
may or may not involve references to color.

Incidence (number of verses) of apparent color term usage in the four Standard Works and the King James Apocrypha

Color OT NT BM D&C PGP Tot Ap

Black 15 3 2 1 1/M 22

Black . . .* 6 2 2 4 1/M 15 2 Variants: -ening,
-er, -est, -ish,
-ness, -ed

Brown 4 4 All refer to
conflict between
Jacob and
Laban

Red 46 6 13 3 68 5

Red . . . 7 7 Variants: -dish
(Levitical, diag-
nostic), -ness

Scarlet 46 6 52 2 Mostly with
reference to
cloth,
priesthood

Scarlets 2 2 Used with refer-
ence to cloth

Color OT NT BM D&C PGP Tot Ap

Crimson 5 5

Orange 0/2 Modern place
name: Orange,
Ohio
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Yellow 4 4 Mostly Levitcal,
diagnostic
Orange 0/2 Modern place
name: Orange,
Ohio

Yellow 4 4 Mostly Levitcal,
diagnostic

Green 37 4 1 1/A 43 4 Often linked
with vegetation
(anachronistic
trans?)

Green . . . 3 3 Variants: -ish
(Levitical, diag-
nostic), -ness

Blue 49 49 3 Mostly used
referring to
cloth, priest-
hood, temple

Blue . . . 1 Variant: -ness
(medical, a
bruise)

Color OT NT BM D&C PGP Tot Ap

Violet 0

Purple 39 9 48 16 Mostly cloth,
priesthood,
temple kings;
once the sea

Gray/Grey 6 1 7 5

Gray . . ./ 4 4 Variants:
Grey . . . -headed, -hound

White 40 26 24 12 2/JS 104 3
White . . . 2 2 4 1 1/JS 10 6 Variants: -ed,
-ness, -er

Color OT NT BM D&C PGP Tot Ap

Gold** 336 25 55 6 4/M 426 102
& JS

Gold . . . 48 13 2 1 64 11 Variant: -en
(-smith not
included)

Silver 264 18 47 4 2/JS 335 68

Copper 1 8 1 10

Brass 107 6 37 1 1/M 152 14

Iron 83 7 15 3 1/M 109 10

Amber 3 1 4 D&C 11:2 reads
"in color like
amber"

Color OT NT BM D&C PGP Tot Ap

Emerald (s) 4 2 6 3

Rubies 6 6

Sapphire (s) 11 1 1 13 1

Blood 282 93 135 39 10/M 559 38 As in "Moon
& A became as
blood" (Rev.
6:12)

Bloody 15 1(c)1 2005-2009,
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  In 1987 Gordon Conrad Thomasson completed a Ph.D. at Cornell University, where his dissertation was based upon fieldwork among the Kpelle of West Africa.
His first or given name is shared by his paternal grandfather and at least six of that ancestor's descendants, and his middle name is his mother's maiden surname, which
& A became as
blood" (Rev.
6:12)

Bloody 15 1 1 17

   In 1987 Gordon Conrad Thomasson completed a Ph.D. at Cornell University, where his dissertation was based upon fieldwork among the Kpelle of West Africa.
His first or given name is shared by his paternal grandfather and at least six of that ancestor's descendants, and his middle name is his mother's maiden surname, which
was chosen from among a number of given names common to his maternal grandfather's family to replace their German-speaking Swiss family name of Kunz, which
they were told would hinder their social acceptance in America. Thomasson, or the son of Thomas, is not, in this case, Scandinavian. The earliest known ancestor at
this time is George Thomason, a member of the stationer's guild and the London Common Council at the outset of the Long Parliament. He was a social and economic
radical and a friend of John Milton (whose Sonnet XIV was dedicated to the memory of Thomason's deceased wife), but also rebelled against Cromwell's excesses in
midseventeenth-century England. There is some suggestion that before this the family name was from Scotland, coming from identification as descendants of one
Thomas, son of a chief of one of Scotland's outlawed or broken clans, the MacFarlanes.

  A pattern I have seen occasionally in nineteenth-century genealogies, where "Doctor" was a given name bestowed at birth, is repeated in my own ancestry in a son of
my third-great paternal grandfather, named Doctor Alfred Thomasson (b 1818, York Dist., SC, d 28 Nov 1850, York Co SC).

   While in today's relativistic/nihilistic ethical climate many people seem to think that taking a name one has not really earned is either trivial or no offense at all, most
would still draw the line when it came to having a brain tumor removed by someone who obtained the name/title of doctor or M.D. through the mail from a diploma
mill, or by sending in three UPC symbols clipped from a comic book or cereal box and $15.00 plus $3.95 for shipping and handling. Only when confronted with such
criminal misappropriation of names does society appear to recognize that names do have meanings. Texts such as the Gospel of Philip are, on the other hand, eloquent
on the sin of usurping or taking a name at interest (cf. James M. Robinson, ed., The Nag Hammadi Library in English [New York: Harper and Row, 1977], 139, II, 3,
65, 24-31).

   See my entry on "Circumcision" in the Encyclopedia of Mormonism, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992): 1:283. That such ritually acquired lineage and names
(bar or ben Abraham/Ibrahim) can be lost is eloquently described in John 8:31 -44 (compare the outrage exhibited when Christ proclaims his lineage and name: John
5:18, 10:30 -38). The prayer formula "God of our Fathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob" reflects this pattern.

  Arnold Van Gennep, Rites of Passage (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960).

   Karen Cammack Parker (in the course on Mormon Society and Culture I taught at BYU in 1983ï¿½Anthropology 346) first noted and discussed this, in fact, rather
predictable pattern of age/sex segregation as it manifests itself in Mormon culture and compared it to non-European societies.

  Compare the following citations from the Coptic, Gnostic (so-called) Gospel of Philip , in Robinson, ed., The Nag Hammadi Library in English, 133, II, 3, 54, 5-13;
137, II, 3, 61, 20-35; 140-41, II, 3, 67, 19-38, and 68, 1-17.

  We have not yet even begun to explore carefully the possibility of patterns of ritual naming in the Book of Mormon, though I am reasonably certain, based upon their
commonplaceness in other cultures, that we will find some, and I commend this study to those whom it interests.

  See, for example, lesson XXIII, "Old World Ritual in the New World" in Hugh Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: The Council of the
Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1957), 256-70; reprinted in CWHN 6:295-310; John A. Tvedtnes, "The Nephite Feast of
Tabernacles" in Tinkling Cymbals: Essays in Honor of Hugh Nibley, ed. John W. Welch (Los Angeles: no pub., 1978), 145-77, reprinted as "King Benjamin and the
Feast of Tabernacles," in John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, eds., By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990), 2:197-237; and Gordon C. Thomasson, "Mosiah: The Complex Symbolism and the Symbolic Complex of Kingship in the
Book of Mormon," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1982, revised for the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (Spring 1993): 21-38.

   I shared these discoveries and since August 14, 1984, when F.A.R.M.S. held a special seminar on Israelite religion in the Book of Mormon, there has been careful
research into the occurrence of festivals and Holy Days common to Israelite religion, Judaism, and the Book of Mormon. So far participants have discovered allusions
to approximately ten New Years/Divine Kingship/Tabernacles observances, from three to five Passovers, four jubilee years, two possible pre-Christian Pentecosts,
explicitly quoted ritual prayers and so forth. Many of these have been reported in John W. Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992). See also my unpublished manuscript "Expanding Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Pre-Exilic Israelite Religious Patterns."

  Consider Northrop Frye's arguments concerning the essentially polysemous nature of scripture and, more to the point, the place of typology and especially
metonymy in the Bible, in The Great Code: The Bible and Literature (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982).

  See discussions on names in Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Desert and the World of the Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1952), 27-36, reprinted in CWHN 5:25-
34; An Approach to the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1957): 242-45, reprinted in CWHN 6:282-85; and Since Cumorah: The Book of
Mormon in the Modern World (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1970):192-96, reprinted in CWHN 7:168-72.

  See Hugh Nibley, "Bird Island," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 10/4 (Autumn 1977): 120-23.

    Abridging or editorially condensing a scripture is not unprecedented. Consider the text from the King James or Authorized version of the Apocrypha of 2
Maccabees 2:19-32 (what the Anchor Bible calls "The Abridger's Preface"). Now as concerning Judas Maccabeus, and his brethren, and the purification of the great
temple, and the dedication of the altar,
And the wars against Antiochus Epiphanes, and Eupator his son,
And the manifest signs that came from heaven unto those that behaved themselves manfully to their honour for Judaism: so that, being but a few, they overcame the
whole country, and chased barbarous multitudes,
And recovered again the temple renowned all the world over, and freed the city, and upheld the laws which were going down, the Lord being gracious unto them with
all favour:
All these things, I say, being declared by Jason of Cyrene in five books, we will assay to abridge in one volume.
For considering the infinite number, and the difficulty which they find that desire to look into the narrations of the story, for the variety of the matter,
We have been careful, that they that will read may have delight, and that they that are desirous to commit to memory might have ease, and that all into whose hands it
comes might have profit.
Therefore to us, that have taken upon us this painful labour of abridging, it was not easy, but a matter of sweat and watching;
Even as it is no ease unto him that prepareth a banquet, and seeketh the benefit of others: yet for the pleasuring of many we will undertake gladly this great pains;
Leaving
 Copyrightto the
              (c) author the exact
                  2005-2009,       handling
                               Infobase     of every
                                          Media      particular, and labouring to follow the rules of an abridgment.
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For as the master builder of a new house must care for the whole building; but he that undertaketh to set it out, and paint it, must seek out fit things for the adorning
thereof: even so I think it is with us.
To stand upon every point, and go over things at large, and to be curious in particulars, belongeth to the first author of the story: (continued in footnote 14b)
We have been careful, that they that will read may have delight, and that they that are desirous to commit to memory might have ease, and that all into whose hands it
comes might have profit.
Therefore to us, that have taken upon us this painful labour of abridging, it was not easy, but a matter of sweat and watching;
Even as it is no ease unto him that prepareth a banquet, and seeketh the benefit of others: yet for the pleasuring of many we will undertake gladly this great pains;
Leaving to the author the exact handling of every particular, and labouring to follow the rules of an abridgment.
For as the master builder of a new house must care for the whole building; but he that undertaketh to set it out, and paint it, must seek out fit things for the adorning
thereof: even so I think it is with us.
To stand upon every point, and go over things at large, and to be curious in particulars, belongeth to the first author of the story: (continued in footnote 14b)

   (continued from foonote 14a) But to use brevity, and avoid much labouring of the work, is to be granted to him that will make an abridgment.
Here then will we begin the story: only adding thus much to that which hath been said, that it is a foolish thing to make a long prologue, and to be short in the story itself.
(italics and boldface added)
This text raises a number of interesting questions about the "rules of an abridgment" in antiquity. How much can we know about the rules for abridging in Hellenistic
culture, in Jewish culture, and in the ancient Near East generally? The editor of 2 Maccabees possibly might reflect Hellenistic canons more than Hebrew (though that
might be doubted for ideological reasons, considering the focus of the revolt). But how much more can we know by examining, for example, other occurrences of a
phrase like the "manner, pattern, or rules of an epitome"? I suspect that the Greco-Roman world produced rather explicit criteria for such exercises. What then can be
discovered about the ancient Near East? Are there similarly explicit statements made in any of the cultures that were part of Nephi's "world" and/or Mormon and
Moroni's cultural inheritance? If no formal statements or handbooks can be found, can we begin to deduce what criteria might have been by examining older/longer and
more recent/shorter versions of the same text in a tradition? Can we meaningfully compare the records of abridgment in the Book of Mormon text with any of these
patterns? How much can we learn from the Book of Mormon's internally documented editorial history? Also, could knowing something of the rules for abridgment in a
tradition allow us in any way to project back more confidently to what the source text might have been?

  In May of 1984 a F.A.R.M.S. research seminar was held which explored the idea of metonymic naming in the Book of Mormon. This fed into the F.A.R.M.S.
ongoing Book of Mormon names project, and this paper.

  In any case, it is clear that the writer of Acts 9 was intimately familiar with the Jewish scriptures, and if Luke was the writer, that he almost certainly was a Jew
himself. Details such as this are not the product of a cultural outsider.

   I find it very amusing that people are willing to accept the literally thousands of such necessary "coincidences" that are needed to explain away Joseph Smith Jr. and
the Book of Mormon, rather than honestly and prayerfully explore the much less improbable and much more testable "promise of Moroni" (10:4-5).

   Hugh Nibley's "Book of Mormon Near Eastern Background" in EM 1:187-90, provides a summary of some name/word parallels (point 6). One in particular is
noteworthy here: Hermounts, a country of wild beasts (cf. Egyptian Hermonthis, god of wild places) This brings the internal textual definition of "Mormon" explicitly to
mind. And it came to pass that as many as did believe him did go forth to a place which was called Mormon , having received its name from the king, being in the
borders of the land having been infested, by times or at seasons, by wild beasts. (Mosiah 18:4) Yea, they were met on every hand, and slain and driven, until they were
scattered on the west, and on the north, until they had reached the wilderness, which was called Hermounts; and it was that part of the wilderness which was infested
by wild and ravenous beasts. (Alma 2:37) It is quite possible that HRMN and MRMN are the same word, or at least share the same root. Is RMN a pure root? An
"H" to "M" consonant shift or vice versa seems unlikely. Is the initial M on Mormon a prefix identifying a noun of place? Is this pair of words a reflection of the
emergence of dialects among the divided Lehite colonists, or is it the result of contact/assimilation with other New World peoples. And then where, if anywhere, does
the "Greek" Mormo of "unknown origin" (Egyptian ?), that is supposed to be related onomatopoeically to the cry of wild beasts, fit in? It should be a small task on a
PC to take a list of all the Book of Mormon words in a text file and reduce each word in the list to the various "possible" root/consonant combination (e.g., Hermounts
can become HRM, RMN, MNTS), based on the judgement of various language specialists [Egyptian, Arabic, Hebrew, etc.]. Then it would be simple to compare
possible matches of the roots on the list. (See the discussion below, for example, comparing ezrom and Ze-ezrom, and antion with Antionum and Antionah.) We need
an internal study of Book of Mormon roots to match the external work that has been done in the F.A.R.M.S. names project.

  See in this regard my "Mosiah: The Complex Symbolism and the Symbolic Complex of Kingship," 25.

   In this regard see my discussion "What exactly does the word "Lamanite" mean?" in the Ensign (September 1977): 39-40, and my entry on "Lamanites" in EM
2:804-5.

   It is worthy of note that metonymy can be a way of changing the names to protect the innocent or the repentant, and their posterity, where the spiritual lesson to be
learned is of eternal import. By comparison, this reveals the insignificance and heartlessness of the "academic" concern for secular historical "accuracy" with regard to
the trivia of names and dates in Church history, especially with regard to disciplinary matters, in spite of whoever it might hurt. Metonymy makes compassion possible in
narrative, and enables the writer to portray the consequences of a person's sins while covering the individual with a mantle of charity.

   I hypothesize that Zoram was a Levite refugee from the Northern Kingdom, attached to Laban's household through generations of service (not servitude) to his tribe,
thus accounting for his (ritual?) responsibility for keeping the plates and the appearance of what are possibly Levitical ordinances in Lehi's camp and colony prior to
their joining with the Mulekites. This heritage could also account for the liturgical innovation found among the Zoramites.

   When the first public version of LDSViewï¿½ became available, one of the first things I did was to compare the color vocabulary found in the various scriptures (see
Appendix 1). I had previously studied the development of color terms in various languages (see my "Maximizing Participative Planning: Cultural and Psychological
Aspects of User-Centered Soil Resource Inventory Preparation and Presentation," in Soil Resource Inventories and Development Planning, Technical Monograph No.
1 [Washington, D.C.: Soil Management Support and Services Group, Cornell University/USDA/AID, 1981]: 391-400) and was aware that the more ancient the
language or text the fewer color terms there are to be found. The Book of Mormon is far more consistent in this regard (restricting itself to black, white/grey, and
red/scarlet) than are the King James texts.

   Few aspects of Israelite religion are more well known or more frequently encountered by persons outside of Judaism today than, as David Boruchowitz has pointed
out (private communication to the author), the Talmudic distinctions between things kosher ("fit," "proper," or ritually pure) and treyf (originally meat "torn" in the field or
killed as prey, and "forbidden," it later refers generally to things impure or unclean). In virtually any American supermarket and in most kitchen pantries, foods can be
found labelled variously with symbols indicating that they are Kosher, or less often that they are Kosher for Passover (without leaven). Yet beyond the occasional
recognition of such symbols, the average shopper knows little if anything about the dietary laws (kashrut) that have their foundation in the biblical laws of purity and
cleanness based in Genesis, and are amplified in Lev. 11 and Deut. 14.

  It should be noted that in extreme circumstances there have been exceptions to these laws, where a life was at stake due to starvation, etc.

   In time of extreme calamity, the Jaredites used meats which were of a most questionable nature. And it came to pass that the people did follow the course of the
beasts, and did
 Copyright       devour the carcasses
            (c) 2005-2009,    InfobaseofMedia
                                          them which
                                                Corp. fell by the way, until they had devoured them all. Now when the people saw that they must perish they began to
repent of their iniquities and cry unto the Lord. (Ether 9:34)
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  Animals taken in snares and nets could have been slaughtered in a way that rendered them more ritually pure, especially with regard to the presence of blood in the
  It should be noted that in extreme circumstances there have been exceptions to these laws, where a life was at stake due to starvation, etc.

   In time of extreme calamity, the Jaredites used meats which were of a most questionable nature. And it came to pass that the people did follow the course of the
beasts, and did devour the carcasses of them which fell by the way, until they had devoured them all. Now when the people saw that they must perish they began to
repent of their iniquities and cry unto the Lord. (Ether 9:34)

  Animals taken in snares and nets could have been slaughtered in a way that rendered them more ritually pure, especially with regard to the presence of blood in the
meat.

   This is a strong condemnation because beasts of prey (flesh/carrion eaters) are among the unclean animals-ï¿½they fall under the biblical dietary proscription against
all land animals that do not chew their cud and lack cloven feet on the one hand, and on the other hand are not vegetarian and feed on unclean meat and blood.

  Were some of the "words" Enos had often heard from his father somehow linked to hunting, and to the clean and the unclean? Does this perception influence his
subsequent description of the Lamanites?

  The contrast here with the Lehites' desert wanderings might hinge on the question of preference when alternatives were available.

  Robert Eisenman and Michael Wise, The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered: The First Complete Translation and Interpretation of 50 Key Documents withheld for over
35 Years (New York: Penguin, 1993).

The Original Language of the Book of Mormon: Upstate New York Dialect King James English or Hebrew?
Royal Skousen

Abstract: The original text of the Book of Mormon contains complex Hebrew-like constructions that have been subsequently removed from the text because of their
non-English character.

John Gilbert, compositor for the 1830 edition of the Book of Mormon, was apparently the first to note the ungrammaticality of the original text of the Book of Mormon.
In a later statement Gilbert recalled that

On the second day [of[printing]-ï¿½[Martin] Harris and [Hyrum] Smith being in the office-ï¿½I called their attention to a grammatical error, and asked whether I should
correct it? Harris consulted with Smith a short time, and turned to me and said: "The Old Testament is ungrammatical, set it as it is written."

Complaints about the grammar of the original text later led Joseph Smith to make numerous grammatical changes for the second edition of the Book of Mormon,
published in 1837 in Kirtland, Ohio. Over the years, other editors have continued to make minor changes in the text. As a consequence, the language of our current text
of the Book of Mormon differs in a number of important ways from the original text. Even the 1830 editionï¿½-as well as the printer's manuscriptï¿½-accidentally
corrects some nonstandard forms that occurred in the original, dictated manuscript. The basic thrust of nearly all these changes has been to remove grammatical uses
that are nonstandard in modern English.

Interestingly, many of these editorial changes have removed expressions that are characteristic of the language of the King James Version (KJV) of the Bible. For
instance, in passages quoting Isaiah, double plurals such as seraphims have been replaced by the appropriate plural form (in this case, seraphim), as in 2 Ne. 16:6:

then flew one of the seraphims unto me > seraphim ((1920)

Similarly, uses of which have been changed to who or whom (or sometimes that) when the referent is human, as in 3 Ne. 13:9 when the Lord's prayer is quoted:

our father which art in heaven > who ((1837)

Other examples of ungrammatical King James expressions that have been systematically removed from the Book of Mormon text include the conjunction that when
preceded by a subordinate conjunction, the preposition for when followed by the infinitive marker to, and the prepositional a when followed by a verbal ending in -ing:

because that he was a visionary man [1 Ne. 2:11]
> (ï¿½ (1837)
[ cf. because that in it he had rested [Genesis 2:3]

after their many struggles for to destroy them (Alma 27:1)
> (ï¿½ (1837)
[ cf. all their works they do for to be seen of men [Matthew 23:5]

the armies of the Lamanites are a marching towards the
city of Cumeni [Alma 57:31] > (ï¿½ (1837)
[ cf. I go a fishing [John 21:3]

Of course, many of the ungrammatical forms in the original text of the Book of Mormon can be explained as nonstandard dialectal forms, as in the following examples:

they was yet wroth [1 Ne. 4:4] > were ((1830)

I had smote [1 Ne. 4:19] > smitten ((1830)

this shall be your language in them days [Hel. 13:37]
> those ((1837)

In fact, it is sometimes difficult to unambiguously identify the source of a nonstandard form. For instance, many of the ungrammatical King James expressions could also
be explained as nonstandard American dialectal forms. Thus which can occur instead of who, as it does in chapter 17 of Mark Twain's Adventures of Huckleberry
Finn:

. . . two young women which I couldn't see right well.
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Similarly, Willard Richards' entry for 13 December 1841 in Joseph Smith's Illinois Journal has an occurrence of because that:

the inhabitants of Warsaw . . . were much enraged because that Esquire David . . . was appointed clerk of the county by Judge Douglass.
Finn:

. . . two young women which I couldn't see right well.

Similarly, Willard Richards' entry for 13 December 1841 in Joseph Smith's Illinois Journal has an occurrence of because that:

the inhabitants of Warsaw . . . were much enraged because that Esquire David . . . was appointed clerk of the county by Judge Douglass.

And we have Joseph Smith's use of for to in his 1832 history:

but the Lord had prepared spectacles for to read the Book.

One important question has been the origin of the ungram maticality in the original text of the Book of Mormon: if we accept Joseph Smith's claim that the translation
was inspired of God, do we have to accept the nonstandard forms as also coming from God? B. H. Roberts argued that such a claim would be tan tamount to
blasphemy:

if . . . it is insisted that the divine instrument, Urim and Thummim, did all . . . then the divine instrument is responsible for such errors in grammar and diction as occur.
But this is to assign responsibility for errors in language to a divine instrumentality, which amounts to assigning such errors to God. But that is unthinkable, not to say
blasphemous.

Of course, the implication of this argument is that if God had given the English translation word for word, then he would have given it in B. H. Roberts's proper English
and not Joseph Smith's upstate New York dialect. It seems to me that since God is not a native speaker of English nor a respecter of tongues, he is perfectly willing to
speak to his "servants in their weakness, after the manner of their language, that they might come to understanding" (D&C 1:24). In fact, internal evidence from the
original manuscript as well as statements from witnesses of the translation provide strong support that the Lord exercised "tight control" over the translation process and
that he indeed is the source for the original text of the Book of Mormon. From this perspective, Joseph Smith's editing for the second edition of the Book of
Mormon may be viewed as translating the text into standard English rather than cleaning up grammatical errors.

Such an open attitude encourages us to take a fresh look at the text of the Book of Mormon, in particular the original text. This kind of approach to the text will, I
believe, lead us to realize that the Book of Mormon text is more sophisticated than we might have thought. Consider, for instance, what linguists refer to as multiple
nested embedding, a kind of sentential chiasmus. In this structure we have a sequence of subjects followed by a sequence of matching predicates such that the earlier
the subject the later its corresponding predicate. In an important study, Carol Hicks, currently a graduate student in linguistics at Stanford University, has provided a
number of examples of multiple nested embeddings:

A The question
B that linguists
C who
C study this matter
B have debated
A is whether
nesting
can occur to the level of two.

A The apartments
B the guy
CI
C dated last year
B lived in
A had a jacuzzi.

A The book
B that the teacher of the class
C that I'm
C taking
B told us to get
A is out of print.

The first example of a bona fide multiple nested embedding was discovered about five years ago by Kent Chauncey, a graduate student in linguistics at Brigham Young
University. Erle Stanley Gardner, under the pseudonym A. A. Fair, produced this example of multiple nested embedding in Bachelors Get Lonely:

A The card
B the man
CI
C was shadowing
B had filled out
A was on the table.

Interestingly, Hicks has discovered an example of this same complex syntactic structure in the Book of Mormon; namely, in 3 Ne. 5:14:

and it
hath become expedient
A that I
according to the will of God
B that the prayers of those
C which
C have gone hence
D which
D were the holy ones
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B should be fulfilled according to their faith
A should make a record of these things
which
C which
C have gone hence
D which
D were the holy ones
B should be fulfilled according to their faith
A should make a record of these things
which
have been done

One of the interesting complexities of the original text of the Book of Mormon is that it contains expressions that appear to be uncharacteristic of English in all of its
dialects and historical stages. These structures support the notion that Joseph Smith's translation is a literal one and not simply a reflection of either his own dialect or
King James English. For instance, in the original text of the Book of Mormon we find a number of occurrences of a Hebrew-like conditional clause. In English, we have
conditional clauses like "if you come, then I will come," with then being optional. In Hebrew this same clause is expressed as "if you come and I will come." In the
original text of the Book of Mormon, there were at least fourteen occurrences of this non-English expression. One occurrence was accidentally removed in 1 Ne. 17:50
as Oliver Cowdery was producing the printer's manuscript (P) by copying from the original manuscript (O):

if he should command me that I should say unto this water be thou earth and it shall be earth (O) > ï¿½,should ((P)

The remaining thirteen occurrences were all removed by Joseph Smith in his editing for the second edition, including this one from the famous passage in Moro. 10:4:

and if ye shall ask with a sincere heart with real intent having faith in Christ and he will manifest the truth of it unto you > (ï¿½ (1837)

This use of and is not due to scribal error, especially since this if-and expression occurs seven times in one brief passage, Hel. 12:13-21:

13 yea and if he sayeth unto the earth move and it is moved > (ï¿½ (1837)

14 yea if he sayeth unto the earth thou shalt go back that it lengthen out the day for many hours and it is done . . . > (ï¿½ (1837)

16 and behold also if he sayeth unto the waters of the great deep be thou dried up and it is done > (ï¿½ (1837)

17 behold if he sayeth unto this mountain be thou raised up and come over and fall upon that city that it be buried up and behold it is done . . . > (ï¿½ (1837)

19 and if the Lord shall say be thou accursed that no man shall find thee from this time henceforth and forever and behold no man getteth it henceforth and forever >
(ï¿½ (1837)

20 and behold if the Lord shall say unto a man because of thine iniquities thou shalt be accursed forever and it shall be done > (ï¿½ (1837)

21 and if the Lord shall say because of thine iniquities thou shalt be cut off from my presence and he will cause that it shall be so > (ï¿½ (1837)

Finally, the original text of the Book of Mormon contains expressions which seem inappropriate or improper in some of their uses. For example, in the original text a
good many occurrences of the phrase "and it came to pass" are found in inappropriate contexts. In his editing for the 1837 edition, Joseph Smith removed at least 47 of
these apparently extraneous uses of this well-worked phrase. In most cases, there were two or more examples of "it came to pass" in close proximity; in some cases,
nothing new had "come to pass." Now the King James phrase "and it came to pass" corresponds to the Hebrew word way'hï¿½ "and it happened." When translating
the Hebrew Bible, the King James translators avoided translating way'hï¿½ whenever it wouldn't make sense in English, especially when too many events were "coming
to pass" or when nothing had really "come to pass"-ï¿½in other words, in those very places that the original text of the Book of Mormon "inappropriately" allows "and it
came to pass" to occur. Consider the following three Book of Mormon examples (where the deleted phrase "it came to pass that" is in italics) with corresponding
examples from Genesis, given in the King James version, but with the originally untranslated examples of the Hebrew way'hï¿½ given as "it came to pass that" and
placed in square brackets:

(1) two occurrences within the same sentence:

2 Ne. 4:10
and it came to pass that when my father had made an end of
speaking unto them behold it came to pass that he spake unto the
sons of Ishmael yea and even all his household > (ï¿½ (1837)

Gen. 27:30
and it came to pass as soon as Isaac had made an end of blessing
Jacob and [it came to pass that] Jacob was yet scarce gone out
from the presence of Isaac his father that Esau his brother came in
from his hunting

Note here that the first use of "it came to pass" controls only a subordinate clause and thus the second "it came to pass" seems inappropriate for English speakers. Thus
Joseph Smith removed the second occurrence in his later editing, just as the King James translators chose to ignore the second way'hï¿½ in the Genesis passage.

(2) three occurrences close together, with repetition of clausal elements:

Alma 8:18-19
now it came to pass that after Alma had received his message from the angel
of the Lord he returned speedily to the land of Ammonihah and it came to
pass that he entered the city by another way yea by the way which was on
the south of the city Ammonihah and it came to pass that as he entered the
city he was an hungered and he sayeth to a man will ye give to an humble
servant of God something to eat > (ï¿½, ï¿½ (1837)

Gen. 35:16-18
and they journeyed from Bethel and [it came to pass that] there was but a
little way to(c)
 Copyright    come to EphrathInfobase
                 2005-2009,     and Rachel  travailed
                                         Media  Corp.and she had hard labour                                                                          Page 204 / 919
and it came to pass when she was in hard labour that the midwife said unto
her fear not thou shalt have this son also and it came to pass as her soul was
in departing for she died that she called his name Benoni but his father called
servant of God something to eat > (ï¿½, ï¿½ (1837)

Gen. 35:16-18
and they journeyed from Bethel and [it came to pass that] there was but a
little way to come to Ephrath and Rachel travailed and she had hard labour
and it came to pass when she was in hard labour that the midwife said unto
her fear not thou shalt have this son also and it came to pass as her soul was
in departing for she died that she called his name Benoni but his father called
him Benjamin

(3) two occurrences, with parallelism:

Alma 14:4-5
but it came to pass that they did not [put them away privily] but they took
them and bound them with strong cords and took them before the chief judge
of the land and the people went forth and witnessed against them and many such things did the people testify against Alma
and Amulek nd t came to pass that it was done before the chief judge of
the land > now this (1837)

Gen. 39:5
and it came to pass from the time that he had made him overseer in his house
and over all that he had that the Lord blessed the Egyptian's house for
Joseph's sake and [it came to pass that] the blessing of the Lord was upon
all that he had in the house and in the field

In these two examples "it came to pass" is used to repeat an idea without anything "coming to pass."

All these examples would suggest that way'hï¿½ and the correspond ing English phrase "and it came to pass" actually represents a dis course marker facilitating
narrative cohesion. Perhaps it may be considered equivalent to and then or and so.

Although these examples suggest a Hebrew basis underlying the original text of the Book of Mormon, some caution is in order. Just because two languages have similar
syntactic constructions does not demonstrate that they are related languages. For instance, both Hebrew and Russian as well as pidgin English omit the present tense
form of the be verb (thus producing sentences like "he the man" and "she good"). But this is not evidence that Russian is derived from Hebrewï¿½-or that Hebrew is
derived from Hawaiian pidgin. There are some close syntactic connections between Hebrew and the original language of the Book of Mormon, but some of these may
be due to independent historical development rather than linguistic relationship.

What is important here is to realize that the original text of the Book of Mormon apparently contains expressions that are not characteristic of English at any place or
time, in particular neither Joseph Smith's upstate New York dialect nor the King James Bible. Subsequent editing of the text into standard English has systematically
removed these non-English expressions from the textï¿½-the very expressions that provide the strongest support for the hypothesis that the Book of Mormon is a literal
translation of a non-English text. Further, the potential Hebraisms found in the original text are consistent with the belief, but do not prove, that the source text is related
to the language of the Hebrew Bible.

Talk given at the annual symposium of the Association for Mormon Letters, Westminster College, Salt Lake City, Utah, 23 January 1993; also to appear in the
Proceedings of the Association for Mormon Letters.

  "Memorandum, made by John H. Gilbert, Esq., SEPT. 8TH, 1892, PALMYRA, N.Y."; Wilford C. Wood, Joseph Smith Begins His Work (Salt Lake City, UT:
Publishers Press, 1958), xxix-xxxi.

  For an overview of this editing process, see 42-50 of Royal Skousen, "Towards a Critical Edition of the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 30:1 (Winter 1990): 41-
69.

   Mark Twain, Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, edited by Walter Blair and Victor Fischer (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985), 133.

  Dean C. Jessee (editor), The Papers of Joseph Smith, volume 2: Journal, 1832-1842 (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1992), 342.

  Dean C. Jessee (editor), The Personal Writings of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1984), 8.

  B. H. Roberts, "Translation of the Book of Mormon," Improvement Era 9 (April 1906): 428-29.

  Cf. Skousen, "Towards a Critical Edition of the Book of Mormon," 51-54.

  Ibid., 55-56.

  Carol Hicks, "How Deep is Two Deep?: The Grammaticality of Multiple Nested Embeddings," paper for Royal Skousen's English 529 course, Brigham Young
University, Spring 1990.

  Kenton L. Chauncey, "Automatic Recognition of Relative Clauses with Missing Relative Pronoun," M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 198), 77-78.

  A. A. Fair, Bachelors Get Lonely (New York: William Morrow, 1961), 85.

Recurrence in Book of Mormon Narratives
Richard Dilworth Rust

Abstract: Repetition appears purposefully within Book of Mormon narratives as a principle of reinforcement and confirmation. It seems that every important action,
event, or character is repeated in the Book of Mormon. These repetitions emphasize the law of witnesses at work within the book (e.g., "in the mouth of three
witnesses shall these things be established"; Ether 5:4). Further, they underscore the relevance of one character or action to people living in a different time, and they
link narratives
 Copyright   (c)together with Infobase
                 2005-2009,   what Robert  AlterCorp.
                                        Media    calls "type-scenes." Analyzed in detail as particularly striking are three-fold repetitions in Nephi's task to retrieve
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brass plates and repetition of the word "power" in the missionary endeavor of the sons of Mosiah. Larger repeated narratives treat escape and travel to a promised
land; repentance; and the nature, rise, and effect of secret combinations.
Abstract: Repetition appears purposefully within Book of Mormon narratives as a principle of reinforcement and confirmation. It seems that every important action,
event, or character is repeated in the Book of Mormon. These repetitions emphasize the law of witnesses at work within the book (e.g., "in the mouth of three
witnesses shall these things be established"; Ether 5:4). Further, they underscore the relevance of one character or action to people living in a different time, and they
link narratives together with what Robert Alter calls "type-scenes." Analyzed in detail as particularly striking are three-fold repetitions in Nephi's task to retrieve the
brass plates and repetition of the word "power" in the missionary endeavor of the sons of Mosiah. Larger repeated narratives treat escape and travel to a promised
land; repentance; and the nature, rise, and effect of secret combinations.

He commenced, and again related the very same things which he had done at his first visit. . . . By this time, so deep were the impressions made on my mind, that sleep
had fled from my eyes, and I lay overwhelmed in astonishment at what I had both seen and heard. But what was my surprise when again I beheld the same messenger
at my bedside, and heard him rehearse or repeat over again to me the same things as before. (JS-H 1:45-46)

Repetition is used both in life and in scripture to do such things as teach, emphasize, and confirm. It can help wake up and reach people at a deep level. When we
knock at a door, we usually do it three times. A blacksmith strikes his hammer in rhythms of three. A typical cheer is repeated three times, with the last cheer being the
most emphatic. We try something three times, with the third try often producing the desired result. Or three may be a limit; there is often a finality about the third time.
Jesus gives three ascending injunctions to the Nephite people gathered at the temple in Bountiful: "Ask, and it shall be given unto you; seek, and ye shall find; knock,
and it shall be opened unto you" (3 Ne. 14:7). In an intensified manner, his auditors are to speak, then move, then use vigorous action. On the first level, they are given
what they ask for; on the second, they do the finding; on the third and most effectual, they both receive (the door is opened to them) and act (implicitly, they then go
through the doorway). It is not until the third time that Samuel tells about hearing a voice that Eli finally perceives it is the Lord's (1 Sam. 3:8). It is on the third time that
the Nephites at the temple in Bountiful finally understand the heavenly voice (3 Ne. 11:5). There are "three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the
Holy Ghost: and these three are one. And there are three that bear witness in earth, the Spirit, and the water, and the blood: and these three agree in one" (1 Jn. 5:7-8).
"Wherefore, by the words of three, God hath said, I will establish my word" (2 Ne. 11:3).

The skillful use of repetition and contrast in the Book of Mormon as a principle of reinforcement and witness can be appreciated by close examination of various
narrative threads woven by Nephi, Mormon, and Moroni. Repetition appears purposefully within narratives, and it seems that every important action, event, or
character is repeated in the Book of Mormon. For instance, two wealthy men (Lehi, Amulek) lose their riches as they pursue prophetic callings. Kings Benjamin and
Limhi each assemble their people in order to speak to them. Two sons of kings (Ammon and his brother Aaron) speak with kings (Lamoni and his father). Alma 2 and
Lamoni fall into trances in which they appear to be dead. Two detailed accounts are given of prophets threatened within a prison (Alma 2 and Amulek, Nephi and
Lehi). Two Lamanite leaders (who also are brothers) are killed by a spear within their tents. And prophets (Abinadi, Alma 2 , Samuel) are cast out of cities and then
return at the Lord's bidding. Further, prophet-leaders (Lehi, Zeniff, Mosiah) gather people to read records to them. Antichrists (notably Sherem, Korihor, and Nehor)
lead people to follow their iniquities. A man named Ammon living in the time of King Mosiah is captured and taken before King Limhiï¿½-and ends up helping Limhi's
people escape from captivity; Mosiah's son Ammon is captured and taken before the Lamanite king Lamoni and helps save Lamoni's people both spiritually and
physically. And three prophets, Alma 2 , Nephi 2 (the son of Helaman), and Samuel the Lamanite, depart out of the land and are "never heard of more," with it being
the implication that Alma, at least, is translated and does not taste death (Alma 45:19).

Repetitions in the Book of Mormon emphasize the law of witnesses at work within the book. This law is found in Nephi's testi mony that he joined Isaiah and his
brother Jacob in seeing the Redeemer: "Wherefore, by the words of three, God hath said, I will establish my word. Nevertheless, God sendeth more witnesses, and he
proveth all his words" (2 Ne. 11:3). Again, Nephi quotes the Lord as saying, "Know ye not that the testimony of two nations is a witness unto you that I am God, that I
remember one nation like unto another?" (2 Ne. 29:8). Near the end of the book, Moroni reaffirms the law of witnesses when he says, "And in the mouth of three
witnesses shall these things be established; and the testimony of three, and this work, in the which shall be shown forth the power of God and also his word, of which
the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost bear recordï¿½-and all this shall stand as a testimony against the world at the last day" (Ether 5:4).

Further, the repetitions underscore the relevance of one character or action to people living in a different time. Many persons and actions typify or foreshadow later
persons and actions. For example, at one point when his life is threatened, Nephi commands his brothers that they not touch him, for, he says, "I am filled with the
power of God, even unto the consuming of my flesh; and whoso shall lay his hands upon me shall wither even as a dried reed" (1 Ne. 17:48). Standing before a hostile
king and his court, the prophet Abinadi similarly says, "Touch me not, for God shall smite you if ye lay your hands upon me, for I have not delivered the message which
the Lord sent me to deliver" (Mosiah 13:3). Abinadi's face shines "with exceeding luster, even as Moses' did while in the mount of Sinai, while speaking with the
Lord" (Mosiah 13:5). This heavenly transfiguration is repeated in the shining faces of the brothers Nephi and Lehi held in prison (Hel. 5:36) and climaxed in the
description of the resurrected Jesus: "and the light of his countenance did shine upon them" (3 Ne. 19:25).

This repetition links narratives together in what Robert Alter in The Art of Biblical Narrative calls "a kind of rhythm of thematic significance." Alter's point about
actions in the Bible is directly relevant to the Book of Mormon parallels I have mentioned. He says, "Recurrence, parallels, analogy are the hallmarks of reported action
in the biblical tale. . . . The two most distinctively biblical uses of repeated action are when we are given two versions of the same event and when the same event, with
minor variations, occurs at different junctures of the narrative, usually involving different characters or sets of characters."

Alter calls the recurrence of the same event a "type-scene" and considers it "a central organizing convention of biblical nar rative." Some examples Alter notes are an
annunciation to a barren woman (Rebekah, Sarah, Hannah), the encounter with the future betrothed at a well (Abraham's servant and Rebekah, Jacob and Rachel,
Moses and Jethro's daughter), and a life-threatening trial in the wilderness (Ishmael, Isaac). Parallel episodes with their variations or contrasts reinforce and define
each other and develop a larger pattern. They bring a narrative intensity as well as a sense of divine direction of events.

Alter notes that type-scenes contrast with each other as well. In the Book of Mormon, we see parallels and a crucial contrast in two scenes in which a very righteous
person and a very wicked person put on disguises. Nephi disguises himself as the Jewish ruler Laban in order to obtain scriptures-ï¿½which ultimately are for the good
of a whole people (1 Ne. 4:19-38). The conspirator Kishkumen disguises himself and murders the chief judge for his own power and gain (Hel. 1:9-12). When we
read the account of Kishkumen in context of the book as a whole, we may well reflect back on Nephi being directed by God in killing Laban and then taking on a
disguise so as to spiritually save a nation (see 1 Ne. 4:13), whereas the kind of secret combination of robbers and murderers of which Kishkumen is a part eventually
causes the destruction of the Nephites (Ether 8:21).

While it might be argued that some repetition and contrast in the Book of Mormon is accidental, there are evidences that the narrators such as Mormon and Moroni
purposefully included parallel materials to instruct and convince. Both indicate they speak as though "from the dead" to a latter-day audience (Morm. 9:30-36), and
Mormon affirms, "I . . . do write the things which have been commanded me of the Lord" (3 Ne. 26:12). These things-ï¿½narrations of events, sermons, letters, and the
like-ï¿½were written, among other purposes, "to show unto the remnant of the House of Israel what great things the Lord hath done for their fathers" (Title Page).
Mormon frequently calls on his audience to recognize the didactic point of his narrations with expressions such as "and thus we see." And as though time has collapsed,
Moroni forthrightly declares, "I speak unto you as if ye were present, . . . and I know your doing" (Morm. 8:35; here and elsewhere the emphasis is mine.)

A clear example of a purposeful contrast of persons is that between Benjamin and Noah, a good king and a wicked one. These narratives are presented in significant
detail and appear close to each other. King Benjamin is a model of the righteous king. He calls his people together to bless them, affirms that he has labored with his
own hands that he might serve them and that they should not be laden with taxes, and humbly confesses his dependence on God (Mosiah 2:14-19;4:19). King Noah,
 Copyrightsoon
described    (c) 2005-2009,    Infobase
                 thereafter, "did        Media
                                  cause his     Corp.
                                            people to commit sin, and do that which was abominable in the sight of the Lord" (Mosiah 11:2) he laid aPage      206fifth
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of all his people possessed to support a luxurious lifestyle for himself and his wives and concubines and also his priests and their wives and concu bines; and rather than
consider himself a beggar before God, "he placed his heart upon his riches, and he spent his time in riotous living" (Mosiah 11:14). At the time he proposes the
A clear example of a purposeful contrast of persons is that between Benjamin and Noah, a good king and a wicked one. These narratives are presented in significant
detail and appear close to each other. King Benjamin is a model of the righteous king. He calls his people together to bless them, affirms that he has labored with his
own hands that he might serve them and that they should not be laden with taxes, and humbly confesses his dependence on God (Mosiah 2:14-19;4:19). King Noah,
described soon thereafter, "did cause his people to commit sin, and do that which was abominable in the sight of the Lord" (Mosiah 11:2) he laid a tax of one fifth part
of all his people possessed to support a luxurious lifestyle for himself and his wives and concubines and also his priests and their wives and concu bines; and rather than
consider himself a beggar before God, "he placed his heart upon his riches, and he spent his time in riotous living" (Mosiah 11:14). At the time he proposes the
institution of judges in place of a king, Benjamin's son Mosiah pointedly tells his people that if they could always have kings like Benjamin "then it would be expedient
that ye should always have kings to rule over you," but one wicked king can cause much iniquity and great destruction. "Yea, remember king Noah," Mosiah says, "his
wickedness and his abominations, and also the wickedness and abominations of his people. Behold what great destruction did come upon them" (Mosiah 29:13, 18).

Repetition in Nephi's Quest

Repetition makes up the hero's task given Nephi and his brothersï¿½-to retrieve from Laban the scriptural records which would preserve for Lehi and his family "the
language of our fathers," the law, and the words of the prophets "since the world began" (1 Ne. 3:19-20). This quest follows what Leland Ryken in How to Read the
Bible as Literature calls "the storytelling principle of threefold repetition: a given event happens three times, with a crucial change introduced the third time."

In the first of the three visits to Laban, and apparently without a plan, Laman futilely asks Laban to relinquish the records. Next, the brothers follow Nephi's plan to
offer their gold, silver, and other precious things for the plates of brass, only to have Laban take all this wealth from them and then try to have them pursued and killed.
The third time, Nephi goes alone with no plan: "I was led by the Spirit, not knowing beforehand the things which I should do" (1 Ne. 4:6). Then the Lord's plan goes
into effect. This marks the "crucial change" Ryken speaks about.

Each of these efforts is put into motion by an intensified pledge. At the initial request to get the plates, Nephi says to his father, "I will go and do the things which the
Lord hath commanded" (1 Ne. 3:7). Following Laman's failure, Nephi increases his initial commitment and applies it to all the brothers: "As the Lord liveth, and as we
live, we will not go down unto our father in the wilderness until we have accomplished the thing which the Lord hath commanded us" (1 Ne. 3:15). After the next plan
fails and the older brothers are reproved by an angel for beating their younger brothers, Nephi calls for them all to "be faithful in keeping the commandments of the
Lord" and alludes to the great miracle of the Israelites crossing through the Red Sea in affirming the power of God. The emphasis has moved from "I will go and do," to
we will not leave until "we have accomplished," to the Lord is "mightier than Laban and his fifty" and "the Lord is able to deliver us, even as our fathers, and to destroy
Laban, even as the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 4:1-3).

Finding Laban drunk in the street, Nephi is three times "constrained by the spirit" to kill him. The first is a simple in junction: Kill Laban. The second is the impression
that the Lord had delivered Laban into Nephi's hands. Nephi thinks of three reasons why he could be justified in taking Laban's life: (1) Laban sought to take away
Nephi's own life. (2) Laban would not hearken unto the commands of the Lord. (3) He had taken away property belonging to Nephi's family. The third constraint of
the spirit adds the crucial, convincing element: "The Lord slayeth the wicked to bring forth his righteous purposes. It is better that one man should perish than that a
nation should dwindle and perish in unbelief" (1 Ne. 4:13).

Nephi then slays Laban, dresses in his clothes and armor, and, with the help of Laban's servant Zoram, gets the brass plates and takes them outside the city wall.
There, in calling to his frightened brothers, Nephi reveals his identity to Zoramï¿½-whom Nephi holds to keep from fleeing. Nephi then makes three levels of appeal to
Zoram. These are introduced by a similar formulaic phrase, mov ing from sparing Zoram's life, to allowing him freedom, to having a place with Lehi's family:

And it came to pass that I spake with him, that if he would hearken unto my words, as the Lord liveth, and as I live, even so that if he would hearken unto our words,
we would spare his life.

And I spake unto him, even with an oath, that he need not fear; that he should be a free man like unto us if he would go down in the wilderness with us.

And I also spake unto him, saying: Surely the Lord hath commanded us to do this thing; and shall we not be diligent in keeping the commandments of the Lord?
Therefore, if thou wilt go down into the wilderness to my father thou shalt have place with us. (1 Ne. 4:32-34)

A three-part pattern is found as well in Sariah's lament to Lehi, with the pattern emphasized by the rhythmical "Behold . . ., and . . . , and": "Behold thou hast led us
forth from the land of our inheritance, and my sons are no more, and we perish in the wilderness" (1 Ne. 5:2). This feared decline is counterbalanced by Sariah's three-
part intensified praise uttered at the return of her sons. In this, she echoes Nephi's initial commitment: "I also know of a surety that the Lord hath protected my sons, and
delivered them out of the hands of Laban, and given them power whereby they could accomplish the thing which the Lord hath commanded them" (1 Ne. 5:8). For
their part, Lehi and Nephi rejoice that they had (1) kept the commandments, (2) obtained the records which the Lord had commanded, and (3) now could preserve the
commandments of the Lord unto their children (1 Ne. 5:20-21).

Repetition of the Word "Power" As a Narrative Focus

The missionary endeavor of the sons of Mosiah, found in a single chapter in the 1830 edition of the Book of Mormon (Alma 17 through 20 in the current edition), is
one of the most interest ing stories in the Book of Mormon. By looking at this narrative as a single story, one discovers that its center is the kingdom of God in contrast
with the kingdom of man, the power of God in contrast with that of man. It shows the ideal power of the missionary. Mormon's headnote underlines this theme: The
sons of Mosiah reject their "rights to the kingdom" (an earthly kingdom with its accompanying power) "for the word of God" and go up to the land of Nephi "to preach
to the Lamanites." There they experience "sufferings and deliverance." This acceptance of God's power and denial of earthly glory is emphasized in the first paragraph
of the 1830 edition. The sons of Mosiah, we are told, "taught with power and authority, even as with the power and authority of God, . . . having refused the kingdom
which their father was desirous to confer upon them" (cf. Alma 17:3, 6). From this point on, the word power becomes a repeated drum beat throughout the narrative.

Leaving behind a presumably comfortable life in Zarahemla, the sons of Mosiah depart into the wilderness to go among "a wild and a hardened and a ferocious
people" (Alma 17:14). In their journey, the second son, Ammon, is their leader but still is their servant (he was "the chief among them, or rather he did administer unto
them"; Alma 17:18). On arrival in Lamoni's court, Ammon, the king's son, declares his willingness to leave royalty behind him and "to dwell among this people for a
time; yea, and perhaps until the day I die" (Alma 17:23). Given the potential of earthly reward (taking one of Lamoni's daughters to wife), Ammon opts instead to "be
thy servant."

The story that follows gains dramatic intensity by a greater movement into dialogue and monologue, with the emphatic word being power. At the waters of Sebus, the
king's servants express their fear of being slain for allowing the flocks to be scattered by robbers. Ammon's interior response is to say, "I will shew forth my power unto
these my fellow servants, or the power which is in me, in restoring these flocks unto the king, that I may win the hearts of these my fellow-servants, that I may lead them
to believe in my words" (Alma 17:29). Ammon then serves the servants by being their champion, casting stones at the bullies with his sling; "yea, with mighty power he
did sling stones amongst them; and thus he slew a certain number of them insomuch that they began to be astonished at his power" (Alma 17:36). Later reporting to the
king, the other servants say they "do not believe that a man has such great power" (Alma 18:3). The king wants to know, "Where is this man that has such great
 Copyright
power?"      (c) 2005-2009,
          (Alma               Infobaseis,Media
                  18:8). The response           Corp.
                                          "Behold,  he is feeding thy horses" (Alma 18:9). This faithfulness elicits even more amazement in King Lamoni,
                                                                                                                                                       Page who207
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Ammon is the Great Spirit. When Ammon comes in, the king's servants call him "Rabbanah," which is interpreted as "powerful or great king" (Alma 18:13). In this
scene of dramatic irony, we know that Ammon has turned down the opportunity to be king in order to be a missionary servant to Lamoni and his people. He, however,
never reveals this to Lamoni. Indeed, he maintains the respectful stance of a servant: "What wilt thou that I should do for thee, O king?" (Alma 18:14).
these my fellow servants, or the power which is in me, in restoring these flocks unto the king, that I may win the hearts of these my fellow-servants, that I may lead them
to believe in my words" (Alma 17:29). Ammon then serves the servants by being their champion, casting stones at the bullies with his sling; "yea, with mighty power he
did sling stones amongst them; and thus he slew a certain number of them insomuch that they began to be astonished at his power" (Alma 17:36). Later reporting to the
king, the other servants say they "do not believe that a man has such great power" (Alma 18:3). The king wants to know, "Where is this man that has such great
power?" (Alma 18:8). The response is, "Behold, he is feeding thy horses" (Alma 18:9). This faithfulness elicits even more amazement in King Lamoni, who is now sure
Ammon is the Great Spirit. When Ammon comes in, the king's servants call him "Rabbanah," which is interpreted as "powerful or great king" (Alma 18:13). In this
scene of dramatic irony, we know that Ammon has turned down the opportunity to be king in order to be a missionary servant to Lamoni and his people. He, however,
never reveals this to Lamoni. Indeed, he maintains the respectful stance of a servant: "What wilt thou that I should do for thee, O king?" (Alma 18:14).

The conversation that ensues revolves around the power ques tion. Lamoni asks:

Tell me by what power ye slew and smote off the arms of my brethren that scattered my flocks. . . . If it were needed, I would guard thee with my armies; but I know
that thou art more powerful than all they.

Ammon being "wise, yet harmless," says unto Lamoni:

Wilt thou hearken unto my words, if I tell thee by what power I do these things?

Lamoni agrees to this missionary opening, and following a question-and-answer exchange in which Ammon teaches Lamoni about God, Lamoni then says:

I believe all these things which thou hast spoken. Art thou sent from God?

Ammon responds:

I am a man; and man in the beginning was created after the image of God, and I am called by his Holy Spirit to teach these things unto this people, that they may be
brought to a knowledge of that which is just and true; and a portion of that Spirit dwelleth in me, which giveth me knowledge, and also power according to my faith and
desires which are in God. (Alma 18:20-22, 33-35)

Ammon expounds the history of God's dealings with man, at which the now-believing Lamoni falls into a deathlike trance. Lamoni's trance was what Ammon desired,
for he knew that King Lamoni was under the power of God; he knew that the dark veil of unbelief was being cast away from his mind.

King Lamoni rises on the third day, bears his testimony, then swoons away again, as does the queen, and then Ammon, and then the attending servants. Abish, secretly
converted earlier, sees what she thinks is an opportunity, "by making known unto the people what had happened among them, that by beholding this scene, it would
cause them to believe in the power of God, therefore she ran forth from house to house, making it known unto the people" (Alma 19:17).

The action that most miraculously shows forth the power of God is the death of the man who tried to kill the unconscious Ammonï¿½-an event that causes a lot of
contention among the people as to "the cause of this great power." Abish then lifts up the queen who in turn takes Lamoni by the hand and he arises. They "declare unto
the people the self-same thingï¿½-that their hearts had been changed; that they had no more desire to do evil" (Alma 19:24, 33).

Ammon's journey with Lamoni to the land of Middoni to deliver his three brothers from prison brings to a climactic focus the question of power and control (Alma 20).
Here, the king over all the land commands Lamoni to slay Ammon, then tries to kill Ammon himself. However, he is withstood and put in peril of his life, offering
Ammon at that point "whatsoever thou wilt ask, even to the half of the kingdom" (Alma 20:23). For the third time refusing earthly glory or power, Ammon asks only for
freedom for his brothers and for Lamoni. This refusal of earthly power opens the way for Ammon to counter a cause of anger held by the Lamanites for centuries, their
belief that Nephi had robbed them, that Laman and Lemuel's younger brother had taken over in both land and leadership. Ammon teaches Lamoni, among other things,
"concerning the rebellions of Laman and Lemuel, and the sons of Ishmael [Lamoni is a descendent of Ishmael], yea, all their rebel lions did he relate unto them" (Alma
18:38). Then before the king over all the land, he responds to the Lamanite view that the Nephites are sons of a liar and a robber (Nephi; cf. Alma 20:13). By
foregoing earthly power, Ammon shows forth God's power and thus opens up the most significant missionary harvest in the Book of Mormon. The editor's (Mormon's)
heavily repeated use of the word translated as "power" drives home that point.

Overall Narrative Patterns

The larger narratives of the Book of Mormon have many simi larities and thus reflect on each other. This repetition serves to emphasize and define the book's major
themes or concerns. The quest theme is introduced with the commission to Lehi to escape Jerusalem, obtain the scriptural record found on the brass plates, and
eventually take his family to the promised land. This pattern of escape, obtaining spiritual truth, and going to a safe or sanctified land continues in the stories of Nephi,
Alma 1 , and Limhiï¿½-all of which sustain the Exodus theme of Israel's escape from captiv ity in Egypt. The story of the Jaredite migrationï¿½-occurring earlier but
recounted later as an epitome of the Nephite experience-ï¿½repeats the Lehite journey to the promised land. On an analogical level, as Alma 2 explains to his son
Helaman, just as the "fathers" were directed by the heaven-sent compass to reach the promised land, so "shall the words of Christ, if we follow their course, carry us
beyond this vale of sorrow into a far better land of promise" (Alma 37:45). In this respect, the whole Book of Mormon is a Liahona and guide for escaping from
Babylon to the promised land.

Connected to travel to the promised land (metaphorically, Christ's kingdom) is the pattern of peoples who repent and are converted to Christ or who allow themselves
to be led by Satan down to destruction. The book has an intensifying rhythm of per sons choosing good (e.g., the people of King Benjamin and the Lamanites taught by
Ammon and his brothers) or pridefully turning from it (e.g., Laman and Lemuel, Sherem, Korihor, and the Zoramites). Frequently, the people move through a humility-
prosperity-pride-collapse cycle. The preservation at Christ's coming of the "more righteous part of the people" (3 Ne. 10:12) and the calamitous destruction of many
cities confirms the oft-repeated Book of Mormon motto: those who keep the Lord's commandments shall prosper in the land of promise, but those who will not shall
be swept off (cf. 2 Ne. 1:9;4:4, Alma 9:13; 50:20; and Ether 2:10). The reality of the second half of the promise is confirmed vividly by Mormon and Moroni, who
recount the descent of the Nephites into total destruction.

The nature, rise, and effect of secret combinations is a third significant type of narrative which is reinforced and confirmed by repetition. We anticipate the problem of
Gadiantonism in Jacob's speaking of the Devil's stirring up secret combinations, Nephi's prophecies of secret combinations among the Gentiles, and Alma 2 's testimony
that the Jaredites were destroyed because of their secret works (2 Ne. 9:9;26:22; Alma 37:30). Then the character of secret combinations is presented dramatically
and frighteningly in the detailed accounts of Kishkumen and Gadianton and their band (Hel. 2-3, 6-8, 11) and of Akish's machinations (Ether 8). One account confirms
the other. Together they help reinforce Moroni's warning:

And they have caused the destruction of this people of whom I am now speaking [the Jaredites], and also the destruction of the people of Nephi. And whatsoever
nation shall uphold such secret combinations, to get power and gain, until they shall spread over the nation, behold, they shall be destroyed. (Ether 8:21-22)

Countervailing that dismal picture
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must come unto repentance, or ye cannot be saved" (Morm. 7:1, 3). counsels, "Be wise in the days of your probation" (Morm. 9:28).

In sum, as "Another Testament of Jesus Christ," the Book of Mormon depends on recurrence for its witness. It is as though the first occurrence of anything is not
And they have caused the destruction of this people of whom I am now speaking [the Jaredites], and also the destruction of the people of Nephi. And whatsoever
nation shall uphold such secret combinations, to get power and gain, until they shall spread over the nation, behold, they shall be destroyed. (Ether 8:21-22)

Countervailing that dismal picture are prophetic challenges to a future audience. "I speak unto you, ye remnant of the house of Israel," Mormon says. "Know ye that ye
must come unto repentance, or ye cannot be saved" (Morm. 7:1, 3). counsels, "Be wise in the days of your probation" (Morm. 9:28).

In sum, as "Another Testament of Jesus Christ," the Book of Mormon depends on recurrence for its witness. It is as though the first occurrence of anything is not
sufficient to confirm truth or value. Repetition brings understanding, conviction, and commit ment. Just as information was repeated for Joseph Smith by Moroni,
readers have repeated for them "the same things as before" (JS-H 1:46) so they cannot misunderstand but rather remember clearly. The rhythm of repetition is also like
the poetry of the Book of Mormon which I have discussed elsewhere, building ideas in intensified ways. Some repetition in the book may be attributed to
conventional forms. An example of this might be the three choices, often found in fairy tale and legend, which appear in Lehi's vision in which some people go to the
tree of life, multitudes feel their way towards the great and spacious building, and many are drowned or lost [1 Ne. 8:30-32] Most dramatically, repetition in the book
purposes to bring an epiphany-ï¿½a startling awareness of the divine. In a way, readers of the Book of Mormon are put in a position similar to that of the Nephites to
whom the resurrected Savior spoke. At first they heard a voice but did not understand it. Again, they heard without understanding. Finally, "they did hear the voice, and
did open their ears to hear it. . . . And behold, the third time they did understand the voice which they heard" (3 Ne. 11:5-6).

  For more extensive treatments of Book of Mormon typology in which there is foreshadowing either within the work or with events or persons outside it, see Hugh
Nibley, Since Cumorah, 2d ed., vol. 7 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988); Bruce R. McConkie, The
Promised Messiah: The First Coming of Christ (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978), chs. 21-24; and Bruce W. Jorgensen, "The Dark Way to the Tree: Typological
Unity in the Book of Mormon," Richard Dilworth Rust, " 'All Things Which Have Been Given of God . . . Are the Typifying of Him': Typology in the Book of
Mormon," and George S. Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," in Neal E. Lambert, ed., Literature of Belief: Sacred Scripture and
Religious Experience (Provo: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1981), 217-31, 233-43, 245-62.

  Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 181.

  Ibid., 180-81.

  Ibid., 181.

  Ibid., 47-62, 181.

  Susan Tabor analyzes this comparison in her essay, "Mormon's Literary Technique" (in Mormon Letters Annual, 1983), finding that the "structure of the book of
Mosiah, and to some extent the first half of Alma, is parallelism, contrasting and reinforcing" (118). In "Mosiah: The Complex Symbolism and the Symbolic Complex of
Kingship in the Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (Spring 1993): 21-38, Gordon C. Thomasson also makes the point that the Book of
Mosiah is a study in contrasts between good and bad kings.

  Leland Ryken, How to Read the Bible as Literature (Grand Rapids, MI: Academie Books, 1984), 14.

  See Thomas W. Mackay, "Mormon as Editor: A Study in Colophons, Headers, and Source Indicators," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/2 (Fall 1993): 90-
109.

 For an insightful and thorough treatment of the Exodus pattern in the Book of Mormon, see George S. Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of
Mormon," in Lambert, ed., Literature of Belief, 245-62.

  Richard Dilworth Rust, "Book of Mormon Poetry," The New Era 13 (March 1983): 46-50; "Poetry in the Book of Mormon," in John L. Sorenson and Melvin J.
Thorne, eds., Rediscovering the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 100-13.

Dissent: Perspectives From the Book of Mormon
Lynn D. Wardle

Abstract: Most scriptural references to dissent are in the Book of Mormon. The Book of Mormon teaches that dissension is a cause of evil, suffering, and destruction;
some dissenters undergo a hardening, while others may be reclaimed; preaching the gospel is the best way to reclaim dissenters; after patient endurance, compulsion
may be necessary to stop dissenters from causing severe harm to the innocent, but compulsion should be avoided when possible; both spiritual and civic responses may
be used to quell dissent; responding to dissent is not the task of leaders only; dissent is inevitable in our society and the church; and the Lord blesses the faithful who
endure the trials and temptations of dissent.

The Book of Mormon describes some conditions within the ancient Nephite church and society that are strikingly similar to some conditions developing in the restored
church and modern society. References to dissent and dissension seem particularly rel evant. The term dissent or some derivative of it (e.g., dissenter, dissenters,
dissented, dissenting, dissension, dissensions, etc.) is used a total of 57 times in 53 verses of the scriptures. Interestingly, 53 of the 57 usages (93% of the references)
occur in the Book of Mormon, the volume of scripture revealed for the specific benefit of people in our day.

Most of the Book of Mormon references to dissent are in seven clusters. They are:

--Mosiah 26-27(dissension grows in rising generation; Alma 2 and the sons of Mosiah are key provocateurs);

--Alma 31, 34 (Alma 2 takes veteran missionaries to preach to Zoramite dissenters; Alma's sermon to poor Zoramites);

--Alma 45 (because of dissent church regulation is necessary, and dissent arises after Helaman appoints new priests);

--Alma 46-53 (Amalickiah manipulates dissent to rise to power; Moroni raises the title of liberty to counter dissent; Lamanites strengthened by Nephite dissenters who
foment war; Moroni given authority to compel dissenters to defend country; 4,000 armed dissenters put to death by Moroni);

--Alma 60-62 (Moroni's epistle to Pahoran and Pahoran's reply; Moroni and Pahoran unite forces to put down rebellious dissenters);

--Helaman 3-5 (numerous Nephite dissensions; strengthened Lamanites conquer and possess Nephite lands; Nephi leaves judgment seat to preach; many dissenters
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--Helaman 11, and 3 Ne. 1-3 (during thirty-year period Gadianton robbers grow and Nephite government falls because of dissent).
--Alma 60-62 (Moroni's epistle to Pahoran and Pahoran's reply; Moroni and Pahoran unite forces to put down rebellious dissenters);

--Helaman 3-5 (numerous Nephite dissensions; strengthened Lamanites conquer and possess Nephite lands; Nephi leaves judgment seat to preach; many dissenters
reconverted; Nephi and Lehi in prison convert 300 Lamanites including former dis senters);

--Helaman 11, and 3 Ne. 1-3 (during thirty-year period Gadianton robbers grow and Nephite government falls because of dissent).

These scriptures refer to many different kinds of dissent, from political dissent to religious dissent, from dissent by disputing to dissent by withdrawal, from dissent in the
form of contention, to persecution, to armed rebellion, to acts of treason during wartime. The responses to dissent also vary depending on the type of dissent and the
circumstancesï¿½-from patient endurance to expulsion, from private prayer to civic debate, from preaching the gospel to organized military resistance, from forgiveness
to capital punishment. Because the types of dissent are diverse, the circumstances in which dissent occurs vary, and the responses to dissent differ, the scriptures
referring to dissent cannot be lumped together thoughtlessly. Taken out of context, the inspired messages may be lost or distorted. However, these scriptural references
to dissent and dissensions are valuable sources for serious study. From such reflective analysis I have identified ten principles or characteristics of dissent.

First Dissension Invariably Is Associated With and Frequently Identified As a Cause
of Evil Suffering and Destruction.

Despite the variety of forms of dissent, some mild and seemingly innocuous, dissent is never described or linked with anything good or positive in the Book of Mormon.
Every reference to dissent portrays it as a problem, an evil condition, and a harbinger of even greater problems and evils. For example, Alma 2 was "a great hinderment
to the prosperity of the church of God" because he["[caused] much dissension among the people" (Mosiah 27:9) the dissenters who joined the Lamanites["cause[d]
much sorrow unto those Nephites who did remain in the land" (3 Ne. 1:28) dissent and intrigue caused the loss of Nephite land and cities (Alma 53:8) iniquity and
dissensions caused the Nephites to be "placed in the most dangerous of circumstances" (Alma 53:9;46:7). Frequently the Book of Mormon notes that dissension
directly led to war. Often it was the dissenters from the Nephites who "stirred up to anger" the Lamanites against the Nephites and caused them to["[commence] a war
with their brethren." (Hel. 4:4;11:24; see also Alma 46-47). The Gadianton robbers existed because of, and their success depended upon, "dissenters that went forth
unto them" (Hel. 11:25; 3 Ne. 2:18;7:12). It is no wonder that Mormon declared that contention among the Nephites was "a cause of all their destruction" during the
great series of wars described in Alma (Alma 51:16).

The dissent terms are often used in conjunction with other terms that suggest the meaning of dissent. The word with which dissent is combined most frequently is
contention (see, e.g., Jarom 1:13; W of M 1:16; Alma 51:16; Hel. 3:1, 3, 14, 17; and 3 Ne. 2:18). It is also combined with iniquity or wickedness (Alma
53:9;60:32;62:40; and 3 Ne. 2:18). It is used occasionally in connection with bloodshed (Hel. 4:1), murder (Alma 62:40), war (Jarom 1:13, Hel. 3:14), and intrigue
(Alma 53:8-9). It is also associated with disturbances (Hel. 3:17) and pride (see Hel. 3:1). But dissent is not applied to personal searching, doubting, groping, or
struggling to know the truth or come to Christ that so often are crucial to the conversion process. Apparently the writers of the Book of Mormon distinguished between
honest, personal inquiry and yearning for righteousness and the kinds of activities they characterized as dissent.

Second Dissension May Lead to the Hardening of the Dissenters.

Thus, speaking of one group of Nephites who had dissented and joined the Lamanites, Mormon observed that "not long after their dissensions they became more
hardened and impenitent, and more wild, wicked and ferocious than the Lamanitesï¿½-drinking in with the traditions of the Lamanites; giving way to indolence, and all
manner of lasciviousness; yea, entirely forgetting the Lord their God" (Alma 47:36). In the days of Moroni the Nephites were in danger of being "massacred by the
barbarous cruelty of those who were once their brethren, yea, and had dissented from their church, and had left them and had gone to destroy them" (Alma 48:24).
During one period of great Lamanite conversion to the gospel, Mormon noted that none of the Amulonite dissenters and only one of the Amalekite dissenters was
converted to the gospel, "but they did harden their hearts, and also the hearts of the Lamanites in that part of the land wheresoever they dwelt" (Alma 23:14).

Third Dissenters May be Reclaimed Reconverted and Repent Before They Become Too Hardened
in Their Iniquity.

For example, Alma 2 was "a very wicked and idolatrous man" who caused "much dissension among the people," "stealing away the hearts of the people," "going about
to destroy the church of God" (Mosiah 27:8-10). Likewise, the four sons of King Mosiah "were numbered among the unbelievers" who went about with him "rebelling
against God," and "secretly . . . seeking to destroy the church" (Mosiah 27:8-11). Yet these influential dissenters were reconverted, repented, and dedicated their lives
to teaching the people the gospel, "traveling round about through all the land, publishing to all the people the things which they had heard and seen, and preaching the
word of God in much tribulation," enduring great persecution from unbelievers["impart[ing] much consolation to the church, confirming their faith, and exhorting them
with long suffering and much travail to keep the commandments of God" (Mosiah 27:32-33). "And thus they were instruments in the hands of God in bringing many to
the knowledge of the truth, yea, to the knowledge of their Redeemer" (Mosiah 27:36). Had these dissenters not been reclaimed, the Nephites, Lamanites, and modern
church would have been without some of the greatest leaders and teachers of faith of whom we have any record (Alma 4-43).

Likewise, after many Nephite dissenters had strengthened and agitated the Lamanites and the Lamanites had defeated the Nephites and obtained possession of their
lands, Nephi and Lehi, the sons of Helaman, began a great missionary effort that involved a conversion of the Nephites, dissenters, and Lamanites. They preached with
such great power "that they did confound many of those dissenters who had gone over from the Nephites, insomuch that they came forth and did confess their sins and
were baptized unto repentance, and immediately returned to the Nephites to endeavor to repair unto them the wrongs which they had done" (Hel. 5:17). While Nephi
and Lehi were imprisoned in a Lamanite prison, a marvelous heavenly manifestation occurred. With the assistance of an imprisoned Nephite dissenter who helped the
Lamanite prisoners understand the experience, all three hundred souls in the prison who witnessed the miraculous event were converted and went forth testifying of their
conversion "insomuch that the more part of the Lamanites were convinced of them" and changed their policy of hostility and war toward the Nephites,["[and] it came to
pass that they did yield up unto the Nephites the lands of their possession" (Hel. 5:21-49, 50-52). Thus, reconversion of dissenters may greatly bless the lives of many.

Fourth the First and Best Method of Reclaiming Dissenters Is to Preach the Gospel to Them.

For instance, Mormon noted that in the days of Helaman, "because of their wars with the Lamanites and the many little dis sensions and disturbances which had been
among the people it became expedient that the word of God should be declared among them" (Alma 45:21). A couple of generations later Nephi and Lehi, the sons of
Helaman,

did preach with great power insomuch that they did confound many of those dissenters who had gone over from the Nephites, insomuch that they came forth and did
confess their sins and were baptized unto repentance, and immediately returned to the Nephites to endeavor to repair unto them the wrongs which they had done. (Hel.
5:17)

Perhaps the most emphatic declaration of this principle is the explanation of Alma 2 's decision to lead a missionary team to reclaim the Zoramite dissenters. Mormon
wrote:
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And now, as the preaching of the word had a great tendency to lead the people to do that which was just-ï¿½yea, it had more powerful effect upon the minds of the
people than the sword, or anything else, which had happened unto themï¿½-therefore Alma thought it was expedient that they should try the virtue of the word of
God." (Alma 31:5)
5:17)

Perhaps the most emphatic declaration of this principle is the explanation of Alma 2 's decision to lead a missionary team to reclaim the Zoramite dissenters. Mormon
wrote:

And now, as the preaching of the word had a great tendency to lead the people to do that which was just-ï¿½yea, it had more powerful effect upon the minds of the
people than the sword, or anything else, which had happened unto themï¿½-therefore Alma thought it was expedient that they should try the virtue of the word of
God." (Alma 31:5)

During his ministry in America the Savior taught his twelve disciples:

Ye shall not suffer any one knowingly to partake of my flesh and blood unworthily, when ye shall minister it; . . . Nevertheless, [if he repents not] ye shall not cast him
out from among you, but ye shall minister unto him and shall pray for him unto the Father, in my name; and if it so be that he repenteth and is baptized in my name, then
shall ye receive him, and shall minister unto him of my flesh and blood. . . . Nevertheless, ye shall not cast him out of your synagogues, or your places of worship, for
unto such shall ye continue to minister; for ye know not but what they will return and repent, and come unto me with full purpose of heart, and I shall heal them; and ye
shall be the means of bringing salvation unto them. (3 Ne. 18:28-32)

Preaching the gospel to the descendants of dissenters was part of the reason for the coming forth of the Book of Mormon. Concerning the prophets whose writings are
contained in the Book of Mormon, the Lord revealed to the Prophet Joseph Smith: "Yea, and this was their faith-ï¿½that my gospel, which I gave unto them that they
might preach in their days, might come unto their brethren the Lamanites, and also all that had become Lamanites because of their dissensions" (D&C 10:48).

Fifth There Are Times When Firmness Even Physical Compulsion Is Necessary to Stop Dissenters.

Two series of incidents from the life of the great Nephite general, Moroni, illustrate this principle. The first involved the liberty-threatening dissensions among the
Nephites in the early years of the lengthy series of wars described in detail in the book of Alma. Certain Nephite dissenters were stirred up and led by a talented and
ambitious demagogue named Amalickiah, who wanted to be king. He was supported by other ambitious people, especially lower judges of the people, who also
wanted to be rulers. Because of their selfish ambition "they were led away . . . to dissensions" (Alma 46:6). Moreover, "there were many in the church who believed in
the flattering words of Amalickiah, therefore they dissented even from the church; and thus were the affairs of the people of Nephi exceedingly precarious and
dangerous" (Alma 46:7). Moroni, the chief commander of the army of the Nephites, "was angry with Amalickiah" when he "heard of these dissensions" (Alma 46:11),
so he fashioned the title of liberty from a piece of cloth torn from his coat and, after uttering a great prayer for the sake of the believers in Christ in the land, "he went
forth, and also sent forth in all the parts of the land where there were dissensions, and gathered together all the people who were desirous to maintain their liberty, to
stand against Amalickiah and those who had dissented" (Alma 46:28). This effort by Moroni succeeded in thwarting Amalickiah's attempt to usurp control of the
Nephite government. Amalickiah then decided to lead his dis senters to join the Lamanites, but Moroni's army headed them off because "he knew that [Amalickiah]
would stir up the Lamanites to anger against them, and cause them to come to battle against them" (Alma 46:30). The followers of Amalickiah who would make a
covenant to support the cause of freedom were apparently taken back into Nephite society, while "those who would not enter into a covenant . . . he caused to be put
to death" (Alma 46:35). Amalickiah and a few of his leaders escaped, and within a short time he had obtained leadership over the Lamanite armies, which then
attacked the Nephites.

In these dangerous times, another group of people who followed Morianton, after losing a territorial dispute with the people in another city, decided to move en masse
to the northern lands. Again, Moroni's army stopped them forcibly, to prevent them from making an alliance which could "lead to the overthrow of their liberty" (Alma
50:32). Again, the dissenters were allowed to return to their lands "upon their covenanting to keep the peace" (Alma 50:36).

A short time later, just six years after Amalickiah's initial efforts to be established as the king of the Nephites, a group of Nephites "of high birth . . . who sought power
and authority over the people" (Alma 51:8) attempted to change the law "in a manner to overthrow the free government and to establish a king over the land" (Alma
51:5), but "the voice of the people" rejected their proposal. Soon thereafter the Lamanites attacked the Nephites. The king-men "were glad in their hearts; and they
refused to take up arms, for they were so wroth with the chief judge, and also with the people of liberty, that they would not take up arms to defend their
country" (Alma 51:13). Moroni was incensed by this elitist dissension in time of national crisis, and he sought and obtained "power to compel those dissenters to defend
their country or to put them to death. For it was his first care to put an end to such contentions and dissensions among the people; for behold, this had been hitherto a
cause of all their destruction" (Alma 51:15-16). Moroni led his armies against the king-men, killed "four thousand of those dissenters," imprisoned their surviving
leaders, and compelled the rest of the dissenters to raise the title of liberty and take up arms in defence of their country (Alma 51:19-20). Thus, three times in the space
of six years Moroni used lawful force to compel dissenters physically to fulfill their responsibilities to the community in time of crisis.

The second sequence in which Moroni used force against dis senters was near the end of the long series of wars between Nephites and Lamanites. At this time, the
Nephite army had been making some gains in their campaign to expel the invading Lamanites, but they suffered a tremendous setback in losing the city of Nephihah and
the lives of many Nephites, due to the failure of the central government to send reinforcements. Moroni wrote an angry epistle to the chief judge, Pahoran, warning him
to send support to the army or Moroni would "cleanse" the "inward vessel" (Alma 60:23). Pahoran wrote back explaining that the king-men had risen up and driven him
from the center of government and the dissenters had made an alliance with the Lamanites. He called on Moroni to join him in resisting these rebellious dissensions "with
our swords," by marching at the head of part of his army, joining up with Pahoran, and "we will go speedily against those dissenters, in the strength of our God
according to the faith which is in us" (Alma 61:17). Moroni did so, and he and Pahoran defeated the armies of the dissenters, led by Pachus.

And the men of Pachus received their trial, according to the law, and also those king-men who had been taken and cast into prison; and they were executed according
to the law; yea, those men of Pachus and those king-men whosoever would not take up arms in the defence of their country, but would fight against it, were put to
death. (Alma 62:9)

Mormon observed that it was necessary "that this law should be strictly observed for the safety of their country; yea, and whosoever was found denying their freedom
was speedily exe cuted according to the law" (Alma 62:10). It probably is not merely coincidental that within one year after this "cleansing of the inward vessel" and
"strictly" enforcing the law against the dissenters, that the Lamanite armies that had invaded the Nephite lands were conclusively defeated, completely driven out of
Nephite lands, and peace was finally restored, after more than a dozen years of continual war (Alma 62:9-10, 38-42). Thus, in times of war, when internal rebellions
threaten the lives and liber ties of the people, when ample opportunity to repent has been afforded, the use of military force under righteous leadership to put down
treacherous dissent has been justified.

Sixth Force Is Used Against Dissenters Only When Necessary to Prevent Them From Causing
Severe Harm to Righteous Others and After Patiently Enduring the Problems Caused By Dissent.

In both of these sequences, Moroni and Pahoran were long-suffering and tolerant before they resorted to the use of force against the dissenters. Pahoran had refrained
from using force against the dissenters who had driven him from the seat of government because he was deeply concerned whether that was justified (Alma 61:19), and
Moroni had not written a threatening letter to Pahoran until he and his armies had patiently endured great privations and suffering for years, and many innocent people
had died (Alma
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Likewise, Moroni did not abruptly take up arms against the dis senters in the earlier years, but used force against them only after their rebellion reached the point that it
put the lives and liberties of the righteous and innocent in jeopardy, and even then he readily forgave and accepted the dissenters after he defeated them (Alma
In both of these sequences, Moroni and Pahoran were long-suffering and tolerant before they resorted to the use of force against the dissenters. Pahoran had refrained
from using force against the dissenters who had driven him from the seat of government because he was deeply concerned whether that was justified (Alma 61:19), and
Moroni had not written a threatening letter to Pahoran until he and his armies had patiently endured great privations and suffering for years, and many innocent people
had died (Alma 59:5-60:5

Likewise, Moroni did not abruptly take up arms against the dis senters in the earlier years, but used force against them only after their rebellion reached the point that it
put the lives and liberties of the righteous and innocent in jeopardy, and even then he readily forgave and accepted the dissenters after he defeated them (Alma
46:35;50:36;51:19-20). Indeed it might be speculated that Moroni and the righteous Nephites endured much more war and destruction because of Moroni's policy of
enduring dissent and readily forgiving and reaccepting dissenters. Perhaps the internal disruptions that Moroni and Pahoran had to put down in year 31 of the reign of
the judges would not have occurred if Moroni had not so quickly reaccepted the dissenting followers of Amalickiah in year 19 of the reign of the judges, or the king-
men who rebelled a few years later (Alma 46:35-36;51:19-20;61:3-8;62:2-10). But patient suffering to give the rebellious full opportunity to use their agency to work
through their dissent and repent, or to seal their own condemnation, was Moroni's policy. It seems to be the Lord's policy in our day as well (D&C 98:23-48).

These two sequences also illustrate that the righteous only resort to slaying dissenters when the dissenters had undertaken to do something that immediately and
seriously threatened the lives and liberties of the righteous innocent who would not agree with the dissenters. Thus, Moroni did not use military force against Amalickiah
until Amalickiah had departed with his followers for the land of Nephi, where he intended to (and later did) strengthen the armies of the Lamanites and stir them up to
attack the Nephites (Alma 46:30-31). Likewise, Moroni did not use force against Morianton until he attempted to lead his dissenting people to another land which,
under the circumstances of the time, would have "serious consequences among the people of Nephi, yea which . . . would lead to the overthrow of their liberty" (Alma
50:32). Again, Moroni did not use military force against the king-men until "the Lamanites were coming into the borders of the land" (Alma 51:14).

The progression of tactics used by Moroni to respond to the totalitarian plans of Amalickiah is revealing. First he entered into the debate-ï¿½expressing himself in
words and by symbols (i.e., the title of liberty) (Alma 46:11-28). Then he organized others and sent his message and ideas throughout the land, rousing many others to
oppose Amalickiah, and even causing some of the dissenters who followed Amalickiah to["[doubt] . . . the justice of the cause in which they had undertaken" (Alma
46:28-29). Moroni did not use force to stop Amalickiah and the dissenters who followed him until Amalickiah attempted to lead his supporters to join the enemy
Lamanites-ï¿½who only a year earlier had invaded the Nephite lands and killed thousands of Nephites (Alma 43-44). And, of course, after he had defeated the
followers of Amalickiah, Moroni readily accepted them back into the fold of Nephite society upon their simply making a covenant to support the freedom of the
Nephites (Alma 46:35-36).

The Book of Mormon also shows that enforcement of the laws may quell dissent (W of M 1:15-18; Alma 62:9-11). Law enforcement may involve the use of force or
compulsion. However, law also functions in important ways without strict enforcement. Indeed, the most important functions of law may be the noncompulsory
functions of expressing community values, giving notice of what is expected, admonishing persons to do what is deemed appropriate, educating the public by the formal
pro cesses of enactment and declaration, and channeling human behavior by the threat of enforcement. In enlightened societies, most law enforcement is by public
education and citizen self-enforcement, i.e., citizen compliance without police compulsion. Even in times when there is turmoil, external law enforcement by police and
courts is done in large part for its deterrent effect. Thus, the enactment and prudent enforcement of laws may be significant parts of an overall plan of noncompulsory
response to dissent.

Strict enforcement of severe laws is not always necessary. Mormon observed that in time of great national crisis, with Lamanites invading externally and dissenters
rebelling internally, "it became expedient that this law should be strictly observed" and violators "speedily executed according to the law" (Alma 62:10). The negative
implicit in this statement is that when there were not such extreme crises, it was not expedient that the laws be enforced so strictly, speedily, and by such severe
methods.

The content of the laws enforced in the Book of Mormon also shows a careful regard for the rights of dissenters to think and believe what they want to, a respect for
their rights of conscience. Thus, "the law could have no power on any man for his belief" (Alma 1:17;30:9), but for their illegal actions dissenters could be punished (W
of M 1:15-16; Alma 1:16-18;30:10-11).

I believe that Moroni, Helaman, Pahoran, and others patiently endured a great deal of affliction without reacting coercively, and apparently without insisting on strict or
speedy enforcement of the laws, precisely because they respected the rights of conscience of the dissenters. Some things (indeed, most important things) cannot be
accomplished by compulsion. For instance, Zion cannot be built by force. Becoming "one" is a voluntary process, not a matter of compulsion (4 Ne. 1:2-3; Moses
7:18). Thus, Moroni used as little coercion as the circumstances required, asserting military force only as a last resort, and repeatedly allowing dissenters who had taken
arms in rebellion to "escape" strict justice (Alma 46:35;50:36;51:20-21). Perhaps he believed (as I do) that punishment and force could not convert their consciences.
Force could stop the dissenters from doing irreparable damage to others, but the sword ultimately can only be used as a shield. Repentance and conversion are matters
of conscience. Because the conscience usually revolts when force is applied, force should be avoided whenever possible if the goal is to reclaim the dissenters, as it
always should be.

Thus, there is a need to endure the affliction and adversity caused by dissenters patiently (though not silently: D&C 101:76;121:41), for eventually some of the
dissenters and perse cutors will repent, will be reconverted, and they will advance (perhaps complete) the work we have begun (cf. 3 Ne. 18:30-32). Without the
dissenters who will repent-ï¿½if we endure the afflictions they cause and work to reclaim themï¿½-we cannot build Zion.

Seventh a Two
(Seventh, a Two-Sided Approach Involving Spiritual Revival Plus Civil Defense Is Effective to Quell Dissent. )

Pahoran's inspiring reply to Moroni when Moroni had written a stern letter admonishing him to send support to the Nephite armies states this principle well.

Therefore, my beloved brother, Moroni, let us resist evil, and whatsoever evil we cannot resist with our words, yea, such as rebellions and dissensions, let us resist
them with our swords, that we may retain our freedom, that we may rejoice in the great privilege of our church, and in the cause of our Redeemer and our God. (Alma
61:14)

We should use words to persuade whenever possible; "persuasion" is the first principle of righteous priesthood influence, and the second is "long-suffering" (D&C
121:41). When persuasion fails and it is necessary to maintain freedom and church from those who would destroy them, then "in the cause of our Redeemer and our
God," as inspired, resort to the sword may be justified.

For instance, King Benjamin used a dual words-plus-force-of-law approach to establish peace during his lengthy reign. In his reign "he had somewhat of contentions
among his own people. And . . . also . . . the armies of the Lamanites came down out of the land of Nephi, to battle against his people" (W of M 1:12-13). King
Benjamin personally led his people against their external enemies, the Lamanites, "until they had driven them out of all the lands of their inheritance" (W of M 1:14).
Then, having established the physical security of his people, he enforced the laws against the "false Christs," "false prophets, and false preachers and teachers among the
people" until "their mouths had been shut, and they [were] punished according to their crimes" (W of M 1:15-16). Still there were "many dissensions away unto the
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they did use much sharpness because of the stiff neckedness of the people" (W of M 1:17). With the great combined efforts of the king and the prophets, by law
enforcement and preaching, they "did once more establish peace in the land. And now there was no more contention in all the land of Zarahemla, among all the people
who belonged to king Benjamin, so that king Benjamin had continual peace all the remainder of his days" (W of M 1:18; Mosiah 1:1).
among his own people. And . . . also . . . the armies of the Lamanites came down out of the land of Nephi, to battle against his people" (W of M 1:12-13). King
Benjamin personally led his people against their external enemies, the Lamanites, "until they had driven them out of all the lands of their inheritance" (W of M 1:14).
Then, having established the physical security of his people, he enforced the laws against the "false Christs," "false prophets, and false preachers and teachers among the
people" until "their mouths had been shut, and they [were] punished according to their crimes" (W of M 1:15-16). Still there were "many dissensions away unto the
Lamanites" (W of M 1:16), but King Benjamin was supported by "many holy men in the land, and they did speak the word of God with power and with authority; and
they did use much sharpness because of the stiff neckedness of the people" (W of M 1:17). With the great combined efforts of the king and the prophets, by law
enforcement and preaching, they "did once more establish peace in the land. And now there was no more contention in all the land of Zarahemla, among all the people
who belonged to king Benjamin, so that king Benjamin had continual peace all the remainder of his days" (W of M 1:18; Mosiah 1:1).

In Moroni's day it was not merely the secular authorities (generals and chief judges) who established the peace. The high priest of the church, Helaman, worked closely
with Moroni to quell dissent. Before the lengthy Nephite-Lamanite wars began, he tried to set the church in order because the dissensions that soon were to plague the
nation were evident in the church (Alma 45:20-22). Just as Moroni, the great general, prayed and preached powerfully (Alma 46:16-27), Helaman, the great prophet,
took up the sword and led an army (the 2000 stripling warriors) (Alma 56-58). The establishment of peace did not merely mean that the Lamanites were defeated, but
also that the gospel was widely preached and that the people repented (Alma 62:45-51).

Eighth Responding to Dissent Is a Responsibility of All the Members of the Community
Not Just the Leaders.

For example, King Benjamin was able to overcome dissensions and war to establish peace (and lay the foundation for his great sermon in Mosiah 2-6) because he was
not the only person working to quell the dissensions. Rather, he succeeded in eradicating dissent "with the assistance of the holy prophets who were among his
people" (W of M 1:16).

For . . . there were many holy men in the land, and they did speak the word of God with power and with authority; and they did use much sharpness because of the
stiffneckedness of the peopleï¿½-Wherefore, with the help of these, king Benjamin, by laboring with all the might of his body and the faculty of his whole soul, and also
the prophets, did once more establish peace in the land (W of M 1:17,18

Likewise, Moroni did not act alone in defeating the rebellion of Amalickiah and the dissenters he led. Rather he made public proclamations to motivate others to action.
The response was tremendous: "behold, the people came running together with their armor girded about their loins, rending their garments in token or as a
covenant" (Alma 46:21). Then Moroni "sent forth in all the parts of the land where there were dissensions, and gathered together all the people who were desirous to
maintain their liberty, to stand against Amalickiah and those who had dissented" (Alma 46:28). Note that Amalickiah did not abandon his plan to usurp control of the
Nephite government until he "saw that the people of Moroni were more numerous than" his supporters, and that "his people were doubtful concerning the justice of the
cause in which they had undertaken" (Alma 46:29). Grass-roots opposition to the plans of the dissenters was essential to thwarting Amalickiah's totalitarian designs.

Similarly, because of "the many little dissensions and disturbances which had been among the people" when Helaman became the high priest of the church, he found it
expedient "that the word of God should be declared among them, yea and that a regulation should be made throughout the church" (Alma 45:21). Then Helaman "and
his brethren" went forth to preach, and they "did appoint priests and teachers throughout all the land, over all the churches" (Alma 45:22-23). Many members of the
church were involved, but there was order.

Responding to dissent is not just the responsibility of the leaders of society. The Lord has revealed in our day that "men should be anxiously engaged in a good cause,
and do many things of their own free will, and bring to pass much righteousness," and not wait to be commanded in all things (D&C 58:26-29). Thus, response to
dissenters must have significant community support to overcome successfully the problems of dissent. Nevertheless, all things must be "done in order" (D&C 58:55).
The leaders of the community must lead, and the community must support, the response to dissent; likewise, members of the church should follow the counsel and
example of church leaders in responding to dissent within the church.

Ninth Dissent Periodically Occurs in Both the Church and in the Nation and Some Dissensions
Will Develop Despite the Greatest Care to Prevent Dissension.

It is noteworthy that dissension in the Nephite church was associated with contention in the nation (Alma 45:21-46:7 Hel. 4:1). In other words, there may be a spill-
over effect. The spillage may move in both directions. For instance, dissension within the church preceded (and perhaps spiritually caused) the great civil dissensions
that soon plagued the entire Nephite nation as it plunged into a terribly destructive series of wars with the Lamanites, who were led and strengthened by Nephite
dissenters (Alma 45:20-24; Alma 46-62).

Dissension is often caused by pride (Alma 45:23-24; Hel. 3:1; 3 Ne. 6:10). Often dissension is encouraged by self-promoting, wicked demagogues like Amalickiah
and Pachus. Frequently they are supported by other ambitious people who see dissent as the fast track to fame and glory or power (Alma 46:4-5;51:5-8;61:3-4, 8).
Clearly, however, not all who are misled by such persons are of the same venal character (as the reconversion of many dissenters shows). As a byproduct of pride,
dissent simply seems as inevitable in the fallen world as the cycle of humility-obedience-prosperity-pride that is described repeatedly throughout the Book of Mormon.

Dissension in the church may develop when one prophetic administration ends and another begins. Thus, after Alma 2 turned over the management of the affairs of the
church to his son, Helaman, and "after Helaman and his brethren had appointed priests and teachers over the churches . . . there arose a dissension among them, and
they would not give heed to the words of Helaman and his brethren" (Alma 45:23). A new "regulation" also was implemented by the new high priest that may have
provoked dissatisfaction among some persons in the church (Alma 45:21).

Thus, even diligent care and watchfulness and righteous leader ship cannot always prevent all dissent. For instance, an influential group of lower Nephite judges who
aspired to have greater power "were led away by Amalickiah to dissensions, notwithstanding the preaching of Helaman and his brethren, yea, notwithstanding their
exceedingly great care over the church" (Alma 46:6). Mormon commented: "Thus we see how quick the children of men do forget the Lord their God, yea, how quick
to do iniquity, and to be led away by the evil one" (Alma 46:8).

Thus, dissent and the attendant evils of persecution may be unavoidable in the plan of salvation in which "it must needs be, that there is an opposition in all things" (2 Ne.
2:11). Dissension from the church and society performs a self-cleansing function that leaves the remainder of the church or nation better able to unify and to progress in
harmony. Perhaps dissension is one manifestation of the wheat-and-tares separation that is inevitable (Matt. 13:24-30; D&C 86:1-7; see also Jacob 5:65-69). In the
last days things will be shaken and turned upside down in order to liberate those who have been ensnared by Lucifer (1 Ne. 14:15-17; 2 Ne. 23:6-11;28:19; Jacob
3:11; 3 Ne. 21:8-22; D&C 45:43). Dissent appears to be one of the causes of such turmoil and unshackling.

Tenth the Lord Blesses the Faithful Who Suffer Through the Trials and Persecution
That Dissent Brings.

This is true for both individuals and for the community. For individuals, dissent provides the environment in which refinement occurs. Patient endurance in times of
dissent brings
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pride . . . began to enter into the churchï¿½-not into the church of God, but into the hearts of the people who professed to belong to the church of God-ï¿½And they
were lifted up in pride even to the persecution of many of their brethren. Now this was a great evil, which did cause the more humble part of the people to suffer great
That Dissent Brings.

This is true for both individuals and for the community. For individuals, dissent provides the environment in which refinement occurs. Patient endurance in times of
dissent brings blessings to the humble and faithful who suffer. For example, following one period of great dissension, then prosperity,

pride . . . began to enter into the churchï¿½-not into the church of God, but into the hearts of the people who professed to belong to the church of God-ï¿½And they
were lifted up in pride even to the persecution of many of their brethren. Now this was a great evil, which did cause the more humble part of the people to suffer great
persecutions, and to wade through much affliction. Nevertheless they did fast and pray oft, and did wax stronger and stronger in their humility, and firmer and firmer in
the faith of Christ, unto the filling their souls with joy and consolation, yea, even to the purifying and the sanctification of their hearts, which sanctification cometh
because of their yielding their hearts unto God. (Hel. 3:33-35)

Moreover, time and again periods of peace and prosperity followed periods of dissent in societies that endured and overcame dissent. For example, in King Benjamin's
day there were "much contention and many dissensions away unto the Lamanites," but by "laboring with all the might of his body and the faculty of his whole soul, and
also the prophets, [they] did once more establish peace in the land" (W of M 1:16, 18). And King Benjamin's people enjoyed "continual peace all the remainder of his
days" (Mosiah 1:1). Likewise, Mormon writes that just three years after putting down the rebellion of the dissenter Amalickiah (and only three years before the
dissension of Morianton and his people), "there never was a happier time among the people of Nephi, since the days of Nephi, than in the days of Moroni, yea, even at
this time, in the twenty and first year of the reign of the judges" (Alma 50:23).

Because dissent seems inevitable in the fallen world, that does not mean that it is acceptable to the Lord, his disciples, or in his church. In his ministry in America, Jesus
Christ explicitly com manded his disciples:

And there shall be no disputations among you, as there have hitherto been; neither shall there be dispu tations among you concerning the points of my doctrine, as there
have hitherto been. For verily, verily I say unto you, he that hath the spirit of contention is not of me, but is of the devil, who is the father of contention, and he stirreth up
the hearts of men to contend with anger, one with another. Behold, this is not my doctrine, to stir up the hearts of men with anger, one against another; but this is my
doctrine, that such things should be done away. (3 Ne. 11:28-30; see also 3 Ne. 11:22;27:3)

On another occasion he promised them, "blessed are ye if ye have no disputations among you" (3 Ne. 18:34).

He also taught that "it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!" (Matt. 18:7; Luke 17:1-2; D&C 54:4-6).

The efforts of the righteous to prevent and quell dissent are not in vain, even if dissent does not immediately abate. Indeed, especially in difficult times, the efforts of the
righteous to respond to dissent are essential. Commenting retrospectively on the war-filled period of Nephite history, Mormon noted that "there had been murders and
contentions, and dissensions, and all manner of iniquity among the people of Nephi; nevertheless for the righteous' sake, yea, because of the prayers of the righteous,
they were spared" (Alma 62:40).

Conclusion

The Book of Mormon provides valuable lessons about living in times of dissent. More than any other volume of scripture it addresses the problems of dissent. It reveals
that there are different forms of dissent, that it occurs in different contexts, and that the responses to dissent vary depending on the type of dissent and the
circumstances.

The Book of Mormon relates that dissent within the church and nation intensified in the century prior to the coming of the Savior to the Nephites. If that pattern is
repeated in the last days preceding the second coming of Christ, it is likely that dissent will continue to grow in the Church, in affiliated institutions, and in the society and
nation generally in the future. It seems that many patterns described in the Book of Mormon are being echoed in our time. In the Book of Mormon, dissent in the nation
led to contention, rebellion, exodus, treason, sorrow, war, destruction, conquest, and eventually the dissolution of the government. Within the church dissent was
associated with contention, pride, false doctrine, unresponsiveness, apostasy, and much individual wickedness and iniquity. But the Book of Mormon has been given to
us that we may profit from the lessons of the past. It teaches us how the faithful within the church and nation may righteously face, endure, respond to, overcome, and
be refined by the chal lenges of dissent. It gives us the firm hope that Christ came and will come again to establish his glorious kingdom among his disciples who
faithfully resist, endure, and overcome the trials and temptations of dissent.

  The revealed preface to the book of Helaman contains a reference to dissensions; it is counted herein even though it is not technically a "verse" of scripture.

  The only scriptural references outside of the Book of Mormon to dissent or derivative terms are: Acts 15:2 (Paul and Barnabas have dissension with Judaizers in the
church); Acts 23:7, 10 (when brought before the council, Paul causes a dissension among his Pharisee and Sadducee accusers); D&C 10:48 (Book of Mormon
prophets desired that the gospel recorded in the Book of Mormon might come to the Lamanites and to all their brethren who had dissented and become Lamanites).

   Mosiah 26:5;27:9.

   Alma 31:8;34:2.

   Alma 45:21, 23.

   Alma 46:6-7, 11, 27-28;47:35-36;48:24;51:15-16,19-20;53:8-9.

   Alma 60:32;61:14, 17;62:6, 40.

   Hel. 3:1, 3, 14, 17;4:1, 3,4-8, 5:17,27, 35.

   Hel. 11:24,25 3 Ne. 1:28;2:18;3:10.

On only one occasion did a righteous man deliberately stir up dissensionï¿½-Paul deliberately provoked an uproarious dispute between the sadducees and pharisees to
divide and distract his accusers (Acts 23:6-10). In another sense, the Doctrine and Covenants refers to the Lord's intention to shake the heavens and earth to establish
his people and liberate humanity from the shackles of the adversary (D&C 21:6;43:18;84:118). Doubtless that type of disruption of the established order of things will
bring much good.

   While other factors may have restrained and limited his response, Moroni's use of military force against the dissenting king-men also shows this pattern of patient
suffering
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                                           are in jeopardy
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not strictly enforce the laws requiring faithfulness and loyalty until thirteen bloody war years after Amalickiah's rebellion (Alma 62:10).

  Cf. Jarom 1:5; Mosiah 29:15 (strict laws enforced in times of peace and prosperity).
bring much good.

   While other factors may have restrained and limited his response, Moroni's use of military force against the dissenting king-men also shows this pattern of patient
suffering until the lives of the innocent are in jeopardy (Alma 51:13-17). Likewise, regardless of political or military constraints that may have been relevant, Moroni did
not strictly enforce the laws requiring faithfulness and loyalty until thirteen bloody war years after Amalickiah's rebellion (Alma 62:10).

  Cf. Jarom 1:5; Mosiah 29:15 (strict laws enforced in times of peace and prosperity).

A Response to David Wright on Historical Criticism
Kevin Christensen

Abstract: In an article criticizing the historicity of the Book of Mormon, David Wright described critical scholarship and traditionalist modes as contrasting paradigms
used to approach the scriptures. This article explores the nature of paradigm debate in general, in that context points out weaknesses in Wright's critical approach, and
discerns crucial flaws in his definition of believing paradigms.

What is now proved was once only imagin'd

William Blake
"The Marriage of Heaven and Hell"

Several points made in David P. Wright's article on "Historical Criticism: A Necessary Element in the Search for Religious Truth" deserve some expansion and
comment. He does well to begin by talking about paradigm debate, but he does not explain the phenomenon sufficiently. Indeed, what he does not explain about
paradigm debate leads directly to why I am not impressed by his position.

Furthermore, as paradigms of Mormon thought, Wright's article pits an enlightened "critical mode" versus a retrograde "traditional mode," a prematurely narrow
paradigm choice, in my view, between a Shiz and a Coriantumr, or more appropriately, between a Fundamentalist Sherem and a debunking Korihor. To insist that
"traditional modes" cannot be as open-ended and self-correcting as critical modes (see for example, Alma 32:34-36, or Joseph Smith's often expressed objection to
creeds, not as false beliefs, but as constraints on thought), to make them "uncritical" by definition, stacks the deck from the outset. Indeed, Wright footnotes his
discussion of traditional modes to a book called Fundamentalism. But of course, had Wright used the more suggestive label of fundamentalism, few Saints would
bother to wade through such a transparently bogus choice of paradigms.

Thomas Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions does a marvelous job of explaining paradigm debate, and Ian Barbour's Myths, Models, and Paradigms
both examines the discussion generated by Kuhn's book and applies Kuhn's observations to religious experience. Elsewhere I have argued that Alma 32 expresses an
epistemology identical to Kuhn's.

For Kuhn, scientific paradigms are defined by "standard examples of scientific work that embody a set of conceptual, methodological and metaphysical assumptions."
    In the sciences, according to Kuhn, such works as Aristotle's Physica, Newton's Principa, and Franklin's Electricity, define "the legitimate prob lems and methods of
a research field." They represent unprecedented achievements that attract researchers away from competing theoretical frameworks. As paradigms, they unify the
scientific community around "a group-licensed way of seeing," a shared set of standards and rules for scientific practice. (Kuhn notes that scientific communities
without shared paradigms tend to display chronic debate over fundamentals.) Additionally, these paradigms are extensible, mapping the known in satisfying detail, but
are "sufficiently open-ended to leave all sorts of problems for the redefined group of practitioners to resolve." Finally, paradigms provide the background of
expectation against which anomaly appears. Key anomalies eventually serve as the seedbed of the next scientific revolution by attracting the attention of creative
scientists.

Joseph Smith's visions and the Book of Mormon represent the "unprecedented achievements" that attracted a community of believers to Mormonism. And in Book of
Mormon studies, Hugh Nibley's efforts for the Near Eastern side, and John Sorenson's efforts for the Mesoamerican side have obviously defined paradigms for the
most significant groups of researchers today. I would expect, just as obviously, that these historicist paradigms represent the real rivals to Wright's efforts. However, for
Wright to deal directly with the "cause to believe" (Alma 32:18-19) that Nibley and Sorenson and company have developed, and to appear to have developed an
"unprecedented achievement" in direct comparison might seem too difficult a problem for one article. Hence, the convenience, in Wright's article, of a "traditionalist"
mode associated with no body of work in particular.

In comparing general theories (such as Newton's and Einstein's physics) neither of which is proven or provable because neither "solves all the problems it defines,"
scientists can only ask which of the two theories better describes nature and which problems are more important to have solved. No rules govern an individual's
choice between competing theories, but values independent of any particular theory constrain the allegiance of the scientific community. Kuhn shows how theory
choice depends largely on the appeal of such values as :

* accuracy of key predictions (Alma 32:35)
* comprehensiveness and coherence (Alma 32:34)
* fruitfulness (Alma 32:36-41)
* simplicity and aesthetics (Alma 32:28)
* future promise (Alma 32:41)

Additionally, theory choice can be influenced by a scientist's nationality, prior reputation, and social and biographical experi ences.

In making a paradigm choice in religious matters (such as between Mormonism and Atheism, or historical and environmental views of the Book of Mormon), the
decision is more subjective, but this is a matter of degree, not of kind, and the values applied are identical. Barbour remarks that "There are no proofs, but there are
good reasons for judgements which are not simply matters of personal taste or individual preference."

Wright has acquired a formidable set of critical tools, and now he sees things which were hidden. Fine. I'm interested. However, the question here is whether in
acquiring his impressive set of critical tools, have those tools mastered him? As Kuhn puts it, "In learning a paradigm the scientist acquires theory, methods, and
standards together, usually in an inextricable mixture. Therefore, where paradigms change, there are usually significant shifts in the criteria in determining the legitimacy
both of problems and of proposed solutions."

Wright remarks that in historical mode (I read "fundamentalist") conclusions in many respects are predetermined". The same could be said of his critical mode to the
extent that the critical scholar's tools and methods have been devised to solve problems within that paradigm. Kuhn points out that "the decision to employ a particular
piece of apparatus and to use it in a particular way carries an assumption that only certain sorts of circumstances will arise."
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For example, Wright gives a list of books which we should read to come up to speed on Biblical criticism. I find it enlightening to compare two books not on his list.
Richard Elliot Friedman's Who Wrote the Bible? is a popular survey of the evidence for the documentary hypothesis that dominates modern Biblical scholarship.
Wright remarks that in historical mode (I read "fundamentalist") conclusions in many respects are predetermined". The same could be said of his critical mode to the
extent that the critical scholar's tools and methods have been devised to solve problems within that paradigm. Kuhn points out that "the decision to employ a particular
piece of apparatus and to use it in a particular way carries an assumption that only certain sorts of circumstances will arise."

For example, Wright gives a list of books which we should read to come up to speed on Biblical criticism. I find it enlightening to compare two books not on his list.
Richard Elliot Friedman's Who Wrote the Bible? is a popular survey of the evidence for the documentary hypothesis that dominates modern Biblical scholarship.
Isaac M. Kikawada and Arthur Quinn's Before Abraham Was challenges that hypothesis, especially as applied to Gen. 1-11.

For example, Friedman gives the critical view that the Noah story has been spliced together from two different accounts, a "J" (Yahwest) author, and a "P" (Priestly)
author. Everything gets said in two different ways, critical scholarship observes, and con cludes that such duplication and variation can only signify dual authorship. For
example, Friedman shows us the seams between authors that critical scholarship finds in the Noah account, with P in boldface capital and J in regular type.

But Noah found favor in Yahweh's eyes. These are the generations of Noah: Noah was a righteous man, perfect he was in his generations. Noah walked with God.
(Genesis 6:8-9; Friedman's translation)

And all flesh, those that creep on the earth, the birds, the beasts, and the wild animals, and all the swarming things that swarm on the earth, and all the humans expired.
Everything that had the breathing spirit of life in its nostrils, everything that was on the dry ground, died. And he wiped out all the substance that was on the face of the
earth, from human to beast, to creeping thing, and to bird of the heavens, and they were wiped out from the earth. (Gen. 7:21-23; Friedman's translation)

Friedman is very impressive and convincing, even respectful and devotional. But before congratulating critical scholarship with our undying and eternal intellectual
submission, and abandoning "tradition" altogether, we should note the same passages in Kikawada and Quinn.

Noah
found favor
in the eyes of the LORD
These are the generations of Noah
Noah was a righteous man
Perfect he was
in his generations
with God
walked
Noah. (Genesis 6:8-9)

And all flesh died that moved upon the earth
birds, cattle, beasts, all swarming creatures that
swarm upon the earth,
And every man:
everything on the dry land in whose nostrils
was the breath of life,
died.
He
blotted out
every
Man
and animals and creeping things and birds of the air;
they were blotted out from the earth. (Gen. 7:21-23)

Friedman's book, as impressive and up to date as it is, contains not a word about Hebrew poetic forms. The dual authorship theory presumes that there is no other way
to account for the repetition and variation of ideas. That premise controls the obser vations made and determines the significance that the documen tary hypothesis puts
to its observations. But Kikawada and Quinn gather abundant evidence that makes it painfully clear that this premise is dead wrong and that such a critical approach is
mislead ing. (For example, the entire Noah story is a chiasm that bridges P and J on the larger scale, just as in these short examples.) However, in rejecting the
conclusions of two generations of "critical" scholars, Kikawada and Quinn do not reject the ideals or fruits of scholarship. Theirs is not an anti-intellectual approach, but
an attempt to define an alternate paradigm that is more accurate, more comprehensive and coherent, more fruitful and promising.

As Barbour says, a paradigm "makes a difference not only in one's attitudes and behavior but in the way one sees the world. One may notice and value features of
individual and corporate life which one otherwise might have overlooked." Theory influences both the selection and the significance of the data-ï¿½anomaly appears,
with resistance, against a background of expectation.

Wright's own account reveals a set of brittle background expectations. I can easily see why his academic training raised troubling anomalies. But consider the irony of
his account of his paradigm change in light of Kuhn's remark that science "is a narrow and rigid education, probably more so than any other except perhaps in orthodox
theology." Wright's crisis and transition was virtually defined by tension between his "orthodox" academic training and his brittle background expectations.

Kuhn points out that paradigm crisis closes in three ways:

1. Normal science handles the crisis.
2. The problem is labeled and set aside for a future generation.
3. A new paradigm emerges with the ensuing battle for acceptance. Kuhn remarks that, "Since no paradigm ever solves all the problems it defines and since no two
paradigms leave all the same problems unsolved, paradigm debate always involves the question, Which problems is it more significant to have solved?" This
recognition of necessary value judgements contradicts Wright's claim that "putting aside these legitimate questions . . . is to require setting aside our search for and
claims about being interested in historical or even religious truth."

In contrast, Kuhn argues that the ability to tolerate crisis, that is, to be able to shelve problems at times, is essential for the working scientist. From another perspective,
what we see in Wright might be not as much a capacity to face truth without flinching as an inability to tolerate crisis. What we have in Wright's article are simply the
problems that he thinks are most important ("key matters"), as they appear against his peculiar background expectations.

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  The Gospel (c)through the Ages
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of Spiritual Experience

Before I address these issues, notice that Kuhn also points out that a new paradigm "must promise to preserve a relatively large portion of the concrete problem-solving
what we see in Wright might be not as much a capacity to face truth without flinching as an inability to tolerate crisis. What we have in Wright's article are simply the
problems that he thinks are most important ("key matters"), as they appear against his peculiar background expectations.

* The Gospel through the Ages       * Prophesy     * Apparent Anachronism in the Book of Mormon           * Homogeneity in the Book of Mormon Text          * The Ambiguity
of Spiritual Experience

Before I address these issues, notice that Kuhn also points out that a new paradigm "must promise to preserve a relatively large portion of the concrete problem-solving
capability" of the previ ous paradigm. Anyone can consult a F.A.R.M.S. catalog for a host of problems that the Book of Mormon presents for skeptics. Wright finds
time to mention only the work of John Sorenson and Blake Ostler, and then only to dismiss their efforts in footnotes. In spite of the problems that Wright finds so
decisively daunting, believing scholars do find the paradigm of historicity to be fruitful. Consulting the F.A.R.M.S. catalog, I find dozens of papers that never would
have been conceived by a scholar who viewed the Book of Mormon as a "window to the religious soul of Joseph Smith . . . the apprentice's workshop in which he
became a prophet."

For example, try to imagine any environmentalist writing papers like Sorenson's "Seasonality of Warfare in the Book of Mormon" and "The Book of Mormon as a
Mesoamerican Codex," or Allen Christenson's "Maya Harvest Festivals and the Book of Mormon," or Lisa Hawkins and Gordon Thomasson's amazing "I Only Am
Escaped to Tell Thee," or anything by Welch, Nibley, Tvedtnes, or many others.

Wright, however, places none of these strengths of the Book of Mormon on the balance scale. And as he plunks down only what he considers the first and great
problems for Mormonism, he acts as though his readers possess nothing of comparable weight, and that he and his partners can compel us to come follow him.

However, against my background expectations, which are neither traditional nor critical as Wright defines them, and in light of my reading of other significant matters,
none of problems he describes weighs-in as a serious anomaly.

The Gospel Through the Ages

I'm impressed by Wright's erudition on the topic of ancient Hebrew sacrifice, but look closely at the "traditional" reading that Wright says that he outgrewï¿½-"the
sacrificed animals were not substitutes for the people who brought them, vicariously suffering for them."

I do not have a problem with Wright's explanation of the idea of sacrifices as food offerings. But I am amazed at the suggestion that in order for Mosaic sacrifice to
qualify as symbolic in some way of Christ, the sacrificed animals should have literally been saviors-ï¿½every ram, pigeon, and turtle-dove a fully efficacious
scapegoat.

When I was a child, the sacrament was literally a snack, a food offering to me that did not symbolize anything. Should I nail that symbol to a single, immature, literal
meaning? Symbols are, by nature, extensible products of the act of likening. Any likening involves both positive and negative analogies. To refuse to explore and extend
positive analogies, and to focus only on a negative analogy, based on literalism, as Wright does in his dismissal of any Christian typology, defeats the whole purpose of
the language of symbols. Indeed, I would propose investigating the parallels between Wright's "food offerings" and the Bread of Life sermon in John 6, and the Last
Supper in Matt. 26:26-28. The Bread of Life sermon makes no reference to the notion of "vicarious suffering." Would Wright argue that it cannot offer any profound
symbolic meaning with regard to Christ?

Anachronisms

Regarding anachronism, I have seen so many purported Book of Mormon anachronisms turn out to be either clearly bogus, reasonably questionable, or plausible given
reasonable translation factors, that I am no longer impressed by the charge. Those who present purported anachronisms never contextualize their evidence by admitting
that many once-prized exhibits have turned out to be much older than once thought. In light of that circumstance, we should admit that any charge regarding the
existence of Book of Mormon anachronism rests on assumptions about adequate research and translation factors. Even Blake Ostler, who I think has made some
valuable contributions with his "The Book of Mormon as an Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," has been most vulnerable here. Several of Ostler's prize
"anachronisms" have bitten the dust in just a few years.

Consider also how passages in the recently released fragments from the Dead Sea scrolls demonstrate how easily new findings can overturn an old conclusion about
Book of Mormon use of the term "son of God." And until some sage uses a seer stone or Urim and Thummim to translate the sealed portion, and tells us what the
experience is like, no one is entitled to speak with finality on translation factors.

To Wright, the parallels between the Melchizedek material in Alma 13 and Hebrews decisively indicate anachronistic derivation. But how can Wright be so certain that
the arrangement in Hebrews is unique? Did the author of Hebrews compose in an utter vacuum? Has nothing significant been lost in 1800 years? In light of that
uncertainty, why should the order of three elements in one chapter seem worthy of decisive mention, and such complexities as the elaborate coronation and festival
practices, the interwoven chiastic forms, and the farewell address form all simultaneously running through Mosiah, be unworthy of mention? And what about
John Welch's suggestions about the priority of Alma's Melchizedek material. Why doesn't Welch's article rate even a footnote? Remember that Wright scoffs at the
notion of scribal knowledge withholding.

Wright talks about how his new paradigm permitted him to "deal with the evidence without having to resort lamely to notions of scribal conspiracy or knowledge
withholding sin to harmonize the disparity that existed between ancient and modern tradi tions." In light of the recent Hofmann scandals, new revelations from the
latest Dead Sea Scrolls, as well as an understanding of the composition of our own History of the Church, must we consider notions of "scribal conspiracy" or
"knowledge withholding" to be, in Wright's term, "lame?"

And why must the idea of knowledge withholding and the recognition of changes in religious practices and beliefs be seen as mutually exclusive? I accept the fact of
changes in Judaism, Christianity, and Mormonism, without trouble, but I also see knowledge withholding, done both by believers and apostates, as absurdly
omnipresent, and typically derived from those changes in beliefs and practices. Kuhn's chapter, "The Invisibility of Revolutions" should prove most enlightening here.

Regarding the Isaiah problem, Wright explains it well, but, I notice no better than Nibley did in Since Cumorah in 1965, and Sidney Sperry long before that in The
Improvement Era and in Our Book of Mormon . Unlike Kikawada and Quinn, who persuade me because they make a serious attempt to incorporate the observations
of the documentary hypothesis into their critique, Wright makes no effort to incorporate the observations of scholars who argue for the unity of Isaiah (such as Avraham
Gileadi) into his presentation. Until he does, I see no need to be impressed. His information is old, his arguments highly selective, and his conclusion is clearly subjective.

Prophecy

Wright says that the traditional view has been that prophets can see into the future with clarity. "This did not seem to be sustainable upon critical study." The key
issues  for me(c)are
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example, knew in part and prophesied in part (1 Cor. 13:9). Alma heavily qualifies his knowledge (for example, Alma 7:8), as did Joseph Smith (D&C 10:37;132:16).
Even the Cambridge Bible dictionary included in my Latter-day Saint quadruple combination disagrees with the demand that prophets speak with unambiguous clarity
on all future matters, calling Bible prophets "forth-tellers, rather than foretellers."
Prophecy

Wright says that the traditional view has been that prophets can see into the future with clarity. "This did not seem to be sustainable upon critical study." The key
issues for me are Wright's demand for unambiguous and unconditional clarity on all matters great and small, and his labeling of that view as "traditional." Paul, for
example, knew in part and prophesied in part (1 Cor. 13:9). Alma heavily qualifies his knowledge (for example, Alma 7:8), as did Joseph Smith (D&C 10:37;132:16).
Even the Cambridge Bible dictionary included in my Latter-day Saint quadruple combination disagrees with the demand that prophets speak with unambiguous clarity
on all future matters, calling Bible prophets "forth-tellers, rather than foretellers."

I once located more than thirty tests for prophets in the Bible. The best known test, that regarding the word of a prophet being fulfilled (Jer. 28:9, Deut. 18:22), and the
basis of the "traditional" view of prophets turns out to be the one most qualified by precept and most abused in practice. If Biblical prophecies can be misrecorded,
misinterpreted, subject to multiple or parallel fulfillment (parallelism being the most conspicuous characteristic of Hebrew poetry, the normal vehicle for Biblical
prophecy), subject to conditional, or deferred fulfillment and ambiguous regarding the timescale, how does one go about testing them? What about those cases when a
prophet speaks out of turn? Lisa Bolin Hawkins and David Warby wrote a good paper for F.A.R.M.S. on this topic, showing how the Rabbis dealt with the problem
of application by restricting the test to obviously short term prophesy or consistency with accepted cannon. If, in practice, the test is workable only in rare cases,
such as in Jer. 28 and Hel. 8-9, how can we apply the test of unambiguous historical fulfillment as the general principle of interpretation? Furthermore, if consistency
with utterances of previous prophets is to be the test, (as Hawkins and Warby explain), what about those situations wherein one prophet quite deliberately overrules
another? (for example, as when Jesus says, "Ye have heard it said . . . but I say . . .").

But further, with regard to the anomalies for the extreme position that Wright rejects, I see Isa. 55:8-11 as an alternate general case that works. Isaiah quotes the Lord
as saying that "My thoughts are not your thoughts . . . [my word] shall accomplish that which I please . . ." (see Isa. 55:8-12).

I take this to mean that we should approach prophetic passages in light of how God's values and perspectives differ from ours-ï¿½that he takes an eternal perspective,
not a temporal one, that he judges by not by appearance but by what is inside, that he values experience more than success, and so forth. But especially, we should
look at how God's word functions "as rain or snow" to accomplish his purposes (fulfilled can mean "satisfied"ï¿½-compare also D&C 19). What did God intend when
he spoke? Did his words accomplish his intent? When God commanded Abraham offer Isaac as a burnt offering, did God want Isaac dead?

This changes things. And in this light, I wonder what justifica tion has there ever been for what Wright calls the "traditional" view?

So, I disagree with Wright's rejected premises, and find his data no trouble at all. He scoffs at "fireside speakers" and "popular writers" who "used to tally numbers in
Daniel" to "tell us what was going to appear in next weeks newspapers." Surely it doesn't hurt to be wary of zealots, cranks, and snakeoil salespersons. But consider
the comparative status that Wright concedes to prophetsï¿½-the task of revisioning old unfulfilled prophecies, "reapplication of unfilled prophetic hopes," which
hopes, in turn, Wright implies, will remain unfilled. How much divine inspiration does that take?

Wright lists a number of apparently "unfulfilled" prophesies as though they falsified the idea of predictive prophesy. Ian Barbour points out that paradigms resist
falsification because "a network of theories and observations is always tested together. Any particular hypothesis can be maintained by rejecting or adjusting other
auxiliary hypotheses." I've not found it necessary to reject the idea of predictive prophesy, because the adjustments I've made to the "traditional" view permit real
prophesy, parallel, distant, conditional, and deferred fulfillment, purely motivational utterances, and purely human opinions. I also see a lot of prophecy that looks
amazingly predictive. Interestingly, Wright does not share the prophetic humility expressed by Alma and Paul. In asking us to reject the possibility of predictive
prophecy, and to accept his view of the past and of prophets as the only reasonable position, in his stated willingness to "force" his view on us, he is in a very real sense
giving us a prophesy about what the results of all study and research assuming the reality of predictive prophesy and the historicity of the Book of Mormon could ever
yield.

The Ambiguity of Religious Experience

In complaining that non-Mormons have spiritual experiences, Wright again demonstrates a startlingly rigid set of background expectations. In light of such verses as
Alma 29:8, where "God doth grant unto all nations, of their own tongue, to teach his word . . . all that he seeth fit that they should have," should this be problem? Even
D&C 1:18 talks about "others" to whom God spoke. I had my say on this question at Sunstone West 91 with a talk on the Book of Mormon and Near Death
experience research.

Wright dismisses spiritual experience as evidence, and encourages submission to reason. Unfortunately, any system of reason you care to name turns out to be as self-
referential as any spiritual experience, and as subject to criticism, contradiction, and ongoing revision. Where Kuhn demonstrates that science runs on faith, Alma 32
demonstrates that faith can be just as self-correcting and open-ended as science.

Wright says that "The problem with the spiritual mode is that while tradition represents it as unerring and unified, the fact of the matter is that there is a great deal of
diversity in what people come to know by this route." Are we to understand that in contrast to the spiritual mode, critical scholarship is unerring and unified? If I
discern diversity of experience and opinion in scholarship, should I then loose all confidence in the value of my intellectual life? Pardon my jargon, but I think it is time to
get real, in Alma's sense of the term.

When I cast a critical eye on spiritual mode as depicted in Mormon scripture, I get a very different picture than the one Wright presents as "traditional." Alma 32:35-36
says, "Now behold, after ye have tasted this light is your knowledge perfect? Behold I say unto you, Nay." Similarly, D&C 1:24-26 says "These commandments are of
me, and were given unto my servants in their weakness, after the manner of their language, that they might come to understanding. And inasmuch as they erred it might
be made known; And inasmuch as they sought wisdom, they might be instructed."

Homogeneity of Religious Ideas in the Book of Mormon

Wright protests the "relative homogeneity of religious ideas" in the Book of Mormon. In a book largely edited by one man, what should we expect but a relative
homogeneity? Be reasonable. Read Kuhn's chapter on "The Invisibility of Revolutions" for an insightful explanation of how and why "homogeneity of thought" occurs.

Even so, I do not believe that the Book of Mormon is as homogeneous as we've sometimes been led to expect. Indeed, the assumption of homogeneity has often
blinded readers to the mes sages of the text. Wright's complaint about racism is a good example of this: "The book offers descriptions-ï¿½negative descriptionsï¿½-
about the personality and character of supposed Native American ancestors."

Well, the Book of Mormon also has positive descriptions, although Wright does not so inform us. While we are posing as critical and mature, let us note that Wright
fails to cite the passages from Alma 26:24-25, 31-33, and Hel. 3:50-51; 6, 13-16, and so forth which quite deliberately undercut the racism in the passages he does
cite.

Now,  I askï¿½-if
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value and emotional dismay, rather than on a comprehensive and critical look at all the evidence in the appropriate social, cultural, political, and temporal contexts?

Perhaps the arguments of Korihor represent the real sore point. Wright has studied Alma 30 closely, and cannot be unaware that his arguments often demonstrate
Well, the Book of Mormon also has positive descriptions, although Wright does not so inform us. While we are posing as critical and mature, let us note that Wright
fails to cite the passages from Alma 26:24-25, 31-33, and Hel. 3:50-51; 6, 13-16, and so forth which quite deliberately undercut the racism in the passages he does
cite.

Now, I askï¿½-if Wright is as critical and objective and as enlightened as he claims, why this shallow, uncritical, largely knee-jerk argument ultimately based on shock
value and emotional dismay, rather than on a comprehensive and critical look at all the evidence in the appropriate social, cultural, political, and temporal contexts?

Perhaps the arguments of Korihor represent the real sore point. Wright has studied Alma 30 closely, and cannot be unaware that his arguments often demonstrate
homogeneity with Korihor's. An attack on the Book of Mormon via selected Lamanite epithets provides a stance of moral superiority, whereas a frontal attack on the
Alma's dismissal of Korihor might be tactically unwise. For example, Wright dismisses the notion of predictive prophesy: Korihor says "No man can know of anything
which is to come" (Alma 30:13).

Wright dismisses the notion that gospel knowledge has been withheld because he sees no evidence of a pre-Christian gospel. He debunks Latter-day Saint scriptures,
traditions, and teachings on the topic. Korihor says "Ye cannot know of things which ye cannot see" (Alma 30:15) and attacks "traditions . . . which lead you away into
a belief of things which are not so" (Alma 30:16).

Wright undermines the value of spiritual experiences, and asks us to consider them in light of "psychophysiological"    factors: Korihor talks about how such things
come from "the effect of a frenzied mind" (Alma 30:16).

Of course, Wright does not go so far as to preach the social Darwinism and moral nihilism of Korihor. He does see some value in the religious life, and that is all to the
good. But still, this sort of thing should give him pause, and I hope that in his personal ponderings, he addresses these issues in some way.

Conclusions

Wright says that "The apologetic we should be pursuing is not a defense of tradition against the reasonableness of criticism, but the formulation of post-critically re-
visioned religious perspectives that allow our God-given abilities to think flourish and a mature faith to grow." I do not object to this line of reasoning, but only with
Wright's definitions of "tradition" and "mature faith." What I notice in reading people like Hugh Nibley, John Sorenson, John Welch, Jolene Rockwood, Margaret
Toscano, and many, many others, is that they are not defending a static tradition at all. After all, Joseph Smith took great pains to ensure that Mormonism would be a
fountain of living waters, not a cistern. The finest Latter-day Saint scholars and prophets, in William Blake's term, apply corrosives that cleanse the doors of perception.
What grows in me from their efforts is something I had not previously imagined or dreamed. Their scholarship is not masochistic, that is, the sort that wallows in its
ability to face problems without flinching, and therefore values problems more than solutions; not pharisaical, endlessly concerned with static self-justification; but
sacramental-ï¿½they provide new bottles with new wine that is bitter sweet at times, but very desirable because you can taste the delicious light within it.

The point with reference to Wright is, why should we be in such a hurry to uncritically submit to the consensus of current Protestant scholarship? Scholarship can be,
and often is, dead wrong and blind for hundreds of years on end. Tradition is often dead wrong and blind too, but fundamentalism is not my only alternative to his flavor
of scholarship. There are wines of a finer vintage available for those who seek them.

Reason or the ratio of all that we have already known is not the same that it shall be when we know more.

William Blake
"There Is No Natural Religion"

  Mary Lynn Johnson and John E. Grant, eds., Blake's Poetry and Designs (New York: Norton, 1979), 89.

  David P. Wright, "Historical Criticism: A Necessary Element in the Search for Religious Truth", Sunstone 16/2 (September 1992): 28-38.

  "I want the liberty of believing as I please, it feels so good not to be tramelled. It dont prove that a man is not a good man because he believes false doctrine."
Andrew F. Ehat and Lyndon W. Cook, The Words of Joseph Smith (Provo, UT: BYU Religious Studies Center Monograph, 1980), 183-84. Compare Paul, 1 Cor.
13:2, 8-13.

   Joseph Smith opposed creeds, not because they are false teachings ("all of them have some truth"), but because "creeds set up stakes, and say, 'Hitherto thou shalt
come, and no further'; which I cannot subscribe to (TPJS, 327). He also explained that "The most prominent difference in sentiment between the Latter-day saints and
sectarians was, that the latter were all circumscribed by some particular creed, which deprived its members of the privilege of believing anything not contained therein,
whereas the Latter-day Saints have no creed, but are ready to believe all true principles that exist, as they are made manifest from time to time" (HC 5:215).

  Wright, "Historical Criticism," 46 n. 2.

  Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971).

  Ian J. Barbour, Myths, Models, and Paradigms (New York: Harper and Row, 1974).

  Kevin Christensen in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon , 2 (1990): 215-19.

  Barbour, Myths, Models, and Paradigms, 8.

  Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 10.

  Ibid., 189.

  Ibid., 10.

  Ibid., 110.

  Ibid., 147.

  Ibid., 110.
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  Ibid., 199.

  Ibid., 153-59.
  Ibid., 147.

  Ibid., 110.

  Ibid., 199.

  Ibid., 153-59.

  Ibid., 153.

  Barbour, Myths, Models, and Paradigms, 146.

  Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 109.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism," 29.

  Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 59.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism" 38 n. 57.

  Richard Elliot Friedman, Who Wrote the Bible? (New York: Harper and Row, 1989).

  Isaac M. Kikawada and Arthur Quinn, Before Abraham Was (San Francisco: Ignatius, 1989).

  Friedman, Who Wrote the Bible?, 54.

  Kikawada and Quinn, Before Abraham Was, 86, 95.

  Barbour, Myths, Models, and Paradigms, 56.

  Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 64.

  Ibid., 166.

  In rushing to defend the faith from the criticisms, never forget that the disillusioned saints got their illusions somewhere.

  Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 84.

  Ibid., 110.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism" 35.

  Ibid., 29.

  Ibid., 30.

  Ibid., 31.

  Ibid., 33.

  Ibid., 34.

  Ibid., 36.

  Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 169.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism," 38 nn. 57, 59.

  Ibid., 35.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism" 36 n. 9 (emphasis mine).

   Wright says that "The view that [Mosaic sacrifice] represented Jesus' death seemed to be an imposition on the text" (ibid., 30). Notice the passive language, the
mode favored by bureaucrats to conceal individual responsibility, and by academics wanting to create an illusion of objectivity. Wright often resorts to such language,
even when it distorts reality. For example in reference to Sorenson's An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon , Wright says, "The attempt to reduce the
geography of the Book of Mormon peoples which might be thought to reduce much of this ethical problem cannot be accepted" (38 n. 59). In fact, many people can
and do accept Sorenson's work, even if Wright does not. Here, as elsewhere, Wright selects the passive voice to conceal personal value judgments and to pose as
dispassionately critical and reasonable.

   When Jesus said, "I am the good shepherd," anyone who protested by saying "But I checked up and found out you're a carpenter, not a shepherd" would not be
demonstrating critical thought, but rather, a complete lack of imagination. How is Jesus like a good shepherd, a tree of life, a true vine, living water, living bread, a pearl
of great price, a sacrificial lamb?

   Blake Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," Dialogue 20/1 (Spring 1987): 66-124. I mention Ostler's controversial article
as having made valuable contributions because too often our defenders of the faith neglect the virtue of gratitude.
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   Compare Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," 78, with John Welch, The Sermon at the Temple and the Sermon on the
Mount (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990); Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," 81, 86, with Bruce
Pritchett, "Lehi's Theology of the Fall in Its Preexilic/Exilic Context," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1989; Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient
of great price, a sacrificial lamb?

   Blake Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," Dialogue 20/1 (Spring 1987): 66-124. I mention Ostler's controversial article
as having made valuable contributions because too often our defenders of the faith neglect the virtue of gratitude.

   Compare Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," 78, with John Welch, The Sermon at the Temple and the Sermon on the
Mount (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990); Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," 81, 86, with Bruce
Pritchett, "Lehi's Theology of the Fall in Its Preexilic/Exilic Context," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1989; Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient
Source," 86, with Stephen E. Robinson, "Early Christianity and 1 Ne. 13-14," in Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate, Jr., eds, The Book of Mormon: Second
Nephi: The Doctrinal Structure (Provo: Brigham Young University Religious Studies Center, 1988); and Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an
Ancient Source," 76-77, with my review in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 2 (1990): 237-46.

  Discussed by Matthew Roper in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 3 (1991): 173, and John Tvedtnes in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 4
(1992): 231.

   John Welch, "King Benjamin's Speech in the Context of Ancient Israelite Festivals," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1985.

   John Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," in Noel Reynolds, ed., Book of Mormon Authorship (Provo: Bookcraft, 1982).

   John Welch, ed., Reexploring the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 120.

   John Welch, "The Melchizedek Material in Alma 13:13-19," in John Lundquist and Stephen Ricks, ed., By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh
Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1992), 2:238-72.

   Given an opportunity to write a rejoinder, I surmise that Wright will refer to his "In Plain Terms That We May Understand," in Brent Lee Metcalfe ed, New
Approaches to Book of Mormon Study: Explorations In Critical Methodology (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993), 165-230. There, he elaborates on the Alma
13-Hebrews relationship, and there he does refer to Welch's article. However, I wrote this in response to the Sunstone article. With regard to the Metcalfe book, see
the Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994). Here, let me call attention to footnote 2 of his article "In Plain Terms That We May Understand," wherein
Wright refers to "some striking coin cidences between the Book of Mormon and the ancient world and some notable matters of Book of Mormon style" (Wright, in
New Approaches, 165). Professor Wright at some point decided which problems are more significant to have solved. He is free to chose like everyone else. But by
withholding identification of what even he admits is striking in the Book of Mormon, he presents only a part of his own balance scale.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism" 31.

  Ibid., 31. Again, notice the passive languageï¿½-imagine a powerful computer processing data with cold efficiency, but unable to reflect on whether the programming
might be faulty, or the data complete and accurate.

  Lisa Bolin Hawkins and David Warby, "The Crime of False Prophesy and Ancient Israelite Law," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1983.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism" 33.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 31-32.

  Barbour, Myths, Models, and Paradigms, 99.

  Wright, "Historical Criticism" 36.

  See Kevin Christensen, "Nigh unto Death: NDE Research and the Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (Spring 1992): 1-20.

  Wright "Historical Criticism" 36.

  Ibid., 34.

  Ibid., 35.

  Ibid., 38 n. 60.

   See especially John Sorenson for comparison to Near Eastern epithets as "literary formula rather than an objective description" (John Sorenson, An Ancient
American Setting for the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1985], 90), and Hugh Nibley, Teachings of the Book of Mormon ,
Semester 1, Lectures 2 and 18. Todd Compton's "The Spirituality of the Outcast in the Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (1993): 139-60,
also deserves close attention. Notice the contrasting conclusions when these papers are contrasted with Rodney Turner's context-free attempt at a definitive essay in
"The Lamanite Mark," in Nyman and Tate, eds., The Book of Mormon: Second Nephi .

   Wright, "Historical Criticism" 36 n. 4.

  Ibid., 35.

  Johnson and Grant, Blake's Poetry and Designs, 15.

The Secular As Sacred: the Historiography of the Title Page
David B. Honey

Abstract: The Title Page of the Book of Mormon acts as an historiographical introduction to the editorial guidelines followed by Mormon in his work of compilation and
redaction. These guidelines defined what was important for Mormon to incorporate in his historical record, and include the themes of genealogy, covenants, and the
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teaching and testifying of Christ.

Nevertheless, I do not write anything upon plates save it be that I think it be sacred.
David B. Honey

Abstract: The Title Page of the Book of Mormon acts as an historiographical introduction to the editorial guidelines followed by Mormon in his work of compilation and
redaction. These guidelines defined what was important for Mormon to incorporate in his historical record, and include the themes of genealogy, covenants, and the
teaching and testifying of Christ.

Nevertheless, I do not write anything upon plates save it be that I think it be sacred.

(1 1 Ne. 19:6)

The overall aim of the authors of the Book of Mormon is set forth most clearly in the concise envoi that paradoxically prefaces the modern translations of the work.
Written by Moroni, the last historian of the Nephites, this postface-turned-preamble pro claims the sacred aim of the work and surveys its prominent themes with
masterful conciseness. Most of the sacred subjects and historical themes in the Book of Mormon can be traced to this short document that serves as both introduction
and summary.

The Title Page commences by crediting the Book of Mormon to the prophet/historian Mormon: it is "an account written by the hand of Mormon upon plates taken from
the plates of Nephi. Wherefore it is an abridgment of the record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites." We learn that the work is a condensation of many
historical records written upon plates that originally had been fashioned by the first Nephite historian, Nephi. The fact that the work has been edited out of various other
records leads us to conclude that the redactor, Mormon, must have been guided by certain editorial principles by which he decided which records were important to
copy, excerpt, or summarize and which data were judged either essential, superfluous, or unnecessary to include. Several editorial guidelines may be construed from the
second paragraph (of the modern English translation) of this document.

The first few guidelines concern questions of history. Since one purpose of the Book of Mormon "is to show unto the remnant of the house of Israel what great things
the Lord hath done for their fathers," we can safely conclude that matters of genealogy which showed the lineage of the house of Israel must have been important to
include so that the remnant of this house would know their identity. This was one reason the brass plates were of such importance, as Nephi records:

And it came to pass that my father, Lehi, also found upon the plates of brass a genealogy of his fathers; wherefore he knew that he was a descendant of Joseph. . . .
And thus my father, Lehi, did discover the geneal ogy of his fathers. (1 Ne. 5:14, 16)

The fact that detailed genealogies as such are not found in those parts of the Book of Mormon that pertain to the family of Lehi, i.e., the Nephites and Lamanites, is
due to the loss in the early stages of translation of that part of the Book of Mormon which contained them. Enough genealogical information was included to establish
lineages, especially among the prophet/ historians who were careful to cite their parentage to support the authority of their office and to help justify their historical
accounts. And, of course, the Nephites themselves had access to all their historical records, including genealogies, so that even after a thousand years of Nephite
history Mormon could claim confidently that he was a "pure descendant of Lehi" (Morm. 5:20).

Also important were such historical events involving the ancestors of the house of Israel that manifested the influence of the Lord. This is shown in the same scriptures
quoted above, for after Nephi identified Lehi as a descendant of Joseph, he immediately cites the importance of Joseph in manifesting the influence of the Lord by
further stating that he was "even that Joseph who was the son of Jacob, who was sold into Egypt, and who was preserved by the hand of the Lord, that he might
preserve his father, Jacob, and all his household from perishing with famine. And they were also led out of captivity and out of the land of Egypt, by that same God who
had preserved them (1 Ne. 5:14-15)."

The next guideline defines just which type of events best portray the influence of the Lord: those events are most crucial for inclusion, whether from past Hebrew or
contemporary Nephite history, that lead to "the convincing of the Jew and Gentile that Jesus is the Christ, the Eternal God, manifesting himself unto all nations." This
guideline drawn from the Title Page was stated explicitly by Mormon when he described the coming forth of the record in the latter days. The accounts of the wars
between the Lamanites and Nephites, among other historical narratives,

Shall go unto the unbelieving of the Jews; and for this intent shall they goï¿½-that they may be persuaded that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the Living God; that the
Father may bring about, through his most Beloved, his great and eternal purpose, in restoring the Jews, or all the house of Israel, to the land of their inheritance, which
the Lord their God hath given them, unto the fulfilling of his covenant. (Morm. 5:14)

Hence ancient and contemporary testimonies of Christï¿½-his appearance, attributes, his veneration and worship, how he may best be served, his influence and
historical illustrations of his influence, and the likeï¿½-are the main historical data for inclusion in Mormon's abridgment and Moroni's supplementary writings.

From the technical point of view of historical causation, then, we may conclude the following: the Book of Mormon teaches us that the Lord sees history as the record
of how his people have responded to his invitation to follow his pattern for living. History has a practical application as the lessons of the past provide inspi rational
examples of the Lord's working his will among the chil dren of men. As defined by Baruch Halpern, history ultimately "is a stage on which the god works out his
authorial intentions; so few events defy analysis as products of both divine and of human motivation." Recording and analyzing historical events as the product of
Christ's divine motivation, then, is the burden of the Book of Mormon historian.

The didactic function of the Book of Mormon to teach and testify of Christ is succinctly summarized by Robert J. Millet, who states, "True to its central theme, and with
Christocentric consis tency, the Nephite prophets talk of him, preach of him, prophesy of him, and rejoice in him, that all of us might know to what source we may look
for a remission of our sins." This central theme has been recently underscored by the addition in 1982 of the phrase "Another Testament of Jesus Christ" to the name
of the Book of Mormon. This theme pervades the Book of Mormon, as evinced by the use of nearly 100 different titles of the Savior found throughout the work;
indeed, Susan Easton Black has calculated that a reference to Christ in some form or another is mentioned once every 1.7 verses, an average of one reference every
two sentences. Even when not directly mentioned, many elements and events in the Book of Mormon typify Christ. The selection of data that taught or testified of
Christ, then, was the single most influential guideline that Mormon followed in his editorial work.

Also guiding Mormon in his task of selection and recording was the intent to include sufficient factual information regarding the specific covenants that had been
contracted between the Lord and his people. This information allowed each generation to know of the existence of these covenants and the actual processes by which
the covenants were reconfirmed or canceled, thus insuring that "they are not cast off forever." We may surmise that included under this rubric were not just facts and
phrases of covenant language but also historical examples illustrating the efficacy and permanence of such covenants, such as the promises made to the Lamanites cited
from Morm. 5:14 above. Indeed, detailed descriptions of covenants and the covenant-making ceremony, together with reconfirmations of the existence of such
covenants, form an important part of the Book of Mormon.

Examining the Book of Mormon from the point of view of what Mormon considered important and even essential to include leaves us no other conclusion than that it is
a work devoted to teaching and testifying of Christ, as exemplified by the Christ-centered themes of the nine chapters written by Nephi to conclude his account
immediately following the Isaiah excerpts. It is only with Jacob, successor historian and younger brother to Nephi, that we encounter an extended passage on a
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motivation for writing history which seems more in line with what normally motivates historians:

But whatsoever things we write upon anything save it be upon plates must perish and vanish away; but we can write a few words upon plates, which will give our
Examining the Book of Mormon from the point of view of what Mormon considered important and even essential to include leaves us no other conclusion than that it is
a work devoted to teaching and testifying of Christ, as exemplified by the Christ-centered themes of the nine chapters written by Nephi to conclude his account
immediately following the Isaiah excerpts. It is only with Jacob, successor historian and younger brother to Nephi, that we encounter an extended passage on a
motivation for writing history which seems more in line with what normally motivates historians:

But whatsoever things we write upon anything save it be upon plates must perish and vanish away; but we can write a few words upon plates, which will give our
children, and also our beloved brethren, a small degree of knowledge concerning us, or concerning their fathers-ï¿½Now in this thing we do rejoice; and we labor
diligently to engraven these words upon plates, hoping that our beloved brethren and our children will receive them with thankful hearts, and look upon them that they
may learn with joy and not with sorrow, neither with contempt, concerning their first parents. (Jacob 4:2-3)

Here the motivation for writing contemporary history is to preserve a knowledge of a generation for its posterity along with a plea for understanding and, we may
assume, sympathy. The preservation of historical data and an attempt at self-definition through interpreting this data are motivations that sit well with the modern mind.
But Jacob departs from this mundane motivation by explaining just what it is that he desires the younger generation to know about him and his contemporaries: "For, for
this intent have we written these things, that they may know that we knew of Christ, and we had a hope of his glory many hundred years before his coming; and not
only we ourselves had a hope of his glory, but also all the holy prophets which were before us" (Jacob 4:4).

What, we may ask, does an obviously religious work centered on Jesus Christ have to do with history as we generally understand it, with its concern for facts and the
narration of generally mundane matters? The answer lies in the historical paradigm initially selected by the Book of Mormon authors to follow, a paradigm or approach
to the use of history that is as honorable as and more ancient than the question-asking and puzzle-solving disciplines of modern scientific historiography, but one with a
different aim and methodology. This paradigm is that of "exemplar historiography."

The purpose of this paradigm is to advocate a particular point or to teach a lesson. "The function of this type of history," according to Traian Stoianovich, "is to select
the relevant example (paradeigma, exemplum), in the didactic sense of being illustrative of what the society, through the historian, desires to inculcate and what it wants
to warn against." From early on in classical antiquity this function of history determined the content and application of historical works, and was the earliest full-
fledged historical form of the ancient Greeks, Hebrews, Arabs, and Chinese. Many cultures even today still utilize this historical form when the aim of their education is
behavioral motivation, not points of abstract knowledge.

The use of secular history for the exemplar historiographer, then, is in the initial selection of data according to a predetermined framework with the intent of supporting
specific historical interpretations or lessons. In a religious or moral work (as opposed to political propaganda), this editorial task involves the selection of secular data to
illustrate sacred principles. The epigraph that opens this essayï¿½-"Nevertheless, I do not write any thing upon plates save it be that I think it to be sacred" (1 Ne.
19:6)-ï¿½confirms the sacred application of secular data notwith standing Nephi's division of labor between large plates and small (see 1 Ne. 9:2-4; Jacob 1:1-3). This
selection can leave out aspects of an event or personality that are irrelevant to the interpretation or lesson to be drawn from history to avoid distracting the reader or
diluting the impact of the message.

Given the guiding assumptions and governing methodology of exemplar historiography as it was harnessed to sacred history in the Book of Mormon, we can appreciate
how well the Nephite historians fulfilled their historiographical tasks by how well they talked, rejoiced, preached, prophesied, and wrote of Christ (see 2 Ne. 25:26).
From this perspective we can better understand the thrust of Nephi's confession of error in writing, "And now, if I do err, even did they err of old" (1 Ne. 19:6; cf. 2
Ne. 33:4), a disclaimer also included by Moroni in the Title Page (and repeated at Ether 12:25-26 andMormon 8:17). If he erred in the composition of his history, it
was not with regard to data or fact, but rather, apart from the difficulties of writing in his linguistic medium, in the selection of material for its relevance in teaching or
testifying of Christ, or his failure to clarify the moral lesson to be derived from an historical incident, as borne out in the verses that follow:

For the things which some men esteem to be of great worth, both to body and soul, others set at naught and trample under their feet. Yea, the very God of Israel do
men trample under their feet. . . . And behold, he cometh, according to the words of the angel, in six hundred years from the time my father left Jerusalem. (1 Ne. 19:7-
8)

The long Messianic prophecy that concludes 1 Ne. 19 con firms the central concern of Nephi's narrative and his hope to avoid errors in his composition, because, in
the final analysis, Nephi only wrote "these things unto my people, that perhaps I might persuade them that they would remember the Lord their Redeemer. Wherefore, I
speak unto all the house of Israel, if it be so that they should obtain these things" (1 Ne. 19:18-19).

In conclusion, then, the Title Page of the Book of Mormon states at the outset the Christ-centered purpose of the work, a theme reconfirmed by the other historians.
The subthemes of Israelite, Nephite, and Lamanite history, genealogy, covenant language, and events all support this theme by combining to testify and teach of Christ
in a work of exemplar historiography. No other document in the Book of Mormon gathers all these related yet disparate threads of theme together into as tightly woven
a text as this testamentary envoi by the last Nephite historians.

   The fact that the Title Page actually functioned as a postface or envoi is clear because of its position at the end of the plates "taken," according to Joseph Smith,
"from the very last leaf," HC 1:71. For the sources for the Title Page, see the references at The Book of Mormon Critical Text, 3 vols., 2nd ed. (Provo: F.A.R.M.S.,
1984-86), 1:1, n. 1. For details on the historical background of the composition of the Title Page, see Sidney B. Sperry, "The Story of the Writing of the Title Page to
the Book of Mormon," in A Book of Mormon Treasury: Selections from the Pages of the Improvement Era (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1959), 122-26, later expanded
as Chapter One to Sperry's Our Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Stevens and Wallis, 1948), 1-8. Extended commentaries on the Title Page are contained in Eldin
Ricks, Book of Mormon Commentary, vol. 1 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1951), 285-93, and Sidney B. Sperry, Book of Mormon Compendium (Salt Lake
City: Bookcraft, 1968), 40-47.

    Daniel H. Ludlow posits that Mormon actually wrote the first part of the Title Page; Moroni's contribution would then start with the words "Sealed by the hand of
Moroni . . ."; see Ludlow's "The Title Page," in Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate, Jr., eds., The Book of Mormon: First Nephi, The Doctrinal Foundation (Provo:
BYU Religious Studies Center, 1988), 19-33, esp. pp. 29-31. This interpretation seems to be a more satisfactory explanation for some of the repetition in wording of
the Title Page than the accepted view of Sidney B. Sperry, who argued that Moroni wrote the entire Title Page at different times. See Sperry, "The Story of the Writing
of the Title Page," 123-24.

   I have developed a methodology for examining postfaces appended to Chinese historical accounts to isolate the assumptions and aims of the historians; this
approach is necessitated because of the reticence of the historians to include personal comments and judgments on the events they treat that reveal their personal
biases, aims, and assumptions. This methodology is discussed in David B. Honey, "History and Historiography on the Sixteen States: Some T'ang Topoi on the
Nomads," Journal of Asian History 24 (1990): 161-217. Of course, since the Nephite historians often comment on their motivations and purposes, this approach is less
important for examining Nephite historiography; never theless, the Title Page forms a convenient point of departure for our discussion.

  There is a short genealogical list at Ether 1 of the pedigree of Ether, the historian of the Jaredites. This source is, however, not related to the Nephite records.
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                                                                                                                                                                  my record;
neither at any time shall I give it after upon these plates which I am writing; for it is given in the record which has been kept by my father; wherefore, I do not write it in
this work. For it sufficeth me to say that we are descendants of Joseph" (1 Ne. 6:1-2).
important for examining Nephite historiography; never theless, the Title Page forms a convenient point of departure for our discussion.

  There is a short genealogical list at Ether 1 of the pedigree of Ether, the historian of the Jaredites. This source is, however, not related to the Nephite records.

   At one point Nephi refers the reader to Lehi's account for his own genealogy: "And now I, Nephi, do not give the genealogy of my fathers in this part of my record;
neither at any time shall I give it after upon these plates which I am writing; for it is given in the record which has been kept by my father; wherefore, I do not write it in
this work. For it sufficeth me to say that we are descendants of Joseph" (1 Ne. 6:1-2).

   Part of the formal structure of Nephite historiography was a formulaic statement concerning the conferring of the historical records from one historian/father to
another historian/son or brother. For now, it is sufficient to note that one reason to maintain the historical records was to preserve genealogical information (cf. Omni
1:1).

  Baruch Halpern, The First Historians: The Hebrew Bible and History (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988), 232.

  Robert J. Millet, "Another Testament of Jesus Christ," in The Book of Mormon: First Nephi , 173.

  This new subtitle is, of course, the point of departure for Millet's essay.

   Robert J. Matthews, "What the Book of Mormon Tells about Jesus Christ," in Paul R. Cheesman et al., eds., The Book of Mormon: The Keystone Scripture
(Provo: BYU Religious Studies Center, 1988), 32-33.

  Susan Easton Black, Finding Christ through the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987), 10-34.

   Richard Dilworth Rust, " 'All Things Which Have Been Given of God . . . Are the Typifying of Him': Typology in the Book of Mormon," in Neal E. Lambert, ed.,
Literature of Belief (Provo: BYU Religious Studies Center, 1981), 233-43.

   The terms covenant and covenants, as shown by Stephen D. Ricks, appear 131 times in the Book of Mormon; see his "The Treaty/Covenant Pattern in King
Benjamin's Address (Mosiah 1-6)," BYU Studies 25 (1984): 151 n. 3. On the function of the Book of Mormon to confirm covenants, consult Leland Gentry, "God
Will Fulfil His Covenants with the House of Israel," in Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate, Jr., eds., The Book of Mormon: Second Nephi, the Doctrinal Structure
(Provo: BYU Religious Studies Center, 1989), 159-76.

  Traian Stoianovich, French Historical Method (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1976), 26. For exemplar historiography, see Stoianovich, French
Historical Method, 26-29; George H. Nadel, Studies in the Philosophy of History (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), 49-73, and Astrid Witschi-Bernz, "Main
Trends in Historical-Method Literature: Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries," in Bibliography of Works in the Philosophy of History 1500-1800. History and Theory:
Studies in the Philosophy of History, Beiheft 12 (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1972), 51-90, esp. pp. 51-53.

   For an overview of the development of the exemplar paradigm of historiography and how its use in the church today differs from the other historical forms, see David
B. Honey and Daniel C. Peterson, "Advocacy and Inquiry in Mormon Historiography," BYU Studies 31/2 (Spring 1991): 139-79.

  On this point see Alfred E. Krause, "Historical Selectivity: Prophecy, Prerogative or Typological Imperative," in Avraham Gileadi, ed., Israel's Apostasy and
Restoration: Essays in Honor of Roland K. Harrison (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1988), 175- 212; and John B. Gabel and Charles B. Wheeler, "The Bible
and History," in The Bible as Literature: An Introduction (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 42-52, esp. p. 52.

  A parallel text to the Title Page is the extended editorial comment by Mormon at 3 Ne. 5:20-26, which covers the same themes.

The Jaredite Exodus: a Literary Perspective of a Historical Narrative
John S. Thompson

Abstract: By applying some techniques of literary analysis to the Jaredite exodus narrative in Ether 1-3 and 6, the text reveals that it is more than just a historical
account. The author or editor of the narrative uses imagery and dialogue to help the reader look beyond the historical facts and see elements of the creation, Christ, and
temples, among other things.

Alan Goff's article "Boats, Beginnings, and Repetitions" in the Fall 1992 issue of the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies demonstrates that the Book of Mormon, as
an ancient text, follows patterns of antiquity through its "repetition" of the Creation, Flood, and Exodus stories in portions of the Nephite record. Just as Goff notices
imagery of these "stories of origination," particularly in the Nephite voyage, I find a similar use of imagery in the Jaredite exodus from the Tower of Babel to the
promised land (Ether 1-3, 6), revealing that more than just historical facts constitute the text. Indeed, we find that the author, or at least the editor, skillfully chooses
his topics and words in order to weave Creation, Christ, and temple imagery into the narrative.

Creation Imagery

Charles Long, in his discussion of creation myths from the ancient world, asserts that "the primary motif of the myths which begin with chaos is the story of the
development of order out of disorder." Many of these myths that begin with chaos speak of a primordial "soup" or water from which life and order are created. For
example, the Egyptians at Heliopolis recount the first creation when "Atum . . . was on a primeval hillock arising out of the waters of chaos and there brought the first
gods into being." Also, the Babylonian creation epic, the Enuma Elish, declares that all living things originated from the gods of water: "Naught but primordial Apsu,
their begetter, (and) Mummu-Tiamat, she who bore them all [existed in the beginning], their waters commingling as a single body." The biblical account of creation
also refers to a watery genesis for "in the beginning . . . darkness [was] upon the face of the deep" and "the Spirit [ruach, which can also be rendered "breath" or
"wind"] of God moved upon the face of the waters" (Gen. 1:1-2).

In comparison, the Jaredite narrative follows the general pattern of chaos to order in the exodus from the Tower of Babel, where languages were being "confounded"
and people were to be "scattered" (Ether 1:33), to a new beginning in the land of promise. A central feature of this exodus is the waters upon which the Jaredites travel
(see Ether 2:2, 6, 16, 20, 22, 25;3:3;6:3-5, 7-8, 10-11). Narrative dialogue between the Lord and the brother of Jared describes these waters as the "great
deep" (Ether 2:25), having "mountain waves" which "shall dash upon [the Jaredites]," painting a scene which is tumultuous and chaotic in nature. However, the Jaredites
will be brought up "out of the depths" (Ether 2:24) of the chaotic waters and will reach the promised land for the Lord will send a wind (i.e., breath or Spirit) from "out
of [his] mouth" (Ether 2:24) to blow "upon the face of the waters, towards the promised land" (Ether 6:5). The "great deep" and "wind . . . upon the face of the waters"
echoes almost word for word the biblical account of creation, connecting that great event with the Jaredite exodus in the mind of the reader.

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Ether 2:1-3 (c)
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                 reflects Creation     Media
                                   imagery     Corp.
                                           in the "seed of every kind," "fowls of the air," "fish of the waters," "flocks," and even the creeping things Page    224 / 919
                                                                                                                                                         of the earthï¿½-the
"swarms of bees"ï¿½-which the Jaredites take with them on their journey. The request in verse two that the Jaredites prepare a vessel for carrying fish seems odd to the
modern reader, especially since the Jaredites would be traveling on water more than once (see Ether 2:6), but the imagery of Creation would not be complete without
will be brought up "out of the depths" (Ether 2:24) of the chaotic waters and will reach the promised land for the Lord will send a wind (i.e., breath or Spirit) from "out
of [his] mouth" (Ether 2:24) to blow "upon the face of the waters, towards the promised land" (Ether 6:5). The "great deep" and "wind . . . upon the face of the waters"
echoes almost word for word the biblical account of creation, connecting that great event with the Jaredite exodus in the mind of the reader.

Ether 2:1-3 also reflects Creation imagery in the "seed of every kind," "fowls of the air," "fish of the waters," "flocks," and even the creeping things of the earthï¿½-the
"swarms of bees"ï¿½-which the Jaredites take with them on their journey. The request in verse two that the Jaredites prepare a vessel for carrying fish seems odd to the
modern reader, especially since the Jaredites would be traveling on water more than once (see Ether 2:6), but the imagery of Creation would not be complete without
it, for every type of created being mentioned in Gen. 1-2 is represented here. These three simple verses could have been left out of the record if the writer's purpose
was to report major events in the lives of the Jaredites, and, due to the difficulty of engraving on metal plates (see Jacob 4:1), superficial data would most likely be
excluded. Therefore, the inclusion of this Creation-related data is a perfect example of how the selection of material gives the reader insight into the theme or themes
which the author/editor tries to develop.

We see another example of this principle in the writer's selection of data which he uses to report the Jaredites' arrival in the promised land. In Ether 6:13, the
author/editor writes that "they went forth upon the face of the land, and began to till the earth." Tilling the ground seems like such an ordinary thing to do. Why, then,
would one waste time and space writing about such things? Such an apparently superfluous piece of information becomes more meaningful when we realize that tilling
the earth had symbolic significance among various ancient societies. Mircea Eliade has noticed in his studies of ancient cultures and religions that "when possession is
taken of a territory, . . . rites are performed that symbolically repeat the act of Creation: the uncultivated zone is first 'cosmicized,' then inhabited." Although different
cultures have different ways of "creating" newly acquired territory (i.e., building an altar, temple, or other structure; establishing a "center" with a pole or edifice around
which all other things are organized), tilling the ground is not an uncommon method of accomplishing this purpose. Thus, tilling the ground may symbolize the act of
creation to the author/editor of the Jaredite record and therefore warrants inclusion.

Christ Imagery

The rapid movement of the narration from the Tower of Babel to the shore of the ocean (prior to the Jaredites' crossing) slows down significantly as the author/editor
focuses the reader upon a theme through the literary device of dialogue. The writer reports a conversation which takes place between the Lord and the brother of Jared
(see Ether 2:18-3:16 21-27), and the primary focus of this dialogue is a discussion of the need for air and light in the barges which would be used for crossing the
ocean. After the brother of Jared questions the Lord on what to do for air, the Lord tells him exactly how to obtain it: "Behold, thou shalt make a hole in the top, and
also in the bottom; and when thou shalt suffer for air thou shalt unstop the hole and receive air" (Ether 2:20). However, when Jared's brother brings up the issue of light,
the Lord merely says, "What will ye that I should do that ye may have light in your vessels?" (Ether 2:23). In contrast to the air, a necessary component to sustain life
which is freely given by God, the brother of Jared must work out for himself the problem of light. Eventually, when presenting his plan to the Lord, the brother of
Jared pleads: "Suffer not that they [the Jaredites] shall go forth across this raging deep in darkness; . . . therefore touch these stones, O Lord, with thy finger, and
prepare them that they may shine forth in darkness" (Ether 3:3-4). This prayer for light pro duces more than what the offerer had expected. In sum, as the Lord touches
the stones, the brother of Jared sees the divine finger and is eventually privileged to see Christ (Ether 3:6, 13). When the reader analyzes the narrative as a whole, he or
she finds that the answer to the brother of Jared's plea for light is not necessarily limited to the illumination of the stones, though their presence in the narrative is
significant, but it also encompasses Christ himself, the source of light. It is his finger that touches the stones, illumi nating them. In other words, the brother of Jared's
diligent search and humble request for light brought him face to face with the Light. This imagery brings to mind the Savior's words: "I am the light of the world: he that
followeth me shall not walk [or, in this case, cross the "raging deep"] in darkness, but shall have the light of life" (John 8:12).

The stones of light play a significant role in the story, because the writer uses them to carry the imagery of Christ throughout the rest of the narrative. In chapter six, we
read that the brother of Jared "did put forth the stones into the vessels which were prepared, one in each end thereof; and behold, they did give light unto the
vessels" (Ether 6:2). However, in contrast to "the" stones in this verse, verse three omits any definite article in reference to stones and also "men, women, and children."
The author/editor seems specifically to ignore direct reference to the stones which the brother of Jared "moltened" and the men, women, and children of the Jaredites:
"And thus the Lord caused stones to shine in darkness, to give light unto men, women, and children, that they might not cross the great waters in darkness." The
absence of the definite articles prompts the reader to broaden his view, rather than focusing in on the actual stones and Jaredites of the story, allowing the imagery of
Christï¿½-who is the "light that shineth in darkness" (D&C 11:11), giving light or truth unto all men, women, and childrenï¿½-to surface.

Temple Imagery

Imagery often associatied with temples from the ancient Near East also appear in the Jaredite narrative. For example, according to John Lundquist, the plan and
measurements of a temple must be revealed by God to the king or prophet, and the plan must be carefully carried out. The Babylonian king Nabopolassar states that
he obtained measurements for the temple tower in Babylon under the guidance of the gods Shamash, Adad, and Marduk. Also, the plans for Solomon's temple are
revealed by God to David (see 2 Sam. 7; 1 Kgs. 8). This same idea is found in the Jaredite narrative when the reader is informed that the Jaredites constructed their
barges "according to the instructions of the Lord" (Ether 2:16).

Another common feature of ancient temples is that they are associated with the realm of the dead, the underworld, the afterlife, the grave. As the Jaredites cross the
ocean, the author/editor describes them as being "buried in the deep" and["[brought] forth again upon the top of the waters" (Ether 6:6-7). Being "buried" and "brought
forth again" conveys the image of death and resurrection, which Lundquist states is "the unifying principle between temple and tomb."

Covenants and other means of establishing relationships between God and man are another common temple characteristic. The Israelites symbolically demonstrate this
fact through the Ark of the Covenant, which is found in the Holy of Holies (Ex. 26:33). Before the Jaredites enter their barges and obtain the promised land, they
establish a covenant with the Lord. The Lord says, "whatsoever nation shall possess [the promised land] shall serve God, or they shall be swept off" (Ether 2:9). In
other words, the covenant is that God would give them a new land if they would serve him, otherwise the penalty is that they would have no claim upon the land and
would be "swept off." A similar account is given in Genesis where Noah does not enter the ark until a covenant is established: "But with thee will I establish my
covenant and thou shalt come into the ark" (Gen. 6:18).

The Jaredites' action upon arriving in the promised land reflects yet another temple characteristic. The text reads, "when they had set their feet upon the shores of the
promised land they bowed themselves down . . . before the Lord" (Ether 6:12). Menahem Haran describes the term "before the Lord" as "an indication of the existence
of a temple at the site, since this expression stems from the basic conception of the temple as a divine dwelling-place." Although no temple structure is mentioned in
the Jaredite account, being "before the Lord" certainly has temple imagery, as Haran suggests. The promised land as the divine dwelling-place is further suggested in the
imagery the author/editor creates through the use of the phrases "they bowed themselves down" and "did shed tears of joy before the Lord." These phrases bring to
mind the blessings of the faithful who, after overcoming the world, humbly and joyfully enter into the presence of the Lord.

Conclusion

There is significantly more imagery related to the Creation, Christ, and temples in the Jaredite narrative than what I have briefly pointed out here, and imagery related to
the Flood and the Exodus can also be seen through a careful reading of the text. However, in spite of all the parallels and imagery which appear in this story, one main
question remains. Why? For what purpose are these images present? One answer may be that through the use of imagery, the author/editor prompts us to read for
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metaphorical meaning in addition to the literal historical meaning, thus giving us the opportunity to "liken the scriptures unto ourselves." Perhaps if we look beyond the
literal meaning of the text and see the Jaredite narrative as symbolizing a journey through life, a common theme of temple-related dramas, a journey which includes the
re-creation of the human soul through a covenant relationship with the Lord, then the reason for the imagery becomes clear. Through imagery and by slowing the
There is significantly more imagery related to the Creation, Christ, and temples in the Jaredite narrative than what I have briefly pointed out here, and imagery related to
the Flood and the Exodus can also be seen through a careful reading of the text. However, in spite of all the parallels and imagery which appear in this story, one main
question remains. Why? For what purpose are these images present? One answer may be that through the use of imagery, the author/editor prompts us to read for
metaphorical meaning in addition to the literal historical meaning, thus giving us the opportunity to "liken the scriptures unto ourselves." Perhaps if we look beyond the
literal meaning of the text and see the Jaredite narrative as symbolizing a journey through life, a common theme of temple-related dramas, a journey which includes the
re-creation of the human soul through a covenant relationship with the Lord, then the reason for the imagery becomes clear. Through imagery and by slowing the
narrative pace using dialogue, the author/editor stresses the need for the light of Christ as a guide while making this journey through life. Jared's brother illustrates this in
a question: "O Lord, in them [the vessels] there is no light; whither shall we steer?" (Ether 2:19) The question, strange as it may be (it seems to focus on the need of light
for knowing where to steer rather than for seeing), fits beautifully the imagery of Christ as the Light, who provides the humble traveler with the proper directions and the
means to steer his life on a correct course that leads to the presence of God in the "promised land." But regardless of the reason for imagery in the Jaredite record, it is
certain that the Book of Mormon contains lessons of breadth and depth, and even the historical narratives are not to be passed over lightly.

  Alan Goff, "Boats, Beginnings, and Repetitions," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 1/1 (1992): 67-84.

   Since Moroni edited the Jaredite record from the twenty-four plates found by the Limhi expedition (see Ether 1:1-2, 6), it is difficult to ascertain which words are
direct quotes from the record and thus Ether's words, and which are paraphrased sentences crafted by Moroni himself. To simplify matters, I have avoided direct
reference to either writer.

  Charles H. Long, Alpha: The Myths of Creation (Atlanta, GA: Scholars, 1963), 111.

   James B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 3rd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), 3.

  Ibid., 61.

  Mircea Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Round: or, Cosmos and History (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1974), 9-10.

  Note that the first two things Noah did after leaving the ark were (1) he built an altar and worshipped God and (2) he cultivated the ground and planted a vineyard
(Gen. 8:20;9:20).

  Hence, God readily gives the solution for the air problem to the brother of Jared.

   Stones of light in ancient traditions are discussed in Hugh Nibley's Lehi in the Desert/The World of the Jaredites/There Were Jaredites in The Collected Works of
Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 364-79. In this discussion, Nibley points out that a Pyrophilos or stone of light in Greek
tradition is identified with the Epic of Gilgamesh's "plant of life" (ibid., 435-36, n. 49), which in turn parallels the tree of life found in Eden. This parallel becomes
significant when making a connection between Christ and stones of light, for in 1 Nephi the tree of life is likened to Christ. In 1 Ne. 11:4-6, the Spirit asks Nephi if he
believes in the tree that his father saw, to which Nephi replies that he does. The Spirit then cries out, "Blessed art thou, Nephi, because thou believest in the Son of the
most high God." The image of Christ as the tree of life is further clarified by the fact that Nephi is shown the vision of Christ's birth in answer to the question, "Knowest
thou the meaning of the tree?" (1 Ne. 11:21). This tree of life in Lehi and Nephi's visions is indeed the tree of life from Eden, for when Laman and Lemuel ask the
meaning of the tree, Nephi only replies, "It was a representation of the tree of life" (1 Ne. 15:22, emphasis added). More than likely, Nephi is making reference to the
tree of life they are all familiar with, the one in Eden most likely mentioned in the brass plates. Thus, since stones of light may be seen as equivalent to the tree of life in
ancient times (as mentioned above) and since Christ is also the tree of life, then the stones could be seen in the mind of an ancient writer as a symbolic representation of
Christ.

The difficulty in stating that a text has temple imagery is that temples themselves are images and symbols which point to other "heavenly" things. It may be that the
author/editor of the Jaredite narrative is not using imagery to point to actual temples, but rather he is pointing to the same things that temples do, thus the text and
temples have similar characteristics.

   John M. Lundquist, "The Common Temple Ideology of the Ancient Near East," in Truman G. Madsen, ed., The Temple in Antiquity: Ancient Records and Modern
Perspectives (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Religious Studies Center, 1983), 58.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

   Ibid. It is interesting to note here that the boats described in Mesopotamian flood narratives have a "roof . . . like Apsu, the Heavens" (Victor H. Matthews and
Donald C. Benjamin, Old Testament Parallels: Laws and Stories from the Ancient Near East (New York: Paulist, 1991), 24. Depicting the heavens or the sky on the
lid or ceiling of a man-made structure is a practice usually limited to tombs and temples in the ancient world. For example, many Egyptian coffins and tombs depict the
sky goddess Nut on their lid or ceiling, respectively; see A. J. Spencer's Death in Ancient Egypt (New York: Penguin, 1991), 165. Although this similarity between
coffins or tombs and boats is not sufficient to draw any definite conclusions, it does support the imagery suggested by the Jaredite narrative of the barges being
tomblike.

  Menahem Haran, Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel: An Inquiry into the Character of Cult Phenomena and the Historical Setting of the Priestly School
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1978), 26.

Enallage in the Book of Mormon
Kevin L. Barney

Abstract: Thomas W. Brookbank long ago suggested that enallage, meaning the substitution of the singular for the plural or vice versa for rhetorical effect, is present in
the Book of Mormon. Enallage does appear to exist as a prominent, meaningful rhetorical figure in the Bible, but its presence in the Book of Mormon is more difficult to
demonstrate given the pronominal variation found in the Book of Mormon, a factor that Brookbank did not account for in his study. Nevertheless, a careful reading of
contextual and verbal clues reveals that enallage does indeed appear to exist in some passages in the Book of Mormon. An awareness of this usage is important for a
full understanding of such passages.

At the end of the first decade of this century, Thomas W. Brookbank, a one-time associate editor of the Latter-Day Saints' Millennial Star, published a series of articles
in the Improvement Era entitled "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies in the Book of Mormon." This was a groundbreaking work that laid the foun dation for what has
 Copyright
become      (c) 2005-2009,
         an entire             Infobase
                   literature devoted    Media Corp.
                                      to examin ing possible Hebraisms in the English text of the Book of Mormon. The idea that the language of Pagethe small226   / 919
                                                                                                                                                              plates of
Nephi involved a transliteration of the Hebrew language into an Egyptian script, a practice that eventually evolved into the reformed Egyptian of the plates of Mormon,
is held by many Book of Mormon scholars, but remains controversial, a significant minor ity arguing strenuously that the original language of the small plates was
full understanding of such passages.

At the end of the first decade of this century, Thomas W. Brookbank, a one-time associate editor of the Latter-Day Saints' Millennial Star, published a series of articles
in the Improvement Era entitled "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies in the Book of Mormon." This was a groundbreaking work that laid the foun dation for what has
become an entire literature devoted to examin ing possible Hebraisms in the English text of the Book of Mormon. The idea that the language of the small plates of
Nephi involved a transliteration of the Hebrew language into an Egyptian script, a practice that eventually evolved into the reformed Egyptian of the plates of Mormon,
is held by many Book of Mormon scholars, but remains controversial, a significant minor ity arguing strenuously that the original language of the small plates was
simply Egyptian.         Much more work needs to be done in this area, but whatever the ultimate scholarly consensus (if one is ever achieved), an important debt will be
owed to Brookbank's pioneering study.

Brookbank's Argument

In the first two articles of the series, Brookbank sets out his argument that enallage exists in the Book of Mormon. Brookbank uses the term enallage, which is Greek
for "interchange," as "a convenient term to express the substitution of one gender, person, number, case, mode, tense, etc., of the same word for another." As
Brookbank explains it,

plural forms are sometimes put by the Jews for the singular to imply that there are more than one person or thing held in view, though it may be to only one that the
direct address or reference is made. In other words, when more than one was to share in a thought, or sentiment, the plural was sometimes used to show that the single
individual chiefly in mind was not the only one to whom it was applicable, and, conversely, when more than one was to be included, the singular could be substituted for
the plural to show, among other things, that those to whom the thought or command, etc., was directed, were not viewed collectively only, but as indi viduals also, who
separately composed the mass.

As an illustration of this type of enallage in the Bible, Brookbank then points to the substitution of the singular for the plural found in the ten commandments given to the
Israelites in Ex. 20. Although the Lord used the singular in addressing Moses, in Ex. 19 he naturally uses the plural to refer to the children of Israel. For instance, in
verses 4-6 he conveys through Moses a message to the children of Israel (throughout this article, pertinent indications of number are italicized):

Ye have seen what I did unto the Egyptians, and how I bare you on eagles' wings, and brought you unto myself. Now therefore, if ye will obey my voice indeed, and
keep my covenant, then ye shall be a peculiar trea sure unto me above all people: for all the earth is mine: And ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests, and an holy
nation. These are the words which thou [Moses] shalt speak unto the children of Israel. (Ex. 19:4-6)

Yet the ten commandments themselves, which are intended for these same people (i.e., all the children of Israel), are framed with the singular thou (as in "Thou shalt
have no other gods before me. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image . . . ," etc.). Later in Chapter 20 the Lord reverts to the plural, as in verses 22 and 23:
"Ye have seen that I have talked with you from heaven. Ye shall not make with me gods of silver, neither shall ye make unto you gods of gold." The rhetorical effect of
this switch in number is to show that, although the commandments applied to all, the Israelites were not viewed collectively only, but as individuals also, who separately
composed the whole house of Israel. In other words, by shifting from the expected plural to the singular, the Lord was emphasizing each and every Israelite's individual
responsibility to obey the commandments, almost as if each person had been commanded by name to live them. Here the grammatical requirement of number
agreement is properly subordinated to this aim. As an example of the substitution of the plural for the singular, Brookbank refers to Gen. 19:29, which states that God
overthrew the "cities" in which Lot dwelt. Since by physical necessity Lot could only dwell in one city, the use of the plural for the singular points out that disaster had
befallen not only the city where Lot lived, but others in the same area as well.

Turning to the Book of Mormon, Brookbank cites several apparent examples of similar number switching. For instance, he quotes 1 Ne. 2:19-20:

And it came to pass that the Lord spake unto me saying, Blessed art thou, Nephi, because of thy faith, for thou hast sought me diligently, with lowliness of heart. And
inasmuch as ye shall keep my commandments, ye shall prosper and shall be led to a land of promise, yea, a land which is choice above all lands.

Brookbank explains this passage by observing that the Lord begins by commending Nephi for his personal righteousness and so uses singular pronouns. The promise of
prosperity under the stated conditions was not limited to Nephi, however, but applied to his companions as well, so the Lord switched to using plural pronouns in order
to broaden the scope of his discourse appropriately. Thus, Brookbank concludes, the characteristic switches in pronominal usage in the Book of Mormon are not to be
ridiculed as grammatical errors, but rather understood as reflecting a pecu liar Hebrew idiom evidenced in the Bible.

Enallage in the Bible

The first question raised by Brookbank's thesis is whether in fact enallage exists in the Bible. Number switching is unquestion ably a widespread phenomenon in the Old
Testament, and to a lesser extent in the New Testament. Set forth as Appendix A is a chart showing the distribution of 188 number switches that occur within the
context of a single verse. What are we to make of this phenomenon? I can think of five possible explanations:

1. Simple grammatical error. It is possible that some of these passages may involve an unintentional switch in number with no more glamorous an explanation than that a
simple grammatical error was made. A possible illustration might be the occasional plural pronominal suffixes in address directed to a single person in 1 Samuel, as in
the following passages:

And Samuel answered Saul, and said, I am the seer: go up [singular] before me unto the high place; for ye shall eat [we-'akaltem] with me to day, and to morrow I will
let thee go, and will tell thee all that is in thine heart. (1 Sam. 9:19)

When thou art departed from me to day, then thou shalt find two men by Rachel's sepulchre in the border of Benjamin at Zelzah; and they will say unto thee, The asses
which thou wentest to seek are found: and, lo, thy father hath left the care of the asses, and sorroweth for you [lakem], saying, What shall I do for my son? (1 Sam.
10:2)

And Saul's uncle said, Tell me, I pray thee, what Samuel said unto you [lakem]. (1 Sam. 10:15)

I personally would be hesitant to assume that such a repeating usage is necessarily a mistake; it seems more likely to me that our own understanding of the significance
of the plural pronominal suffix here is inadequate. Perhaps the plural is meant as a kind of inconsistently applied pluralis majestatis, or perhaps Hebrew grammar was
simply less demanding in matters of number agree ment than we imagine English grammar to be. In any event, the number of occurrences of number shifting in the Bible
and the wide distribution of such number switching across biblical texts make it highly unlikely that grammatical error is the sole explanation for this phenomenon.

2. Personenwechsel. "Personenwechsel" is a German word meaning "person switching" that has been applied to describe the numerical variation "characteristic of the
more emotional passages of the Old Testament (not the New Testament), especially the inspired utterances of the prophets, and [which] is most particularly
characteristic of Isaiah." That number may be inadvertently switched in the heat of emotional prophetic discourse seems reasonable enough, although this theory fails
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to account for the many instances of number switching that occur in unemotional, nonprophetic contexts.

3. Enallage. As previously explained, this involves an intentional shift in number to create the rhetorical effect of emphasizing each individual in a group (in the case of
2. Personenwechsel. "Personenwechsel" is a German word meaning "person switching" that has been applied to describe the numerical variation "characteristic of the
more emotional passages of the Old Testament (not the New Testament), especially the inspired utterances of the prophets, and [which] is most particularly
characteristic of Isaiah." That number may be inadvertently switched in the heat of emotional prophetic discourse seems reasonable enough, although this theory fails
to account for the many instances of number switching that occur in unemotional, nonprophetic contexts.

3. Enallage. As previously explained, this involves an intentional shift in number to create the rhetorical effect of emphasizing each individual in a group (in the case of
plural to singular switches) or the broader ramifications of an action or idea (in the case of singular to plural switches). There may, perhaps, be intentional shifts in
number that are motivated by some other purpose, although I am at a loss as to what that other purpose might be.

4. Unintentional Redactional/Scribal Influence. There are probably passages where the change in number did not exist in the original text but was created inadvertently
by the activity of redactors or scribes. A possible example would be 2 Sam. 15:27, which reads as follows:

The king said also unto Zadok the priest, Art not thou ['attah] a seer? return into the city in peace, and your two sons with you [beneykem 'itkem], Ahimaaz thy son
[binka], and Jonathan the son of Abiathar.

Since "your" and "you" appear to refer specifically to Zadok and there is no possibility of enallage here, one might be tempted to ascribe this usage to grammatical
error. It is more likely, however, that what appears to be a grammatical error here is actually the result of the accidental scribal omission of the words "and Abiathar" at
the beginning of the second sentence. The plural "your" and "you" would then refer to both Zadok and Abiathar and would not involve a number switch at all.

5. Intentional Redactional/Scribal Influence. If redactors or scribes may have in some cases unintentionally created number shifts, they may also have intentionally
created them, either to create the same rhetorical effect present in enallage (see no. 3) or for some other purpose. This is the conclusion reached by Henri Cazelles in
his study of number switching in the first four chapters of Deuteronomy. The problem with this conclusion is that it seems to assume that number shifting by the
original author(s) cannot similarly explain the phenomenon, and it fails to account for the wide distribution of such shiftings across biblical texts (i.e., if redactors imposed
these number switches on the text, they did rather a thorough job of it).

Although there are a variety of possible explanations, enallage seems to me to be the most likely explanation for number switch ing in the greatest number of passages
where number switching is present. A review of the passages set forth in Appendix A reveals some patterns that may shed light on various applications of enallage in
the Bible:

a. Legislation. Number switching is very prominent in Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy. Whether we see this phe nomenon as the work of the original authors or as
the result of a recension written in the plural being interpolated into and super imposed upon a recension written in the singular, the use of enal lage for conveying
precepts of the Mosaic Code is rhetorically effective, since this device emphasizes both the communal and the individual responsibility for keeping the commandments.
A couple of illustrations follow:

Thou shalt neither vex a stranger, nor oppress him: for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt. (Ex. 22:21) [The command itself is set in the singular, emphasizing the
applicability of the command to each individual, while the explanatory comment refers to the experience of all the Israelites in Egypt.]

Ye shall keep my statutes. Thou shalt not let thy cattle gender with a diverse kind: thou shalt not sow thy field with mingled seed: neither shall a garment mingled of linen
and woollen come upon thee. (Lev. 19:19) [The plural introductory statement regarding the applicability of the statutes makes it clear that they apply to all, but again,
the specific statute under consideration is drafted in the singular so as to emphasize individual responsibility.]

In these examples, we can see the same emphasis of individual responsibility as is present in the (singular) ten commandments. In fact, the striking use of enallage in the
Sermon on the Mount may reflect a conscious imitation of this Hebraic legislative style, since there Jesus comments on the law of Moses and promulgates higher
standards of ethical conduct:

But I say unto you, That ye resist not evil: but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also. (Matt. 5:39)

Therefore when thou doest thine alms, do not sound a trumpet before thee, as the hypocrites do in the synagogues and in the streets, that they may have glory of men.
Verily I say unto you, They have their reward. (Matt. 6:2)

And when thou prayest, thou shalt not be as the hypocrites are: for they love to pray standing in the synagogues and in the corners of the streets, that they may be seen
of men. Verily I say unto you, They have their reward. (Matt. 6:5)

That the Saviour was teaching a group is clear from the introduc tion to the sermon (Matt. 5:1-2) and his repeated use of the formula "I say unto you," yet the
commands of the sermon are framed in the singular, thus reaching into the heart of each and every disciple.

b. Shift in Emphasis between an Individual and a Larger Group. Consider Ex. 3:12:

And he said, Certainly I will be with thee; and this shall be a token unto thee, that I have sent thee: When thou hast brought forth the people out of Egypt, ye shall serve
God upon this mountain.

Here the Lord is speaking to Moses and therefore uses the singu lar in the first part of the verse. At the end of the verse, the Lord wishes to make it clear that it is not
just Moses, but "the people" that he shall bring out of Egypt that shall serve God upon the holy mountain. One way to accomplish this would be to shift into the third
person, as in "When thou hast brought forth the people out of Egypt, they [meaning the people] shall serve God upon this mountain." This of course could possibly be
read as including the people but excluding Moses. A slightly more accurate con struction would be "thou and the people shall serve God upon this mountain." Rather
than switching to the third person, however, the writer simply stays in the second person and switches to the plural; "ye" thus includes both Moses and the people, but is
far more vivid than a third person construction would be, since the Lord addresses the people directly (even though the people them selves are not present).

The following are several additional examples of shift in emphasis between an individual and a larger group:

And the sabbath of the land shall be meat for you; for thee, and for thy servant, and for thy maid, and for thy hired servant, and for thy stranger that sojourneth with
thee. (Lev. 25:6) [Here the plural "you" refers not only to each Israelite, but also to each Israelite's servant, maid, hired servant, and the stranger that stays with each
Israelite.]

And he hath brought thee near to him, and all thy brethren the sons of Levi with thee: and seek ye the priesthood also? (Num. 16:10) [The shift to "ye" marks a shift in
emphasis from the Levite rebel Korah to his entire company.]
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And the men answered her, Our life for yours, if ye utter not this our business. And it shall be, when the Lord hath given us the land, that we will deal kindly and truly
with thee. (Josh. 2:14) [The shift to "thee" marks a shift in emphasis from Rahab's household (see verses 12-13) to Rahab herself.]
Israelite.]

And he hath brought thee near to him, and all thy brethren the sons of Levi with thee: and seek ye the priesthood also? (Num. 16:10) [The shift to "ye" marks a shift in
emphasis from the Levite rebel Korah to his entire company.]

And the men answered her, Our life for yours, if ye utter not this our business. And it shall be, when the Lord hath given us the land, that we will deal kindly and truly
with thee. (Josh. 2:14) [The shift to "thee" marks a shift in emphasis from Rahab's household (see verses 12-13) to Rahab herself.]

c. Collective Nouns. Enallage sometimes revolves around collective nouns (such as cities or tribes). A good illustration is Jesus' lament over Jerusalem in Matt. 23:37:


O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, and stonest them which are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen
gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!

Here Jesus personifies Jerusalem as a corporate entity with the singular until the end of the verse, when he dramatically indicts not Jerusalem corporately, but her
inhabitants. Consider the following additional examples:

For the Lord had said unto Moses, Say unto the children of Israel, Ye are a stiffnecked people: I will come up into the midst of thee in a moment, and consume thee:
therefore now put off thy ornaments from thee, that I may know what to do unto thee. (Ex. 33:5) [The Lord cannot come up into the midst of a single person; the plural
refers to the children of Israel, and the singular refers to Israel corporately.]

Go and proclaim these words toward the north, and say, Return, thou backsliding Israel, saith the Lord; and I will not cause mine anger to fall upon you: for I am
merciful, saith the Lord, and I will not keep anger for ever. (Jer. 3:12) [Israel herself is first referred to with a singular, but the plural then moves the emphasis to her
inhabitants.]

d. Formulaic Expressions. Enallage is sometimes formed when a formulaic expression (i.e., a repeating expression that con veys some essential idea) is incorporated
into a passage. For instance, the formula "Lord your God" is sometimes incorporated into passages otherwise framed in the singular, while the formula "Lord thy God"
is sometimes incorporated into passages otherwise framed in the plural; in fact, a number of verses alter nate between these two formulae within the same verse. This
inconsistent usage appears to be an attempt to remind people of the universal nature of God ("Lord your God") or the nature of God as loving father ("Lord thy God"),
as appropriate. This usage is especially common in the book of Deuteronomy:

And I commanded Joshua at that time, saying, Thine eyes have seen all that the Lord your God hath done unto these two kings: so shall the Lord do unto all the
kingdoms whither thou passest. (Deut. 3:21)

Gather the people together, men, and women, and children, and thy stranger that is within thy gates, that they may hear, and that they may learn, and fear the Lord your
God, and observe to do all the words of this law (Deut. 31:12)

And ye shall be left few in number, whereas ye were as the stars of heaven for multitude; because thou wouldest not obey the voice of the Lord thy God. (Deut. 28:62)

Your eyes have seen what the Lord did because of Baalpeor: for all the men that followed Baalpeor, the Lord thy God hath destroyed them from among you. (Deut.
4:3)

Take heed unto yourselves, lest ye forget the covenant of the Lord your God, which he made with you, and make you a graven image, or the likeness of any thing,
which the Lord thy God hath forbidden thee. (Deut. 4:23)

And that prophet, or that dreamer of dreams, shall be put to death; because he hath spoken to turn you away from the Lord your God, which brought you out of the
land of Egypt, and redeemed you out of the house of bondage, to thrust thee out of the way which the Lord thy God commanded thee to walk in. So shalt thou put the
evil away from the midst of thee. (Deut. 13:5)

Other examples of formulaic expressions that involve enallage are "so shalt thou put evil away from among you" (Deut. 19:19;21:9, 21;22:21, 24; and 24:7); "unto thee
will I give the land of Canaan, the lot of your inheritance" (1 Chr. 16:18 and Ps. 105:11) and["[thine abominations shall be in the midst of thee,] and ye shall know that I
am the Lord" (Ezek. 7:4, 9 and 35:9).

e. Parallelism. It is well established that numerical increase can be the basis for parallel lines, as in the following examples:

If Cain shall be avenged sevenfold,
truly Lamech seventy and sevenfold. (Gen. 4:24)

Saul hath slain his thousands,
and David his ten thousands. (1 Sam. 18:7)

He shall deliver thee in six troubles:
yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee. (Job 5:19)

This particular type of number parallelism is referred to as a for tiori.   By analogy, it is possible that parallel lines may be created by the change in number effected by
enallage. Several possible examples follow:

thou shalt not carry forth ought of the flesh abroad out of the house;
neither shall ye break a bone thereof. (Ex. 12:46)

And ye shall not swear by my name falsely,
neither shalt thou profane the name of thy God:
(Lev. 19:12)

Ye shall not round the corners of your heads,
neither shalt thou mar the corners of thy beard.
(Lev. 19:27)
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Then shalt thou cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound on the tenth day of the seventh month,
in the day of atonement shall ye make the trumpet
sound throughout all your land. (Lev. 25:9)
Ye shall not round the corners of your heads,
neither shalt thou mar the corners of thy beard.
(Lev. 19:27)

Then shalt thou cause the trumpet of the jubilee to sound on the tenth day of the seventh month,
in the day of atonement shall ye make the trumpet
sound throughout all your land. (Lev. 25:9)

your clothes are not waxen old upon you,
and thy shoe is not waxen old upon thy foot.
(Deut. 29:5)

every man to your tents, O Israel:
and now, David, see to thine own house.
(2 Chr. 10:16)

Ye have plowed wickedness,
ye have reaped iniquity,
ye have eaten the fruit of lies:
because thou didst trust in thy way,
in the multitude of thy mighty men. (Hosea 10:13)

Trust ye not in a friend,
put ye not confidence in a guide:
keep the doors of thy mouth
from her that lieth in thy bosom. (Micah 7:5)

Pronominal Variation in the Book of Mormon

Brookbank's premise that enallage exists in the Bible seems to me to be correct and the best available explanation for the widespread phenomenon of number switching
in biblical texts. In applying that insight to the Book of Mormon, Brookbank makes the very natural assumption that "ye" and "you" are always plural and that "thou" and
"thee" are always singular in the Book of Mormon. I say this is a natural assumption because it is the traditional use of those archaic pronouns, it is true for the KJV,
    it is consistent with our usage of archaic pronouns in oral prayer, and it is an assumption I myself made for many years. For instance, according to the dictionary
that I keep near my desk, the word "ye" was "used[orig[inally] only as a plural pronoun of the second person in the subjective case," and now is "used[esp[ecially] in
ecclesiastical or literary language and in various English dialects." My own experience with the KJV and with public prayers taught me that thou is the subjective
singular, thee the objective singular, ye the subjective plural and you the objec tive plural. This usage is illustrated in the table below:

Table 1. Archaic System of Second Person Pronouns

Subjective Objective Reflexive Possessive

Singular thou thee thyself thy/thine
(th-forms)

Plural ye you yourselves your/yours
y-forms

Because I shared Brookbank's assumptions about pronominal usage in the Book of Mormon, when I first read Brookbank many years ago his argument that enallage
exists in the Book of Mormon made complete sense to me. In the back of my mind, I realized that his argument depended on pronominal usage in the Book of
Mormon following the traditional pattern reflected in the KJV (particularly since we cannot check the Book of Mormon text in its original language as we can the
Bible), but I had no rea son to doubt the consistency of pronominal usage in the Book of Mormon, particularly in light of the archaic, KJV-like language used in the
Book of Mormon.

Over the years, as I began to read the Book of Mormon text more closely, I came to the realization that I (and Brookbank) had been mistaken in assuming that
pronominal usage is necessarily consistent in the Book of Mormon. Although "ye" and "you" are in fact plural in the great majority of passages in which they appear,
there are numerous passages where those pronouns are clearly intended to be taken as singular. For example, consider 1 Ne. 17:19:

And now it came to pass that I, Nephi , was exceedingly sorrowful because of the hardness of their hearts; and now when they saw that I began to be sorrowful they
were glad in their hearts, insomuch that they did rejoice over me, saying: We knew that ye could not construct a ship, for we knew that ye were lacking in judgment;
wherefore, thou canst not accomplish so great a work.

Here, Nephi's brethren are addressing Nephi and no one else, as indicated by the context and by the words "I," "Nephi" and "me." But in the second sentence of verse
19, they refer to Nephi twice with the pronoun "ye" and then switch to the pronoun "thou." Instead of "ye," we would have anticipated that "thou" would have been used
consistently in that sentence, as follows:

We knew that thou couldest not construct a ship, for we knew that thou wert lacking in judgment; wherefore, thou canst not accomplish so great a work.

Set forth below are several additional examples of the singular use of "ye" in the Book of Mormon. In these examples I have included the pronominal usage we would
have anticipated in brackets.

And it came to pass that he came unto me, and on this wise did he speak unto me, saying: Brother Jacob , I have sought much opportunity that I might speak unto you
[thee]; for I have heard and also know that thou goest about much, preaching that which ye call [thou callest] the gospel, or the doctrine of Christ. (Jacob 7:6)

And when he had said these words, the Spirit of the Lord was upon him, and he said: Helam, I baptize thee, having authority from the Almighty God, as a testimony
that ye have [thou hast] entered into a covenant to serve him until you are [thou art] dead as to the mortal body; and may the Spirit of the Lord be poured out upon you
[thee]; and may he grant unto you [thee] eternal life, through the redemption of Christ, whom he has prepared from the foundation of the world. (Mosiah 18:13)
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For do ye [dost thou] not remember the priests of thy father, whom this people sought to destroy? (Mosiah 20:18)
And when he had said these words, the Spirit of the Lord was upon him, and he said: Helam, I baptize thee, having authority from the Almighty God, as a testimony
that ye have [thou hast] entered into a covenant to serve him until you are [thou art] dead as to the mortal body; and may the Spirit of the Lord be poured out upon you
[thee]; and may he grant unto you [thee] eternal life, through the redemption of Christ, whom he has prepared from the foundation of the world. (Mosiah 18:13)

For do ye [dost thou] not remember the priests of thy father, whom this people sought to destroy? (Mosiah 20:18)

Who art thou? Suppose ye [supposest thou] that we shall believe the testimony of one man, although he should preach unto us that the earth should pass away? (Alma
9:2)

Now Amulek said: O thou child of hell, why tempt ye [temptest thou] me? Knowest thou that the righteous yieldeth to no such temptations? (Alma 11:23)

And the Lord said unto him: Because of thy faith thou hast seen that I shall take upon me flesh and blood; and never has man come before me with such exceeding faith
as thou hast; for were it not so ye could [thou couldest] not have seen my finger. Sawest thou more than this? (Ether 3:9)

These passages reflect a pattern of pronominal variation, in which normally plural y-forms are used with a clearly singular meaning. When I first observed this pattern, I
assumed that such usage simply reflected grammatical error. Before long, though, I began to notice passages from a variety of sources in English literature that
demonstrated a similar pronominal variation, such as this illustration from the second stanza of an early sixteenth-century Christmas carol, entitled Thys endere nyghth, in
which a pre cocious baby Jesus addresses his mother Mary:

Thys babe full bayne aunsweryd agayne,
And thus me thought he sayd:
"I am a kyng above all thyng,
Yn hay yff I be layd,
For ye shall see
That kynges thre
Shall cum on Twelfe Day;
For thys behest
Geffe me thy brest,
And sing, 'By, baby, lullay.' "

Here a singular "ye" alternates with a singular possessive "thy," which is reminiscent of the type of switching seen in the Book of Mormon. I began to learn that, although
"ye" was originally used strictly as a plural, both its use as a singular and switching between y- and th-forms are well attested in the English language. "In[M[iddle][E
[nglish], thou and its cases were gradually super seded by the plural ye, you, your, yours, in addressing a superior and (later) an equal, but were long retained in
addressing an inferior." This usage originated in a manner analogous to the plural of majesty or royal "we," where the first person plural was used instead of the first
person singular as a prerogative of royalty. This usage was soon expanded to a more general plural of politeness. An article by Royal Skousen led me to the
massive thesis of Lyle Fletcher, who demonstrated at great length that the kind of pronominal variation found in the Book of Mormon does not necessarily involve
grammatical error, or at least that if it does, many authors have indulged in a similar error.

Brookbank's failure to appreciate the existence of pronominal variation in the Book of Mormon tends to compromise the value of his observation regarding the
presence of enallage in that book. By relying on the assumption that y-forms are necessarily plural and th-forms are necessarily singular, Brookbank saw enallage in
many passages that are nothing more than instances of the switching of English pronouns and that do not reflect a switch in number in the original text.

Some Possible Examples of Enallage in the Book of Mormon

It does not necessarily follow from Brookbank's mistake (and my own), however, that enallage is unattested in the Book of Mormon. The illustrations of pronominal
variation quoted above all involve simple pronoun switching, as demonstrated by various verbal and contextual clues in those passages. There are other passages,
however, where verbal and contextual clues (other than the supposed plural nature of y-forms) demonstrate an intentional shift in number (as opposed to the mere
formal substitution of pronouns).

For an illustration of how verbal clues other than the supposed plural nature of "ye" can suggest the presence of enallage, con sider 2 Ne. 12:10 (cf. Isa. 2:10; Book of
Mormon additions are underlined, KJV deletions are struck-through, and clues as to number are italicized):

O ye wicked ones, enter into the rock,
and hide thee in the dust,
for the fear of the Lord and for
the glory of his majesty shall smite thee.

Here we can be certain that "ye" is definitely a plural, because it refers to "wicked ones," even though the "thee" of KJV Isaiah was not conformed to that plural and an
additional "thee" was added at the end of the verse. Therefore, this is not a case of typical pronominal variation involving a singular "ye" alternating with a singular th-
form, but rather a plural "ye" switching with a singular th-form, a numerical switch that does not exist in the KJV Isaiah parallel. Thus, this would appear to be an
example of intentional switching, or enallage (although an unintentional switch is certainly possible). If this is in fact enallage, then the point of the switch is that this
condemnation applies to all of the wicked (thus the plural "O ye wicked ones"), and each person should take this condemnation personally and individually to heart
(thus the singular "hide thee" and "shall smite thee"). The sensitivity of this emendation to the text of Isa. 2:10 can be illustrated by the fact that, despite the singular
imperatives "enter" (bo') and "hide thee" (hittamen) in the Hebrew text, the New English Bible (1970) renders the verse by transforming the imperatives into plurals:
"Get you into the rocks and hide yourselves in the ground from the dread of the Lord and the splendour of his majesty." Note also that the parallelism in 2 Ne. 12:10 is
now based in part on the switch in number from the plural to the singular. This is particularly interesting when we examine the following verse, Isa. 2:11:

The lofty looks of man shall be humbled,
and the haughtiness of men shall be bowed down,
and the Lord alone shall be exalted in that day.

Here the synonymous parallelism is based on the parallel pair man//men ('adam//'anashï¿½m). The first term, 'adam, is a singular (the collective term for mankind), while
the parallel term, 'anashï¿½m, is a plural (literally meaning men). This collocation of singular and plural terms in a parallel construction in verse 11 further supports the
possibility that enallage is present in 2 Ne. 12:10.

In Hel. 13:32-33 we read the following:
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And in the days of your poverty ye shall cry unto the Lord; and in vain shall ye cry, for your desolation is already come upon you, and your destruction is made sure;
and then shall ye weep and howl in that day, saith the Lord of Hosts. And then shall ye lament, and say: O that I had repented, and had not killed the prophets, and
possibility that enallage is present in 2 Ne. 12:10.

In Hel. 13:32-33 we read the following:

And in the days of your poverty ye shall cry unto the Lord; and in vain shall ye cry, for your desolation is already come upon you, and your destruction is made sure;
and then shall ye weep and howl in that day, saith the Lord of Hosts. And then shall ye lament, and say: O that I had repented, and had not killed the prophets, and
stoned them and cast them out. Yea, in that day ye shall say: O that we had remembered the Lord our God in the day that he gave us our riches, and then they would
not have become slippery that we should lose them; for behold, our riches are gone from us.

In commenting on the last sentence of verse 32 (as it carries over into the first sentence of verse 33), S. Kent Brown made the fol lowing observation:

Even though Samuel's language is consistent with the fact that he is addressing a crowd in Zarahemla, because of the plural pronoun "ye," the "I" of this piece is abrupt
and therefore should probably be understood as a reference to an individual. Moreover, all of the verbs in the passage are in the first person singular, agreeing with the
pronoun "I." Hence, we are likely looking at an individual lament, possibly composed for solo recitation.

As we have demonstrated, one cannot assume that "ye" is a plural pronoun in the Book of Mormon, so that assumption here, though understandable, is misplaced;
nevertheless, Brown cor rectly interprets the "ye" at the end of verse 32 as a plural, not because it is by nature a plural pronoun, but because of the con text showing
that Samuel the Lamanite was addressing a crowd in Zarahemla. There are numerous verbal clues throughout Helaman chapter 13 that establish conclusively that
Samuel is addressing the people (plural) of Zarahemla. For instance, verse 21 begins "Behold ye, the people of this great city, and hearken unto my words. . . ," and
verse 39 reads "O ye people of the land, that ye would hear my words!" Therefore, we can be confident that the y-forms in verse 32 are all plural. Brown insightfully
notices the "abrupt" switch from the plural "ye" to the singular "I," but is at a loss to explain the reason for the switch. Whatever the reason, the singular "I" leads him to
interpret the lament in verse 33 as an individual lament. An understanding of enallage supplies the missing rationale for the switch from the plural to the singular: the point
is to individualize in the minds of the people their respon sibility for rejecting the prophets. Brown quite rightly reads this text as an "individual lament," not because it
was meant for any specific individual, but because it was meant to prick the conscience of each and every individual present. After verse 33, the number shifts back to
a consistent plural; in fact, the singular "O that I had repented" of verse 33 is repeated in verse 36 with the anticipated plural: "O that we had repented. . . ." Although
Brown's analysis reaches the correct conclusion, an understanding of the rhetorical application of enallage here helps explain why verse 33 should be understood in
individual terms.

In 2 Ne. 9:46, Jacob addresses his "beloved brethren" (see verse 45) with these words:

Prepare your souls for that glorious day when justice shall be administered unto the righteous, even the day of judgment, that ye may not shrink with awful fear; that ye
may not remember your awful guilt in perfectness, and be constrained to exclaim: Holy, holy are thy judgments, O Lord God Almighty-ï¿½but I know my guilt; I
transgressed thy law, and my transgressions are mine; and the devil hath obtained me, that I am a prey to his awful misery.

From the context and numerous verbal clues, we know that Jacob was addressing a group in 2 Ne. 9; therefore we can be confident that the y-forms in verse 46a are
plural. In verse 46b, Jacob shifts into the first person singular to emphasize that each unrigh teous person will need to make confession and be responsible for his or her
actions. Verse 47 then returns to the normal plural in this chapter ("But behold, my brethren, is it expedient that I should awake you to an awful reality of these
things?").

2 Ne. 29:3 reads "And because my words shall hiss forth-ï¿½many of the Gentiles shall say: A Bible! A Bible! We have got a Bible, and there cannot be any more
Bible." The Lord then responds to the Gentiles (plural) in verses 4 and 5, as numerous verbal clues attest. Finally, in verse 6, the Lord says:

Thou fool, that shall say: A Bible, we have got a Bible, and we need no more Bible. Have ye obtained a Bible save it were by the Jews?

Here the singular "thou" appears to be an example of enallage, driving home the foolishness of the idea to anyone who would entertain it. That this is enallage is
supported by the fact that in verse 3 it is the Gentiles (plural) who recite the little mantra about having a Bible, which contrasts with the singular in verse 6. Further, in
verse 4 the Lord calls the Gentiles who thus reject fur ther scripture "fools" (plural). Thus, from the context and these verbal clues we can establish that "thou fool" at the
outset of verse 6 involves an intentional shift from the plural to the singular, which promptly reverts to the plural with a plural "ye" in verse 6 and the following verses.

In 1 Ne. 17:55, in the contention surrounding Nephi's shipbuilding activities, we read:

And now, they said: We know of a surety that the Lord is with thee, for we know that it is the power of the Lord that has shaken us. And they fell down before me,
and were about to worship me, but I would not suffer them, saying: I am thy brother, yea, even thy younger brother; wherefore, worship the Lord thy God, and honor
thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long in the land which the Lord thy God shall give thee.

In the immediately preceding verses, it is abundantly clear that Nephi has been speaking to his "brethren" (plural-ï¿½see verse 54). In verse 55a, Nephi's brothers reply
to him, but when Nephi refuses their worship in verse 55b, he does so with singular pro nouns. That this is an intentional shift in number would seem to be supported by
sheer numbers: verse 55a contains six plural indicators and verse 55b contains eight singular indicators. That Nephi is here using enallage tends to be supported by his
integration of Ex. 20:12, which we have already identified as a biblical example of enallage, into his response.

A similar emphasis of enallage already present in biblical texts occurs in several other passages in the Book of Mormon. In Mosiah 13:12, the Book of Mormon version
of the ten commandments is introduced as follows: "And now, ye remember that I said unto you: Thou shalt not . . . ." It is clear from the context that these y-forms are
plural. In the Book of Mormon, the juxtaposition of the plural and the singular is much more pronounced than in Ex. 19-20. The enallage is actually clearer in the Book
of Mormon than in the Bible.

As we have seen, in the Sermon on the Mount the Savior uses enallage repeatedly to individualize his message in the hearts of each of his disciples. 3 Ne. 12:23 makes
the enallage in Matt. 5:23 more vivid by immediately juxtaposing a plural "ye" (as determined from the context):

Therefore, if thou bringest thy gift to the altar, and there ye shall come unto me, or shall desire to come unto me, and rememberest that thy brother hath aught against
thee-ï¿½

The enallage already present in Matt. 5 is now far more striking by the immediacy of the number change from the plural to the singular.

In 2 Ne. 32, Nephi addresses his "beloved brethren" (see verses 1 and 8) consistently using proper y-forms. That chapter then concludes with verse 9, which reads as
follows:

But  behold,(c)
 Copyright   I say unto you that
                 2005-2009,      ye mustMedia
                             Infobase    pray always,
                                                Corp. and not faint; that ye must not perform any thing unto the Lord save in the first place ye shall Page
                                                                                                                                                       pray unto the Father
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in the name of Christ, that he will consecrate thy performance unto thee, that thy performance may be for the welfare of thy soul.

That the y-forms in verse 9a are plural is abundantly clear from the context and the completely consistent usage in the entire chapter up to that point. Nephi then
In 2 Ne. 32, Nephi addresses his "beloved brethren" (see verses 1 and 8) consistently using proper y-forms. That chapter then concludes with verse 9, which reads as
follows:

But behold, I say unto you that ye must pray always, and not faint; that ye must not perform any thing unto the Lord save in the first place ye shall pray unto the Father
in the name of Christ, that he will consecrate thy performance unto thee, that thy performance may be for the welfare of thy soul.

That the y-forms in verse 9a are plural is abundantly clear from the context and the completely consistent usage in the entire chapter up to that point. Nephi then
chooses to personalize his description of the benefits of prayer, which, after all, can be an intensely personal experience, by shifting into a consistent singular in verse 9b.

In each of these examples, various verbal clues suggest that the switch in number is intentional and that enallage is therefore present in these passages. There are other
passages which lack such verbal clues, but which we may be able to identify as enallage on the basis of a comparison with the ways in which enallage is used in the
Bible. Thus, in 1 Ne. 2:19-20 (quoted above), which Brookbank cited as an example of enallage, there is no verbal indication demonstrating that the y-forms in that
verse are necessarily plural (i.e., they could be singular and be meant to refer specifically to Nephi), but the theme of that verse (keeping the commandments) is a theme
that is intimately associated with the use of enallage in the Bible, and an interpretation of 1 Ne. 2:19-20 based on the existence of enallage in that passage makes
excellent sense. There are numerous other possible examples of enallage in the Book of Mormon that seem to involve shifts in emphasis between an individual and a
larger group and center on the themes of keeping the commandments or the inheritance of the land, themes we have seen explicated with enallage in the Bible, as in the
following examples:

And he said unto me: Thou rememberest the twelve apostles of the Lamb? Behold they are they who shall judge the twelve tribes of Israel; wherefore, the twelve
ministers of thy seed shall be judged of them; for ye are of the house of Israel. (1 Ne. 12:9) [It may be that the "ye" does not just refer to Nephi, but to both Nephi and
his seed.]

Wherefore, if ye shall keep the commandments of the Lord, the Lord hath consecrated this land for the security of thy seed with the seed of my son. (2 Ne. 1:32) [Lehi
in this testament is specifically addressing Zoram, but the "ye" could refer to Zoram's and Nephi's seed.]

And may the Lord consecrate also unto thee this land, which is a most precious land, for thine inheritance and the inheritance of thy seed with thy brethren, for thy
security forever, if it so be that ye shall keep the commandments of the Holy One of Israel. (2 Ne. 3:2) [Similarly, Lehi's promise extends not just to his son Joseph, but
to Joseph's seed and the seed of his brethren, which could account for the use of "ye" here.]

And there will I bless thee and thy seed, and raise up unto me of thy seed, and of the seed of thy brother, and they who shall go with thee, a great nation. And there
shall be none greater than the nation which I will raise up unto me of thy seed, upon all the face of the earth. And thus I will do unto thee because this long time ye have
cried unto me. (Ether 1:43) [The "ye" at the end of the verse may, rather than referring solely to the brother of Jared, refer to his friends and their families, which are
mentioned prominently in verse 41.]

And the brother of Jared repented of the evil which he had done, and did call upon the name of the Lord for his brethren who were with him. And the Lord said unto
him: I will forgive thee and thy brethren of their sins; but thou shalt not sin any more, for ye shall remember that my Spirit will not always strive with man; wherefore, if
ye will sin until ye are fully ripe ye shall be cut off from the presence of the Lord. And these are my thoughts upon the land which I shall give you for your inheritance;
for it shall be a land choice above all other lands. (Ether 2:15) [The y-forms in verse 15b appear to refer not solely to the brother of Jared, but to both Jared and his
brethren.]

Although the lack of explicit verbal clues makes the identification of enallage in these passages somewhat speculative, we should at least remain open to the possibility
that enallage is present in such passages.

A possible illustration of enallage in the Book of Mormon based on a collective noun is found in 2 Ne. 7:4 (cf. Isa. 50:4):

The Lord God hath given me the tongue of the learned,
that I should know how to speak a word in season to him
that is weary; unto thee, O house of Israel.
When ye are weary he wakeneth waketh morning by morning, he.
He wakeneth waketh mine ear to hear as the learned.

KJV Isa. 50:4 contains no second person pronouns, but in 2 Ne. 7:4 the parallelism of the passage now is based in part on the number switch from the singular "thee,"
which refers to the house of Israel as a collective, to the plural "ye," which appears to refer to the inhabitants of the house of Israel.

Another possible illustration of the use of enallage in parallelism in the Book of Mormon is Alma 37:37:

Counsel with the Lord in all thy doings,
and he will direct thee for good;
yea, when thou liest down at night lie down unto the Lord,
that he may watch over you in your sleep;
and when thou risest in the morning
let thy heart be full of thanks unto God;
and if ye do these things,
ye shall be lifted up at the last day.

This passage illustrates the complexities involved in interpreting pronominal usage in the Book of Mormon. In this chapter Alma is continuing his address to his oldest
son, Helaman. It seems apparent that the y-forms in the fourth half-line are meant to be taken as singulars referring specifically to Helaman, as do the sur rounding th-
forms. It may well be that the two occurrences of "ye" in the last full line are also to be read as singulars referring to Helaman alone, but it is just possible that here Alma
is using enallage to express the universality of the promise (meaning that if we do these things, we too shall be lifted up at the last day). While the parallelism and the
universality of the theme suggest enallage, the presence of pronominal variation earlier in the verse and the lack of specific verbal clues make this interpretation
somewhat speculative.

Conclusion

Although pronominal variation unquestionably exists in the Book of Mormon, a careful reading of various verbal and contextual clues suggests that enallage also exists in
the Book of Mormon. The presence of two different phenomena in the Book of Mormon that are both characterized to some extent by similar indications (i.e.,
switching
 Copyrightbetween  y- and th-forms)
            (c) 2005-2009,  Infobaseis Media
                                       a potential
                                              Corp.stumblingblock to correct interpretation. Although it is possible in reading to gloss over the inconsistencies
                                                                                                                                                       Page 233   in / 919
pronominal usage and comprehend the general sense of a passage, Book of Mormon exegetes have for some time now been undertaking increasingly close and careful
readings of the Book of Mormon text on its own terms, as evidenced by the work of the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (such as the
publication of the Review of Books on the Book of Mormon and this journal). Book of Mormon scholars need to be aware of the presence of both phenomena in the
Conclusion

Although pronominal variation unquestionably exists in the Book of Mormon, a careful reading of various verbal and contextual clues suggests that enallage also exists in
the Book of Mormon. The presence of two different phenomena in the Book of Mormon that are both characterized to some extent by similar indications (i.e.,
switching between y- and th-forms) is a potential stumblingblock to correct interpretation. Although it is possible in reading to gloss over the inconsistencies in
pronominal usage and comprehend the general sense of a passage, Book of Mormon exegetes have for some time now been undertaking increasingly close and careful
readings of the Book of Mormon text on its own terms, as evidenced by the work of the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (such as the
publication of the Review of Books on the Book of Mormon and this journal). Book of Mormon scholars need to be aware of the presence of both phenomena in the
text so that they may make informed judgments concerning the likelihood that a shift in pronominal usage is one or the other. A fuller comprehension of the phenomenon
of enallage in the Book of Mormon may also eventually add to our understanding of the Hebraic origins of that book.

Appendix a

Number Switches within the Context of a Single Verse in the KJV Bible

Genesis 45:19

Exodus 3:12, 4:15, 10:17, 12:46, 22:21, 23:9, 23:13, 23:25, 23:31,
26:33, 29:42, 30:16, 30:36, 30:37, 33:5

Leviticus 10:13, 10:14, 19:9, 19:10, 19:12, 19:15, 19:19, 19:27, 19:33,
19:34, 21:8, 23:22, 25:6, 25:9, 25:11, 25:14, 25:17, 25:44

Numbers 13:2, 16:10, 18:1, 18:4

Deuteronomy 1:31, 2:24, 3:21, 4:3, 4:21, 4:23, 4:25, 6:3, 6:15, 6:17, 7:4,
7:12, 7:14, 7:21, 7:25, 8:1, 8:19, 9:7, 10:15, 11:10, 11:14,
11:19, 12:1, 12:5, 12:7, 12:32, 13:1, 13:3, 13:5, 13:7, 13:14,
14:21, 15:4, 15:7, 16:11, 17:2, 17:7, 18:15, 19:19, 21:9,
21:21, 22:21, 22:24, 23:4, 23:16, 24:7, 24:8, 24:9, 25:17,
26:11, 27:2, 27:4, 28:62, 28:63, 28:68, 29:5, 29:11, 30:18,
30:19, 31:12, 31:26, 31:27, 32:6

Joshua 2:14, 6:3, 7:13, 8:2, 9:24, 24:12

Judges 7:7, 8:15, 14:15, 19:5, 19:9

1 Samuel 2:29, 9:19, 110:2, 10:15, 22:3, 26:16

2 Samuel 7:23, 15:27

1 Kings 12:28, 20:28

2 Kings 19:29

1 Chronicles 16:18

2 Chronicles 10:16

Ezra 7:17, 7:18

Psalms 32:9, 105:11

Isaiah 23:2, 26:19, 30:20, 30:21, 30:22, 37:30, 44:8, 48:6, 51:12,
65:15

Jeremiah 3:12, 3:13, 5:14, 5:15, 5:19, 11:13, 13:20, 15:14, 17:4,
22:26, 29:27, 34:14, 49:5

Ezekiel 5:17, 7:4, 7:9, 16:45, 23:40, 33:10, 35:9, 36:12, 44:30, 45:20

Daniel 2:47, 10:21

Hosea 10:13

Micah 1:11, 6:16, 7:5

Zechariah 4:9, 9:12, 14:5

Malachi 1:8, 2:14

Matthew 5:39, 6:2, 6:5, 11:24, 23:37, 26:64

Luke 13:34, 17:3

John 3:7, 3:11, 14:9, 14:10

Galatians
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Philemon 1:6
Luke 13:34, 17:3

John 3:7, 3:11, 14:9, 14:10

Galatians 6:1

Philemon 1:6

Revelation 2:10

  Thomas W. Brookbank, "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies in the Book of Mormon," Improvement Era 13 (1909-10): 117-21, 234-39, 336-42, 418-20, 538-43; 17
(1914): 189-92.

   See, for example, Sidney B. Sperry, "The Book of Mormon as Translation English," Improvement Era 38 (March 1935): 140-41, 187-88, and "Hebrew Idioms in
the Book of Mormon," Improvement Era 57 (October 1954): 703, 728-29; E. Craig Bramwell, "Hebrew Idioms in the Small Plates of Nephi," Master's thesis,
Brigham Young University, 1960; John A. Tvedtnes, "Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 11 (Autumn 1970): 50-60; Melvin Deloy Pack, "Possible
Lexical Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon," Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1973; and Angela Crowell, "Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon," Zarahemla
Record 17-18 (Summer and Fall 1982): 1-7, 16.

  See John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1985), 74 at n. 28.

   Hugh Nibley, for instance, scoffs at "the darling illusion that anyone who has had elementary Hebrew knows the original language of the Book of Mormon" in Lehi in
the Desert and the World of the Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1952), 17. John Gee establishes that most Book of Mormon Hebraisms may also be described
as Egyptianisms, something I have long suspected. See John Gee's review of the Encyclopedia of Mormonism in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 5 (1993):
179 n. 7. Presumably, at least part of Nibley's concern with the Hebrew-transliterated-into-Egyptian theory is the dearth of significant precedent for such a procedure.
Stephen D. Ricks, in "Language and Script in the Book of Mormon," Insights: An Ancient Window (March 1992): 2, points to a possible precedent in Papyrus
Amherst 63, which has been deciphered as a text having been written in the Aramaic language (a Semitic language closely related to Hebrew) but transliterated into
demotic Egyptian. The original discovery of the Aramaic background of the text is described in Raymond A. Bowman, "An Aramaic Religious Text in Demotic Script,"
Journal of Near Eastern Studies 3 (1944): 219-31. More recent commentary has been supplied by Richard C. Steiner of Yeshiva University and Charles F. Nims of
the University of Chicago; see Charles F. Nims and Richard C. Steiner, "A Paganized Version of Psalm 20:2-6 from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," Journal of
the American Oriental Society 103 (January-March 1983): 261-74; Richard C. Steiner and Charles F. Nims, "You Can't Offer Your Sacrifice and Eat It Too: A
Polemical Poem from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 43 (1984): 89-114; Richard C. Steiner and Charles F. Nims,
"Ashurbanipal and Shamash-shum-ukin: A Tale of Two Brothers from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," Revue Biblique 92 (1985): 60-81; Richard C. Steiner,
"The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script: The Liturgy of a New Year's Festival Imported from Bethel to Syene by Exiles from Rash," Journal of the American Oriental
Society 111/2 (1991): 362-63; and Richard C. Steiner, "Northwest Semitic Incantations in an Egyptian Medical Papyrus of the Fourteenth Century b.c.e.," Journal of
Near Eastern Studies 51 (July 1992): 191-200. (continued in footnote 4b)

    (continued from footnote 4a) For an exhaustive bibliography including other relevant studies, see John Gee, "La Trahison des Clercs: On the Language and
Translation of the Book of Mormon," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 96-97 n. 147. Edward H. Ashment, " 'A Record in the Language of My
Father': Evidence of Ancient Egyptian and Hebrew in the Book of Mormon," in Brent Lee Metcalfe, ed., New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in
Critical Methodology (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993), 351-54, challenges the relevance of Papyrus Amherst 63 to the Book of Mormon on the grounds that
(i) the text is pagan, and "does not show the efforts of pious, religious Jews carefully recording part of their scripture in Egyptian characters, as the Book of Mormon
does" and (ii) the demotic text actually takes up more space on the papyrus than would have been the case if the scribe had simply used the Aramaic alphabet. I
happened to read "You Can't Offer Your Sacrifice and Eat It Too" when it was published in 1984, and I saw the same significance to the text that Ricks did, even
though it was clearly a pagan text. When I read the Ricks piece, I did not think that he was trying to hide the pagan nature of the text; after all, his article is but a one-
page report of his research, scarcely enough space to undertake a detailed description of the contents of the papyrus. Papyrus Amherst 63 is not and was not put
forward by Ricks as an exact parallel to what took place in the ancient production of the Book of Mormon; rather, its significance lies simply in the fact that it is a
striking example of an ancient transliteration from a Semitic language into demotic Egyptian. I do agree with Ashment, however, as to the relative compactness of the
demotic of this particular papyrus compared with the space a simple Aramaic rendering would have taken. Although I believe that it is certainly possible that the
Nephites used a transliteration system to achieve greater compactness for the purpose of writing on metal plates (particularly given the internal statements referred to by
Ricks), and although Gee, "La Trahison de Clercs," 99, correctly points out certain methodological problems in Ashment's reliance on transliteration to make his point,
the fact remains that this particular papyrus does not illustrate a meaningful increase in compactness in the transformation from Aramaic into Egyptian script.

   Brookbank, "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies," 13:118-19. That enallage is a broad term descriptive of a variety of possible grammatical interchanges is illustrated by
a monograph written by Victor Bers entitled Enallage and Greek Style (Leiden: Brill, 1974), which is entirely devoted to but one type of enallage, defined by its author
as "the transfer to the governing substantive of an adjective which by logic, or at least convention, belongs with an expressed dependent genitive" (ibid., 1). The term
"enallage" can thus refer to merely formal substitutions, such as that found in this invocation of the goddess of sacred poetry from Vergil's Aeneid, 9:525: "vos [plural],
O Calliope [singular], precor" ["I entreat you, O Calliope"], identified as enallage in the grammatical appendix to Clyde Pharr, Vergil's Aeneid, Books I-VI (Lexington,
MA: Heath, 1964), 77. An English illustration of such a formal substitution would be the use of the plural for the singular in the editorial use of "we"; see The Random
House Dictionary of the English Language (New York: Random House, 1973), s.v. "enallage." The enallage described by Brookbank involves a switch from an
intentionally plural expression to an intentionally singular expression or vice versa, not the mere use of a plural form with a singular meaning or vice versa. This distinction
will be important in examining the possible presence of enallage in the Book of Mormon, since as we shall see the formal use of plural pronouns with a singular meaning
is common in the Book of Mormon, but is different from the phe nomenon found in the Bible and described by Brookbank.

  Brookbank, "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies," 13:119, citing "Dr. Angus in the Bible Hand Book, paragraph 277."

  Brookbank, "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies," 13:235.

    This chart is derived from Lyle L. Fletcher, "Pronouns of Address in the Book of Mormon," Master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1988, 191-92. Due to the
happy circumstance that the King James Version (KJV) literally and uniformly reflects number in the Hebrew and Greek texts of the Bible, Fletcher's results may be re-
created by executing the following search in a database containing the KJV: "ye/you/your/yours/yourselves & thou/thee/thy/thine/ thyself" and then manually deleting
those passages where the plural and singular forms clearly do not refer to the same person or persons. Presumably, this is how Fletcher himself generated this list. Of
course, this chart is underrepresentative of the phenomenon of number switching in the Bible, since many examples traverse more than one verse, as in Deut. 6:1-2:
Now these are the commandments, the statutes, and the judgments, which the Lord your God commanded to teach you, that ye might do them in the land whither ye
go to possess it: That thou mightest fear the Lord thy God, to keep all his statutes and his commandments, which I command thee, thou, and thy son, and thy son's son,
all the days of thy life; and that thy days may be prolonged. Here verse one is completely plural and verse two is completely singular, so these verses do not show up on
the chart; yet these verses are a clear example of a plural/singular number switch. Needless to say, the ten commandments themselves, the classic illustration of number
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switching in the Old Testament, do not appear on the chart either, since they involve a fairly distant switch in number.

  Hugh W. Nibley, Since Cumorah, vol. 7 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 151. Nibley
Now these are the commandments, the statutes, and the judgments, which the Lord your God commanded to teach you, that ye might do them in the land whither ye
go to possess it: That thou mightest fear the Lord thy God, to keep all his statutes and his commandments, which I command thee, thou, and thy son, and thy son's son,
all the days of thy life; and that thy days may be prolonged. Here verse one is completely plural and verse two is completely singular, so these verses do not show up on
the chart; yet these verses are a clear example of a plural/singular number switch. Needless to say, the ten commandments themselves, the classic illustration of number
switching in the Old Testament, do not appear on the chart either, since they involve a fairly distant switch in number.

  Hugh W. Nibley, Since Cumorah, vol. 7 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 151. Nibley
borrows the expression "Personenwechsel" from J. Sperber, Zeitschrift fï¿½r Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archï¿½ologie 32 (1918): 23-33.

  Rudolf Kittel, Biblia Hebraica (Stuttgart: Wï¿½rttembergische Bibelanstalt, 1937), 481. The reading 'attah we-'Abyatar shubu [thou and Abiathar return] not only
explains the plural forms, but is consistent with verse 29, in which Zadok and Abiathar in fact return to Jerusalem. The Revised Standard Version (1962) and the New
English Bible (1970) both follow this reading.

   Henri Cazelles, "Passages in the Singular within Discourse in the Plural of Dt. 1-4," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 29 (1967): 207-19, following Minnette de Tillesse,
"Sections 'tu' et sections 'vous' dans le Deuteronome," Vetus Testamentum 12 (1962): 29-87. Cazelles' conclusion is stated at 219 as follows: Inspired authors did not
drop the old texts when they had to provide new ones. After the composition of the former stratum where the Book of the Covenant and the Shechem maledictions
were inserted, a new text was written where the Law was explained as based on the Covenant between God and Israel conceived as an entity (discourse in the singular
on war, conquest, and faithfulness after the conquest). Then came the great historian who interpolated this first edition of Deuteronomy with new ideas on anti-holy war,
wisdom, exile, and distinction between the faithful and the unfaithful in Israel itself. This meant a more personal approach and the discourse was no more addressed in
the singular but in the plural, to each Israelite who had to live a personal religion. Cazelles seems to be saying ("less than lucidly," as John Welch rightly points out; see
his The Sermon at the Temple and the Sermon on the Mount [Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1990], 152) that the original layer of texts was written in
the singular, not referring to individuals but to Israel corporately; redactors then came along and wrote in the plural, no longer referring to Israel corporately but to
Israel's inhabitants; thus, by writing in the plural, these redactors brought a more personal approach to religion, referring to Israel's inhabitants rather than to Israel
corporately. There is certainly more number switching in the book of Deuteronomy than in any other book of the Bible, so this explanation may be true in part; but the
wide distribution of the number-switching phenomenon across biblical texts (of which Cazelles seems only vaguely aware) suggests to me that redaction alone cannot
be the sole explanation. Number switching seems rather to be an accepted feature of original Hebrew composition.

   For general background on rhetorical figures in the Bible, see Andreas H. Snyman, "On Studying the Figures (schemata) in the New Testament," Biblica 69 (1988):
93-107, and Andreas H. Snyman and J. v. W. Cronje, "Toward a New Classification of the Figures (schemata) in the Greek New Testament," New Testament
Studies 32 (1986):113-21. In Snyman and Cronje's classification, which is an attempt to classify the figures based on their function in the text rather than on the rather
artificial distinctions drawn in Hellenistic textbooks, enallage would fall under the following category: III. FORMS INVOLVING A SHIFT IN EXPECTANCIES B.
Shifts in expectancies of the syntax.

  Note the extreme rhetorical consciousness of this passage. The verse itself is an apostrophe (a sudden break into direct address); it begins with a pathos generating
anadiplosis (simple repetition: "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem"); then proceeds with synonymous parallelism: thou that killest the prophets, and stonest them which are sent
unto thee which also happens to form the conclusion of an instance of chiasmus that traverses verses 34 to 37: A. send B. prophets C. city to city D. [former
generations] D. this generation C. Jerusalem, Jerusalem B. prophets A. sent which is followed by a rhetorical question ("how often . . .") and a simile ("even as a hen
gathereth her chickens under her wings"). From this very careful and crafted use of language, it is clear that the shift in number at the end of the verse was intentional
and meant for rhetorical effect.

  See Donald W. Parry, "Poetic Parallelisms in the Book of Mormon," in The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted according to Parallelistic Patterns (Provo:
F.A.R.M.S., 1992), xxiv-xxvii, and "Hebrew Literary Patterns in the Book of Mormon," Ensign (October 1989): 60; Wolfgang M. W. Roth, "The Numerical
Sequence x/x+1 in the Old Testament," Vetus Testamentum 12 (1962): 300.

   Brookbank, "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies," 13:119. Brookbank's assumption about pronominal usage is especially clear in the following passage: "By the use of
thou and thy instead of ye and your, however, every individual is searched out and made to feel his personal accountability before the law almost as sensibly as if he had
been commanded by name to observe it."

  The current uniformity of usage in the KJV was not achieved without editing in the eighteenth century to change numerous instances of nominative "you" to nominative
"ye." See Fletcher, "Pronouns of Address," 166-93; Royal Skousen, "Toward a Critical Edition of the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 30/1 (Winter 1990): 48.

   Elder Spencer W. Kimball made the following observation in an address to Seminary and Institute faculty on 18 June 1962: "I have noticed . . . the youth . . . who
address the Father with the words 'you' and 'yours.' The Presidency of the Church are quite anxious that everybody address the Lord with the pronouns 'thee' and
'thou' and 'thine' and 'thy.' . . . Youth may feel that 'you' and 'yours' are a little more affectionate. But would you do what you can to change this pattern?" The quote is
from Come, Follow Me: Melchizedek Priesthood Personal Study Guide 1983 (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1983), 132. Elder
Kimball only mentions "thou" and its cases because in prayer we address our Father in Heaven (singular) in the name of Jesus Christ; therefore, virtually all pronominal
usage in prayer is singular and there is simply no occasion to use the plural "ye" and its cases. For a recent reaffirmation of Elder Kimball's counsel, see Dallin H. Oaks,
"The Language of Prayer," Ensign 23 (May 1993): 15-18.

  Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary (Springfield, MA: Merriam- Webster, 1987), s.v. "ye."

  Adapted from Randolph Quirk, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik, A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language (New York: Longman,
1985), 344-45. See also the Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989), s.v. "thou."

  Nibley, in Since Cumorah, 150, referred to the "occasional change of person or number in the middle of a sentence or speech in the Book of Mormon" as "bad
English grammar"; the allusion was unfortunately too oblique for me to know what he was referring to when I first read that passage.

   I should hasten to add that I view the presence of grammatical errors as irrelevant to the question of the authenticity of the Book of Mormon. See, for instance, the
reference to "human misspellings and grammatical oddities" in John W. Welch and Tim Rathbone, "Book of Mormon Translation by Joseph Smith," Encyclopedia of
Mormonism (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 1:212. Anti-Mormons have sometimes argued that, since certain historical accounts represent Joseph as mechanically and
unthinkingly receiving the English text of the Book of Mormon, Joseph was a mere conduit, and therefore God himself would be responsible for the plethora of errors in
the original manuscript, the printer's manuscript, and the early editions of the Book of Mormon. Since God is perfect and does not err, the argument goes, the Book of
Mormon cannot be a God-inspired work. For two recent refutations of the inerrantist premises anti-Mormons often make concerning the production of the Book of
Mormon, see Daniel C. Peterson's review of Everything You Ever Wanted to Know about Mormonism and L. Ara Norwood's review of Letters to a Mormon Elder
in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 5 (1993): 49-50 and 5 (1993) :336-39, respectively.

  The text comes
 Copyright       from the liner
           (c) 2005-2009,       notesMedia
                           Infobase  to TheCorp.
                                           Carol Album: Seven Centuries of Christmas Music by the Taverner Consort, Choir and Players, conducted by Andrew
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Parrott (EMI Records, 1989). A modern English rendering of this stanza by Gareth Curtis reads as follows:

This baby replied at once,
Mormon, see Daniel C. Peterson's review of Everything You Ever Wanted to Know about Mormonism and L. Ara Norwood's review of Letters to a Mormon Elder
in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 5 (1993): 49-50 and 5 (1993) :336-39, respectively.

  The text comes from the liner notes to The Carol Album: Seven Centuries of Christmas Music by the Taverner Consort, Choir and Players, conducted by Andrew
Parrott (EMI Records, 1989). A modern English rendering of this stanza by Gareth Curtis reads as follows:

This baby replied at once,
and thus I thought he said:
"I am a king above all things,
even though I lie in hay;
for you shall see
that three kings
will come on the twelfth day.
For this promise,
put me to your breast,
and sing: by, by, lullay."
For additional illustrations of the singular use of "ye," see the Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. "ye," definition 2.

  Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. "thou."

  The pronoun "ye" is derived from the Old English ge, which was simply a modified form of the first person plural we. See Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. "ye."

  Skousen, "Toward a Critical Edition," which was the first forthright treatment of this issue that I came across and confirmed my own conclusions regarding the
phenomenon of pronominal variation in the Book of Mormon.

  Fletcher, "Pronouns of Address."

   I have assumed here that the "thee" of KJV Isa. 2:10 retains its force as a singular pronoun and that the "thee" added at the end of the verse is also meant to be a
singular. It is possible that th-forms are occasionally used as plurals in the Book of Mormon; see the paradigm of plural pronominal usage in Fletcher, "Pronouns of
Address," 274-75. If in fact such usage exists in the Book of Mormon, however, it is considerably rarer than the use of singular y-forms, a usage that is readily
explainable either on the basis of the historical development of the plural of politeness described by Fletcher or on the assumption that Joseph was influenced by the
modern pronoun "you," which is invariable as to number and to some extent as to case as well. No similarly rational explanation exists for the plural use of th-forms.
Fletcher relies on 1 Ne. 17:55 as a prime example of the plural use of th-forms ("Pronouns of Address," 13, 274-75), but that passage seems to me to be better
explained as an instance of enallage (see the discussion of that verse below). Nevertheless, in examining possible examples of enallage, we should be aware of the
possibility of plural th-forms.

   If this passage is in fact an example of enallage, then either it reflects an ancient form of the Hebrew text that was preserved on the brass plates but has since been
lost, or it reflects the creation of enallage by Joseph's plural gloss being superimposed on a singular text. John Tvedtnes in "The Isaiah Variants in the Book of
Mormon," F.A.R.M.S. preliminary report 1984, 24, categorizes 2 Ne. 12:10 as a K in his system, meaning that there is no presently existing textual evidence for the
variations in this passage. Either way, appreciating the intentional number shift is important to a full understanding of 2 Ne. 12:10.

  S. Kent Brown, "The Prophetic Laments of Samuel the Lamanite," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 1 (Fall 1992): 166.

Cry Redemption: the Plan of Redemption As Taught in the Book of Mormon
Corbin T. Volluz

Abstract: According to the Book of Mormon, men must obey the commandments of God in order to gain eternal life. And yet, men are incapable of yielding full
obedience to God, due to the carnal nature they inherit from the fallen Adam and Eve. To overcome this carnal nature, God has provided a way, through the atonement
of his Son, whereby men may be redeemed from the carnal state to a spiritual state. If men are to be redeemed, they must call upon the Lord in the spirit of true
humility, faith, and repentance. If they do so, God will redeem them by the power of the Holy Ghost. Frequently associated with the redemption process is a covenant
of obedience.

I. the Problem of Perfection

Man Must Keep the Commandments of God in Order to Gain Eternal Life

The Book of Mormon teaches that a person must be morally perfect and without sin in order to gain eternal life. Nephi said, "The kingdom of God is not filthy, and
there cannot any unclean thing enter into the kingdom of God" (1 Ne. 15:34). Alma 2 put it this way: "And [God] doth not dwell in unholy temples, neither can filthiness
or anything which is unclean be received into the kingdom of God" (Alma 7:21). The resurrected Savior commanded the Nephites to "be perfect even as I, or your
Father who is in heaven is perfect" (3 Ne. 12:48).

The perfection required by God extends not just to one's acts. According to the Book of Mormon, improper thoughts and desires can also prohibit one from entering
into the presence of God.

King Benjamin said, "If ye do not watch yourselves, and your thoughts, . . . ye must perish" (Mosiah 4:30). Alma 2 said, "For our words will condemn us, yea, all our
works will condemn us; we shall not be found spotless; and our thoughts will also condemn us" (Alma 12:14). In counseling his wayward son, Corianton, Alma 2
said,

Therefore, all things shall be restored to their proper order. . . . The one raised to happiness according to his desires of happiness, or good according to his desires of
good; and the other to evil according to his desires of evil; for as he has desired to do evil all the day long even so shall he have his reward of evil when the night
cometh. (Alma 41:4-5)

Being judged according to our desires, even if those desires are not acted upon, is the brunt of the message delivered to the Nephites by the resurrected Lord:

Ye have heard that it hath been said by them of old time, and it is also written before you, that thou shalt not kill, and whosoever shall kill shall be in danger of the
judgment of God;
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But I say unto you, that whosoever is angry with his brother shall be in danger of the judgment. (3 Ne. 12:21-22)

And again, "Behold, it is written by them of old time, that thou shalt not commit adultery; But I say unto you, that whosoever looketh on a woman, to lust after her, hath
Being judged according to our desires, even if those desires are not acted upon, is the brunt of the message delivered to the Nephites by the resurrected Lord:

Ye have heard that it hath been said by them of old time, and it is also written before you, that thou shalt not kill, and whosoever shall kill shall be in danger of the
judgment of God;

But I say unto you, that whosoever is angry with his brother shall be in danger of the judgment. (3 Ne. 12:21-22)

And again, "Behold, it is written by them of old time, that thou shalt not commit adultery; But I say unto you, that whosoever looketh on a woman, to lust after her, hath
committed adultery already in his heart" (3 Ne. 12:27-28). Then, lest anyone think purity of desire to be merely an ideal, and not truly a commandment, the Savior
added, "Behold I give unto you a commandment, that ye suffer none of these things to enter into your heart; For it is better that ye should deny yourselves of these
things, wherein ye will take up your cross, than that ye should be cast into hell" (3 Ne. 12:29-30).

Thus we see that, according to the Book of Mormon, purity of act, thought, and desire is essential to salvation. And yet, the Book of Mormon, corroborated by
common experience, teaches us that for man to obey all the commandments of God is simply not possible. No matter how good a man's intentions may be, he will
inevitably fall into sin. This is due to the flaw in man's character, put there for a wise purpose in God, called the carnal nature.

Because of the Carnal Nature, Man Is Incapable of Keeping the Commandments of God

According to Abinadi, the fall of Adam and Eve "was the cause of all mankind becoming carnal, sensual, devilish, knowing evil from good, subjecting themselves to the
devil" (Mosiah 16:3-4). From this passage, we learn several things: (1) all men are carnal in their nature; (2) the cause of all men being carnal in their nature is directly
traceable to the fall of Adam and Eve; and, (3) all men are not only carnal, but sensual, devilish and they all subject themselves to the devil. This "subjecting themselves
to the devil" that "all mankind" does is synonymous with sin. As King Benjamin put it, "For the natural [carnal] man is an enemy to God, and has been from the fall of
Adam" (Mosiah 3:19). It would be hard to put it any more forcefully than that. Nephi comes close when he says, "Wherefore, all mankind were in a lost and fallen
state" (1 Ne. 10:6).

Fallen man is "lost" due to his inability to fully obey the com mandments of God. This accounts for Lehi's statement,

And the law is given unto men. And by the law no flesh is justified; or, by the law men are cut off. Yea, by the temporal law they were cut off; and also, by the spiritual
law they perish from that which is good, and become miserable forever. (2 Ne. 2:5)

If men could keep the law, whether temporal or spiritual, they would be justified by it. But because man in his natural state can not keep the commandments, Lehi is
correct in stating categori cally that "by the law no flesh is justified," whether that law be temporal or spiritual (a possible allusion to the Mosaic law and the Law of the
Gospel respectively).

The effects of this carnal state which all men inherit are not pleasant. "Remember, to be carnally-minded is death, and to be spiritually-minded is life eternal" (2 Ne.
9:39). Abinadi is more explicit:

But remember that he that persists in his own carnal nature, and goes on in the ways of sin and rebellion against God, remaineth in his fallen state and the devil hath all
power over him. Therefore he is as though there was no redemption made, being an enemy to God; and also is the devil an enemy to God (Mosiah 16:5).

As Alma 2 put it,

All men that are in a state of nature, or I would say, in a carnal state, are in the gall of bitterness and in the bonds of iniquity; they are without God in the world, and they
have gone contrary to the nature of God. (Alma 41:11)

So we see that, due to the fall, all men inherit a carnal nature, one that is completely aligned with the devil in his warfare against God. All men are an "enemy to God;
and also is the devil an enemy to God" (Mosiah 16:5). All men "subject themselves to the devil," and hence they all sin and thereby make themselves unworthy to enter
the kingdom of God. As the brother of Jared said, "Because of the fall our natures have become evil continually" (Ether 3:2).

As strong as this doctrine may be, the Book of Mormon goes further still. Not only does the Book of Mormon teach that fallen man is incapable of doing all good, it
also teaches that fallen man is incapable of doing any good.

Because of the Carnal Nature, Man Is Incapable of Doing Any Good Whatsoever

As quoted above, the brother of Jared proclaimed to the Lord that "because of the fall our natures have become evil continually" (Ether 3:2). Mormon drove the point
home when he taught, "Wherefore, a man being evil [which his nature is continually, according to the brother of Jared] cannot do that which is good" (Moro. 7:10; see
also Moro. 7:6). Man is incapable of doing good, or in other words, of being an independent source of good. This is evident from the scriptural verity that the source of
all good is God. The Lord is quoted in the book of Ether as saying, "For good cometh of none save it be of me. I am the same that leadeth men to all good" (Ether
4:12). And returning to Mormon's sermon, we find: "Wherefore, all things which are good cometh of God" (Moro. 7:12).

It seems, then, that the phrase, "good works," as used in the Book of Mormon is a term of art. It does not simply mean a work that is beneficial to others. Carnal men
do such beneficial works all the time. Rather, a "good work" can only be done by a "good man." And no man is good while in his fallen state. Mankind, in its fallen
and carnal state, is possessed of a nature which is "evil continually," and therefore incapable of doing good works. Why? Because, to use Mormon's analogy, "a
bitter fountain cannot bring forth good water" (Moro. 7:11).

Without the redemption of Christ, available through the administration of the gospel, man must remain forever in his lost and fallen state, incapable of doing good (1 Ne.
10:6). It is for this reason that Moroni, in prophesying of a future apostasy, wrote,

And now I speak unto all the ends of the earthï¿½-that if the day cometh that the power and gifts of God shall be done away among you, it shall be because of unbelief.

And wo be unto the children of men if this be the case; for there shall be none that doeth good among you, no not one. (Moro. 10:24-25)

According to Moroni, without faith, accompanied as always by the "power and gifts of God," there can be no good works. There may be beneficial works, as there
have always been in all ages of the world, but there may be no "good works" in the gospel sense (i.e., beneficial works performed by good men).

Similarly, Moroni quotes his father, Mormon, as follows:

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                                               did manifest things unto the children of men, which were good; and all things which are good cometh     238 / 919
                                                                                                                                                   of Christ;
otherwise men were fallen, and there could no good thing come unto them. (Moro. 7:24)
have always been in all ages of the world, but there may be no "good works" in the gospel sense (i.e., beneficial works performed by good men).

Similarly, Moroni quotes his father, Mormon, as follows:

And behold, there were divers ways that [God] did manifest things unto the children of men, which were good; and all things which are good cometh of Christ;
otherwise men were fallen, and there could no good thing come unto them. (Moro. 7:24)

As we have seen, the Book of Mormon teaches that all mankind is carnal, devilish, and sensual due to the fall. They subject themselves to the devil. They are, together
with the devil, enemies to God. Their natures have become evil continually. They are incapable of keeping all the commandments of God. In fact, in their fallen state,
they are incapable of doing any good whatso ever.

And yet the Book of Mormon is equally clear that God requires perfect obedience to his will of those who would enter his kingdom. How then can anyone be saved?
When asked a similar question by his disciples, the mortal Messiah responded, "With men this is impossible; but with God all things are possible" (Matt. 19:26).

The good news of the gospel, as proclaimed in the Book of Mormon, is that God has provided a way through his Son whereby men may be redeemed from their lost
and fallen state to a state of righteousness; to a spiritual state as opposed to a carnal, natural state; to a state wherein they are able to keep the commandments of God;
to a state where the whole desire of their heart is to keep the commandments of God and to eschew evil. The way that God has provided to accomplish this miraculous
transformation is called the plan of redemption. The balance of this paper will examine what carnal man must do in order to experience this redemptive process.

II. the Remedy of Redemption

In order to provide a way for men to escape the consequences of the fall and their carnal and evil nature, God provided a Redeemer, through whom men could be
redeemed, or bought back, from the carnal state to a spiritual state. The Book of Mormon is rife with examples of individuals and whole groups of persons who
experienced this redemptive process.

Consider the conversion of Alma 2 . Scrutiny of his experience reveals that, after arising from his death-like trance, he was redeemed from the carnal state. Said he:

I have repented of my sins, and have been redeemed of the Lord; behold I am born of the Spirit.

And the Lord said unto me: Marvel not that all mankind, yea, men and women, all nations, kindreds, tongues and people, must be born again; yea, born of God,
changed from their carnal and fallen state, to a state of righteousness, being redeemed of God, becom ing his sons and daughters;

And thus they become new creatures; and unless they do this, they can in no wise inherit the kingdom of God. (Mosiah 27:24-26)

From this key passage, we learn a number of things relevant to our discussion of the plan of redemption:

--"All mankind" must be "changed from their carnal and fallen state, to a state of righteousness" in order to "inherit the kingdom of God."

--Several synonyms for this change from the carnal and fallen state to a state of righteousness are introduced:

1. "Redeemed of God";
2. "Born of the Spirit";
3. "Born of God";
4. "Born again";
5. "Becoming [God's] sons and daughters"; and,
6. "Becom(ing) new creatures."

The first phrase, "redeemed of God," is clearly used as an equivalent expression for the change from the carnal state to the spiritual state. The last five phrases, too, are
synonymous with this redemptive change, and suggest the taking place of a divine regeneration, or renascence. These synonyms for redemption are helpful in identifying
other instances in the Book of Mormon where persons experienced this profound change in their natures and were redeemed of God.

For example, the people of King Benjamin experienced this change as well, and said of it:

Yea, we believe all the words which thou hast spoken unto us, and also, we know /of their surety and truth, because of the Spirit of the Lord Omnipotent, which has
wrought a mighty change in us, or in our hearts, that we have no more disposition to do evil, but to do good con tinually. (Mosiah 5:2)

And of his people, King Benjamin said:

Ye shall be called the children of Christ, his sons, and his daughters; for behold, this day he hath spiritually begotten you; for ye say that your hearts are changed
through faith on his name; therefore, ye are born of him and have become his sons and his daughters. (Mosiah 5:7)

Here, too, we note the language of spiritual renascence so remi niscent of the statements made by the Lord to Alma 2 regarding the status of the redeemed (Mosiah
27:25-26). There can be little doubt but that the people of King Benjamin were also redeemed from the carnal state to a spiritual state, becoming the sons and
daughters of Christ, even as Alma 2 . Additionally, a new synonym of some importance is added. King Benjamin says his peoples' "hearts are changed" (Mosiah 5:7).
This echoes the earlier cry of his people that "a mighty change" had been wrought in them, and is likely referring to the "change" from a "carnal and sinful state, to a state
of righteousness" that the Lord told Alma 2 "all mankind" must experience in order to "inherit the kingdom of God" (Mosiah 27:25-26).

It is significant that the hearts of King Benjamin's people were changed such that they had "no more disposition to do evil, but to do good continually" (Mosiah 5:2).
Note that this is precisely the opposite of the carnal nature, which is "evil continually" (Ether 3:2). (Inasmuch as God has stated we will be judged not only by our
actions, but by our desires as well, such a fundamental change in disposition of the carnal man is essential to make him a candidate for salvation.)

In addition to Alma 2 and the people of King Benjamin, we may add the following examples of persons in the Book of Mormon who were redeemed. After Alma 2
was redeemed, he did a great deal of missionary work and converted a great many people. Of those converted through his endeavors, he explained to his son Helaman
that he had "labored without ceasing . . . that they might also be born of God," and that, indeed, "many have been born of God" (Alma 36:24-26).

We also learn from Alma 2 that his father, Alma 1 , after being converted by the words of Abinadi in King Noah's court, had "a mighty change wrought in his
heart" (Alma 5:11-12). Alma 1 then began preaching the gospel of Abinadi to others and established a church in the wilderness, and "a mighty change was also wrought
inCopyright
   their hearts"
             (c) (Alma 5:7, 13).
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From this, we may conclude that not only were Alma 1 and the church he organized by the waters of Mormon redeemed, but so was Abinadi himself who taught the
message in the first place. It would be strange for Abinadi to teach the message of redemption if he had not himself experienced the "mighty change of heart."
that he had "labored without ceasing . . . that they might also be born of God," and that, indeed, "many have been born of God" (Alma 36:24-26).

We also learn from Alma 2 that his father, Alma 1 , after being converted by the words of Abinadi in King Noah's court, had "a mighty change wrought in his
heart" (Alma 5:11-12). Alma 1 then began preaching the gospel of Abinadi to others and established a church in the wilderness, and "a mighty change was also wrought
in their hearts" (Alma 5:7, 13).

From this, we may conclude that not only were Alma 1 and the church he organized by the waters of Mormon redeemed, but so was Abinadi himself who taught the
message in the first place. It would be strange for Abinadi to teach the message of redemption if he had not himself experienced the "mighty change of heart."

At one point in his career, Alma 2 left the office of chief judge to devote himself exclusively to the ministry of the office of high priest (Alma 4:20). He instituted a revival
throughout the land, beginning in the city of Zarahemla, whose inhabitants had fallen into wickedness. Of them he asked:

And now behold, I ask of you, my brethren of the church, have ye spiritually been born of God? Have ye received his image in your countenances? Have ye
experienced this mighty change in your hearts? (Alma 5:14)

That many in Zarahemla accepted Alma 2 's challenge and were redeemed is indicated in a subsequent sermon by Alma 2 in the city of Gideon, which states that they
were "established again in the way of his righteousness" (Alma 7:4).

The Book of Mormon records many instances in which Lamanites, too, were redeemed. Ammon preached the plan of redemption, beginning at the fall of Adam, to
King Lamoni (Alma 18:36-39). King Lamoni subsequently "fell unto the earth, as if he were dead" (Alma 18:42) and remained in that state for three days. After he
arose, he claimed to have "seen my Redeemer . . . and he shall redeem all mankind" (Alma 19:13). King Lamoni then swooned again, this time joined by the queen and
Ammon (Alma 19:13-14). Subsequently, King Lamoni's servants also fell to the earth (Alma 19:15-16).

When Ammon arose he also administered unto [the assembled multitude], and also did all the servants of Lamoni; and they did all declare unto the people the self-same
thingï¿½-that their hearts had been changed; that they had no more desire to do evil. (Alma 19:33)

King Lamoni's father (unnamed in the text), the king of all the Lamanites, also experienced redemption through a similar scenario to that of his son. Aaron taught him
concerning "the fall of man . . . and their carnal state and also the plan of redemption" (Alma 22:13). Aaron further explained that "since man had fallen he could not
merit anything of himself" (Alma 22:14). In response, the king asked Aaron,

What shall I do that I may have this eternal life of which thou hast spoken? Yea, what shall I do that I may be born of God, having this wicked spirit [carnal nature/spirit
of the devil] rooted out of my breast, and receive his Spirit, that I may be filled with joy, that I may not be cast off at the last day? (Alma 22:15)

In a dramatic fashion reminiscent of his son, the king of the Lamanites then swooned and, upon arising, we are told that "the king had been converted unto the Lord,
and all his household" (Alma 23:3).

Samuel the Lamanite said that all the Lamanites who were "brought to the knowledge of the truth" experienced a "change of heart" to the extent that they "fear to sin-
ï¿½for behold they will suffer themselves that they be trodden down and slain by their enemies, and will not lift their swords against them" (Hel. 15:7-9). (It is not clear
from this passage whether Samuel is describing the people of Ammon of a century or so earlier, or a different but similar group of Lamanites living at his time.)

Nephi and Lehi, sons of Helaman, went among the Lamanites to preach the gospel. They were thrown in prison and released in a miraculous manner. As a result,
"about three hundred" Lamanites were redeemed (Hel. 5, esp. 5:49). Of this mass conversion, Moroni wrote:

Behold, it was the faith of Nephi and Lehi that wrought the change upon the Lamanites, that they were baptized with fire and with the Holy Ghost. (Ether 12:14)

Thus we see that the Book of Mormon contains numerous examples of individuals and large groups of persons who experienced the redemptive process, having been
born again, and who received the "mighty change of heart."

An examination of the circumstances surrounding these redemptive occurrences reveals the divine prerequisites with which those who were redeemed complied. These
three prerequisites are (1) calling upon the name of the Lord for mercy; (2) faith, humility and repentance; and (3) entering into a covenant of obedience to God.

Calling upon the Lord

Using the people of King Benjamin as our paradigm, we note that, immediately before their redemption, they all "cried aloud with one voice," saying,

O have mercy, and apply the atoning blood of Christ that we may receive forgiveness of our sins, and our hearts may be purified; for we believe in Jesus Christ, the
Son of God, who created heaven and earth, and all things; who shall come down among the children of men. (Mosiah 4:2)

Later on in the book of Mosiah, we read that the "rising generation" after King Benjamin would not understand or believe his words and were therefore not redeemed:

And they would not be baptized; neither would they join the church. And they were a separate people as to their faith, and remained so ever after, even in their carnal
and sinful state; for they would not call upon the Lord their God. (Mosiah 26:4)

The link between redemption from the carnal state and calling upon the Lord is clear from this passage.

The act that precipitated the redemption of Alma 2 was his calling upon the Lord for deliverance:

Now, as my mind caught hold upon this thought (the memory of his father's teachings concerning Jesus Christ), I cried within my heart: O Jesus, thou Son of God, have
mercy on me, who am in the gall of bitter ness, and am encircled about by the everlasting chains of death. (Alma 36:18)

Alma 2 reports that, once he had thought this, "I could remember my pains no more; yea, I was harrowed up by the memory of my sins no more" (Alma 36:19). As we
have seen previously, Alma 2 was redeemed through this experience. (Mosiah 27:24).

Alma 1 and his people were converted by the message of Abinadi (Alma 5:11-13). Speaking of those who would be damned, Abinadi said:

Having gone according to their own carnal wills and desires; having never called upon the Lord while the arms of mercy were extended towards them; for the arms of
mercy were extended towards them, and they would not. (Mosiah 16:12)
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Therefore, for Alma 1 , his people, and Abinadi himself to have escaped damnation, they must have "called upon the Lord."
Alma 1 and his people were converted by the message of Abinadi (Alma 5:11-13). Speaking of those who would be damned, Abinadi said:

Having gone according to their own carnal wills and desires; having never called upon the Lord while the arms of mercy were extended towards them; for the arms of
mercy were extended towards them, and they would not. (Mosiah 16:12)

Therefore, for Alma 1 , his people, and Abinadi himself to have escaped damnation, they must have "called upon the Lord."

Before King Lamoni fell to the earth to experience the redemptive process, he began to "cry unto the Lord," saying:

O Lord, have mercy; according to thy abundant mercy which thou hast had upon the people of Nephi, have upon me, and my people. (Alma 18:41)

Of King Lamoni's servants, who were also redeemed, it is written:

And it came to pass that they did call on the name of the Lord, in their might, even until they had all fallen to the earth. (Alma 19:16)

King Lamoni's father asked Ammon what he needed to do to "be born of God" (Alma 22:15). Ammon responded:

If thou desirest this thing, if thou wilt bow down before God, yea, if thou wilt repent of all thy sins and will bow down before God, and call on his name in faith,
believing that ye shall receive, then shalt thou receive the hope which thou desirest. (Alma 22:16)

For his part, King Lamoni's father did just as directed, and cried:

O God, Aaron hath told me that there is a God; and if there is a God, and if thou art God, wilt thou make thyself known unto me, and I will give away all my sins to
know thee, and that I may be raised from the dead, and be saved at the last day. (Alma 22:18)

The Lamanites redeemed through the preaching of Nephi and Lehi, sons of Helaman, were initially overshadowed by a cloud of darkness and rendered immobile. They
called to Aminadab, an inactive Nephite, as to what they should do. Even the inactive Aminadab was able to give them the correct answer:

Ye must repent, and cry unto the voice [of God], even until ye shall have faith in Christ, . . . and when ye shall do this, the cloud of darkness shall be removed from
overshadowing you. (Hel. 5:41)

In response, the Lamanites did "cry unto the voice of him who had shaken the earth; yea, they did cry even until the cloud of darkness was dispersed" (Hel. 5:42). As a
result, "the change" was wrought upon these Lamanites and they were redeemed (Ether 12:14).

Thus we see the Book of Mormon describes the act of "calling upon the Lord," or "crying unto the Lord" as an essential prerequisite to being redeemed. But this
"calling upon the Lord" must be of a certain type and quality. The request may not be insincere or the by-product of idle curiosity. In order to be effective, the cry must
be the natural culmination and consummation of three qualities: humility, faith, and repentance.

Humility, Faith and Repentance

In the context of the plan of redemption, humility means to understand that men are incapable, in their fallen state, of being obedient to God's willï¿½-that they are
totally dependent upon God to redeem them to a state of righteousness. In the words of Nephi, they must rely "wholly upon the merits of him who is mighty to save" (2
Ne. 31:19). Faith means not only that men believe in Jesus Christ as the Son of God, but that they believe he can redeem them from their fallen state, and that he will
redeem them if they but do what he has asked them to do. Repentance means that men desire, with all their hearts, to turn away from sin and to turn to God and the
path of righteousness, all the while humbly recognizing their own inability to do so, but with faith that Christ can transform them so that they may be able to do so. In
the Book of Mormon examples of redemption, we find these three characteristics time and time again in those who are born again.

Once more returning to King Benjamin's people as the paradigm, we read that "they had viewed themselves in their own carnal state, even less than the dust of the
earth" (Mosiah 4:2). In other words, they possessed the necessary humility. The great change occurred in the peoples' hearts after they called upon the Lord, but their
redemption was also caused by "the exceeding faith which they had in Jesus Christ" (Mosiah 4:3). The repen tance of the people of King Benjamin was manifest in their
prayer, "that we may receive forgiveness of our sins, and our hearts may be purified" (Mosiah 4:2). They desired to forsake their sins and do the will of God (Mosiah
4:10;5:5).

Humility, faith, and repentance are present in other redemption stories in the Book of Mormon as well. Alma 2 displayed humility by recognizing that his redemption
(and spiritual knowledge received thereafter) was not due to any "worthiness" of himself (Alma 36:5). It was his faith on the words of his father that gave him a basis
from which to cry unto the Lord. (Alma 36:17-18). At the moment he arose from his three-day "coma," Alma 2 announced he had repented of his sins (Mosiah 27:24).

Alma 1 taught the redemptive message of Abinadi to his followers. "According to [Alma 1 's] faith there was a mighty change wrought in his heart" (Alma 5:12).
Similarly, Alma 1 's followers "humbled themselves and put their trust [faith] in the true and living God" (Alma 5:13). Abinadi's words themselves contain the injunction
to "repent of your sins" (Mosiah 16:13). Alma 1 at the waters of Mormon did "teach [his followers], and did preach unto them repentance, and redemption, and faith
on the Lord" (Mosiah 18:7).

When teaching King Lamoni, Ammon strategically taught of the fall of man before he taught of the plan of redemption (Alma 18:36, 39). King Lamoni "believed all
[Ammon's] words," thus showing faith (Alma 18:40). Referring to this incident, Mormon editorialized, "We see that [God's] arm is extended to all people who will
repent and believe on his name" (Alma 19:36). King Lamoni's humility is indicated by his "marveling" over Ammon's supernatural abilities to defend the royal flocks and
also to "discern [the king's] thoughts" (Alma 18:14-18).

Similarly, Aaron told the father of King Lamoni that, to be "born of God," he had to "bow down before God [humility]," "repent of all thy sins," and "call on his name in
faith" (Alma 22:15-16). The redemption of the Lamanites referred to by Samuel the Lamanite was predicated upon a knowledge of the true gospel, "which leadeth
them to faith on the Lord, and unto repentance, which faith and repentance bringeth a change of heart unto them" (Hel. 15:7). Aminadab told the 300 Lamanites
overshadowed and immobilized by the cloud of darkness that they "must repent, and cry unto the voice, even until ye shall have faith in Christ" (Hel. 5:41).

Redemption Accomplished through Ministration of Holy Ghost

The ultimate source of power by which redemption is made possible is the atonement of the Savior (Mosiah 3:17, 16:6, Alma 21:9, etc. The active force by which this
redemptive power is ministered in the lives of men, however, is the Holy Ghost.

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                     Benjamin         Media Corp.
                              were transformed by the "Spirit of the Lord" immediately after making their verbal plea for mercy (Mosiah 4:3). They Page     241 / that
                                                                                                                                                     later claimed 919
the "Spirit of the Lord Omnipotent" had wrought a "mighty change" in their hearts such that they had "no more disposition to do evil, but to do good
continually" (Mosiah 5:2).
The ultimate source of power by which redemption is made possible is the atonement of the Savior (Mosiah 3:17, 16:6, Alma 21:9, etc. The active force by which this
redemptive power is ministered in the lives of men, however, is the Holy Ghost.

The people of King Benjamin were transformed by the "Spirit of the Lord" immediately after making their verbal plea for mercy (Mosiah 4:3). They later claimed that
the "Spirit of the Lord Omnipotent" had wrought a "mighty change" in their hearts such that they had "no more disposition to do evil, but to do good
continually" (Mosiah 5:2).

Alma 2 declared he was "born of the Spirit" (Mosiah 27:24). Subsequently, Alma 2 "labored without ceasing" that others might be "born of God; and be filled with the
Holy Ghost" (Alma 36:24). When Alma 1 baptized his people at the waters of Mormon, it was done as a precondition that God "may pour out his Spirit more
abundantly upon you" (Mosiah 18:10).

King Lamoni and his wife were "overpowered by the Spirit" at the time of their redemption (Alma 19:13).        Lamoni's father inquired of Aaron what he should do to
be "born of God, having this wicked spirit rooted out of my breast, and receive his Spirit" (Alma 22:15).

The 300 Lamanites converted by Lehi and Nephi, sons of Helaman, were redeemed when "the Holy Spirit of God did come down from heaven, and did enter into their
hearts, and they were filled as if with fire" (Hel. 5:45).

Covenant of Obedience

A covenant of obedience to God's will also appears to be a necessary condition to redemption.

After King Benjamin's people called upon the Lord for mercy and had been redeemed, they proclaimed their willingness "to enter into a covenant with our God to do
his will, and to be obedient to his commandments in all things that he shall command us, all the remainder of our days" (Mosiah 5:5). King Benjamin said that it was
"because of the covenant" his people made that they "shall be called the children of Christ," thus indicating the necessary condition of making the covenant to being
redeemed (Mosiah 5:7).

Alma 1 put his people under covenant through baptism at the waters of Mormon, to "serve [God] and keep his commandments" (Mosiah 18:10, 13). Of the vast
numbers of Lamanites converted by Alma 2 and the four sons of King Mosiah, we are told that "as many as did believe were baptized." Presumably the baptism of
the Lamanites fulfilled the same covenant-making purpose as those administered by Alma 1 .

Thus we see that the making of a covenant of obedience to God's will, frequently made in the waters of baptism, was inti mately associated with the redemptive
process.

Conclusion

Due to the fall, all mankind inherits a carnal nature. Because of this carnal nature, men are incapable of being obedient to God, no matter how good their intentions. In
order to overcome the carnal nature, and be born again with a spiritual nature that is not predisposed to evil, God provided a plan of redemption through his Son, Jesus
Christ. Unless men are redeemed, "they can in no wise inherit the kingdom of God" (Mosiah 27:26).

The experiences of hundreds and perhaps thousands of individuals as related in the pages of the Book of Mormon demonstrate a consistent pattern of what is required
of fallen man in order to be redeemed. After having developed the necessary humility, faith, and repentance, he must call upon the Lord for mercy. The Lord will then
redeem the carnal man by the power of the atonement, through the ministration of the Holy Ghost. Associated with the redemptive process is the requirement that the
redeemed individual enter into a covenant with the Lord to be obedient to his will.

  Further references on the matter include the following: "If ye shall be obedient to the commandments, and endure to the end, ye shall be saved at the last day" (1 Ne.
22:31). Nephi's brother, Jacob, said, "But wo unto him that has the law given, yea, that has all the commandments of God, like unto us, and that transgresseth them,
and that wasteth the days of his probation, for awful is his state!" (2 Ne. 9:27). Joseph Smith made the point clear beyond dispute when he said, "I . . . spoke to the
people, showing them that to get salvation we must not only do some things, but everything which God has commanded" (TPJS, 332, emphasis added).

   Mormon indicated that being judged according to one's thoughts was doctrinal hyperbole: "Wherefore, should he be cut off while in the thought [that little children
need baptism to be saved], he must go down to hell" (Moro. 8:14).

   This is why the Apostle Paul was able to state unequivocally, "For all have sinned and come short of the glory of God" (Rom. 3:23). And again, "There is none
righteous, no, not one" (Rom. 3:10). John the Beloved expressed the same concept, "If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us" (1
Jn. 1:8). And hence the prophet Isaiah wrote, "But we are all as an unclean thing, and all our righ teousnesses are as filthy rags; and we all do fade as a leaf; and our
iniquities, like the wind, have taken us away" (Isa. 64:6).

  C. S. Lewis expressed a similar view to that of Abinadi: "Fallen man is not simply an imperfect creature who needs improvement: he is a rebel who must lay down his
arms" (C. S. Lewis, Mere Christianity [New York: Collier, 1960], 59).

  As the Savior himself proclaimed during his mortal ministry, "There is none good but one, that is, God" (Matt. 19:17).

  If only those who have been redeemed may do good works, it is possible that the oft-repeated concept that men shall be judged by their works, whether they be
good or evil (Mosiah 16:10; Alma 41:3-4; 3 Ne. 26:4; Morm. 3:20) may simply mean that men will be judged according to whether they have been redeemed or not.

  It may be significant that, shortly after king Lamoni's redemption, Ammon refers to him as an "innocent man" (Alma 20:18). It appears that the only other persons
described as "innocent" in the Book of Mormon are Adam and Eve before the fall (2 Ne. 2:23), Abinadi just prior to his execution (Mosiah 17:10), and converts of
Alma 2 at Ammonihah as they were being burned to death for their testimony of Jesus (Alma 14:11). As we have seen, all of these (with the exception of Adam and
Even before the fall), were likely redeemed.

  It would seem reasonable that the people of Ammon, too, would have been redeemed when they accepted the gospel as taught by Ammon, inasmuch as King
Lamoni and his court were redeemed when they accepted the same gospel, taught by the same missionary.

   Apparently, Moroni recognized that the Lamanites converted by Nephi and Lehi were in fact redeemed, having experienced for themselves "the change." Note that,
as of the time Moroni wrote at the end of the Nephite civilization, the redemptive "change of heart" had become so much a part of the common understanding and
vernacular
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   Redemption in the Book of Mormon appears to be instantaneous, once the divine prerequisites are fulfilled. As Amulek said to the Zoramites, "Now is the time and
the day of your salvation; and therefore, if ye will repent and harden not your hearts, immediately shall the great plan of redemption be brought about unto you" (Alma
Lamoni and his court were redeemed when they accepted the same gospel, taught by the same missionary.

   Apparently, Moroni recognized that the Lamanites converted by Nephi and Lehi were in fact redeemed, having experienced for themselves "the change." Note that,
as of the time Moroni wrote at the end of the Nephite civilization, the redemptive "change of heart" had become so much a part of the common understanding and
vernacular of the plan of redemption, it was referred to simply by the familiar phrase, "the change."

   Redemption in the Book of Mormon appears to be instantaneous, once the divine prerequisites are fulfilled. As Amulek said to the Zoramites, "Now is the time and
the day of your salvation; and therefore, if ye will repent and harden not your hearts, immediately shall the great plan of redemption be brought about unto you" (Alma
34:31).

   During Alma 2 's preaching to the people at Ammonihah, he made this prophetic statement relative to the redemption of the Lamanites: "And at some period of time
[the Lamanites] will be brought to believe in [God's] word, and to know of the incorrectness of the traditions of their fathers; and many of them will be saved, for the
Lord will be merciful unto all who call on his name" (Alma 9:17).

  Though not found in the text of the Book of Mormon, it is worth noting that, immediately before Adam was baptized in water and the Spirit, thus becoming a "son of
God" (a synonym for being redeemed), he, too, "cried unto the Lord" (Moses 6:64-68).

   It appears that Mormon taught these same concepts in the sermon recorded in Moro. 7. Mormon identifies charity as, among other things, that quality which
"thinketh no evil" (Moro. 7:45). We can see that, if one who has charity thinks no evil, only those redeemed from the carnal state which is "evil continually" (Ether 3:2)
can have charity. There seems, then, to be a similarity between one who has charity and one who is redeemed. Mormon tells us the way to obtain this charity is by
calling upon the Lord: "Wherefore, my beloved brethren, pray unto the Father with all the energy of heart, that ye may be filled with this love, which he hath bestowed
upon all who are true followers of his Son, Jesus Christ; that ye may become the sons of God" (Moro. 7:48). So in order to become a "son of God" (i.e., be redeemed)
and obtain charity, one must call upon the Lord in fervent prayer. Additionally, Mormon lists three qualities of character that must precede the obtaining of charity.
These are faith, hope, and humility (Moro. 7:38-44). The quality of hope is directly comparable to the quality of repentance, inasmuch as hope is defined by Mormon
as being a desire "to be raised unto life eternal" (Moro. 7:41). This may be equivalent to the "turning unto God" associated with repentance. If this is so, Mormon's
sermon teaches that men must have faith, hope/repentance, and humility. Once they have developed these qualities, they must fervently call upon the Lord, and the Lord
will bestow upon them the quality of charity, making them a "son of God," or, in other words, redeem them from the fall. This process is remarkably similar to the
process seen in the examples of redemption examined in this paper.

   It is not surprising that King Benjamin's people manifested the traits of humility, faith, and repentance in their redemption, inasmuch as King Benjamin's sermon
delivered immediately prior to their redemption seems designed to inculcate these virtues in its listeners. As to the quality of faith in Jesus Christ, King Benjamin spends
the bulk of Mosiah 3 setting forth the mortal birth and ministry of the Savior and the manner and means of the atonement. It is in the middle of this chapter that King
Benjamin informs his people of the cornerstone of redemption: "For the natural man is an enemy to God, and has been from the fall of Adam, and will be, forever and
ever, unless he yields to the enticings of the Holy Spirit, and putteth off the natural man and becometh a saint through the atonement of Christ the Lord" (Mosiah 3:19).
As to the quality of humility, King Benjamin makes an all-out effort in Mosiah 2:19-26 to imbue his people with this attribute, telling his people such things as, "And now
I ask, can ye say aught of yourselves? I answer you, Nay. Ye cannot say that ye are even as much as the dust of the earth; yet ye were created of the dust of the earth;
but behold, it belongeth to him who created you" (Mosiah 2:25). As to the quality of repentance, King Benjamin reminds his people in Mosiah 2:32-40 of the "guilt, and
pain, and anguish, which is like an unquenchable fire, whose flame ascendeth up forever and ever" that shall be kindled in the hearts of those who die in their sins
(Mosiah 2:38). King Benjamin continues in this vein in Mosiah 3:24-27, speaking of the "state of misery and endless torment" the wicked inherit (Mosiah 3:25). But
King Benjamin doesn't stop there. In order to get his people to turn away from sin and turn to God with full purpose of heart, thus accomplishing true repentance, he
also speaks of the "blessed and happy state of those that keep the commandments of God" (Mosiah 2:41). The use of these two extremes could be described as the
"carrot-and-stick method" of inducing repentance. It is used throughout the Book of Mormon.

  As King Benjamin preached to his people immediately prior to their redemption, "The natural man is an enemy to God, and has been from the fall of Adam, and will
be forever and ever, unless he yields to the enticings of the Holy Ghost" (Mosiah 3:19).

  It was from this point in time that "the Lord did begin to pour out his Spirit upon [the Lamanites]" (Alma 19:36).

  The covenant does not seem to be a necessary precondition to redemption, inasmuch as it sometimes occurs subsequent to the redemptive process, as in the case of
King Lamoni and his court.

  A similar comment is made concerning the preaching of Nephi, son of Nephi, son of Helaman, "that there were none who were brought unto repentance who were
not baptized with water" (3 Ne. 7:24). Also, though baptized subsequent to redemption, it may be noted that King Lamoni's plea to the Lord was itself a covenant of
obedience (Alma 22:18).

  See also Jennifer Clark Lane, "The Lord Will Redeem His People: Adoptive Covenant and Redemption in the Old Testament and Book of Mormon," Journal of
Book of Mormon Studies 2/2 (1993): 39.

   In a much misunderstood passage, Amulek taught that the determining factor in whether a person was saved or damned was whether he was possessed of the Spirit
of the Lord at the time of his death: "Ye cannot say, when ye are brought to that awful crisis [death], that I will repent, that I will return to my God. Nay, ye cannot say
this; for that same spirit [whether God's or the devil's] which doth possess your bodies at the time that ye go out of this life, that same spirit will have power to possess
your body in that eternal world. "For behold, if ye have procrastinated the day of your repentance even until death, behold, ye have become subjected to the spirit of
the devil, and he doth seal you his; therefore, the Spirit of the Lord hath withdrawn from you, and hath no place in you, and the devil hath all power over you; and this is
the final state of the wicked" (Alma 34:34-35). As has been seen, the Book of Mormon consistently describes redemption as taking place by the power of the Holy
Ghost. It is this infusion of the Spirit of the Lord at the time of redemption that alters the carnal state of men to a spiritual state wherein they "have no more disposition to
do evil, but to do good continually" (Mosiah 5:2). Lamoni's father contrasted the two spirits with which a man may be possessed when he told Aaron of his desire to be
"born of God, having this wicked spirit rooted out of my breast, and receive [God's] Spirit" (Alma 22:15). Mormon, in commenting on the fifth year of the reign of the
judges in which "thousands and tens of thousands of souls" were "sent to the eternal world," stated that they would "reap their rewards according to their works,
whether they were good or whether they were bad, to reap eternal happiness or eternal misery, according to the spirit which they listed to obey, whether it be a good
spirit or a bad one" (Alma 3:35-26). And as Alma 2 says elsewhere, either God is our shepherd, or the devil. There is no other alternative (Alma 5:39-40). It therefore
appears that Amulek is teaching that whether one is saved or damned eternally depends on whether one is in a redeemed state, being "born of the Spirit" (Mosiah
27:24), at the moment of death. This also seems to be the teaching the Lord gave Alma 1 in Mosiah 27:24-26.

   Although the natural man recognizes he is unable to keep the commandments of God due to his carnal nature, he nevertheless has faith that God is able to redeem
him to a spiritual state wherein he may, in fact, obey all the commandments of God. Thus, the making of a covenant of obedience by the natural man is itself an act of
faith in God.
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Historical Parallels to the Destruction At the Time of the Crucifixion
John A. Tvedtnes
   Although the natural man recognizes he is unable to keep the commandments of God due to his carnal nature, he nevertheless has faith that God is able to redeem
him to a spiritual state wherein he may, in fact, obey all the commandments of God. Thus, the making of a covenant of obedience by the natural man is itself an act of
faith in God.

Historical Parallels to the Destruction At the Time of the Crucifixion
John A. Tvedtnes

Abstract: To the nonbeliever, the wide variety of destructive forces unleashed in the New World at the time of Christ's crucifixion seems preposterous or, at the very
least, unscientific. The account in 3 Ne. 8-9 mentions the simultaneous occurrence of earthquake, fire, strong winds, extensive flooding, the complete burial of cities,
and thick darkness. An examination of known great natural disasters in historical times reveals that the Book of Mormon in no way exaggerates. All of the destructive
forces mentioned in 3 Ne. 8-9 can be readily explained in terms of the tectonic forces that result from the encounter of the plates on which the continents and the
oceans lie. The complex variety of destructive forces that we normally consider to be separate phenomena of nature is, in reality, strong evidence for the historicity of
the Book of Mormon account.

The great destructions which took place among the Nephites and Lamanites at the time of Christ's crucifixion can be likened to the effects of hurricanes and tornadoes
as well as tectonic activity such as earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. The cataclysm began with a "great storm, such an one as never had been known in all the land,"
followed by "a great and terrible tempest" and "terrible thunder" that "did shake the whole earth as if it was about to divide asunder. And there were exceedingly sharp
lightnings, such as never had been known in all the land" (3 Ne. 8:5-7). In the land northward,

the whole face of the land was changed, because of the tempest and the whirlwinds, and the thunderings and the lightnings, and the exceedingly great quaking of the
whole earth; and the highways were broken up, and the level roads were spoiled, and many smooth places became rough. And many great and notable cities were
sunk, and many were burned, and many were shaken till the buildings thereof had fallen to the earth. . . . And there were some who were carried away in the whirlwind.
. . . And thus the face of the whole earth became deformed, because of the tempests, and the thunderings, and the lightnings, and the quaking of the earth. (3 Ne. 8:12-
14, 16-17)

The destruction lasted "for about the space of three hours," though some said "that the time was greater" (3 Ne. 8:19). It was followed by a "thick darkness" which
people could "feel," and which would not permit the kindling of fire (3 Ne. 8:19-22). The darkness lasted for three days (3 Ne. 8:23).

In the land southward, which was least affected (3 Ne. 8:11-12), "the city of Zarahemla did take fire, . . . the city of Moroni did sink into the depths of the sea, and the
earth was carried up upon the city of Moronihah, that in the place of the city there became a great mountain" (3 Ne. 8:8-10; cf. 9:3-5).

Other cities, probably located in the land northward, suffered similar fates. Gilgal was "buried up in the depths of the earth" (3 Ne. 9:6), along with the four other cities
(3 Ne. 9:8). Three additional cities sank and were covered with water (3 Ne. 9:7), while another four burned (3 Ne. 9:9-10).

The account suggests, at first glance, that all the destructive forces of nature had been unleashed at once. However, they can all be explained by a single phenomenon-
ï¿½the movement of tectonic plates.

Earthquakes and Volcanic Eruptions

The earth's surface is comprised of a series of plates that form the land masses and the ocean bottoms. Floating on magma, a superheated liquified matter, these plates
are constantly in motion-ï¿½albeit very slow motion. Where they meet, fractures called faults are formed. Movement along the fault line can be either parallel or at an
angle. Pressure builds up along the fault until one of the plates slips free of the other's frictional grasp, causing the tremor known as an earthquake.

The major faults lie along the lines where the oceanic plates meet those of the land masses. The earth cracks and buckles along these lines, resulting in the uplifting of
mountains and the shifting of land masses. When magma is allowed to escape along the fault line, it comes out in the form of lava, which cools and forms rocky plateaus
or cone-shaped volcanic peaks.

Once a volcano is formed and the rock cools, it may become dormant for many years-ï¿½sometimes centuries. But stress along the plate intersection lines can result in
occasional rebirth of long-dead volcanoes, sometimes accompanied by earthquake.

The greatest earthquake and volcanic zone lies around the perimeter of the Pacific basin, where the oceanic plates meet the land. Places like the Philippines, Japan,
Alaska, the west coast of the United States, Mexico, Guatemala, Colombia, Peru, and Chile are noted for their frequent earthquakes and occasional volcanic eruptions.

When a severe earthquake or volcanic explosion occurs in or near the ocean, another potentially destructive phenomenon results: the tsunami. The Japanese word is
often rendered "tidal wave" in English, though it has nothing to do with tides. It denotes a gigantic wave, sometimes hundreds of feet high, that results from tectonic
activity sufficiently strong to stir up the oceanic waters. A typical tsunami travels at speeds of hundreds of miles an hour, sometimes as fast as five hundred miles an
hour. When it reaches land, the gigantic wave crashes ashore, leaving death and destruction in its wake.

An example of the combination of earthquake, fire, volcanic eruption, and tsunami was seen on April 18, 1902, when an earth quake destroyed Guatemala City.
Twelve thousand people died by quake and the ensuing fire. The earthquake produced a tsunami and Guatemala's Tacanï¿½ volcano erupted the same day. On
November 19, 1822, the eruption of the Pacific volcano Galung Gung triggered an earthquake across the ocean in Valparaiso, Chile. The Chilean shoreline rose four
feet and 10,000 people died. The eruption of Bezymianny volcano in the Russian province of Kamchatka in September 1955 resulted in 1,285 earthquakes during a
period of three weeks.

Wind Lightning and Darkness

While it is not impossible that a hurricane may have accompanied tectonic activities at the time of Christ's crucifixion, there are tectonic explanations for the tempest,
whirlwind, and lightning described in 3 Nephi. The explosive force of some volcanic erup tions has been great enough to cause severe winds. Huge balls of burning
gases from volcanoes have also been known to create firestorms whose winds are fierce.

Great displays of lightning have also been observed in the ash-laden volcanic clouds thrown up from volcanoes. Such displays were photographed when the small island
of Surtsey was created in November 1963 by a volcanic eruption in the Atlantic Ocean, not far south of Iceland.

Tephra or volcanic ash is also known to block sunlight, creating the illusion of night at midday. This was demonstrated by the eruption of Mount Pinatubo in the
Philippines in June of 1991. Within days, the ash fall at Clark Air Force Base was so severe that the base was abandoned. U.S. Air Force personnel returning to the
site soon after the beginning of the eruptions found buildings collapsed and thick layers of ash. Day became night throughout a large area, and at this writing (January
1992), dust spewed by the volcano into the stratosphere continues to produce spectacular sunsets and to affect weather patterns in much of the world.
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Occasionally, other disastrous effects result from volcanic eruptions. Toxic chemicals such as sulfur dioxide, carbon dioxide, and fluorine, can cause both illness and
death. The eruption of the Lakagigar fissure in southeastern Iceland in June 1783 produced a blue haze that spread over Europe, western Asia, and North Africa during
Tephra or volcanic ash is also known to block sunlight, creating the illusion of night at midday. This was demonstrated by the eruption of Mount Pinatubo in the
Philippines in June of 1991. Within days, the ash fall at Clark Air Force Base was so severe that the base was abandoned. U.S. Air Force personnel returning to the
site soon after the beginning of the eruptions found buildings collapsed and thick layers of ash. Day became night throughout a large area, and at this writing (January
1992), dust spewed by the volcano into the stratosphere continues to produce spectacular sunsets and to affect weather patterns in much of the world.

Occasionally, other disastrous effects result from volcanic eruptions. Toxic chemicals such as sulfur dioxide, carbon dioxide, and fluorine, can cause both illness and
death. The eruption of the Lakagigar fissure in southeastern Iceland in June 1783 produced a blue haze that spread over Europe, western Asia, and North Africa during
an eight-month period. Crops were spoiled in Scotland and the finish was ruined on copper pots in England. Dust fell on northern Italy and the obscuring of the sun
produced an unusually cold winter throughout Europe in 1783-84. In Iceland, trees withered and died, crops yellowed, and grasses nearly died out. Horses, sheep,
and cattle sickened, the flesh and hide often rotting on their bodies before death came. Fish disappeared from Icelandic coastal waters for nearly a year. The Haze
Famine caused the death of more than 10,000 people in Icelandï¿½-a fifth of the population-ï¿½over a three-year period. Boils and growths appeared on the bodies of
the sick, their gums swelled, and their teeth fell out.

When the Earth Moves

When an earthquake hit the Yellowstone Park region on August 17, 1959, most viewed it as a very serious matter. The shores of Montana's Hebgen Lake were tilted
by the upheaval, submerging cabins at one end and lifting docks high and dry at the other. But the tremor was minor compared to what happened five years later.

The great Alaska earthquake of March 27, 1964, was 4,000 times as powerful as the largest known nuclear explosion and several hundred times more powerful than
all the nuclear weapons exploded to that date. This vast power provoked the largest land area deformation in historic times. More than 100,000 square miles of the
earth's surface were vertically displaced. Streets in Anchorage were lowered by twenty feet and the earth resonated for weeks afterward.

Resulting tsunamis up to thirty feet high built up in Prince William Sound and devastated towns along Alaska's southern coast. Nearly half the fishing boats of Kodiak
Island were sunk or smashed and two of its three fish canneries were carried away by the waters. The waves, racing at 400 miles an hour, swept over beaches in
Hawaii, Japan, and the west coast of the United States. Four children on an outing with their parents were swept from the beach at Depoe, Oregon. Twenty-foot
waves hit Crescent City, California, 1,600 miles away, smashing 150 stores and killing a dozen people. The ground was lifted beneath such distant cities as Houston,
Texas (four inches), and Cape Kennedy, Florida, and the levels of well water jumped abruptly as far away as South Africa.

The Alaska quake lasted for seven full minutes. In many places, the ground reacted to the quake as if it were water and moved as waves of the sea. Some houses in
Anchorage were moved as much as a quarter mile from their original location. The devastation was so complete that 75% of the state's commerce and industry was
destroyed.

Still, the Alaska and Yellowstone disasters resulted in minimal loss of human life, as did the famous San Francisco earthquakes of 1906 and 1989 and the Los Angeles
earthquake of 1993. None of these attained the 8.9 Richter scale reading of the 1906 earth quake in Quito, Ecuador, and the one that hit Honshu, Japan, in 1933.

Though not to be taken lightly, the destructive nature of the most well-known U.S. quakes cannot compete with other earth quakes and volcanic eruptions of historic
times, whose description reads like a page from 3 Nephi. Perhaps more comparable are the following earthquakes that have resulted in the largest loss of life for single
natural disasters:

*It is estimated that more than 800,000 people died in a Chinese earthquake in 1556 that wreaked havoc in three provinces.

*Perhaps as many as 100,000 people lost their lives during the 1669 eruption of Sicily's Mount Etna, during which the daytime sky was blackened by ash and smoke,
while boulders weighing as much as 300 pounds were propelled several miles through the air.

*In 1803, the city of Edo (now Tokyo), Japan, was destroyed by an earthquake, and 210,000 people died.

*In January 1855 an earthquake in southeastern New Zealand lifted a block of the Rimutaka mountain range measuring 90 miles by 20 miles by ten feet. Such a feat
would require the simultaneous explosion of several thousand atomic bombs.

*In 1857, Tokyo was again hit by an earthquake that triggered a tremendous firestorm, resulting in the loss of 107,000 souls.

*On December 28, 1908, an earthquake struck the Sicilian port-city of Messina. More than 90% of the town's buildings collapsed within minutes. A 26-foot tsunami
followed. Ruptured gas mains set the city ablaze. Some 90,000 people died in Messina, 40,000 in the nearby Italian town of Reggiodi Calabria, and another 27,000 in
other cities and towns along both sides of the strait separating Sicily from the mainland of Italy.

*More than 200,000 people perished in a quake in Kansu province, China, in December 1920.

*On September 1, 1923, the "great Kwanto earthquake" struck the Japanese cities of Tokyo and Yokohama, followed by a 36-foot-high tsunami and enormous fires.
About 140,000 people died and 100,000 were seriously injured. More than 560,000 homes were destroyed, leaving a million and a half people homeless. A vast
crowd of 30,000 taking refuge in a public park was instantaneously incinerated by a firestorm sweeping through Tokyo.

*In 1939, an earthquake in Erzincan, Turkey, killed 40,000 people.

*Some 242,000 people were killed and another 164,000 seriously injured by the 1976 earthquake in Tangshan province, China. The quake, which measured 8.5 on
the Richter scale, generated five thousand times more energy than the atomic bomb that destroyed the Japanese city of Hiroshima in 1945. In the city of Tangshan,
95% of the civil buildings and 80% of the industrial plants were destroyed or suffered severe damage. The quake had been immediately preceded by a series of
flashing, multicolored lights, visible at a distance of 200 miles.

*On December 7, 1988, a gigantic earthquake took 25,000 lives in Soviet Armenia and destroyed several cities and towns.

A series of three earthquake tremors that hit Jamaica on June 7, 1692, were so violent that two mountains were moved nearly a mile from their original positions. Port
Royal abruptly sank into the ocean and within just minutes much of it lay under fifty feet of water. Nearly two thousand people died. Hundreds of people fell into the
deep cracks which formed in the ground, and their rotting corpses filled the air with a noxious stench for months.

On the morning of November 1, 1755, an earthquake hit Lisbon, Portugal. Within two minutes, 30,000 people were crushed to death by falling buildings. Another
20,000 or more perished in the fires that soon broke out or drowned in the fifty-foot tsunamis that swept into the port. Of the town's 20,000 houses, 17,000 were
destroyed. The tremors were felt over 1.5 million square miles, by a third of Europe's population. Rivers in Scandinavia and Scotland surged wildly. Church chandeliers
swayed  in the
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10,000 people died from the tremors and the tsunamis. The tsunami reached England five hours after the quake and arrived in the West Indies a short four hours later.

In 1772, the Papandayang area of Java was hit by a series of earthquakes, one of which split a mountain and created a large depression six miles wide and 15 miles
On the morning of November 1, 1755, an earthquake hit Lisbon, Portugal. Within two minutes, 30,000 people were crushed to death by falling buildings. Another
20,000 or more perished in the fires that soon broke out or drowned in the fifty-foot tsunamis that swept into the port. Of the town's 20,000 houses, 17,000 were
destroyed. The tremors were felt over 1.5 million square miles, by a third of Europe's population. Rivers in Scandinavia and Scotland surged wildly. Church chandeliers
swayed in the Netherlands and Germany. An army barracks in Luxembourg, a thousand miles away, fell, killing 500 soldiers. Across the Mediterranean, in Morocco,
10,000 people died from the tremors and the tsunamis. The tsunami reached England five hours after the quake and arrived in the West Indies a short four hours later.

In 1772, the Papandayang area of Java was hit by a series of earthquakes, one of which split a mountain and created a large depression six miles wide and 15 miles
long, into which an entire town of 2,000 people disappeared.

A series of earthquakes devastated western Calabria, at the tip of Italy's toe, during a two-month period in 1783. Countless fissures-ï¿½some as wide as 150 feet-
ï¿½formed. Some of them tapped deep springs of boiling water and mud, which shot up scalding geysers. More than 30,000 people died.

On December 15, 1811, the first of a series of large quakes took place in the Mississippi basin near New Madrid, Missouri. It was accompanied by a storm
resembling a tornado. The sky was filled with black clouds and fierce lightning, accompanied by a sulfurous odor. Swamps were drained as large tracts of lands rose or
fell. For a brief time, parts of the Mississippi flowed uphill and two temporary waterfalls were created. Of the nearly 2,000 tremors that struck the area during the next
three months, the strongest managed to flatten hundreds of square miles of forests, alter the course of the Mississippi River, turn thousands of acres of prairie into
swamp, submerge whole islands, produce massive landslides, and destroy New Madrid, lowering the ground beneath it some fifteen feet.

The final and most powerful quake occurred on February 7, 1812, and was felt over an area of 1.5 million square miles (nearly half the continental USA). The tremor
was felt in Detroit, 600 miles distant, and in parts of Canada. It rattled windows and shook chandeliers as far away as Washington, D.C. (750 miles away), and New
Orleans (500 miles away), and rang church bells in Boston, Massachusetts (1,100 miles away), and Charleston, South Carolina. People in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania,
were roused from sleep.

An earthquake at Charleston in August 1886 destroyed or damaged most of the town's buildings and killed 60 people. Felt throughout most of the eastern United
States, it caused minor damage to the upper floors of buildings as far away as New York City (600 miles) and Chicago (750 miles).

On January 24, 1939, a powerful earthquake in south-central Chile affected a strip of land 50 miles wide and 200 miles long. The towns of Concepcion and Chillan
were destroyed. Of Chillan's 50,000 inhabitants, 10,000 died and 20,000 were injured. A thousand died in the collapse of a movie theater. In all, 50,000 people died
and 60,000 were injured, while 700,000 were left homeless. Nearby volcanoes glowed red but, to the relief of residents, did not erupt.

In 1960, an earthquake triggered fires and a tsunami that killed at least 10,000 people in Agadit, Morocco.

On May 31, 1970, a quake on the Pacific Ocean floor fifteen miles off the Peruvian coast killed 70,000 people and set off landslides and avalanches in the Andes
Mountains. A mass of ice, snow, mud, rocks, and boulders, estimated at 90 million cubit yards, fell from the 12,000-foot summit of Nevado de Huascaran (Peru's
highest peak). Sweeping down at 200 miles an hour and covering a horizontal distance of seven miles, it buried the town of Yungay, Ranrahirca. At least 25,000
people died under ten to forty feet of debris.

Two mild earthquakes went nearly unnoticed in Managua, Nicaragua, on December 22, 1972. But no one failed to note the three larger tremors that came just after
midnight. The third reduced at least 70% of the city to rubble, killing 5,000 people, injuring 20,000, and leaving 250,000 homeless.

The earthquake that hit Mexico City on September 19, 1985, destroyed 500 buildings and damaged 3,300. More than 9,000 people lost their lives and 30,000 were
injured. Some 95,000 were left homeless as fires from ruptured gas mains continued the destruction begun by the quake.

Tsunamis

Tsunamis are among the most destructive of the forces unleashed by earthquakes. A 1596 quake near the Japanese shore created a tsunami that destroyed the island of
Uryu-Jima, resulting in the death of more than 4,000 people. In 1737, a tsunami more than 200 feet high slammed into northern Japan and part of the Kamchatka
peninsula of Russia, leaving a watermark on a cliff face 210 feet above sea level at Cape Lopatka, Siberia.

In 1868, an earthquake off the coast of Chile generated a series of tsunamis that crashed into the harbor of Arica. A U.S. Navy steamship was carried three miles up
the coast and two miles inland, where the crew found themselves at the foot of the cliff where the watermark on the rock showed the wave had broken against it 47
feet above the ground. A nearby British three-masted ship had lost its crew and had been spun so violently by the water that the heavy anchor chain had been wrapped
over and over around the ship's hull.

On June 15, 1896, an earthquake shook the Sanriku district of the Japanese island of Honshu. Twenty minutes later, a 100-foot tsunami struck at 500 miles an hour,
sweeping away 10,617 houses and damaging 2,456. A total of 27,122 people died and 9,247 were injured.

On April 1, 1946, nature played a cruel April fool's joke. Two earthquakes centered in the ocean 90 miles southeast of Unimak Island in the Aleutian chain of Alaska
created a destructive tsunami. A 115-foot wall of water rushed at 75 miles an hour to destroy the lighthouse at Scotch Cap on Unimak. Building speed to 490 miles an
hour, the tsunami crossed the 2,300 miles to the Hawaiian island of Oahu in a little more than four and a half hours. A total of seven waves hit Hawaii.

The north coast of Kauai was hit by 45-foot waves, while 50-foot waves hit the island of Hawaii. The highest waves to hit Oahu were 36 feet. Waves 20 to 32 feet
high leaped over the breakwater in the city of Hilo, flooding the downtown section of the city. In all, 1,400 homes were destroyed and 159 people died, 96 of them in
Hilo.

On December 21 of the same year, an undersea quake off the Japanese island of Honshu produced a tsunami that destroyed several thousand ships and wiped 50
towns from the map. Some 2,000 people died and half a million were left homeless.

The Chilean earthquake of May 1960 sent a tsunami speeding at more than 500 miles an hour out into the Pacific Ocean. The Hawaiian town of Hilo was devastated,
but the early warning system established after the 1946 disaster made it possible to save all but 60 people. A total of 438 people were killed when the tsunami hit Japan
and the Philippines.

Volcanic Eruptions

The past decade or so has seen renewed volcanic activity in many parts of the world. The eruption of Washington state's Mount St. Helens came as a surprise to most
of us, who thought the volcano permanently dormant. Other major eruptions have occurred in Mexico, the Philippines, and Colombia. Hawaii's land mass continues to
increase daily
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                  lava flows to the sea from
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                                         Media Corp.Kiluea.                                                                                   Page 246 / 919
On the morning of May 18, 1980, a strong earthquake shook the area of Mount St. Helens. A few seconds later, the volcano exploded with force five hundred times
that of the atomic bomb that leveled the Japanese city of Hiroshima. The shock wave instantaneously snapped off six million trees, scattering them like straws over an
Volcanic Eruptions

The past decade or so has seen renewed volcanic activity in many parts of the world. The eruption of Washington state's Mount St. Helens came as a surprise to most
of us, who thought the volcano permanently dormant. Other major eruptions have occurred in Mexico, the Philippines, and Colombia. Hawaii's land mass continues to
increase daily as lava flows to the sea from Mount Kiluea.

On the morning of May 18, 1980, a strong earthquake shook the area of Mount St. Helens. A few seconds later, the volcano exploded with force five hundred times
that of the atomic bomb that leveled the Japanese city of Hiroshima. The shock wave instantaneously snapped off six million trees, scattering them like straws over an
area of 130,000 acres and up to 150 miles away. It is estimated that the explosive shock wave traveled at 250 miles an hour. Boulders up to 60 feet in diameter were
blown or carried five miles from their original location. All life was destroyed in a fan-shaped area 17 miles long. Some 5,200 elk and 6,000 black-tailed deer perished,
many of them from suffocation. Fishermen 16 miles from the blast were severely burned and survived only by jumping into the water.

An ash plume shot 63,000 feet into the air and moved east. Its approach was observed by climbers on the 11,800-foot summit of Mt. Adams, 35 miles away. They
observed lightning in the huge cloud. Ten minutes later, the temperature around them rose by 15 degrees as the hot ash reached their position, and static electricity
discharged from their ice-axes.

Midnight darkness fell at noon in parts of Washington, Idaho, and Montana, as ash from the volcano spread into the atmosphere. Some 800,000 tons of ash fell on
Yakima, Washington, 85 miles east of Mount St. Helens. A vast quantity of ash circled the globe for years, affecting sunsets in various parts of the world. More than a
cubic mile of matter had been blown away from the mountain. Formerly 9,677 feet high, it was reduced to 8,400 feet at the southern rim of the volcanic caldero and
6,800 feet at the northern rim.

A vast area around the volcano was covered by mud formed from a mixture of ash and melted snow. The superheated mud, measuring up to 800 degrees Fahrenheit,
flowed downhill at speeds approaching 50 miles an hour, and reached the town of Toutle, 25 miles from the peak. Thirteen miles of the Toutle River valley was filled
with mud a mile wide and hundreds of feet deep. Part of the mudslide into Spirit Lake, six miles north of the summit, overtopped a ridge 1,200 feet high.

When the hot mud reached the Toutle River, the river's temperature rose to 90 degrees. Flowing into the larger Cowlitz River, it raised the temperature to 80 degrees,
killing all the fish (estimated at half a million). Timber swept up by the mudflow formed a 20-mile logjam in the Columbia River. Within 18 hours after the eruption,
debris had narrowed the normally 40-foot-wide Columbia River (the nation's second largest) to a mere 14 feet. River bottoms were raised at least twelve feet. Twenty-
six lakes completely disappeared and 27 more were severely damaged, and millions of fish perished. By November of the following year, the U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers had removed from the three rivers some 100 million cubic yards of debris.

The Colombian volcano Nevado del Ruiz erupted on November 13, 1985, expelling millions of tons of ash seven miles into the stratosphere. Cooling in the frigid air, it
fell on snow that had been melted by hot magma inside the volcano. A fifteen-foot-high flow of cold mud rushed down the valley through the town of Armero, 30 miles
from the volcano, burying 80% of the town's buildings and killing 20,000 of the town's 22,500 people within minutes. As the torrent rolled on, it warmed and became a
steaming river as much as fifty feet deep, which engulfed other villages.

Over the centuries, hundreds of thousands of people have lost their lives in volcanic eruptions. In 1772, for example, the entire top half of Java's 8,750-foot Mount
Papandayan sank into a pool of lava, taking down with it forty villages and 3,000 people. In 1793, the Japanese island volcano Unsen was obliterated by an explosion
that killed 50,000 people. Pumice thrown out by the volcano floated on the sea in layers thick enough to enable people to walk on the porous stones.

During late April and early May of 1902, Mount Pelï¿½e, on the West Indian island of Martinique, began rumbling and spewing hot ash. On May 2, the mountain shot
up a dense black cloud laced with brilliant lightning. For several days, ash fell like snow on the nearby port city of St. Pierre. On May 5, a mass of boiling mud rushed
down to the sea, carrying fifty-ton boulders and burying alive forty workers in a sugar mill. Electrical disturbances from the volcano knocked out the city's electricity.

Two days later, La Soufriï¿½re, a volcano on the nearby island of St. Vincent, erupted and sent a steam cloud 30,000 feet into the air. Hot falling ash destroyed
vegetation over a third of the island. A fifty-foot mass of boiling mud formed in the Rabaka Dry River and began flowing downhill. Parts of the valley had up to 200 feet
of mud, while mud deposits in the valley of the Wallibou measured up to 60 feet. Nearly 1,600 people died and much property was lost. The ash cloud, traveling at 50
miles an hour, affected a wide expanse of the nearby Caribbean Sea.

On May 7, the day of the eruption on St. Vincent, a black cloud full of vivid lightning rose from Mt. Pelï¿½e, whose summit glowed in the early morning hours. The
next morning, at 7:52 a.m., the side of the volcano burst open and a huge wall of fire from superheated steam, gases, and ash rushed down the mountainside at a
hundred miles an hour and engulfed the nearby port city of St. Pierre, traversing the five miles in less than a minute. The seering heat, perhaps up to 1900 degrees
Fahrenheit, instantaneously carbonized many objects and killed people. Within a minute after the gaseous cloud passed, oxygen returned to the air and the city burst
into flame. All of this was observed from ships at sea near the island. (More than a dozen ships anchored in the port had been burned.) From aboard the Pouyer-
Quertier, eight miles at sea, observers felt the intense heat and soon thereafter witnessed the fall of red-hot stones and ash on the ship's deck. The heat from the burning
town was so intense that at 11:30 a.m. a ship from Fort de France was unable to approach the shore. When finally able to go ashore, visitors found a layer of ash
nearly a foot thick, with drifts up to several feet high. Every tree in town had been destroyed. So great had been the force of the blast that clothing had been torn from
people an instant before they died.

Only two of the 30,000 people in town survived the holocaust, and those two were severely burned. One of them, speaking in terms reminiscent of the account in 3
Nephi, told of the terrible wind followed by a sudden darkness, a shaking of the earth, and then a tremendous blast of heat.

When Mt. Katmai, Alaska, erupted on June 6, 1912, the explosion was heard 750 miles to the southeast in Juneau. Heavy volcanic ash fell in both Juneau and in the
Yukon valley 1,000 miles from the volcano. Day turned to night for three days at Kodiak Island, 100 miles southeast. Observers on the U.S. Coast Guard cutter
Manning, at Kodiak Island, reported on June 7 that it was impossible to see a lantern at arm's length. Pumice and ash in the sea made floating rafts capable of sustaining
a man's weight. An estimated eight to nine cubic miles of rock was ejected by the explosion, followed by five cubic miles of tephra. Ash fell on Puget Sound and acid
rain from the volcano destroyed clothes hanging outdoors at nearby Vancouver, British Columbia, 1,500 miles away.

The most powerful explosion known in history took place on April 5, 1815, when the volcanic mountain Tambora erupted on the Indonesian island of Sumbawa. Ten
thousand people on Sumbawa and nearby islands were killed instantaneously, and 82,000 more died from the famine and disease that followed. The sound of the
explosion was heard as far away as 1,600 miles.

Tambora ejected some thirty-six cubic miles (170 billion tons) of volcanic debris into the stratosphere. The thick ash cloud produced complete darkness on islands up
to 370 miles away for three days. Circling the globe many times over and joining with ash from the 1812 eruption of La Soufriï¿½re in the West Indies and the 1814
eruption of Mt. Mayon on the Philippine island of Luzon, it produced spectacular orange sunsets as far away as England, and parts of Europe and North America
experienced no summer in 1815. Snow fell in some parts of New England as late as July and August, with frost recorded every month from June through September.
Crop failure resulted in widespread famine and food riots in France and England.
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One of the most well-known eruptions in modern times was that of the volcanic island of Krakatoa in the Sunda Strait separating Java from Sumatra, Indonesia, on
August 26-27, 1883. We are fortunate to have eye-witness accounts from survivors on the nearby coasts of Java and Sumatra, as well as log books of ships passing
through the strait. The steam cloud produced by the volcano's first eruption at two o'clock on the afternoon of August 26 shot 25 miles into the sky.
to 370 miles away for three days. Circling the globe many times over and joining with ash from the 1812 eruption of La Soufriï¿½re in the West Indies and the 1814
eruption of Mt. Mayon on the Philippine island of Luzon, it produced spectacular orange sunsets as far away as England, and parts of Europe and North America
experienced no summer in 1815. Snow fell in some parts of New England as late as July and August, with frost recorded every month from June through September.
Crop failure resulted in widespread famine and food riots in France and England.

One of the most well-known eruptions in modern times was that of the volcanic island of Krakatoa in the Sunda Strait separating Java from Sumatra, Indonesia, on
August 26-27, 1883. We are fortunate to have eye-witness accounts from survivors on the nearby coasts of Java and Sumatra, as well as log books of ships passing
through the strait. The steam cloud produced by the volcano's first eruption at two o'clock on the afternoon of August 26 shot 25 miles into the sky.

Explosions during the afternoon and night were heard up to 240 miles away, and people living along the west coast of Java, more than fifty miles distant, were unable to
sleep. The largest explosion occurred at ten o'clock in the morning. It broke windows and cracked walls up to a hundred miles away. The sound was heard 2,250
miles to the east in central Australia and 3,000 miles to the west on the island of Rodriguez, near Madagascar. Air pressure waves from the explosion circled the globe
six and a half times and were detected by barometric instruments. The eruption's force has been calculated at 30,000 megatons, which is a million times greater than
that of the Hiroshima atomic bomb.

The dust cloud from the ten o'clock explosion rose to a height of 50 miles and lightning was observed within the cloud, with static electrical phenomena around some of
the ships in the strait. Several billion tons of rock, comprising an estimated five cubic miles of matter, had cut the island's size by two-thirds. By midafternoon of August
27, the settling dust had completely obliterated the sun as far away as Badong, nearly 240 miles to the east. Ash fell as far away as 2,000 miles to the west and south of
Krakatoa, even reaching the northwestern shore of Australia.

Two new islands were created by the debris from the eruption, but they were soon reduced to sand bars by violent wave action. A deadly hail of red-hot matter killed
hundreds of people on nearby islands.

The resulting tsunamis, some up to 175 feet in height and traveling at 400 miles an hour, destroyed nearly 300 towns and villages bordering the Sunda Strait, resulting in
the loss of 36,380 lives. Many villages simply slipped into the sea, never to be seen again, and several islands disappeared from the map. The 10,000 inhabitants of the
town of Tetlok Betong, 50 miles away on the island of Sumatra, perished in the waves. The gun-boat Berouw, anchored in the town's harbor, was carried nearly two
miles inland and deposited some 30 feet above sea level. The Sumatran town of Kalimloang was hit by an 80-foot wave. Sebesi island, north of Krakatoa, was
completely engulfed in water and all 3,000 of its inhabitants drowned. At Tjaringin, Java, only one tree survived the wall of water. Coral torn from offshore was carried
seven miles inland. The nearby town of Perimbang, ten miles from the sea, was submerged. Another Javan town, Merak, experienced a tsunami that destroyed houses
atop a 135-foot hill; only two of the town's 3,000 inhabitants survived.

By the time the tsunami reached Ceylon, it was still eight feet high. Nine hours after the eruption, a tsunami engulfed the harbor of Calcutta, some 2,000 miles from
Krakatoa, and damaged river boats. Lesser rises in water levels were recorded at Mauritius, Cape Horn, and even in the English Channel.

An estimated 6,500 ships and boats were destroyed by the hurricane-force winds, falling debris, and seismic waves. Most of the lighthouses in the Sunda strait were
destroyed. Large rafts of floating pumice were later spotted as far away as 7,500 miles in the Indian Ocean.

Fire and Ash

The volcano is nature's greatest source of fire. It not only spews burning gases and rocks, but it ignites flammable materials which can continue to burn long after the
volcanic flames have subsided. Forests and human dwellings are readily destroyed by volcanoes, as Hawaiian lava flows have demonstrated in recent years.

Large forest fires produce vast quantities of smoke that have been known to cause darkness at midday in distant places. Wind-born soot and ash from such a fire (not
kindled by volcanic activity) caused the sky to grow dark over an area from New Jersey to Maine on May 19, 1780. Indeed, there were eighteen such occur rences in
that area between 1706 and 1910, one of the most severe being in November 1716.

The thick darkness that followed the cataclysm at the time of Christ's crucifixion is described as a "vapor" that would not permit the kindling of fire. Ash-and dust-laden
air would explain this phenomenon. The depletion of the oxygen supply following the great fires would have made it impossible to kindle torches.

Conclusion

Critics of the Book of Mormon have suggested that the vast array of destructive forces described in 3 Nephi are impossible. But an examination of tectonic activity in
various parts of the world shows that all of these phenomena are not only possible, but expected. It is significant, too, that some of the best examples of the kinds of
natural phenomena described in the Book of Mormon have occurred in the very area-ï¿½Mesoamerica and the nearby Caribbeanï¿½-where most Book of Mormon
scholars place the story in 3 Nephi. The fact that such phenomena are known in nature does not detract from the miraculous nature of the events surrounding Christ's
crucifixion. The Lord is more than capable of using natural phenomena to accomplish his purposes.

  The regional nature of the cataclysmï¿½-affecting mostly the "land northward"ï¿½-is discussed in my article, "The Timing of Christ's Appearance to the Nephites," in
John W. Welch, ed., "When Did Jesus Appear to the Nephites in Bountiful," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1989.

Wanderers in the Promised Land: a Study of the Exodus Motif in the Book of Mormon and Holy Bible
Bruce J. Boehm

Abstract: Lehi's exodus to the promised land is only the first of a series of exoduses occurring throughout the Book of Mormon. Indeed, Lehi's exodus becomes mere
precedent for later flights into the wilderness by Nephi, Mosiah, Alma 1 , Limhi, and the Anti-Nephi-Lehites. For the Nephites, continuing exodus is not merely
historical fact. Understanding the biblical exodus as a type and shadow, the Nephites come to see their wandering as a metaphor of their spiritual condition. Thus, even
centuries after Lehi's arrival in the promised land, Nephite prophets recognize their status as "wanderers in a strange land" (Alma 13:23). As Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, the Nephites looked beyond their temporal land of promise "for a city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God" (Heb. 11:10).

Several months ago I authored a paper dealing with the pattern of exodus in the Book of Mormon. In this paper I compared several of the major exoduses in the Book
of Mormon and found that each of them followed a six-step pattern. However, what caught my interest in researching and writing the paper was how the Nephites saw
themselves as a result of this recurring exodus. I was only able to comment briefly on how the continuing exodus influenced the Nephite self-concept, yet the interest in
this subject remained with me. I was particularly perplexed and unsettled by Jacob's, Alma's, and Ammon's comments on the Nephites being "wanderers in a strange
land" (Alma 13:23).

My original intent was to expand this previous paper into a comprehensive study comparing some of the major exoduses in the Book of Mormon and examining the
extent to which these exoduses followed or deviated from a similar pattern. I had then planned to comment on how continuing interest in the exodus influenced Nephite
 Copyright (c)
self-concept.  2005-2009,
              However,  I wasInfobase   Media
                               so intrigued by Corp.                                                                                                Page
                                               the latter subject that I began my research probing this curious phraseï¿½-"wanderers in a strange land." This248   / 919
                                                                                                                                                              led to a
whirlwind of research in primary texts within the scriptures themselves and in secondary sources dealing with exodus and particularly the wandering motif.
land" (Alma 13:23).

My original intent was to expand this previous paper into a comprehensive study comparing some of the major exoduses in the Book of Mormon and examining the
extent to which these exoduses followed or deviated from a similar pattern. I had then planned to comment on how continuing interest in the exodus influenced Nephite
self-concept. However, I was so intrigued by the latter subject that I began my research probing this curious phraseï¿½-"wanderers in a strange land." This led to a
whirlwind of research in primary texts within the scriptures themselves and in secondary sources dealing with exodus and particularly the wandering motif.

Parallels Between the Nephite and Israelite Exodus

George S. Tate, Terrence Szink, and S. Kent Brown have each compared the pattern of exodus in the Book of Mormon to the Israelite exodus from Egypt. In his
essay, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," George S. Tate provides a thorough table of similarities between the Israelite exodus and the
exodus in the Book of Mormon. Tate points out that a host of elements in the book of Exodus, such as a flight into the wilderness, divine guidance in the wilderness,
crossing water, the destruction of the enemies, and manna have parallels in the Nephites' journey to the promised land. For example, just as the Israelites flee Egypt into
the wilderness, so the Nephites depart from Jerusalem into the wilderness. And, as the Israelites are led by a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night, so too, is the
Lord a "light" (1 Ne. 17:3) to the Nephites, leading them by means of the divinely crafted Liahona. Tate's list includes some thirteen parallels between the Israelite
exodus and the Nephites' journey to the promised land.

Professor S. Kent Brown, in his "The Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," also notes several similarities between Lehi's exodus and the Israelite exodus. His list
includes such similarities as the complaints of the children of Israel and the complaints of Laman and Lemuel, the years of wandering in the wilderness, and the arrival in
a promised land. Brown's list, although not an attempt at a comprehensive comparison, is enough to show clearly that a number of similarities exist between the
Nephite and Israelite exoduses.

Like Brown and Tate, Szink, in his "To the Promised Land," also offers an insightful comparison of the two exoduses. However, Szink's comparison focuses on the
linguistic similarities between the Nephites' journey to the promised land and the ancient Israelite exodus. Specifically, Szink examines the use of the word "murmur" in
both accounts and concludes that Nephi's word selection is strongly influenced by the exodus account in the Bible. Szink also points out other similarities between the
two exoduses, such as Nephi's parallels between his rebellious brothers and the children of Israel and Nephi's comparison between himself and Moses.

Nephite Exodus: a Conscious Reenactment

Although other similarities could be pointed out from the work of these same scholars, it is evident that there is a striking number of similarities between exodus in the
Book of Mormon and exodus in the Old Testament. In fact, the similarities are so prevalent, Tate argues, that, "Nephi senses that he and his family are reenacting a
sacred and symbolic pattern that looks back to Israel and forward to Christï¿½-the pattern of Exodus."

Brown comes less rapidly to this conclusion. According to Brown it is not Nephi and his family who make the connection explicitly, but rather later prophets. However,
Brown does not rule out the case for conscious reenactment. He implies that although Nephi to some extent may have been conscious of reenacting the exodus pattern,
that consciousness grew as he was able, thirty years later, to look at the entire exodus experience as recorded in the larger plates. Brown suggests that perhaps Nephi
became more aware, in retrospect, of the similarities between his own exodus and the Israelite exodus. Thus the smaller plates, the account we have, reflect Nephi's
growing consciousness on this matter.

Like Brown, Szink argues that Nephi's account in 1 Nephi is influenced by the fact that he wrote it some thirty years after its occurrence. Nephi was able to sort
through the material in the large plates and select those things which would "persuade men to come unto the God of Abraham" (1 Ne. 6:3-4). Szink implies that the
Book of Mormon might reflect Nephi's hindsight in rec ognizing the significant number of similarities between the Nephite and Israelite exodus.

Recurring Exodus

More importantly, Tate and Brown also note that the exodus, a departure from one land to another in search of a new inheritance, continues even after the Nephites
reach the promised land. Tate points out that after this initial exodus the pattern recurs both for the Nephite people as a whole and in the personal conversions of the
Nephites. He notes that exodus recurs for the Nephite people as a whole in the accounts of Alma 1 and his followers, the people of Limhi, and the Jaredites, and that
"each individual conversion reenacts the exodus." As evidence that individual conversion reenacts the exodus, Tate refers to Alma 2 description of his con version
experience in terms of exodus.

Like Tate, Brown also notes how the exodus pattern continues throughout the Book of Mormon. Brown discusses the exoduses of both the people of Limhi and Alma
1 , pointing out that in both cases it is the Lord who delivers the people from bondage. Brown notes such similarities between these later Nephite exoduses and the
Israelite exodus as the fact that both the Israelites and the Nephites take their flocks and herds with them, and that the Lord eventually softens the hearts of the
Egyptians, as he would later soften the hearts of the Lamanite overseers.

Interpreting the Significance of Exodus

Scholars have likewise considered at length the continuation of exodus throughout Nephite history. Tate suggests that the exodus pattern in the Book of Mormon acts
as a type which "unifies the work structurally and thematically." Professor Bruce W. Jorgensen also examined the Book of Mormon typologically, but focused on
Lehi's dream rather than the exodus pattern as the key to understanding the Book of Mormon's typological unity. Similarly, a host of scholars have addressed exodus
typology in the Bible. However, Tate's piece is significant because it is the first to examine how exodus works as a type in the Book of Mormon.

Tate argues that recurring exodus in the Book of Mormon not only looks back to the Israelite exodus, but forward to Christ. As Tate concludes, each exodus is
"pointing back to the original Exodus and adumbrating the fulfillment of each type in Christ." Tate points out that just as the Old Testament exodus typology is fulfilled
in the New Testament, so Book of Mormon exodus typology prior to 3 Nephi is fulfilled in Christ's appearance to the Nephites.

Unlike Tate's, Brown's approach to exodus is not directly typological. Brown insists that the Nephites see the exodus experience as a proof of God's power. Thus,
Nephi, Helaman's son, refers to the exodus in his sermon atop the garden tower as a proof that God has the ability to fulfill all His words. However, Brown also
recognizes that the exodus acts as a type for deliverance from sin through the atonement, and refers to Alma's personal conversion story in which Alma describes his
repentance in terms of Israel's deliverance from Egypt to illustrate that the exodus is a type for the effects of the atonement.

A Summary of the Research

I have focused on the work of Tate, Brown, and Szink because their essays delve into the significance of exodus in the Book of Mormon, and, cumulatively, their work
clearly establishes the many parallels between the Nephite journey to the promised land and the Israelite exodus. Further, these scholars establish that the exodus
pattern, collectively (as a people) and individually, was a conscious reenactment by the Nephites. With the exception of Szink, their essays also note that the exodus
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
pattern recurs throughout the Book of Mormon. Yet despite this solid foundation of research, perhaps not enough has been said about one of the most Page     249 / 919
                                                                                                                                                         intriguing
elements of their discussion-ï¿½why the exodus pattern continues even after the Nephites reach the promised land.
I have focused on the work of Tate, Brown, and Szink because their essays delve into the significance of exodus in the Book of Mormon, and, cumulatively, their work
clearly establishes the many parallels between the Nephite journey to the promised land and the Israelite exodus. Further, these scholars establish that the exodus
pattern, collectively (as a people) and individually, was a conscious reenactment by the Nephites. With the exception of Szink, their essays also note that the exodus
pattern recurs throughout the Book of Mormon. Yet despite this solid foundation of research, perhaps not enough has been said about one of the most intriguing
elements of their discussion-ï¿½why the exodus pattern continues even after the Nephites reach the promised land.

Wanderers in the Promised Land: a Study of the Exodus Motif in the Book of Mormon and Holy Bible

At first glance the continuing pattern of exodus in the Book of Mormon strikes the reader as somewhat unsettling. However, as with many other elements in the Book
of Mormon, these occasional wanderings take on a wealth of spiritual meaning. For the Nephites, these exoduses are not merely historical events. The Nephites come
to see the exodus experience, so prevalent in their history, as a type for their spiritual condition. To the Nephites, exodus becomes a metaphor for their journey through
mortality toward eternal life. Indeed, recurring exodus leaves an indelible impression upon the Nephite self-concept, impressing upon the minds and hearts of the
Nephites that they are spiritual wanderers and strangers on the earth and that their true inheritance lies beyond even the "promised land." This study will focus on the
spiritual significance of the Nephites being "wanderers in a strange land" (Alma 13:23).

Continuing Exoduses in the Book of Mormon

Early in 1 Nephi, the Lord promises Nephi that he "shall be led to a land of promise; yea, even a land which I have prepared for you" (1 Ne. 2:20). Because of this and
other divine promises, it might strike the reader as somewhat odd that shortly after the Nephites reach the promised land, it again becomes necessary for them to flee
into the wilderness. This second exodus is even more disturbing, considering that it was largely due to Nephi's faith and courage that Lehi's party reached the land of
their "first inheritance." The scant year or so that the Nephites are allowed to remain in the land of their first inheritance hardly seems ample reward for eight years of
toiling in the Arabian desert. Even the Nephites' consolation that the Lord "leadeth away the righteous into precious lands, and the wicked he destroyeth, and curseth
the land unto them for their sakes" (1 Ne. 17:38) hardly seems adequate to quell the disappointment the Nephites must have felt at having to begin a new exodus so
shortly after reaching the promised land. It is hardly surprising that only those "who believed in the warnings and revelations of God" followed Nephi into the wilderness.


However, this people's exodus to a second inheritance is just the beginning of a series of exoduses the Nephite people were required to undertake after reaching the
promised land. Two centuries later, King Mosiah fled the land of Nephi, seeking yet another inheritance in the promised land. And during an interim of relative
stability, the search for a new inheritance continued, as Alma, Limhi, and the Anti-Nephi-Lehites were likewise required to flee their homelands and find new
inheritances elsewhere in the promised land. The Book of Mormon itself ends with an exodus, as Moroni, a lone Nephite, makes one final departure into the
wilderness. He laments, "And I, Moroni, will not deny the Christ; wherefore, I wander whithersoever I can for the safety of mine own life" (Moro. 1:3) yet his
wandering, his exodus, is forlorn and fruitless, as he has "not friends nor wither to go" (Morm. 8:5).

The Nephites understand the spiritual meaning inherent in their elusive searches for an inheritance. Even five hundred years after reaching the promised land, Alma and
Ammon suggest the spiritual lessons learned when they refer to themselves and the Nephite people as "wanderers in a strange land." To the Nephites, these exoduses
are not merely historical events; they take on larger spiritual significance.

Strangers Sojourners and Wanderers: the Holy Bible

The scriptures make frequent reference to the Lord's servants and people as strangers, sojourners, or wanderers. Even more striking is the fact that these references
continue after the Lord's people have reached the promised land or the land of their promised inheritance. Moses, while dwelling in the land of Midian with Jethro,
suggests the metaphor by referring to himself as "a stranger in a strange land" (Ex. 2:22). Here the word stranger is a translation of the Hebrew word ger. The word ger
comes from the Hebrew root GWR which means "to sojourn." The Gesenius Hebrew-Chaldee Lexicon defines ger as "a sojourner," "a temporary dweller," or a "new-
comer." Thus, by referring to himself as a "stranger" or ger, Moses, an Egyptian native, is essentially saying that he is a sojourner or temporary dweller in Midian.

Interestingly, Abraham uses this same term to describe himself. When Sarah dies, Abraham tells the sons of Heth, "I am a stranger and a sojourner with you: give me a
possession of a buryingplace with you, that I may bury my dead out of my sight" (Gen. 23:4). Once again the word "stranger" is an English translation of the Hebrew
ger. Not only do the scriptures refer to Abraham as a "stranger" while in Canaan, but they apply the same description to Isaac and Jacob: "And I have also established
my covenant with them, to give them the land of Canaan, the land of their pilgrimage, wherein they were strangers" (Ex. 6:4). Here the patriarchs are referred to as
gerï¿½m, the plural of ger. "Strangers" in this passage means "sojourners." Further, in this scripture it is not just Abraham describing himself as a ger, but the Lord
himself referring to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as such. In a literal sense we may accurately refer to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as gerï¿½m because they are only
temporary dwellers in the promised land, and as newcomers from another country they have no inher ited rights in Canaan.

However, this passage clearly suggests that their being referred to as gerï¿½m has spiritual significance as well. The word pilgrimage in the Bible is associated with a
religious journey and suggests that Canaan was the land of the patriarchs' spiritual as well as temporal journeying. Indeed, Ex. 6:4 suggests that the patriarchs were
metaphorical sojourners, temporary dwellers on the earth, temporary dwellers even in Canaan, for their eternal abode is in God's kingdom.

Nowhere in the scriptures is the spiritual significance of this journeying toward and dwelling in the land of Canaan more clearly expressed than in Abraham's own
account of his exodus to Canaan: "Therefore, eternity was our covering and our rock and our salvation, as we journeyed from Haran by the way of Jershon, to come to
the land of Canaan" (Abr. 2:16). With one eye directed heavenward and the other focused on the physical realities of their pilgrimage, these patriarchs made their way
simultaneously to Canaan and an eternal land of promise. Paul supports this interpretation in his letter to the Hebrews, where he writes that these saints "confessed that
they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth" (Heb. 11:13), seeking for a "better country" than Canaan, "that is, an heavenly" (Heb. 11:16).

Even hundreds of years after the Israelites have conquered the land of Canaan, King David says, "For we are strangers before thee, and sojourners, as were all our
fathers: our days on the earth are as a shadow, and there is none abiding" (1 Chr. 29:15). Again, the English translation of gerï¿½m is "strangers." Clearly, however, the
Israelites are no longer sojourners and newcomers in the sense that the patriarchs were; by this point the Israelites have established their rule for some time. Thus,
David seems to be joining Abraham in confessing that he and his people are "strangers and pilgrims on the earth."

It seems somewhat ironic that both the Lord and his servants would refer to God's people as gerï¿½m or "sojourners" even after they have reached the land that God
has prepared for them. However, these references to the Israelites as gerï¿½m in the land of Canaan forcefully remind us that even in the promised land the Lord's
people will not feel entirely at home, for they will under stand that their inheritance lies beyond and surpasses any earthly blessing, including their geographical "promised
land."

Strangers Sojourners and Wanderers: the Book of Mormon

As in ancient Israel, Nephite prophets use similar terms to describe themselves, even after reaching the promised land. In his final commentary, Jacob concludes, "the
time passed(c)
 Copyright  away   with us, and
                2005-2009,      also ourMedia
                             Infobase    lives passed
                                               Corp. away like as it were unto us a dream, we being a lonesome and a solemn people, wanderers"Page  (Jacob 7:26).
                                                                                                                                                           250 / 919
Of course, Jacob himself is well acquainted with a nomadic lifestyle. Lehi's "firstborn in the wilderness," Jacob spent the first years of his life wandering in the Arabian
desert (2 Ne. 2:2). Shortly after his arrival in the promised land, Jacob again followed Nephi into the wilderness. However, this designation as "wanderers" seems to
Strangers Sojourners and Wanderers: the Book of Mormon

As in ancient Israel, Nephite prophets use similar terms to describe themselves, even after reaching the promised land. In his final commentary, Jacob concludes, "the
time passed away with us, and also our lives passed away like as it were unto us a dream, we being a lonesome and a solemn people, wanderers" (Jacob 7:26).

Of course, Jacob himself is well acquainted with a nomadic lifestyle. Lehi's "firstborn in the wilderness," Jacob spent the first years of his life wandering in the Arabian
desert (2 Ne. 2:2). Shortly after his arrival in the promised land, Jacob again followed Nephi into the wilderness. However, this designation as "wanderers" seems to
apply to more than just the Nephites' physical experience. Jacob makes this statement some seventy-five years after their second exodus, and long after the Nephites
have settled in the land of Nephi. The language Jacob uses also seems to suggest that his comment is more than a literal description of the Nephite experience. His
comparison of life to a dream is similar to David's simile of life and shadows (1 Chr. 15:29) both passages suggest that this transitory life is a type for eternal spiritual
realities. Jacob seems to be reflecting on past years of wandering and likening this to the Nephite spiritual conditionï¿½-wandering, in the sense that the Nephites are
"pilgrims and strangers," not quite at home in this mortal existence, even in their promised land.

Later on in the Book of Mormon, both Alma and Ammon invoke this same description. In the same passage that Alma refers to the promised land as a "strange land,"
he refers to the Nephites as "wanderers" in that land. Likewise Ammon refers to the Nephites as "wanderers in a strange land." The word-for-word repetition of this
phrase within a few chapters is striking, especially when we consider how the Book of Mormon was compiled. Mormon had access to hundreds of years of detailed
records and at times would abridge two or three hundred years of records in a few verses. Thus, for Mormon to include this phrase suggests that it was a significant
concept to Mormon and was strongly impressed into the Nephite consciousness.

Like David, these two great Nephite prophets seem to be looking back across centuries of Nephite history and depicting the Nephite experience as one of journeying
in a foreign country. However, as with the Israelites at the time of David, the Nephites at this time have enjoyed relative stability in the land of Zarahemla for nearly two
hundred years. The Nephite reference to "wandering," just as the Israelite "sojourning," has religious connotations. Although admittedly "wandering" and "sojourning"
have different meanings, both the Israelites and Nephites use these terms metaphorically to describe their spiritual condition.

Looking back on Nephite history, Alma and Ammon see the recurring pattern of leaving a homeland in search of a new inheritance as more than merely historical
events; rather, they emblemize the wandering and speak of the Nephites as spiritual "wanderers" in the metaphorical senseï¿½-as wanderers or journeyers through
mortality en route back home to their God. The Nephites see themselves as wanderers because, despite what new earthly inheritance they seek, an everlasting
inheritance is their real goal and this goal lies beyond this earthlife. Until they reach this eternal kingdom, they remain wanderers, even in the promised land.

The final chapter in the Book of Mormon emphasizes this poignantly. At the conclusion of his farewell address, Moroni writes, "and now I bid unto all, farewell. I soon
go to rest in the paradise of God, until my spirit and body shall again reunite" (Moro. 10:34). Moroni realizes that there is no new mortal inheritance left to seek; the
only inheritance remaining for him lies beyond this world, "in the paradise of God."

"A Strange Land": Types and Shadows in the Holy Bible

Because the Lord's people see themselves as wanderers and strangers on the earth, the promised land is sometimes referred to in scripture as a "strange land." After
appearing to Abram and changing his name to Abraham, the Lord promised Abraham that he would be the "father of many nations," and that his seed would receive
"all the land of Canaan, for an everlasting possession" (Gen. 17:8). This land, which God granted to Abraham, was later referred to as the "land which he [God]
promised," or the promised land (Deut. 6:3;9:23;19:18). The phrase "a strange land" appears only three times in the Old Testament. In Ex. 2:22 and 18:3, Moses refers
to the land of Midian as "a strange land." And in Ps. 137:4, the phrase "a strange land" refers to Babylon. In the two Exodus references, the word "strange" is the
English translation of the Hebrew nï¿½krï¿½, meaning "foreign." The Hebrew word, nekar in Ps. 137 means "foreign" but also implies a "heathen" land.

Not until the New Testament is Canaan, the promised land, referred to as a "strange land." The author of the Hebrews recounts that "by faith he [Abraham] sojourned
in the land of promise, as in a strange country" (Heb. 11:9). "Strange" in this passage is a translation of the Greek allotrios, which means "foreign." Paul says therewith
that Abraham's sojourning in Canaan was like sojourning in a foreign country (clearly by using the word "as," Paul is making some kind of comparison). Paul implies
that Abraham recognized the land of Canaan, although a promised earthly inheritance, was not his true inheritance. Abraham had to sojourn "in faith" even in the land of
Canaan because "he looked for a city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God" (Heb. 11:10). This "city" refers, of course, to the kingdom of God.

Interestingly, the only other references to the land of Canaan as a "strange land" occur in Latter-day Saint scripture. In Abr. 1:16 the Lord tells Abraham: "my name is
Jehovah, and I have heard thee, and have come down to deliver thee, and to take thee away from thy father's house, and from all thy kinsfolk, into a strange land which
thou knowest not of" (see Abr. 2:6).

Of course the promised land is literally a "strange land" to Abraham because, as discussed earlier, Abraham is literally a for eigner. However, the promised land is a
"strange land" in another sense as well: referring to Abraham and other faithful saints, Paul says, "they desire a better country, that is, an heavenly: wherefore God is not
ashamed to be called their God: for he hath prepared for them a city" (Heb. 11:16). Thus the land of promise is a foreign land in a spiritual sense, because the saints
claim heaven itself as a homeland.

Although the Lord refers to the promised land as a "strange land," he also uses it in the Old Testament as a type for exaltation. Abraham's experience with the land of
Canaan illustrates this point. Abraham never does possess the land during his mortal life. Stephen makes this clear in the book of Acts: "And he [God] gave him
[Abraham] none inheritance in it, no, not so much as to set his foot on" (Acts 7:5) Abraham must look forward in faith to the day when his seed will inherit the land. In a
similar manner Abraham must look forward to a "better country," God's king dom. The future promise of an inheritance in the land of Canaan seems to symbolize and
point Abraham to an everlasting inheri tance in the eternities.

Indeed, the Lord often refers to the land of Canaan as an "everlasting possession." This could simply mean that it is a possession from the Lord in the same way that
"everlasting punishment" is the punishment God administers (D&C 19:11-12). "Everlasting possession" may also mean that the Israelites will possess the land forever,
as they hearken to the Lord. However, it seems more likely that the Lord is again establishing the symbolic connection between Canaan and eternal life. The Lord says
that possession of the land is contingent upon the Israelites'["hearken[ing] to my voice" (Abr. 2:6). Thus, the Israelites are entitled to the land only when they are
obedient to the Lord. In the same way, eternal life is also contingent upon obedience. The Lord is saying, then, that when the Israelites believe in him, they will not only
inherit the land of Canaan, but the kingdom of God as well. Inheritance in the land of Canaan points the Israelites' eyes forward to an even greater inheritance, the
"greatest of all the gifts of God," the gift of salvation and "eternal life" (D&C 6:13).

"A Strange Land": Types and Shadows in the Book of Mormon

Reference to the promised land as a "strange land" likewise occurs twice in the Book of Mormon. The two references fall within thirteen chapters and just a few years
of each other. Alma 2 , addressing the Ammonihahites, says the Nephites are blessed because of their "being wanderers in a strange land" (Alma 13:23). Some four or
five years later, Ammon, while addressing his fellow missionaries after a successful fourteen-year mission, refers to the Nephites as "a branch of the tree of Israel, [that]
has been lost from its body in a strange land" (Alma 26:36).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                           Page 251 / 919
Unless they are spiritually intended, these are comments we might expect from such literal pilgrims as Lehi or Nephi, but certainly not from prophets some five hundred
years after the Nephites have been established in the promised land. Of course, to Alma, the land of Zarahemla might be somewhat "foreign." Although it is difficult to
Reference to the promised land as a "strange land" likewise occurs twice in the Book of Mormon. The two references fall within thirteen chapters and just a few years
of each other. Alma 2 , addressing the Ammonihahites, says the Nephites are blessed because of their "being wanderers in a strange land" (Alma 13:23). Some four or
five years later, Ammon, while addressing his fellow missionaries after a successful fourteen-year mission, refers to the Nephites as "a branch of the tree of Israel, [that]
has been lost from its body in a strange land" (Alma 26:36).

Unless they are spiritually intended, these are comments we might expect from such literal pilgrims as Lehi or Nephi, but certainly not from prophets some five hundred
years after the Nephites have been established in the promised land. Of course, to Alma, the land of Zarahemla might be somewhat "foreign." Although it is difficult to
date Alma's birth exactly, he was most likely born in either the land of Mormon or Helam and grew up in the land of Helam. He probably was with his father, Alma 1 ,
when he escaped with his people from the land of Helam. However, Alma makes this comment some forty years after arriving in the land of Zarahemla. Furthermore,
he seems to be referring to the entire promised land rather than just Zarahemla. Ammon's comment seems even less likely to refer to Zarahemla, where Ammon's
ancestors, who date back to King Mosiah, have lived for some two hundred years. Both comments then seem to be referring to the entire promised land, rather than
just the land of Zarahemla, as a "foreign" land.

In one sense the entire promised land is a foreign land to the Nephites. As Israelites, the land of Canaan was also the land of their inheritance. This is what Ammon
seems to mean when he says that they are separated from the rest of the house of Israel in a land foreign to the other Israelites (see Alma 26:13). Yet Lehi tells his sons
that "the Lord hath covenanted this land unto me, and to my children forever" (2 Ne. 1:5). Further, throughout the Book of Mormon, Nephite prophets recognize that
the Lord has given them the Americas as the land of their inheritance (see 2 Ne. 10:19).

Both of these references to the promised land as a foreign land seem unusual unless we see the land of promise in terms of its spiritual significance. The Nephites, as the
ancient Israelites, recognize that (in the spiritual sense) they are in a foreign land. Even the promised land is not the true inheritance of the Nephites. The promised land,
as in the Old Testament, acts as a type or shadow pointing toward eternal life. Nephi makes it clear that "all things which have been given of God from the beginning of
the world, unto man, are the typifying of him [Christ]" (2 Ne. 11:4). The promised land is no exception; "given of God," it typifies Christ through pointing the Nephites'
eyes toward the salvation and exaltation which come through Christ. Thus, recurring exodus to a new inheritance points readers forward to eternal life and reminds
them that we must seek for an everlasting inheritance beyond this telestial world.

Not only can we infer that the promised land is a type for exaltation, but we are told explicitly in the Book of Mormon that such is the case. Alma 2 makes the
connection, comparing the word of Christ to the Liahona, or director:

And now I say, is there not a type in this thing? For just as surely as this director did bring our fathers, by following its course, to the promised land, shall the words of
Christ, if we follow their course, carry us beyond this vale of sorrow into a far better land of promise. (Alma 37:44-45)

Not only is the Liahona a type for the word of Christ, but the promised land itself becomes a type for exaltation. Just as the Liahona guided Lehi's party to the promised
land, so the words of Christ guide us to eternal life. Alma links the "promised land" to an eternal land of promise.

Even before Alma makes the explicit connection, there are parallels between the land of promise and eternal life. As early as 1 Ne. 2:20, the Lord promises Nephi,
"And inasmuch as ye shall keep my commandments, ye shall prosper, and shall be led to a land of promise; yea, even a land which I have prepared for you; yea, a land
which is choice above all other lands." Likewise, Nephi testifies to his brothers, "wherefore, if ye shall be obedient to the commandments, and endure to the end, ye
shall be saved at the last day" (1 Ne. 22:31). The attainment of both the promised land and eternal life is always provisional upon obedience to the Lord's
commandments.

Conclusion

Continuing exodus is not only a historical fact in the Book of Mormon, but it becomes a metaphor which teaches important doctrines as well. Understanding the biblical
exodus as a type and shadow, the Nephites attached spiritual significance to their wan derings, recognizing that their history of exodus typifies their spiritual condition as
wanderers seeking for an everlasting inheri tance in an eternal land of promise. Like Abraham, the Nephites journeyed toward their new inheritances with one eye
fastened on the temporal demands of their trek and the other eye fixed upward, looking "for a city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God" (Heb.
11:10).

Notes and Communications

  George S. Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," in Neal E. Lambert, ed., Literature of Belief: Sacred Scripture and Religious
Experience (Provo: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1981), 258.

  S. Kent Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 30 (Summer 1990): 112.

  Terrence L. Szink, "To a Land of Promise (1 Ne. 16-18)," in Kent P. Jackson, ed., Studies in Scripture: Volume Seven, 1 Nephi to Alma 29 (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book, 1987), 60-72.

  Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," 249.

  Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," 112.

  Szink, "To a Land of Promise (1 Ne. 16-18)," 60.

  Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," 253.

  Ibid., 254.

  Ibid., 248.

  Bruce W. Jorgensen, "The Dark Way to the Tree of Life: Typological Unity in the Book of Mormon," Encyclia 54/2 (1977): 16-24.

  Ibid., 253.

  Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," 116.

  Many of (c)
Copyright  the 2005-2009,
               exoduses in the  Book of
                            Infobase    Mormon
                                      Media Corp. tend to follow a basic pattern with the Lord initially warning a righteous leader to depart from the land. We see the
                                                                                                                                                     Page 252 / 919
Lord also warning Mosiah and Alma 1 to flee with their followers into the wilderness. In fact, the first verse of many of the exodus narratives begins with the Lord
warning his servant: the Lord "did warn" Nephi to depart from his brethren (2 Ne. 5:5) King Mosiah, "being warned of the Lord" (Omni 1:12) "Alma having been
warned of the Lord" (Mosiah 23:1). After this initial warning, the basic pattern of exodus continues: the more righteous portion of the people flee into the wilderness to
  Ibid., 253.

  Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," 116.

   Many of the exoduses in the Book of Mormon tend to follow a basic pattern with the Lord initially warning a righteous leader to depart from the land. We see the
Lord also warning Mosiah and Alma 1 to flee with their followers into the wilderness. In fact, the first verse of many of the exodus narratives begins with the Lord
warning his servant: the Lord "did warn" Nephi to depart from his brethren (2 Ne. 5:5) King Mosiah, "being warned of the Lord" (Omni 1:12) "Alma having been
warned of the Lord" (Mosiah 23:1). After this initial warning, the basic pattern of exodus continues: the more righteous portion of the people flee into the wilderness to
a promised land, those who remain suffer physical or spiritual destruction, the Lord's people wander in the wilderness for some time before reaching the promised land,
they prosper, and the pattern begins anew.

  Along with George S. Tate and S. Kent Brown, Richard Bushman notes that the pattern of exodus continues in the Book of Mormon. In his "The Book of Mormon
and the American Revolution," BYU Studies 17 (Autumn 1976): 9, Bushman argues that "Book of Mormon prophets saw the major events of their own past as
comprising a series of deliverances beginning with the archetypal flight of the Israelites from Egypt"; see also 7-10, 17.

   For an intriguing discussion of another group who fled Jerusalem around the time of Lehi and who also considered themselves sojourners, see Hugh Nibley's
discussion of the Rechabites in The World of the Prophets, vol. 3 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987), 232, and throughout
the Collected Works.

   The term "wanderers" is an uncommon word in the Old Testament (occurring only twiceï¿½Jeremiah 48:21; Hosea 9:17). However, the Hebrew term equivalent to
"wanderers" (as Jacob uses it), naï¿½d'aï¿½d', is more common. Both Hosea and Jeremiah use the term. Hosea lived within a hundred years of Lehi and had a strong
influence on Lehi's contemporary Jeremiah. The book of Hosea and many of Jeremiah's words would have been available to Lehi and his descendants through the
brass plates and could have influenced Jacob's description.

   Alma and Ammon seem to use the phrase "in a strange land" in the same way it is used in the Old Testament, meaning in a "foreign" land. Thus this phrase may have
been influenced by their knowledge of the brass plates, since they would have had access to the book of Exodus and at least some of the Psalms (perhaps 137).

  The entire exodus pattern itself can be viewed typologically. The deliverance from an oppressed condition typifies the deliverance from sin. Wandering in the
wilderness corresponds to the trials of enduring to the end. Finally, entrance into a promised land typifies exaltation. For more in-depth typological approaches to the
Book of Mormon refer to Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," 245-62, and Jorgensen, "The Dark Way to the Tree of Life," 16-24.

Lehi's Jerusalem and Writing on Metal Plates
William J. Adams Jr.

Lehi sent his sons back to Jerusalem to obtain scriptures engraved on "brass plates" (1 Ne. 3 and 4). Later we read that Lehi and his son, Nephi, kept records on metal
"plates" (1 Ne. 6 and 9). These incidences raise the question: Did others in Lehi's Jerusalem inscribe records on metal plates?

The use of metal plates upon which records are inscribed is fairly well attested throughout the Middle and Far East from many centuries before to many centuries after
Lehi, but none so far appear to be from Lehi's seventh-century B.C. Judea.

This lack of metal inscriptions from Judea could be interpreted to mean that (1) Judeans did not write on metal plates, or (2) archaeology has not found artifacts which
would support the practice of writing on metal plates in seventh-century B.C. Jerusalem. Alternative 2 seems to have been the problem, for inscribed silver plates have
been excavated only recently.

Dr. Gabriel Barkay of the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University, directed an excavation on a ridge behind modern Jerusalem's railroad station and next to the
Scottish Presbyterian Church of St. Andrew. The dig was begun in 1979, and in 1980 the team opened a tomb that dates to the end of the seventh-century and the
beginning of the sixth (or about 600 B.C.). Dr. Barkay notes that "Among the rich finds in the repository were two small, rolled-up strips of silver. Similar artifacts are
completely unknown elsewhere in the archaeology of this period."

It took three years to unroll the strips of silver, which were about 1 inch by 4 inches. One of the exciting facts is that the strips of silver had been inscribed. In 1983 only
the Divine Name could be read. This consists of the four Hebrew letters yod-hey-vav-hey, YHVH, which are translated as Jehovah or Lord.

"The scribe who wrote on the strips in antiquity scratched them without much pressure, so the inscriptions sit only on the surface. It will take a long time before we are
able to decipher these two texts. We can now say only that the texts are prayer-like or amuletic in nature."

Since then Dr. Barkay has published tentative translations of the two silver plates.    Here is his suggested translation for Plate I:

14. . . .
15. may bless
16. you JEHOVAH and
17. watch over you May cause
18. to shine JEHOVAH
19. His face upon you and favor you.

The suggested translation for Plate II is as follows:

1. the blessing
2.[JEHOV[AH]
3. . . .[JE[HOVAH]
4. evil
5. that may bless you
6. JEHOVAH and
7. watch over you.
8. May cause to shine JEHO-
9. VAH His face
10. upon you and
11.  give you(c)
 Copyright    pe2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                          Page 253 / 919
12. ace.
13.--18. unreadable
7. watch over you.
8. May cause to shine JEHO-
9. VAH His face
10. upon you and
11. give you pe
12. ace.
13.--18. unreadable

Plate I, lines 14-20 and Plate II, lines 5-12 are quotations from Num. 6:24-26 and thus are quite readable on the plates. The other parts of the plates are not quotations
and are more difficult to read.

The conclusion for Book of Mormon studies is that the gap has been filled, and we can be certain that religious texts were written on precious metal plates in Lehi's
Jerusalem.

  See, for example, John A. Widtsoe and Franklin S. Harris, Jr., Book of Mormon: Message and Evidences, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1961),
98-108.

  Gabriel Barkay, "The Divine Name Found in Jerusalem," Biblical Archaeology Review 9/2 (1983): 14-19.

  Ibid.

  Gabriel Barkay, "Priestly Blessings on Silver Plates" (in Hebrew), Cathedra 52 (1989): 46-59.

"My First-Born in the Wilderness"
John A. Tvedtnes

In their book, Fathers and Sons in the Book of Mormon , E. Douglas and Robert S. Clark maintain that Lehi named his sons Jacob and Joseph after their distant
ancestors, in much the same manner that Helaman the younger named his sons Lehi and Nephi (Helaman 5:5-7). The fact that Lehi referred to the patriarchal founder
of his tribe when blessing his own son Joseph lends cre dence to this idea (2 Ne. 3). But there seems to be more to the story.

Lehi called Jacob "my first-born in the days of my tribulation in the wilderness" (2 Ne. 2:1-2). The tribulations Lehi suffered in the wilderness were brought on
principally by the disobedience of Laman and Lemuel (1 Ne. 2:11-13, 18, 21;3:5, 28;7:6-7, 16-19;15:2-5;16:20, 22, 35-39;17:17-22, 45). The use of the term "first-
born" implies that Lehi may have considered Jacob to be a replacement for his eldest son, Laman, with his younger son, Joseph, being a replacement for the second
son, Lemuel.

We have a parallel to this situation in Gen. 48:5, 16, where Jacob adopted Joseph's sons Manasseh and Ephraim in place of Reuben and Simeon, who had sinned
(Gen. 34:30;35:22;49:3-5). In consequence of Reuben's sins, he was replaced as firstborn by Joseph (1 1 Chr. 5:1).

Another parallel is found in Gen. 4:25, where we read, "And Adam knew his wife again; and she bare a son, and called his name Seth [Hebrew shet]: For God, said
she, hath appointed [Hebrew shat] me another seed instead of Abel, whom Cain slew." In this case, we should perhaps understand Seth to mean
"replacement." (Similarly, Abel [Hebrew habel] may derive from the Semitic root reflected in Arabic as hbl, referring to a woman bereft of a son.)

The name Jacob is explained as "supplanter" in the King James Bible of Gen. 27:36 (cf. 25:23-26), but could just as easily be read "successor" or "replacement," since
Jacob replaced Esau as firstborn and received the birthright and the blessing (Gen. 25:29-34;27:22-40). Esau was unfit to serve as firstborn. In Heb. 12:16, he is called
a "fornicator" and a "profane person." He sought Jacob's life, waiting only for the death of his father to proceed with his plan (Gen. 27:41). Similarly, after the death of
Lehi, Laman and Lemuel sought the life of their brother Nephi, who fled with Jacob, Joseph, and others (2 Ne. 5:1-6). It was because of their "rudeness" that Laman
and Lemuel were unfit to succeed their father as head of the family. Though "rude" has come to mean "impolite" in twentieth-century English, at the time Joseph Smith
translated the Book of Mormon it meant "wild" or "savage." Lehi made a point of mentioning the effect of the rudeness of Laman and Lemuel on Jacob (2 1 Ne. 2:1),
as did Nephi, who referred to the "afflictions" caused by his elder brothers (1 Ne. 18:9, 19).

Lehi termed Joseph "my last-born . . . born in the wilderness of mine afflictions" and spoke to him of his inheritance in the New World, calling it "a most precious
land" (2 Ne. 3:1-3). He then went on to speak of their common ancestor, Joseph, who had been sold into Egypt (2 Ne. 3:4). The original Joseph was the last-born son
of the patriarch Jacob (Israel) before he returned to the land promised to him (Gen. 28:13-15). It is significant, therefore, that Lehi's son Joseph was born in the
wilderness, then went, as his ancestor Joseph, with his father to a land of promise.

While Lehi may have considered Jacob and Joseph to be replacements for the fallen Laman and Lemuel, he did not give the right of the firstborn to Jacob. That
blessing fell to Nephi, to whom Jacob and Joseph were to look for leadership (1 Ne. 2:21;3:29; 2 Ne. 2:3;3:25;5:19-20).

  E. Douglas and Robert S. Clark, Fathers and Sons in the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1991), 32-35, 181-82.

About the Contributors

William J. Adams, Jr., Ph.D., is Learning Center Coordinator with Granite Community Education, Salt Lake City.

Kevin L. Barney, J.D., is an attorney with Katten, Muchin, & Zavis in Illinois.

Bruce J. Boehm is a J.D. candidate at the J. Reuben Clark Law School, Brigham Young University.

Kevin Christensen, technical writer, will receive his B.A. in English at San Jose State University in August.

David B. Honey, Ph.D., is associate professor in the Department of Asian and Near Eastern Languages at Brigham Young University.

Richard Dilworth Rust, Ph.D., is professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

Royal Skousen, Ph.D., is professor English at Brigham Young University.

Gordon C. Thomasson,
Copyright            Ph.D.
          (c) 2005-2009,   is associate
                         Infobase  Mediaprofessor
                                           Corp. of World History at Broome Community College, in Binghampton, New York.                             Page 254 / 919
John S. Thompson has recently received his M.A. in Ancient Near Eastern Studies from the University of California at Berkeley.
Richard Dilworth Rust, Ph.D., is professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

Royal Skousen, Ph.D., is professor English at Brigham Young University.

Gordon C. Thomasson, Ph.D. is associate professor of World History at Broome Community College, in Binghampton, New York.

John S. Thompson has recently received his M.A. in Ancient Near Eastern Studies from the University of California at Berkeley.

John A. Tvedtnes, M.A., is a technical writer in Salt Lake City.

Corbin T. Volluz, J.D., University of Texas at Austin, is currently Senior Deputy Prosecuting Attorney for Skagit County, Washington.

Lynn D. Wardle, J.D., is professor of Law, J. Reuben Clark Law School, Brigham Young University.

Book of Mormon Studies Fall 1994
The Design of the Liahona and the Purpose of the Second Spindle
Robert L. Bunker

Abstract: The Liahona was given by the Lord as a communications device for Lehi to determine the appropriate direction of travel. This device contained two pointers,
only one of which was necessary to provide directional information. But the Liahona was more than just a simple compass in function, for it additionally required faith
for correct operation. Since a single pointer always "points" in some direction, the additional pointer was necessary to indicate whether or not the first pointer could be
relied upon. This proposed purpose for the second pointer conforms to a well-established engineering principle used in modern fault-tolerant computer systems called
"voting," in which two identical process states are compared and declared correct if they are the same, and incorrect if they are different. Hence the second pointer,
when coincident with the first, would indicate proper operation, and when orthogonal, would indicate nonoperation.

The Liahona was given by the Lord to Lehi for two basic purposes. First, it functioned as a communications deviceï¿½-pointing the direction of travel and providing
written instructions from the Lord that were plainly visible to everyone in Lehi's party. Second, it functioned as a physical representation of the Lord's presence, just as
the pillar of fire by night and cloud by day led the children of Israel as they traveled in the desert under the leadership of Moses (cf. Ex. 13:21). Similarly, the operation
of the Liahona continually reminded Lehi and his family of the providence of the Lord and who it was that was directing their journey. But here the parallel with the
Israelites in the desert diverges. Unlike a cloud or pillar of fire, the Liahona is a physical object that provides a very specific function. It is also referred to as a ball,
compass, or director, terms which provide a description of that function. As such, it stands as an especially unique object in all of human historyï¿½-it is the only
mechanical device, of which we have knowledge, ever constructed "by the hand of the Lord" for use by mortal man.

And I, Nephi, had also brought the records which were engraven upon the plates of brass; and also the ball, or compass, which was prepared for my father by the
hand of the Lord, according to that which is written. (2 Ne. 5:12)

And the ball or director, which led our fathers through the wilderness, which was prepared by the hand of the Lord that thereby they might be led . . . (Mosiah 1:16)

And now, my son, I have somewhat to say concern ing the thing which our fathers call a ball, or director-ï¿½or our fathers called it Liahona, which is, being interpreted,
a compass; and the Lord prepared it. (Alma 37:38)

To an engineer, the Lord is the consummate engineer. Consequently, any mechanical product of his hands would display the same perfection of functionality, economy
of design, and great aesthetic beauty that is seen in his biological creations. Furthermore, with the Lord's knowledge of all things, the Liahona could very well utilize
engineering principles completely unknown to Lehi and the great intellects of his time, or even Joseph Smith's time, but that have become well established in our time.

As confirmation of the expectation of exquisite workmanship and technical artistry, consider the words of Nephi: "And it came to pass that as my father arose in the
morning, and went forth to the tent door, to his great astonishment he beheld upon the ground a round ball of curious workmanship; and it was of fine brass" (1 Ne.
16:10). Alma, who later possessed this sacred artifact, adds his perspective: "And behold, there cannot any man work after the manner of so curious a workmanship.
And behold, it was prepared to show unto our fathers the course which they should travel in the wilderness" (Alma 37:39).

Nephi describes the internal construction as there being "within the ball . . . two spindles (1 Ne. 16:10).     Then the text goes on to specify the functionality of one of
those spindles: "and the one pointed the way whither we should go into the wilderness" (1 Ne. 16:10).

What was the function of the other spindle? How were these spindles arranged? What was their range of motion? Why only two, not one, three, or more such
spindles? Before these questions can be answered, it is important to identify one additional feature required of this device: "I, Nephi, beheld the pointers which were in
the ball, that they did work according to the faith and diligence and heed which we did give unto them" (1 Ne. 16:28).

It is clear from this and other references that to the mortal observer (Nephi, Lehi, Laman, Lemuel, etc.), the Liahona not only provided directional information, but also
indicated explicitly whether or not that information could be relied uponï¿½-whether faith was sufficient or not for the device to operate correctly. As an example, after
the family had been at sea for some period of time, Nephi's brothers became agitated and angrily bound him with cords: "And it came to pass that after they had bound
me insomuch that I could not move, the compass, which had been prepared of the Lord, did cease to work" (1 Ne. 18:12). And later, after the ship nearly founders
in a severe storm, Nephi recalls: "And it came to pass after they had loosed me, behold, I took the compass, and it did work whither I desired it. And it came to pass
that I prayed unto the Lord; and after I had prayed the winds did cease, and the storm did cease, and there was a great calm" (1 Ne. 18:21).

To complete the functional description of this special device, communication between the Lord and Lehi's party is further enhanced by written text on the outside of the
ball: "And it came to pass that the voice of the Lord said unto him: Look upon the ball, and behold the things which are written" (1 Ne. 16:26) and by writing upon the
spindles themselves: "And there was also written upon [the pointers] a new writing, which was plain to be read, which did give us understanding concerning the ways
of the Lord; and it was written and changed from time to time, accord ing to the faith and diligence which we gave unto it. And thus we see that by small means the
Lord can bring about great things" (1 Ne. 16:29).

Though the sign-board, scratch-pad, or posting function is peripheral to the operation of the pointers, it provides insight into the size of the Liahona, which in turn
determines the maximum size of the pointers. Consider that, if the Liahona were five inches in diameter (about the size of a cantaloupe melon or a coconut without its
husk), there would be approximately 35 square inches of area available on the external surface for writing-ï¿½about the size of a single book page (5 x 8 inches). The
size of this area is proportional to the square of the diameter; the size increases linearly with the percentage of the spindle surface that we assume is usable. Diameters
above six inches would make portability a problem (weight would scale a bit greater than the square of the diameter for reasons other than pure geometry), while a size
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smaller  than(c) 2005-2009,
              about            Infobase
                     four inches          Media
                                 would more      Corp. limit the area available for written messages.
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The amount of text inscribed on the pointers cannot be ascertained from Nephi's description, but the physical size of the writing must have been small; otherwise, the
observation that it "was plain to be read" (1 Ne. 16:29) would have been unnecessary. Assuming the Liahona was about five inches in diameter, then the pointers were
determines the maximum size of the pointers. Consider that, if the Liahona were five inches in diameter (about the size of a cantaloupe melon or a coconut without its
husk), there would be approximately 35 square inches of area available on the external surface for writing-ï¿½about the size of a single book page (5 x 8 inches). The
size of this area is proportional to the square of the diameter; the size increases linearly with the percentage of the spindle surface that we assume is usable. Diameters
above six inches would make portability a problem (weight would scale a bit greater than the square of the diameter for reasons other than pure geometry), while a size
smaller than about four inches would more severely limit the area available for written messages.

The amount of text inscribed on the pointers cannot be ascertained from Nephi's description, but the physical size of the writing must have been small; otherwise, the
observation that it "was plain to be read" (1 Ne. 16:29) would have been unnecessary. Assuming the Liahona was about five inches in diameter, then the pointers were
about the size of a finger in length and width, thus providing a modest area for text of a few square inches. An appropriate message to have inscribed on the pointers
would have been the function of the second pointer in relation to the first and the necessity of faith for their proper operation. This would also be consistent with Nephi's
statement that the message "did give us understanding concerning the ways of the Lord" (1 Ne. 16:29). And what are the "ways of the Lord"? The unity of direction and
purpose when the pointers were functioning in response to obedience and faith could represent a powerful symbolic message. It is difficult to see how such phrasing
would apply to the messages inscribed on the outside of the Liahona (cf. n. 5). However, unanimity of opinion on these finer points is not neces sary to support the
premise of this paper, so further justification will not be attempted.

Having established the functional requirements as specified above, the postulated design of the Liahona differs little in its external form from artist Arnold Friberg's
famous depiction of that discovery moment where Lehi is holding the newly found Liahona in his hands while his family looks on with astonishment. This artistic
depiction of the Liahona as a spherical shape is consistent with the "ball"-like description. Curiously, there is no engineering requirement driving the design to a sphere-
ï¿½a short cylinder would have been sufficientï¿½-so its shape must have had additional symbolic meaning. Perhaps it represented the earth, more than half of whose
circumference Lehi and his family would be traversing.

At the top there would be an opening or openings to view the spindles inside the sphere. The eight triangular holes depicted by Friberg are simply speculation. From an
engineer's viewpoint, a prime number of openings (three, five, seven, etc.) would provide less obscuration of the pointers, but the asymmetry might detract from the
aesthetics. Additionally, there are several other conceivable designs that could provide the necessary functionality while maintaining the spherical appearance, but further
discussion of these is beyond the scope of and not relevant to the premise of this paper. (Figure 3 illustrates a few of an engineer's speculative "improvements" of an
artist's speculative depiction. Nevertheless, Friberg, or whoever provided the inspiration for the Liahona's construction, did an excellent job of thinking through many
nec essary construction details not described in the scriptural text.)

Now to return to that most important design issue-ï¿½the purpose of the second pointer. As mentioned in Nephi's description above, one pointer necessarily provided
directional information. But to appreciate the elegance of the Liahona's design, from an engineer's viewpoint, is to understand the function of the second pointer. Since a
single pointer is always pointing a direction, it was likely the role of the second pointer to provide the necessary additional information about whether the Liahona was
"operational," meaning that the pointing information from the first pointer was reliable.

There is but one engineering approach that provides the nec essary functionality and meets all of the above requirements both efficiently and simply. This is how it would
have worked: if an observer viewed the pointers and saw only a single pointer, as seen in figure 1, then they were both aligned in the same direction, one on top of the
other, and the director was providing correct information. Lehi's party could then follow the indicated direction with confidence that it was the Lord's instruction. If, on
the other hand, the two pointers were cross-ways to each other-ï¿½forming an "x" as shown in figure 2-ï¿½then the device was not functioning, and the pointing
information was not reliable. No other information was required of the Liahona, so no more than two pointers were needed. But the requirements demand a minimum
of two.

Figure 1. "proceed as indicated" Figure 2. "not in service"

While this may seem a trivial solution, it nevertheless employs a basic fundamental principle of engineering called "voting of redundant strings," first developed about fifty
years ago to make the digital computers of that era more reliable. Today it is used on advanced "fly-by-wire" digital aircraft control systems, nuclear reactor controls,
railroad switching, telephone switching, NASA's Space Shuttle, sophisticated interplanetary and earth-orbiting spacecraft, and any application where
exceptionally high reliability is a requirement to prevent loss of life or valuable property. To assure such reliability, engineers use this voting technique to determine if two
(or more) identical systems, executing the exact same processes at precisely the same time, each have the correct answer. If the result of the vote is the same for each
independent string, correct execution is assumed to have occurred, and the system proceeds to implement the expected function. However, if a failure occurs in one of
the strings, then the votes will be different. When this happens a fault or error is declared, and a previously specified alternative action is taken. Engineers call such
designs "fault-tolerant" because a single failure can be detected and corrective action initiated. The same technique can be scaled to protect against multiple failures.

The voting approach works best for digital systems where all information is expressed by only two states: "on" or "off," "1" or "0," "true" or "false," and so on. Such
systems are called "binary," and they find widespread use in modern digital computers. The simplest case is where there are only two identical and redundant
processing functions. These are generally implemented as two independent signal paths, often by two independent but synchronized computers. If both processing
functions yield the same answer, continued execution of the process is allowed because no failure has occurred. If, on the other hand, the voting yields different
answers, then the process is aborted and a failure is declared. Note that there is no a priori way of determining which of the two process streams failed without
additional information, only that a failure has occurred on one of the two channels.

While a simultaneous failure in both strings is possible, it is excluded from consideration because the single string failure rate is assumed to be sufficiently low that the
probability of two failures is statistically "insignificant" within the time it takes to detect a fault by voting. Good engineering practice requires that this case be checked to
assure that the time between votes is sufficiently short to meet the "insignificance" criteria.

Two-way voting is often used in functions where time does not play a critical role and where it is possible to stop and implement some test process (either automatically
or through human inter vention) to determine which path failed. It is the minimum required to achieve fault or failure indication. It also minimizes the amount of hardware
or equipment necessary to implement the fault strategy. In modern systems it requires duplicate hardware; for the Liahona it required a duplicate spindle. And two-way
voting was all that the Liahona required to provide the specified function; hence, only two spindles were necessary. See figure 3 for a three-dimensional drawing of how
it might have looked with the obscuring ball cut away.

For those interested in this fault-tolerant design approach, three-way voting provides an instantaneous indication of which channel failed because two of the three paths
still yield a common result and the assurance of correct execution. Such indicators are used in the latest aircraft control systems where a few lost microseconds could
mean the destruction of the aircraft. To achieve an even greater tolerance to failure, superreliable systems implement higher-order voting schemes. NASA's Space
Shuttle, for example, uses four identical computers, executing in lock-step and voting all results to assure failure-free performance even after two failures.

Figure 3. Liahona depiction with crossed pointers indicating "not in service"

In the proposed design of the Liahona, the Lord would have made free use of an engineering technique 2500 years before man invented it in the 1940s as a way to
build reliable digital systems. The implementation is simple, elegant, and in every way satisfies the requirements without any superfluous function or unnecessary
 Copyright (c)
complexity.  As 2005-2009,     Infobase Media
                 a potential confirmation,     Corp.
                                           examine carefully this passage in Alma:                                                                 Page 256 / 919

And [the Liahona] did work for them according to their faith in God; therefore, if they had faith to believe that God could cause that those spindles should point the way
Figure 3. Liahona depiction with crossed pointers indicating "not in service"

In the proposed design of the Liahona, the Lord would have made free use of an engineering technique 2500 years before man invented it in the 1940s as a way to
build reliable digital systems. The implementation is simple, elegant, and in every way satisfies the requirements without any superfluous function or unnecessary
complexity. As a potential confirmation, examine carefully this passage in Alma:

And [the Liahona] did work for them according to their faith in God; therefore, if they had faith to believe that God could cause that those spindles should point the way
they should go, behold, it was done; therefore they had this miracle, and also many other miracles wrought by the power of God, day by day. (Alma 37:40)

Here the word spindles is used in the pluralï¿½-suggesting that it requires both spindles to "point the way" to go. And that is exactly what both spindles are doing in the
proposed design when they are "pointing the way."

   The origin of the Urim and Thummim(s) used by the ancient prophets and Joseph Smith has not been revealed, but they may also have been constructed by the
Lord. They are distinguished from the Liahona, however, in that the latter device has moving components. Curiously, both instruments have a fundamentally common
feature: both require faith for proper operation.

    Nephi also refers to them as pointers (1 Ne. 16:28). The word spindle is suggestive of shape while pointer is descriptive of function. The Oxford English Dictionary
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), s.v. "spindle," describes a "spindle" as an object used in spinning: "a slender rounded rod . . . tapering towards each
end" (there are other definitions listed, but this seems to best fit the Book of Mormon context). Such a spindle-shaped pointer is often encountered in magnetic
compasses (cf. n. 3) where some type of marking designates one end as north. The spindle in the Liahona used to designate direction would also have required
differentiation between ends, either by color, texture, or shape. While use of the spindle shape is aesthetically pleasing and appropriately functional, there are sound
engineering reasons for its selection: the symmetry inherently provides mechanical balance along its major and minor axes, a requirement for both compasses and the
Liahona.

  Since the magnetic compass in Lehi's time was still many centuries from discovery, the use of the word "compass" by Joseph Smith in translation to refer to the
Liahona reinforces not only the analogy of directional function with the modern compass but also of design (cf. n. 2).

  Antecedents of pronouns in the Book of Mormon are often ambiguous. Here "them" being plural is assumed to refer to the last plural descriptive noun-ï¿½"pointers."
However, the Book of Mormon Student Manual: Religion 121 & 122 (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1989), 16, under the heading
"The Liahona," suggests that the antecedent of all the pronouns in this verse is the "writing" on the outside of the Liahona.

   The most likely antecedent being referred to is the "writing" on the outside of the Liahona (cf. n. 4). The spindle would provide little area for writing, and any writing
would be obscured by postulated designs. It seems unlikely that the Lord would attempt to use such space for regular communications, when a much larger area that
was easier to read was available on the outside of the sphere. Other possible Liahona designs without the obscuring superstructure would make the visibility on the
spindles better, but would not relieve the area constraint.

  Arnold Friberg, "The Liahona," Gospel Art, #302.

  Algirdas Avizienis et al., "Fault-Tolerant Computing: An Overview," IEEE Computer 4/1 (January-February 1971): 10.

   Algirdas Avizienis, "Software Fault Tolerance," XI World Computer Congress (IFIP Congress, 1989), San Francisco, CA, 28 August-1 September, 1989
(advanced version), 23-24.

   John P. Hayes, Computer Architecture and Organization (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1988), 664.

  J. R. Sklaroff, "Redundancy Management Technique for Space Shuttle Computers," IBM Journal of Research and Development 20 (January 1976): 20.

  Hayes, Computer Architecture and Organization, 664. Also compare proposed future space applications using this technique: Blair F. Lewis and Robert L. Bunker,
"MAX: An Advanced Parallel Computer for Space Applications," Proceedings of the AIAA/NASA Second International Symposium on Space Information Systems,
Pasadena, CA, 17-19 September 1990, 773. Some applications are still classified.

  Avizienis et al., "Fault-Tolerant Computing: An Overview," 5-8.

  Voting strategies will only protect against hardware faults since the same software is executed in all four computers. To protect against a software failure, the Shuttle
has a fifth computer of a completely different design, made by a different company, running software written by different people, that can provide the same functionality.
Thus even greater fault tolerance is achieved.

  Avizienis et al., "Fault-Tolerant Computing: An Overview," 10. See also Algirdas Avizienis, H. Kopetz, and J.-C. Laprie, eds., The Evolution of Fault-Tolerant
Computing (New York: Springer, 1987).

  Those knowledgeable about such systems may claim the Liahona is an analog instrument (having an arbitrarily large number of output states) and would be correct
about the directional information provided. But the additional information about whether the indicated direction is "true" or "false" is a digital function that requires only
an expression of two states.

Hubris and Ate: a Latter-Day Warning From the Book of Mormon
Richard D. Draper

Abstract: Civilizations fall due to complex pressures, but the Book of Mormon points to one sin which assisted if not drove the demise of both the Nephite and Jaredite
peoples. This sin was pride. This essay ties pride to the Old World concepts of hubris and ate as a means of revealing the dynamic nature of this sin and exploring its
deadly character. It shows that pride leads to hubris, the attempt by individuals and nations to become a law unto themselves, and that the consequence of hubris is ate,
a spiritual blindness that impels the individual or society toward its doom. The paper warns the Latter-day Saint about this vice.

The Book of Mormon describes the bloody destruction of two former American nations. Will there be a third? A warning suggests the possibility: "Beware, . . . lest ye
become as the Nephites of old" (D&C 38:39). Though this warning was directed specifically at the Church, this paper will show that the Church acts as a barometer of
society. Any warning to the Church constitutes a warning to a nation. Since two former civilizations failed to heed the warning and perished, it seems well to examine
the warning and God's reason for issuing it.
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Admittedly, civilizations are brought to ruin through complex pressures. But the Book of Mormon warns of one vice that stimulates and sustains other destructive
forces. The book portends the destruction of nations by this ominous and pervasive power, showing how it gradually weakens them until they finally collapse. The book
The Book of Mormon describes the bloody destruction of two former American nations. Will there be a third? A warning suggests the possibility: "Beware, . . . lest ye
become as the Nephites of old" (D&C 38:39). Though this warning was directed specifically at the Church, this paper will show that the Church acts as a barometer of
society. Any warning to the Church constitutes a warning to a nation. Since two former civilizations failed to heed the warning and perished, it seems well to examine
the warning and God's reason for issuing it.

Admittedly, civilizations are brought to ruin through complex pressures. But the Book of Mormon warns of one vice that stimulates and sustains other destructive
forces. The book portends the destruction of nations by this ominous and pervasive power, showing how it gradually weakens them until they finally collapse. The book
gives a close look at the operation of that force not just once but twice.

The seedbed of this evil exists outside the clashes and conquests of cities and states and the fall of nations. Its ground is a certain condition that resides within the hearts
of most individuals. Its fruit is what President Benson has called "the universal sin," one sin which makes all others pale in comparison, a sin so dark that once fully
committed it allows no turning back, no repentance, no remorse.

Though ancient American prophets exposed this vile force and its consequences, they were not the only ones to perceive it nor explore its ramifications. Before turning
to the specific details given in the Book of Mormon, insights gleaned by another ancient culture will provide an introduction and helpful terminology.

A number of the more religious people within Classical Greek society explored the idea of ate (pronounced AH-tay). The word captures the idea that peopleï¿½-due
to overweening ambition, the lust for power, and a desire for the praise of the world-ï¿½could actually suffer delusions, deceptions, and infatuations sent by the gods.
These allowed individuals to bring about their own ruin. These individuals were, therefore, actively involved in bringing about their own downfall. Once the gods
decreed against a person it was impossible for that person to resist impending doom.

Thus the word expressed a condition in which a person (or a people) came under a god's judgment, from which there was no escape. The idea conveyed by ate had
two aspects. The first was from the viewpoint of the gods. It denoted the doom pronounced upon mortals who went beyond all limits and for whom there could be no
turning back, and therefore no forgiveness. The sec ond looked at the concept from a mortal viewpoint. It was a kind of spiritual blindness which at first flattered and
encouraged but gradually deluded and finally impelled the individual down the path of his own destruction.

The sin that led to ate was hubris (pronounced HYU-bris). This sin was committed when humans crossed over the bounds laid down by the gods and sought to
become a law unto themselves. In doing so they disturbed the divinely ordered world or disrupted the plans of the gods. They thus came under the power of dike
(pronounced DEE-kay), or justice, and eventually fell victims to their own blindness.

Some of the ancient Greeks believed the word hubris derived from huper, connoting the idea "beyond measure." It is now doubted that huper was the source. Taking
the ancient sources together, the idea of "determined excess" catches the meaning. The word hubris denotes the invasion of another's sphere (be he human or god) to
that person's hurt. The nature of the hurt, how ever, was personal rather than physical harm. The foe trammeled the ego and attempted to destroy the reputation of
another. Out of this grew such additional meanings as "trespass," "arrogance," and particularly "pride" as expressed in insolent action.

The verb form of the word, hubrizo, expressed arrogant conduct and scorn, which led to the harm, damage, injury, rough handling, or maltreatment of another. The
basis of such behavior was self-conceit and a lack of fear or reverence toward the gods, which led to defiant insolence and deliberate violation of their will. In this
light, hubris is an anti-god state of mind which ex presses itself in deliberately profane activities.

An example seems in order. Aeschylus, a poet-playwright-theologian of the fifth century B.C., addressed the dual theme of hubris and ate in a number of plays.
Influenced by Homeric ideas, he insisted that the cause of all suffering was moral defect, and the worst expression of this defect was hubris.

This theme he wove into his play The House of Atreus. The plot was built around the ancestral curse that was activated by an act of hubris. That deed, committed by
Atreus, included killing the children of his kinsman, Thyestes, and feeding their flesh to their unknowing father. Atreus's motivation was to destroy Thyestes and make
his own position stronger. Atreus's act, to the Greeks, constituted one of the most hideous sins. Its poison infected the next two generations, and the result was the
destruction of the whole house. It particularly affected Agamemnon, Atreus's son, on his way to the battles of Troy. Blind to its consequences, he yielded to pressure
from his troops and sacrificed his daughter to the gods. This incautious act was neither willed nor sanctioned by the gods, but was an attempt to force the gods to do as
Agamemnon desired. When his wife, Clytemnestra, heard the news, she sought revenge and, bringing in Aegisthus, plotted the assassination of her husband. Their
success resulted in her son, Orestes, killing her and bringing upon himself the curse of the Furies, which drove him mad.

Aeschylus used the theme of the ancestral curse to probe the metaphysical problem of evil. His question amounts to this: In a divinely ordered universe, why are
atrocities committed, and what is the reason for human suffering? A superficial look at the story suggests it is but a revenge tale. But looking deeper, we see a further
message: crime begets crime. The gods do not will it, but humankind, being free, causes it. Individuals must, therefore, take full responsibility for their acts. So
Agamemnon must fall. He brought Troy to rubble not for the glory of the gods or to fulfill their will, but because family honor and his own pride demanded it. He had to
sustain his importance no matter what the cost. But in the process he killed his daughter and nearly destroyed all the youth of Greece.

The play repeatedly emphasizes the tragedy of a war for which Agamemnon was in large measure responsible. His pride caused him to become a kind of monster,
grown fat and arrogant in his power, determined to reorder society according to his pleasure (hubris), yet blind (from ate) to the consequences of his own actions.

Clytemnestra was equally proud. Agamemnon unwittingly (from ate) goaded that pride by bringing his mistress, a war prize, home from the battles of Troy. She was no
common slave, but Cassandra, daughter of the king of Troy and auguress of all the misfortune to befall Agamemnon. Already seeking revenge for the blow to her
personal honor which Agamemnon unknowingly struck by sacrificing her daughter, Clytemnestra needed little encouragement to resort to assassination. Incited by the
new blow to her vanity, she acted immediately, killing her husband within moments after he entered their palace. This she did knowing full well that it broke the order
set down by the gods.

Her deed was abetted by Aegisthus, a demagogue turned tyrant to whom she was tied by adultery. Here another level of meaning becomes visible. The lust shared by
the two was not mere physical passion but a love for political intrigue and a desire for power. Agamemnon was king. With him out of the way, Clytemnestra and
Aegisthus could become corulers of Argos. Every act of vengeance executed by some member of the house of Atreus carried some motive of gain, as well as an
attempt to reorder the rules of the cosmos for his or her own end. But each attempt bred a reaction unanticipated by the players. All were blind to their own folly, and
they unwittingly set off the charge of their own destruction.

We are shown an inevitable sequence of events. Power breeds insolence and crime, which brings judgment and retribution. But the retribution comes directly as a result
of the activities of the individuals: they bring it about by their own blindness. Hubris leads to ate and then to ruin.

In sum, hubris can be translated as pride, that is, self-conceit, and the acts that grow out of that conceit. Therefore, the word catches the idea of both the attitude which
drives an individual to commit defiant acts against the will of the gods and the acts them selves. Eventually, pride leads one to commit that one last actï¿½-an act of
wanton deliberate rebellion possible only with a knowledge of the desires of the gods-ï¿½which unleashed irreversible divine wrath. Here we see the intertwining of
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pride, hubris, and ate. Pride is not hubris but rather the evil disposition on which the sin is grounded and by which it is fueled. Pride does not necessarily      to hubris.
Yet one cannot commit hubris without first being filled with pride.
In sum, hubris can be translated as pride, that is, self-conceit, and the acts that grow out of that conceit. Therefore, the word catches the idea of both the attitude which
drives an individual to commit defiant acts against the will of the gods and the acts them selves. Eventually, pride leads one to commit that one last actï¿½-an act of
wanton deliberate rebellion possible only with a knowledge of the desires of the gods-ï¿½which unleashed irreversible divine wrath. Here we see the intertwining of
pride, hubris, and ate. Pride is not hubris but rather the evil disposition on which the sin is grounded and by which it is fueled. Pride does not necessarily lead to hubris.
Yet one cannot commit hubris without first being filled with pride.

So much for philology. How common are these forces else where? The Book of Mormon insists they were active in the Americas during ancient times and warns that
they are active today. However, an understanding of the actual operation of these forces as revealed in the Book of Mormon requires a few refine ments and
modifications to the Greek ideas.

From a Book of Mormon perspective, we can define ate as the point at which a person or a people has become fully ripe in iniquity. At that moment they come under
the judgment of a just God from whom there is no escape, for "the fulness of the wrath of God shall be poured out upon all the children of men; for he will not suffer
that the wicked shall destroy the righteous" (1 Ne. 22:16). The Book of Mormon prophets feared that such a condition would come upon their people. Lehi warned:
"For the hardness of your hearts the Lord your God [will] come out in the fulness of his wrath upon you, that ye be cut off and destroyed forever" (2 Ne. 1:17).

The movement which brought ate upon the Nephites began with determined acts of hubrisï¿½-committing unforgivable sin. Both individuals and nations can commit
such a sin (see, e.g., Matt. 12:31-32; Mark 3:28-30; Luke 12:10). When they do, there remains no repentance, only destruction. Paul wrote: "For it [i.e., repentance]
is impossible for those who were once enlight ened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted the good word
of God, and the powers of the world to come, If they shall fall away, to renew them again unto repentance; seeing they crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh,
and put him to an open shame" (Heb. 6:4-8). Alma warned his son, Corianton, "If ye deny the Holy Ghost when it once has had place in you, and ye know that ye
deny it, behold, this is a sin which is unpardonable" (Alma 39:6). According to the Prophet Joseph Smith a man commits such a sin (what this paper terms hubris) when
he accepts the gospel, receives spiritually confirmed knowledge of the divinity of Christ, and then denies "the new and everlasting covenant by which he was sanctified,
calling it an unholy thing, and doing despite to the Spirit of grace." For such there is no repentance because such offenders break the law in seeking to become a law
unto themselves. They willfully abide in sin continually, and therefore "cannot be sanctified by law, neither by mercy, justice, nor judgment. Therefore, they must remain
filthy still" (D&C 88:35).

The Book of Mormon describes conditions when these people get into power. They begin by

condemning the righteous because of their righteousness; letting the guilty and the wicked go unpunished because of their money; and moreover to be held in office at
the head of government, to rule and do according to their wills, that they might get gain and glory of the world, and, moreover, that they might the more easily commit
adultery, and steal, and kill, and do according to their own wills. (Hel. 7:5)

Note that they attempt to reorder society so that they can do "according to their own wills." They are willing to destroy the righteous if necessary. Nothing is to get in
their way.

The Book of Mormon attests that this state grows out of uninhibited prideï¿½-that one undergirding vice which lies at the heart of the destructive forces active upon the
Americas. Pride, and its deadly manifestation hubris, has afflicted humankind through the ages, but more particularly those civilizations of the Americas. It is little
wonder that in his first conference address as president of the Church, Ezra Taft Benson warned the Saints by saying:

May I now discuss a subject of grave concern that deserves deeper development than we have time. It is the subject of pride. In the scriptures there is no such thing as
righteous pride. It is always considered as a sin. We are not speaking of a wholesome view of self-worth, which is best established by a close relationship with God.
But we are speaking of pride as the universal sin.

The sin is universal because it forms the base of most other sins. This is no exaggeration. Pride is competitive. It pits person against person, and people against people.
It allows for no equality. As President Benson noted, "pride gets no pleasure out of having something, only out of having more of it than the next man." According to
C. S. Lewis,

We say that people are proud of being rich, or clever, or good looking, but they are not. They are proud of being richer, or cleverer, or better-looking than others. If
every one else became equally rich, or clever, or good-looking there would be nothing to be proud about. It is the comparison that makes you proud: the pleasure of
being above the rest. Once the element of competition has gone, pride has gone. That is why I say that Pride is essentially competitive in a way the other vices are not.


Pride, ultimately, finds joy in only one thing: power. Nothing makes the proud feel better than being able to manipulate other people like little marionettes. "But pride
always means enmity-ï¿½it is enmity. And not only enmity between man and man, but enmity to God." This point is important. Pride eventually propels the proud to
fight against God and his peopleï¿½-to commit hubris. They are like their master, the dark Lord, who boasted in his heart, "I will ascend into heaven, I will exalt my
throne above the stars of God: I will sit also upon the mount of the congregation, in the sides of the north" (Isa. 14:13). Like Satan, the proud seek the power and glory
that belongs to God by destroying human agency. It is little wonder that such eventually find themselves the object of divine wrath.

As will be shown below, God punishes overweening ambition. There is a dark side to this fact: God actually assists in the move to destruction. But to allow such an
idea to be troublesome is to misunderstand, as the Greeks did, the nature of God's judgment and its attendant curses. They viewed the gods as actively sending the
delusions which infatuated the soul, encouraging it along the paths of self-ruin. Thus ate was an active agent of the gods which locked the individual on a course of
destruction; it was the doom pronounced by the gods from which there was no turning back, no forgiveness. In reality God does not send delusions. He works to save
humankind. But the Greeks did get one point right. When a people commit hubris, they will find that God is an agent of destruction. The reason is simple.

Before all else, God is a God of justice (Alma 42:25). He cannot look upon sin with any degree of allowance. The result of sin, as Paul states, is deathï¿½-being cut off
from the presence of God and thereafter forfeiting eternal life (Rom. 6:23; see also 2 Ne. 2:17-20; Alma 42:9). What options are left to God when a people reject him?
The dilemma, noted in the Book of Mormon, becomes clear in the call of Isaiah. Here the Lord commands Isaiah to go

tell this people, Hear ye indeed, but understand not; and see ye indeed, but perceive not. Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their
eyes; lest they see with their eyes, and hear with their ears, and understand with their hearts, and convert, and be healed. (Isa. 6:9-10)

The command seems incongruous to the usual work of God until we realize how Isaiah was to fulfill the commandment. It was, ironically, by proclaiming, not
withholding, the gospel of salvation to Israel. Here we see the critical significance of Isaiah's ministry. Israel was at the point at which one more rejection of the truth
would condemn them fully to the judgment of the divine. The dilemma of the prophet was that there was no way to save Israel except by the very word that would
condemn them.

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This allows (c) 2005-2009,
             us to understandInfobase   Mediathe
                               more properly    Corp.
                                                   nature of hubris. This sin is committed not when God takes away the opportunity to repent, be forgiven,
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him, but when he allows the opportunity and it is willfully rejected. Ate, a kind of spiritual blindness, results. God delivers offenders "to the hardness of their hearts and
the blindness of their minds unto their being brought down into captivity, and also into destruction, both temporally and spiritually, according to the captivity of the
devil" (1 Ne. 14:7). In the case of the Jaredites, "the Spirit of the Lord had ceased striving with them, and Satan had full power over the hearts of the people; for they
withholding, the gospel of salvation to Israel. Here we see the critical significance of Isaiah's ministry. Israel was at the point at which one more rejection of the truth
would condemn them fully to the judgment of the divine. The dilemma of the prophet was that there was no way to save Israel except by the very word that would
condemn them.

This allows us to understand more properly the nature of hubris. This sin is committed not when God takes away the opportunity to repent, be forgiven, and come to
him, but when he allows the opportunity and it is willfully rejected. Ate, a kind of spiritual blindness, results. God delivers offenders "to the hardness of their hearts and
the blindness of their minds unto their being brought down into captivity, and also into destruction, both temporally and spiritually, according to the captivity of the
devil" (1 Ne. 14:7). In the case of the Jaredites, "the Spirit of the Lord had ceased striving with them, and Satan had full power over the hearts of the people; for they
were given up unto the hardness of their hearts, and the blindness of their minds that they might be destroyed" (Ether 15:19). This is ate at full play. The Lord withdrew
his Spirit because the people had blinded their minds and hardened their hearts, and willed it that way. The result was self-destruction.

In this way God can be said to be the ready helper to those who insist on ruin. But what other choice does he have? If he were to withhold the gospel, then the unjust
could honestly say that his judgment upon them was not fair. One overriding principle revealed clearly in the Old Testament is that the Lord will always vindicate himself
such that no unjust judgment can righteously be made against him. He will allow both individuals and nations to fall before he will permit his integrity to be questioned.
But in doing so he participates in the destruction of the rebellious.

By proclaiming the gospel, God sets up the conditions by which the disobedient come under ate. Both the Old and New Testaments testify to the reality and power of
God's curse. Do not be misled into thinking a curse is something that it is not. Too often a cursing is seen as activating some kind of destructive forceï¿½-some hex,
spell, or enchantment which, by virtue of a supernatural nexus of operation, brings harm to its recipient. Nothing could be further from the truth.

A "curse" denotes something delivered up to divine wrath and dedicated to destruction. As we will see below, God's curse does not consist of divine action but
rather of divine inaction. When a people sin to the point that judgment must come, destruc tion results; but it comes because of the removal of God's Spirit, prophets,
and restraining hand. Thus it is by the wicked, unrestrained in their wickedness, that the wicked are destroyed (Morm. 4:5).

The Book of Mormon testifies clearly of this point. Nephi affirmed that he has seen the destruction of his people and, there fore, knew why they would be destroyed:
"for the reward of their pride [hubris] and their foolishness [ate] they shall reap destruction. . . . For the Spirit of the Lord will not always strive with man. And when the
Spirit ceaseth to strive with man then cometh speedy destruction" (2 Ne. 26:10-11). Such destruction is ultimately spiritual, though it often expresses itself first in the
physical reality of temporal ruin.

The curse is, then, a judicial action of God in consequence of human sin, which causes the spirit to grieve and withdraw (note Gal. 3:10; Heb. 6:8; 2 Pet. 2:14; D&C
121:37). The action leaves a people without divine protection from the machinations of their enemies.

The devastating force that destroyed the Nephites and the Jaredites was principally ate, brought on by hubris, but grounded in pride. The Lord had clearly set up the
rules which those who inhabit the Americas must obey. Mormon declared:

[The Lord] had sworn in his wrath unto the brother of Jared, that whoso should possess this land of promise, from that time henceforth and forever, should serve him,
the true and only God, or they should be swept off when the fulness of his wrath should come upon them.

And now, we can behold the decrees of God con cerning this land, that it is a land of promise; and whatsoever nation shall possess it shall serve God, or they shall be
swept off when the fulness of his wrath shall come upon them. And the fulness of his wrath cometh upon them when they are ripened in iniquity.

For behold, this is a land which is choice above all other lands; wherefore he that doth possess it shall serve God or shall be swept off; for it is the everlasting decree of
God. And it is not until the fulness of iniquity among the children of the land, that they are swept off. (Ether 2:8-10)

The Lord himself has underscored the point:

Cursed shall be the land, yea, this land, unto every nation, kindred, tongue, and people, unto destruction, which do wickedly, when they are fully ripe; and as I have
said so shall it be; for this is the cursing and the blessing of God upon the land, for the Lord cannot look upon sin with the least degree of allowance. (Alma 45:16; cf.
Alma 37:28; Ether 2:15)

Obedience brings blessings: "Behold, this is a choice land, and whatsoever nation shall possess it shall be free from bondage, and from captivity, and from all other
nations under heaven, if they will but serve the God of the land, who is Jesus Christ" (Ether 2:12). But disobedience brings cursings: "Yea, and cursed be the land
forever and ever unto those workers of darkness and secret combinations, even unto destruction, except they repent before they are fully ripe" (Alma 37:31).

When iniquity ripens fully the cursings come. But what constitutes being ripe in iniquity? The Book of Mormon gives specific conditions: (1) when "the voice of this
people should choose iniquity" (Alma 10:19) (2 when the people "turn aside the just for a thing of naught and revile against that which is good, and say that it is of no
worth" (2 Ne. 28:16) (3 when they reject "every word of God" (1 Ne. 17:35) and (4) "when [they] shall cast out the righteous from among [them], then shall [they] be
ripe for destruction" (Hel. 13:14).

The book of Ether traces, in capsulized form, the development of these conditions among the Jaredites. The unrelenting downturn occurred during the reign of the
wicked king Shiblom when "there began to be an exceedingly great war in all the land" (Ether 11:4). Prophets moved among the people, testifying "that a great curse
should come upon the land, and also upon the people, and that there should be a great destruction among them, such an one as never had been upon the face of the
earth, and their bones should become as heaps of earth upon the face of the land except they should repent of their wickedness" (Ether 11:6).

Shiblom's brother "caused that all the prophets who prophesied of the destruction of the people should be put to death" (Ether 11:5). The people in general "hearkened
not unto the voice of the Lord, because of their wicked combinations; wherefore, there began to be wars and contentions in all the land, and also many famines and
pestilences, insomuch that there was a great destruction, such an one as never had been known upon the face of the earth; and all this came to pass in the days of
Shiblom" (Ether 11:7).

Responding to the misery, some of the people began to repent, and conditions gradually improved. However, the next generation did not heed the lesson. Iniquity
quickly resumed:

And it came to pass that in the days of Ethem there came many prophets, and prophesied again unto the people; yea, they did prophesy that the Lord would utterly
destroy them from off the face of the earth except they repented of their iniquities. And it came to pass that the people hardened their hearts, and would not hearken
unto their words; and the prophets mourned and withdrew from among the people. (Ether 11:12-13)

A rebellion soon erupted. The secret combination stirred up the people to insurrection and promoted war for its own ends. For a whole generation, riots and wars were
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the order of(c)
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                 day. In an attempt     Media the
                                    to redeem Corp.
                                                  Jaredites, God again sent his prophets who "prophesied of great and marvelous things, and criedPage
                                                                                                                                                   repentance
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people, and except they should repent the Lord God would execute judgment against them to their utter destruction; And that the Lord God would send or bring forth
another people to possess the land, by his power, after the manner by which he brought their fathers" (Ether 11:20-21). The response of the masses was to "reject all
the words of the prophets, because of [the people's] secret society and wicked abominations" (Ether 11:22). In doing so, that generation precipitated the downfall of
unto their words; and the prophets mourned and withdrew from among the people. (Ether 11:12-13)

A rebellion soon erupted. The secret combination stirred up the people to insurrection and promoted war for its own ends. For a whole generation, riots and wars were
the order of the day. In an attempt to redeem the Jaredites, God again sent his prophets who "prophesied of great and marvelous things, and cried repentance unto the
people, and except they should repent the Lord God would execute judgment against them to their utter destruction; And that the Lord God would send or bring forth
another people to possess the land, by his power, after the manner by which he brought their fathers" (Ether 11:20-21). The response of the masses was to "reject all
the words of the prophets, because of [the people's] secret society and wicked abominations" (Ether 11:22). In doing so, that generation precipitated the downfall of
the nation.

Ether, the last Jaredite prophet, was born during this period of rebellion. When he came of age he "began to prophesy unto the people, for he could not be restrained
because of the Spirit of the Lord which was in him. For he did cry from the morning, even until the going down of the sun, exhorting the people to believe in God unto
repentance lest they should be destroyed" (Ether 12:2-3). In spite of the power of Ether and the clarity of his prophecies, the people "did not believe, because they saw
them [great and marvelous things] not" (Ether 12:5). Ate was setting in. Their rejection was not only of his word but of his very presence: "they esteemed him as naught,
and cast him out" (Ether 13:13). The consequences were immediate, for "in that same year in which he was cast out from among the people there began to be a great
war among the people, for there were many who rose up, who were mighty men, and sought to destroy Coriantumr [the king] by their secret plans of
wickedness" (Ether 13:15).

The war escalated to the point of mutual annihilation, but no one foresaw that end. Repentance was far from them, and Coriantumr, even though warned by Ether,
"repented not, neither his fair sons nor daughters; neither the fair sons and daughters of Cohor; neither the fair sons and daughters of Corihor; and in fine, there were
none of the fair sons and daughters upon the face of the whole earth who repented of their sins," even though "the sons of Coriantumr fought much and bled
much" (Ether 13:17, 19).

During the second year of the rebellion, Ether once more approached Coriantumr, avowing

that, if he would repent, and all his household, the Lord would give unto him his kingdom and spare the people-ï¿½Otherwise they should be destroyed, and all his
household save it were himself. And he should only live to see the fulfilling of the prophecies which had been spoken concerning another people receiving the land for
their inheritance; and Coriantumr should receive a burial by them; and every soul should be destroyed save it were Coriantumr. (Ether 13:20-21)

But "Coriantumr repented not, neither his household, neither the people; and the wars ceased not; and they sought to kill Ether, but he fled from before them" (Ether
13:22). This failure to repent constituted the last act of hubris which the Lord would allow. With it the cup of iniquity filled to overflowing.

The spirit of God ceased to strive with the people. As a result "there were robbers, and in fine, all manner of wickedness upon all the face of the land" (Ether 13:26).
For two years, while Coriantumr was recuperating from war wounds, "all the people upon the face of the land were shedding blood, and there was none to restrain
them" (Ether 13:31).

Conditions moved from bad to worse:

There began to be a great curse upon all the land because of the iniquity of the people, in which, if a man should lay his tool or his sword upon his shelf, or upon the
place whither he would keep it, behold, upon the morrow, he could not find it, so great was the curse upon the land.

Wherefore every man did cleave unto that which was his own, with his hands, and would not borrow neither would he lend; and every man kept the hilt of his sword in
his right hand, in the defence of his property and his own life and of his wives and children. (Ether 14:1-2)

Before their eyes, the words of the prophets found fulfillment. The sword destroyed thousands, but the people were past seeing, feeling, and repenting. Ate had fallen
upon them. Under these conditions the word of the Lord "came to Ether that Coriantumr should not fall by the sword. And thus we see that the Lord did visit them in
the fullness of his wrath, and their wickedness and abominations had prepared a way for their everlasting destruction" (Ether 14:24-25). Note that they brought
destruction upon themselves.

Finally, the destruction of human souls had been so great that only a few dozen were left to carry on the struggle. Still there was no repentance. They continued to fight,
"and when the night came they slept upon their swords. And on the morrow they fought even until the night came. And when the night came they were drunken with
anger, even as a man who is drunken with wine; and they slept again upon their swords. And on the morrow they fought again" (Ether 15:20-23). In the end, all were
destroyed but Coriantumr. Beaten, bloody, and half dead physically and fully dead spiritually, he remained alive in the quiet hell he had created. Never again would a
Jaredite voice ring in the vacant hills, or a Jaredite song echo along the empty roads.

Sad as it is to say, the bloody lesson was missed by the Nephites, and those living after A.D. 150 again filled the cup of iniquity to the brim. They, like their Jaredite
brothers, met all the necessary conditions and became full in iniquity.

Once again the Book of Mormon shows that the driving force was pride, which led to hubris, and finally to ate. First, "there began to be among them those who were
lifted up in pride, such as the wearing of costly apparel, and all manner of fine pearls, and of fine things of the world." Further, "they began to be divided into
classes"ï¿½-pride being translated on a major scale into the structure of society (4 Ne. 1:24, 26). It was not long until the proud "denied the Christ; and they did
persecute the true church of Christ" (4 Ne. 1:29). Soon "they did cast them [the Lord's disciples] into prison . . . and did seek to kill them" (4 Ne. 1:30-31).

It must be emphasized that this people did not dwindle in unbelief, but willfully rebelled against God (hubris) at the very time when his gospel was preached among them
with incredible power (4 Ne. 1:38). As the text states, some "did persecute the true church of Christ, because of their humility and their belief in Christ; and they did
despise them because of the many miracles which were wrought among them" (4 Ne. 1:29).

The three disciples of the Savior were "cast . . . into prison; but by the power of the word of God, which was in them, . . . they went forth doing mighty miracles among
them. Nevertheless, and notwithstanding all these miracles, the people did harden their hearts, and did seek to kill them" (4 Ne. 1:30-31).

These apostates rejected God, his leaders, and his gospel, and sought to destroy his people. Their intent seems to have been to take over the church of Christ through
the use of force. This was hubris pure and simple. Apostates became filled with the heady power associated with dictating the moral standards of the community. The
wicked people "were led by many priests and false prophets to build up many churches, and to do all manner of iniquity" (4 Ne. 1:34). Thus a frenzy of church building
took place as the apostasy became ever more complete. Indeed, "there were many churches in the land; yea, there were many churches which professed to know
Christ, and yet they did deny the more parts of his [the Savior's] gospel, insomuch that they did receive all manner of wickedness, and did administer that which was
sacred unto him to whom it had been forbidden because of unworthiness. And this church did multiply exceedingly because of iniquity" (4 Ne. 1:27-28). And "the more
wicked part of the people did wax strong, and became exceedingly more numerous than were the people of God. And they did still continue to build up churches unto
themselves, and adorn them with all manner of precious things" (4 Ne. 1:40-41)-ï¿½all the while they actively persecuted the true church of God (4 Ne. 1:29).
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In this way the child of pride, hubris, expressed its deadly desires. In response, priesthood authority and the power of the Holy Ghost were removed from the people,
such that miracles and revelations ceased. Grieved, the Spirit departed; restraining power left (Morm. 1:17-19;2:10-14;4:5).
Christ, and yet they did deny the more parts of his [the Savior's] gospel, insomuch that they did receive all manner of wickedness, and did administer that which was
sacred unto him to whom it had been forbidden because of unworthiness. And this church did multiply exceedingly because of iniquity" (4 Ne. 1:27-28). And "the more
wicked part of the people did wax strong, and became exceedingly more numerous than were the people of God. And they did still continue to build up churches unto
themselves, and adorn them with all manner of precious things" (4 Ne. 1:40-41)-ï¿½all the while they actively persecuted the true church of God (4 Ne. 1:29).

In this way the child of pride, hubris, expressed its deadly desires. In response, priesthood authority and the power of the Holy Ghost were removed from the people,
such that miracles and revelations ceased. Grieved, the Spirit departed; restraining power left (Morm. 1:17-19;2:10-14;4:5).

All along, forces moved from bad to worse. The saints them selves "began to be proud in their hearts, because of their exceed ing riches, and become vain like unto
their brethren" (4 Ne. 1:43). Soon the three disciples of the Savior remained as the last vestige of righteousness; the voice of the people had chosen iniquity. Seeing the
condition of the people, the disciples "began to sorrow for the sins of the world," for "both the people of Nephi and the Lamanites had become exceedingly wicked one
like unto another" (4 Ne. 1:44-45).

Wickedness expressed itself in the toleration and encouragement of organized crime: "the wicked part of the people began again to build up the secret oaths and
combinations of Gadianton" (4 Ne. 1:42). In this way they blindly planted the seeds of their own destruction (ate).

Before long these robbers "did infest the land, insomuch that the inhabitants thereof began to hide up their treasures in the earth; and they became slippery, because the
Lord had cursed the land, that they could not hold them, nor retain them again" (Morm. 1:18). Then they "began to cry," because "no man could keep that which was
his own, for the thieves, and the robbers, and the murderers, and the magic art, and the witchcraft which was in the land" (Morm. 2:10). Everyone was robbing
everyone else and using the black arts to do it. Indeed, "there were sorceries, and witchcrafts, and magics; and the power of the evil one was wrought upon all the face
of the land" (Morm. 1:19).

During this time, spiritual blindness, ate, deepened, and the people began to "boast in their own strength" (Morm. 3:9). They launched a war of aggression and "every
heart was hard ened, so that they delighted in the shedding of blood continually" (Morm. 4:11). The people became utterly blind to the destruction which their acts were
causing. Their depravity, freed from any restraint of the Spirit, led to the full expression of the power of ate, and the people sank to depths never before found "among
all the children of Lehi" or "even among all the house of Israel" (Morm. 4:12). Mormon recognized that they were "without order and without mercy, . . . without
principle, and past feeling" (Moro. 9:18, 20).

With keen insight, Mormon said: "I saw that the day of grace was passed with them, both temporally and spiritually" (Morm. 2:15). By committing hubris they had
procrastinated the day of repentance until it was everlastingly too late. Then the power of ate propelled them to their doom. When the inevitable judgment came, with its
horrors, the people "did curse God, and wish to die," but "they would struggle with the sword for their lives" (Morm. 2:14). Their sorrow was not that which would or
even could lead to repentance, but was "the sorrowing of the damned, because the Lord would not always suffer them to take happiness in sin" (Morm. 2:13). In other
words, their sorrow sprang from not being able to reorder the universe to suit themselves. They felt the full depth of anguish, but it was because God and his justice
proved supreme.

For a time Mormon attempted to preach to the people, but he was eventually forbidden, "for behold they had willfully rebelled against their God" (Morm. 1:16).
Though they were past feeling, Mormon was not. He could see that even in their occasional victory "we were left to ourselves, that the Spirit of the Lord did not abide
in us" (Morm. 2:26). The effects of ate were being felt. For a time Mormon held his silence. Then the Lord com manded him to preach again (Morm. 3:2-3). Much as
with Isaiah, Mormon's ministry was not to bless but to bring judgment-ï¿½the final end of hubris. Thus, it was during this period that the Nephites committed that final
devilish act that led to their utter downfall, for "they had sworn by all that had been forbidden them" and sought the blood of their brethren (Morm. 3:14).

In sum, the Nephites committed hubris in two ways: they rebelled against God, attempting to relegate to themselves his power by force; and they sought that which was
forbiddenï¿½-to avenge themselves on their enemies. The work of pride caused them to compete with both God and man. The result was ateï¿½-spiritual blindness so
profound that the people could neither see nor feel. Final catastrophe was their unsought reward-ï¿½not ultimately of losing battles to the Lamanites but dying in
rebellion against God. To those living in the last days the Lord warned: "Beware of pride, lest ye become as the Nephites of old" (D&C 38:39). The reason God's
warning lies particularly upon the Americas seems to be the unprecedented wealth the land provides. Partaking of its easy abundance, Americans often forget from
whom the blessings flow. In their blindness, they attribute their success to themselves and desire more. Pride sets in. As in the case of Nephite society, "the people
began to be distinguished by ranks, according to their riches and their chances for learning, yea, some were ignorant because of their poverty, and others did receive
great learning because of their riches" (3 Ne. 6:12). Nephi knew this was exactly the condition that would beset those upon this continent in the latter days. The
Gentiles, he attested, "are lifted up in the pride of their eyes, and have stumbled, because of the greatness of their stumbling block, that they have built up many
churches; nevertheless, they put down the power and miracles of God, and preach up unto themselves their own wisdom and their own learning, that they may get gain
and grind upon the face of the poor" (2 Ne. 26:20).

The Lord directed his warning specifically to the Saints, and well he should. If they resist evil, they offer counterpoint to the problems of society and a haven of safety. If
they do not, all moorings are lost, and society drifts into chaos. At the beginning of this paper, I said that the Church acts as a kind of barometer to society. The book
of Helaman illustrates the point: it focuses on the period just before the first coming of the Lord. At the begin ning of the book of Helaman, the Nephites were at peace
with the Lamanites, and there was no contention among the people of Nephi themselves, "save it were a little pride which was in the church, which did cause some little
dissensions among the people" (Hel. 3:1). This was in 46 B.C. By 43 B.C. the book reports that "there was exceedingly great prosperity in the church, insomuch that
there were thousands who did join themselves unto the church" (Hel. 3:24). The church was in a period of tremendous growth. But this also presented a danger; many
who joined were not really converted. Mormon reports that by 41 B.C.,

There was peace also, save it were the pride which began to enter into the church-ï¿½not into the church of God, but into the hearts of the people who professed to
belong to the church of Godï¿½-and they were lifted up in pride even to the persecution of many of their brethren. (Hel. 3:33-34)

By 39 B.C., he observed that the year ended in peace, "save it were the exceedingly great pride which had gotten into the hearts of the people; and it was because of
their exceedingly great riches and their prosperity in the land; and it did grow upon them from day to day" (Hel. 3:36). What had started out as a blessing for faithfulness
to the churchï¿½-prosperity-ï¿½had spread to all the people. The Church did indeed act as a barometer to society. Unfortunately, the evil that afflicted the hearts of
some of the Church members began to generalize as well. The result was felt the next year, when "there were many dissensions in the church, and there was also a
contention among the people, insomuch that there was much bloodshed" (Hel. 4:1). Then certain dissenters went to the Lamanites and began to agitate them to war.
The outcome brought death to many.

In his lamentation Mormon emphasizes the lesson the latter-day church must learn:

Now this great loss of the Nephites, and the great slaughter which was among them, would not have happened had it not been for their wickedness and their
abomination which was among them; yea, and it was among those also who professed to belong to the church of God. And it was because of the pride of their hearts,
because of their exceeding riches, . . . and their boastings in their own strength, they were left in their own strength; therefore they did not prosper, but were afflicted
and smitten. (Hel. 4:11-13)
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The rest of the book of Helaman and some of 3 Nephi chronicles the breakup of the Nephite nation. The cause was pride, first found among the members of the
Church but soon manifested in the society in general. The result was suffering and anarchy. The later Nephites learned neither from Jaredite history nor from their own.
As noted above, when they again became proud, they destroyed themselves. Mormon affirms the process: "The pride of this nation, of the people of the Nephites, hath
Now this great loss of the Nephites, and the great slaughter which was among them, would not have happened had it not been for their wickedness and their
abomination which was among them; yea, and it was among those also who professed to belong to the church of God. And it was because of the pride of their hearts,
because of their exceeding riches, . . . and their boastings in their own strength, they were left in their own strength; therefore they did not prosper, but were afflicted
and smitten. (Hel. 4:11-13)

The rest of the book of Helaman and some of 3 Nephi chronicles the breakup of the Nephite nation. The cause was pride, first found among the members of the
Church but soon manifested in the society in general. The result was suffering and anarchy. The later Nephites learned neither from Jaredite history nor from their own.
As noted above, when they again became proud, they destroyed themselves. Mormon affirms the process: "The pride of this nation, of the people of the Nephites, hath
proven their destruction" (Moro. 8:27).

For the most part, the Church today finds itself in much the same circumstances as those in the beginning of the book of Helaman. It is wealthy and growing rapidly.
Are we in danger? The Book of Mormon suggests that the only real danger to the Church itself is not an outward foe but rather a more powerful and far more
devastating enemy within-ï¿½pride. It grows in the hearts of those who profess to be Saints. It is little wonder that President Benson has warned us against pride.
Will we heed the warning or become as the Nephites of old?

   Ezra Taft Benson, "Cleansing the Inner Vessel," Ensign (May 1986): 6.

   Albin Lesky, A History of Greek Literature, trans. by James Willis and Cronelis de Heer (New York: Corwell, 1966), 172; Mihai I. Spariosu, God of Many
Names: Play, Poetry, and Power in Hellenic Thought from Homer to Aristotle (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991), 26-27, 176. Studies in Greek literature
abound with discussions on the idea of ate. There is no scholarly consensus on the precise meaning of the term, but general usage in ancient Greek sources show it to
be a blindness or delusion sent by the gods, which infatuates and bewilders mortals and generally leads them to destruction. It is generally a punishment for insolent or
rash behavior. See Homer, Iliad XVI, 805; VIII, 237; XIX, 88; and H. G. Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), s.v. "ate."

  Lesky, A History of Greek Literature, 176.

   Broad Greek usage ties hubris to either pride or passion. Out of either of these grows the act of hubris. In its more mild form it expresses itself as insolence, a kind of
disrespect for law, humankind, or the gods. In its strongest form it becomes wanton violence. See, for example, Homer, Odyssey XV, 329; XVII, 565; IV, 368; also
Herodotus, I, 189; Hesiod, Opera et Dies 217. Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. "hubris." Lesky, A History of Greek Literature, 178; Spariosu, God of
Many Names, 26, 53, 178. For a full treatment of this very complex idea, see N. R. E. Fisher, Hybris: A Study in the Values of Honour and Shame in Ancient Greece
(Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1992). For a good discussion of the word in Hellenic times, which forms the basis of usage in the New Testament, see Gerhard Kittel,
ed., Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, 10 vols. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1972), 8:295-97.

  Lesky, A History of Greek Literature, 178.

    In general Greek usage, the word denoted the idea of running riot or growing in wantonness often in sexual indulgence or use of power. See Homer, Odyssey I, 227.
It revealed itself in the maltreatment, outrage, or mutilation of another as in Homer, Iliad XI, 695. See Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. "hubrizo"; Lesky,
A History of Greek Literature, 178. For a full treatment, see Fisher, Hybris.

  Classical Greeks did not understand sin in the sense of enmity against God. The root meaning of their word often translated "sin" is to go beyond or miss a definite
mark or goal. It carried the idea of failing to measure up and is best understood as moral defect. See Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. "hamartano."

  Aeschylus, The House of Atreus (also known as the Oresteia), a trilogy comprising the plays Iphigenia, Agamemnon, and Orestes. The reasoning here follows
Lesky, A History of Greek Literature, 175-78, and parallels Spariosu, God of Many Faces, 26-27.

  TPJS, 128.

  Notice how pride escalates in the following references-ï¿½Helaman 3:1, 33-34, 36ï¿½-resulting in the conditions recorded in Hel. 4:1.

  Benson, "Cleansing the Inner Vessel," 6.

  Ibid., 7.

  C. S. Lewis, Mere Christianity (New York: Macmillan, 1978), 102-4.

  Ibid.

   An example of the Lord's care for his name is clearly evident in Ezek. 20:5-9. In 1 Ne. 20:11 the Lord is emphatic that he will not allow his name to be polluted or
give his glory to another.

   The Old Testament word charam means that which is devoted to a god and carries the idea of total destruction. Francis Brown et al., A Hebrew and English
Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1907), s.v. "charam"; G. Johannes Botterweck and Helmer Ringgren, Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament,
trans. David E. Green (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1986), 5:180-99.

  Benson, "Cleansing the Inner Vessel," 6.

The Influence of Lehi's Admonitions on the Teachings of His Son Jacob
John A. Tvedtnes

Abstract: Lehi, though unable to convince his older sons to follow the Lord, was very successful with both Nephi and Jacob. The speeches and writings of Jacob
clearly show that he remembered the admonitions given to him by his dying father and that he shared Lehi's teachings-ï¿½including some of his verbiage-ï¿½with other
members of the family. Jacob's life and teachings, found in the Book of Mormon, stand as a memorial to his father's faith and parental love.

The teachings of Jacob are found in two sermons and a treatise recorded on the small plates of Nephi. The first sermon, delivered at the request of his brother Nephi
and including passages from Isa. 49-51, is found in 2 Ne. 6-10. The second, delivered after Nephi's death, is in Jacob 2-3. The treatise, including the parable of Zenos,
is in Jacob 4-6.

 Copyright
John       (c) 2005-2009,
     S. Tanner,              Infobase
                in an insightful        Mediapresented
                                 1991 article,  Corp. evidence for internal consistency in the teachings of Jacob. He attributed the use of specific
                                                                                                                                                 Page    263
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expressions to Jacob's peculiar style. I find, however, that Jacob owes much more to his father's example than to any style of his own.
The teachings of Jacob are found in two sermons and a treatise recorded on the small plates of Nephi. The first sermon, delivered at the request of his brother Nephi
and including passages from Isa. 49-51, is found in 2 Ne. 6-10. The second, delivered after Nephi's death, is in Jacob 2-3. The treatise, including the parable of Zenos,
is in Jacob 4-6.

John S. Tanner, in an insightful 1991 article, presented evidence for internal consistency in the teachings of Jacob. He attributed the use of specific words and
expressions to Jacob's peculiar style. I find, however, that Jacob owes much more to his father's example than to any style of his own.

For example, in 2 Ne. 6:3, Jacob said, "I am desirous for the welfare of your souls," while in Jacob 2:3, he spoke of his "anxiety for the welfare of your souls." He also
noted his "anxiety" for his audience in Jacob 1:5 and 4:18. Tanner's observation about Jacob's consistency in using these terms is well-taken. But he fails to note that it
was Jacob's father Lehi who first used the word anxiety when addressing his family (2 Ne. 1:16). It seems clear that Jacob was following his father's example, as we
note from Lehi's concluding words addressed in summation to Jacob and his other sons: "And I have none other object save it be the everlasting welfare of your souls.
Amen" (2 Ne. 2:30; see also 2 Ne. 1:25).

Tanner also noted Jacob's use of the term awake in both of his discourses (2 Ne. 9:47; Jacob 3:11). Jacob may have been influenced by the Isaiah passages he cited
that employ this term (see 2 Ne. 8:9, 17, 24). But he may have remembered his father's use of the same expression in exhorting members of his family (2 Ne. 1:13-14,
23). This latter suggestion is reinforced by the fact that, in 2 Ne. 1:13, Lehi warned them to "awake from . . . the sleep of hell" and spoke of "the eternal gulf of misery
and woe," thus tying the expression to the captivity of the devil, which is discussed below. In Jacob 3:11, Jacob told the people to "awake from the slumber of death, . .
. from the pains of hell that ye may not become angels to the devil," as noted by Tanner.

An examination of Jacob's two sermons and his treatise show that he was clearly influenced by the admonitions addressed to him by his father Lehi in 2 Ne. 2.
Jacob was further influenced by the advice he heard Lehi give to other family members on the same occasion (2 Ne. 1, 3-4). example, Jacob's use of plain and truth in
both of his discourses (2 For 1 Ne. 9:40, 47; Jacob 2:11;4:13-14) likely derived from his father's comments in 2 Ne. 1:26. Jacob's frequent reference to the heart (2
Ne. 9:33, 49; Jacob 2:10, 22;3:1-3;6:4-5) reminds us that Lehi, too, spoke of the heart (2 Ne. 1:17, 21;2:7). Both Lehi (2 Ne. 3:9-10, 16-17) and Jacob (Jacob 4:5)
spoke of Moses and the law of Moses. Jacob followed Lehi's example in using the term Holy One to denote the Lord. Jacob's comments about the "Creator of
heaven and earth" (Jacob 2:5) may have been prompted by Lehi's remarks about the creation of the earth (2 Ne. 1:10). In 2 Ne. 9:53, Jacob says that their seed
would not be utterly destroyed, reflecting what Lehi had said to Jacob's brother Joseph (2 1 Ne. 3:3).

Jacob undoubtedly picked up some of Lehi's earlier teachings from his older brother Nephi (cf. 2 Ne. 5:6). As the guardian of the small plates after Nephi's death, he
could review the teachings of his predecessors at any time (Jacob 1:1-4;3:13-4:4).

In his first discourse, Jacob stated, "I have taught you the words of my father" (2 Ne. 6:3). In his second discourse, he also made specific reference to the teachings of
his father (Jacob 2:34).

Lehi had noted that Jacob had suffered much because of his elder brethren (2 Ne. 2:1), but promised, "God . . . shall consecrate thine afflictions for thy gain" (2 Ne.
2:2). This may have influenced Jacob's thinking when he spoke of those who "shall be afflicted in the flesh, and shall not be suffered to perish, because of the faithful;
they shall be scattered, and smitten, and hated; nevertheless, the Lord will be merciful unto them" (2 Ne. 6:11). "They who have endured the crosses of the world, and
despised the shame of it, they shall inherit the kingdom of God" (2 Ne. 9:18). In his second discourse, Jacob told his audience that God "will console you in your
afflictions" (Jacob 3:1).

Lehi promised Jacob that he would be blessed and told him, "thou shalt dwell safely with thy brother, Nephi" (2 Ne. 2:3). The preface introducing Jacob's discourse
stresses that he was "Jacob, the brother of Nephi" (2 Ne. 6:1). Jacob's first recorded words to the people were of "my brother Nephi, unto whom ye look as a king or
a protector, and on whom ye depend for safety" (2 Ne. 6:2).

Lehi further promised that Jacob's days "shall be spent in the service of thy God" (2 Ne. 2:3). Indeed, he and Joseph had been consecrated as priests and teachers by
Nephi (2 1 Ne. 5:26). In both of his discourses, Jacob spoke of his ordination by Nephi (2 1 Ne. 6:2; Jacob 1:18) and of his role as a teacher (2 Ne. 9:44, 48; Jacob
1:17-19;2:2-3;4:1). Jacob was particularly qualified to serve in this capacity because, as Lehi noted, he had seen the glory of the Redeemer and knew of his ministry in
the flesh and of the salvation he would bring (2 Ne. 2:3-4; cf. 11:3; Jacob 2:11). Jacob bore testimony of this in his discourse to the Nephites:

And he also has shown unto me that the Lord God, the Holy One of Israel, should manifest himself unto them in the flesh; and after he should manifest himself they
should scourge him and crucify him, according to the words of the angel who spake it unto me. (2 Ne. 6:9; cf. 10:3-4)

In the body he shall show himself unto those at Jerusalem, from whence we came; for it is expedient that it should be among them. (2 Ne. 9:5)

Both Lehi (2 Ne. 2:12) and Jacob (2 1 Ne. 9:12, 19, 25-26, 46, 53; Jacob 4:10;6:5, 10) spoke of the "power" and the "mercy" and the "justice" of God. Each spoke
of God as creator (2 Ne. 2:14-15;9:26) and noted that those who "believe" in him will be saved (2 Ne. 2:9;9:18). Lehi spoke of God's "arms of love" (2 Ne. 1:15),
while Jacob spoke of his "arm of mercy" (Jacob 6:5). But the similarity does not end there.

Boldness of Speech

Jacob addressed his audience with "boldness of speech" (Jacob 2:7), noting that he was required to speak as the Lord commanded (Jacob 2:10-11). Lehi had made
similar comments about Nephi's plain but sharp speech to his brethren, resulting from God's commandment for him to do so (2 Ne. 1:26-27). Jacob, too, spoke with
plainness (Jacob 2:11;4:13-14). Like Nephi, Jacob's teachings reflected the "strictness" of the word of God, which was "hard" for the wicked to hear (2 Ne. 9:40;
Jacob 2:35).

Truth and Error

Lehi and Jacob both spoke of the truthfulness of God. "The Spirit is the same, yesterday, today, and forever," said Lehi (2 Ne. 2:4). Jacob spoke of the "eternal word
[of God], which cannot pass away" (2 Ne. 9:16-17) and of the Messiah who is "full of grace and truth" (2 Ne. 2:6; cf. verse 10). By contrast, he called Satan "the
father of all lies" (2 Ne. 9:9; cf. Lehi in 2:18), the "cunning one" (2 Ne. 9:39) who has a "cunning plan" (2 Ne. 9:28). Jacob even went so far as to say, "Wo unto the
liar, for he shall be thrust down to hell" (2 Ne. 9:34). Indeed, the fall of the devil from heaven is noted by both Lehi (2 Ne. 2:17) and Jacob (2 1 Ne. 9:8). God, Jacob
declared, will "destroy the secret works of darkness, and of murderers, and of abominations" (2 Ne. 10:15).

Opposition in All Things

Lehi taught that "Men are instructed sufficiently that they know good from evil" (2 Ne. 2:5). Jacob, too, noted that men have a "knowledge of [their] guilt" and a
"knowledge of . . . their righteousness" (2 Ne. 9:14; cf. verses 33, 46). "Behold, the way for man is narrow, but it lieth in a straight course before him" (2 Ne. 9:41).
"Prepare your souls . . . that ye may not remember your awful guilt in perfectness, and be constrained to exclaim: Holy, holy are thy judgments, O Lord God
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Almightyï¿½-but   I know myInfobase         Media Corp.
                                guilt; I transgressed thy law, and my transgressions are mine" (2 Ne. 9:46).                                            Page 264 / 919

Lehi noted that "if . . . there is no law . . . there is no sin. If . . . there is no sin . . . there is no righteousness. And if there be no righteousness there be no happiness. And
Lehi taught that "Men are instructed sufficiently that they know good from evil" (2 Ne. 2:5). Jacob, too, noted that men have a "knowledge of [their] guilt" and a
"knowledge of . . . their righteousness" (2 Ne. 9:14; cf. verses 33, 46). "Behold, the way for man is narrow, but it lieth in a straight course before him" (2 Ne. 9:41).
"Prepare your souls . . . that ye may not remember your awful guilt in perfectness, and be constrained to exclaim: Holy, holy are thy judgments, O Lord God
Almightyï¿½-but I know my guilt; I transgressed thy law, and my transgressions are mine" (2 Ne. 9:46).

Lehi noted that "if . . . there is no law . . . there is no sin. If . . . there is no sin . . . there is no righteousness. And if there be no righteousness there be no happiness. And
if there be no righ teousness nor happiness there be no punishment nor misery. And if these things are not there is no God. And if there is no God we are not, neither
the earth" (2 Ne. 2:13). Jacob reflected these ideas when he said, "Wherefore, he has given a law; and where there is no law given there is no punishment; and where
there is no punishment there is no condemnation" (2 Ne. 9:25).

All of this was, according to Lehi, part of the plan by which "there is an opposition in all things," allowing men to choose between good and evil (2 Ne. 2:11). The first
of these choices was made in the garden of Eden, where the "forbidden fruit [was] in opposition to the tree of life; the one being sweet and the other bitter" (2 Ne.
2:15). Jacob reflected these concepts when he declared, "Reconcile yourselves to the will of God, and not to the will of the devil and the flesh" (2 Ne. 10:24).

The Fall

After partaking of the forbidden fruit, Lehi said, Adam and Eve were driven from the garden and became the ancestors of "all the earth" (2 Ne. 2:20). Jacob may have
had these words in mind when he spoke of "every living creature, both men, women, and children, who belong to the family of Adam" (2 Ne. 9:21). Lehi had stressed
the importance of the fall in God's plan by noting that, had Adam and Eve not fallen, "they would have had no children" (2 Ne. 2:23). "Adam fell that men might be; and
men are, that they might have joy" (2 Ne. 2:25; cf. verse 23). While God seeks the happiness of mankind, "the devil . . . seeketh that all men might be miserable like
unto himself" (2 Ne. 2:27). The devil "had become miserable forever, [and] he sought also the misery of all mankind" (2 Ne. 2:18; cf. 1:13).

Jacob followed Lehi's example in contrasting the joy God intends for mankind with the misery Satan wishes to share with us (2 Ne. 9:18-19, 26-27, 43, 46). Of the
righteous, he said, "And their joy shall be full forever" (2 Ne. 9:18). He noted that, without the atonement, all mankind would "remain with the father of lies, in misery,
like unto himself" (2 Ne. 9:9; cf. verse 46).

The fall of Adam, Lehi declared, was "done in the wisdom of him who knoweth all things" (2 Ne. 2:24; cf. 2:12). Jacob, too, spoke of the "wisdom" and knowledge of
God (2 Ne. 9:8, 20; Jacob 4:10) and declared: "Death hath passed upon all men, to fulfill the merciful plan of the great Creator" (2 Ne. 9:6).

Lehi taught that "if Adam had not transgressed he would not have fallen, but he would ave remained in the garden of Eden. And all things must have remained in the
same state in which they were after they were created; and they must have remained for ever, and had no end" (2 Ne. 2:22). Jacob, too, drew attention to this, saying,
"And the resurrection must needs come unto man by reason of the fall; and the fall came by reason of transgression" (2 Ne. 9:6).

"All men . . . were lost, because of the transgression of their parents" (2 Ne. 2:21). Lehi tempered this dismal view with a promise: "The Messiah cometh . . . that he
may redeem the chil dren of men from the fall" (2 Ne. 2:26). This became one of Jacob's principal themes:

Wherefore, it must needs be an infinite atonement-ï¿½save it should be an infinite atonement this corruption could not put on incorruption. Wherefore, the first judgment
which came upon man must needs have remained to an endless duration. And if so, this flesh must have laid down to rot and to crumble to its mother earth, to rise no
more. (2 Ne. 9:7)

The plan of God, therefore, was for Adam and Eve to become mortal or imperfect, in order that they and their offspring might gain experience unavailable to them in
their perfect condition. But there was a problem to be overcome. Since the penalty for dis obedience is death, it was necessary to forestall the judgment in order to give
mankind the opportunity to repent. In the eternal plan, this meant (1) providing a savior whose death would satisfy the demands of justice, and (2) establishing a
probationary period during which Adam's family could be tested and learn obedience to the plan of mercy. Lehi put it this way:

The days of the children of men were prolonged . . . that they might repent while in the flesh; wherefore, their state became a state of probation. (2 Ne. 2:21)

Jacob, too, discussed these matters:

And he commandeth all men that they must repent, and be baptized in his name, having perfect faith in the Holy One of Israel, or they cannot be saved in the kingdom
of God. And if they will not repent and believe in his name, and be baptized in his name, and endure to the end, they must be damned; for the Lord God, the Holy One
of Israel, has spoken it. . . . But wo unto him that has the law given, yea, that has all the commandments of God, like unto us, and that transgresseth them, and that
wasteth the days of his probation, for awful is his state! (2 Ne. 9:23-24, 27)

Temporal and Spiritual Death

The fall of Adam resulted in two types of death, both required under the law of justice. The physical or temporal death separates the spirit from the body, while the
spiritual death separates us from God (see D&C 29:40-43). Lehi declared that, "By the law men are cut off, . . . by the temporal law . . . and also, by the spiritual law,
. . . and become miserable forever" (2 Ne. 2:5). Jacob put it this way: "For as death hath passed upon all men . . . because man became fallen they were cut off from
the presence of the Lord" (2 Ne. 9:6; cf. verse 9).

This death, of which I have spoken, which is the temporal, shall deliver up its dead; which death is the grave. And this death of which I have spoken, which is the
spiritual death, shall deliver up its dead; which spiri tual death is hell; wherefore, death and hell must deliver up their dead, and hell must deliver up its captive spirits, and
the grave must deliver up its captive bodies. (2 Ne. 9:11-12)

Atonement

Jacob, Lehi said, was "redeemed, because of the righteousness of thy Redeemer" (2 Ne. 2:3). Jacob later declared, "The mercies of the Holy One of Israel have claim
upon them, because of the atonement; for they are delivered by the power of him" (2 Ne. 9:25).

The Messiah, according to Lehi, "offereth himself a sacrifice for sin, to answer the ends of the law, unto all those who have a broken heart and a contrite spirit" (2 Ne.
2:7). Jacob declared, "And he cometh into the world that he may save all men if they will hearken unto his voice; for behold, he suffereth the pains of all men, yea,
the pains of every living creature" (2 Ne. 9:21). "For the atonement satisfieth the demands of his justice upon all those who have not the law given to them" (2 Ne.
9:26).

So important is the mission of Jesus that Lehi declared that "there is no flesh that can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits, and mercy, and grace
of the Holy Messiah"
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saved" (2 Ne. 10:24). He elaborated on this subject in these words:

And he commandeth all men that they must repent, and be baptized in his name, having perfect faith in the Holy One of Israel, or they cannot be saved in the kingdom
9:26).

So important is the mission of Jesus that Lehi declared that "there is no flesh that can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits, and mercy, and grace
of the Holy Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:8). Jacob similarly admonished, "remember, after ye are reconciled unto God, that it is only in and through the grace of God that ye are
saved" (2 Ne. 10:24). He elaborated on this subject in these words:

And he commandeth all men that they must repent, and be baptized in his name, having perfect faith in the Holy One of Israel, or they cannot be saved in the kingdom
of God. And if they will not repent and believe in his name, and be baptized in his name, and endure to the end, they must be damned; for the Lord God, the Holy One
of Israel, has spoken it. (2 Ne. 9:23-24; cf. 6:13)

O then, my beloved brethren, come unto the Holy One. Remember that his paths are righteous. Behold, the way for man is narrow, but it lieth in a straight course
before him, and the keeper of the gate is the Holy One of Israel; and he employeth no servant there; and there is none other way save it be by the gate; for he cannot
be deceived, for the Lord God is his name. (2 Ne. 9:41; cf. Jacob 6:11)

Resurrection

Jacob spoke of the resurrection in the following terms:

Wherefore, may God raise you from death by the power of the resurrection, and also from everlasting death by the power of the atonement, that ye may be received
into the eternal kingdom of God, that ye may praise him through grace divine. Amen. (2 Ne. 10:25; cf. Jacob 6:9)

Jacob's teachings on resurrection derive directly from what he learned from his father. Lehi had spoken of the "power of the Spirit . . . the resurrection" (2 Ne. 2:8), and
told him that, with out the resurrection, the body would "have been created for a thing of naught [and] there would have been no purpose in the end of its creation" and
would have destroyed "the wisdom of God and his eternal purposes" (2 Ne. 2:12). Jacob, too, referred to the "power of the resurrection" (2 Ne. 9:6, 12;10:25; Jacob
4:11;6:9) and reflected other thoughts of Lehi in his discourse:

For as death hath passed upon all men, to fulfill the merciful plan of the great Creator, there must needs be a power of resurrection, and the resurrection must needs
come unto man by reason of the fall. . . . Wherefore, it must needs be an infinite atonement-ï¿½save it should be an infinite atonement this corruption could not put on
incorruption. Wherefore, the first judgment which came upon man [i.e., death] must needs have remained to an endless duration. And if so, this flesh must have laid
down to rot and to crumble to its mother earth, to rise no more. (2 Ne. 9:6-7)

Lehi declared to Jacob, "The Holy Messiah . . . layeth down his life . . . and taketh it again . . . that he may bring to pass the resurrection of the dead, being the first that
should rise" (2 Ne. 2:8). In his discourse, Jacob discussed the role of the Savior in laying down his life that we might be resurrected (e.g., 2 Ne. 6:9;9:12-13, 22):

Our flesh must waste away and die; nevertheless, in our bodies we shall see God . . . for it behooveth the great Creator that he suffereth himself to become sub ject
unto man in the flesh, and die for all men, that all men might become subject unto him. For as death hath passed upon all men . . . there must needs be a power of
resurrection. (2 Ne. 9:4-6)

Judgment

Lehi spoke of Christ as the intercessor, by which we understand that he pleads before the judgment bar of God the case of those who repent:

He is the firstfruits unto God, inasmuch as he shall make intercession for all the children of men. . . . Because of the intercession for all, all men come unto God . . . to be
judged of him. (2 Ne. 2:9-10)

Jacob, like Lehi, spoke of the judgment in connection with the resurrection:

When all men shall have passed from this first death unto life, insomuch as they have become immortal, they must appear before the judgment-seat of the Holy One of
Israel; and then cometh the judgment, and then must they be judged according to the holy judgment of God. (2 Ne. 9:15; see also verses 44, 46)

And he suffereth this that the resurrection might pass upon all men, that all might stand before him at the great and judgment day. (2 Ne. 9:22)

And they are restored to that God who gave them breath, which is the Holy One of Israel. (2 Ne. 9:26)

Wo unto all those who die in their sins; for they shall return to God, and behold his face, and remain in their sins. (2 Ne. 9:38)

For the wicked, said Lehi, the judgment results in a "punishment which is affixed . . . in opposition to . . . the happiness which is affixed, to answer the ends of the
atonement" (2 Ne. 2:10). Following his father's example, Jacob spoke of the punishment of the wicked and the reward of the righteous (2 Ne. 9:16, 18, 25, 48).

Captivity and Liberty

Lehi taught Jacob that there are "both things to act and things to be acted upon" (2 Ne. 2:14). "God gave unto man that he should act for himself. Wherefore, man
could not act for himself save it should be that he was enticed by the one or the other" (2 Ne. 2:16). The atonement ensures that mankind retains its free agency:

And because that they are redeemed from the fall they have become free forever, knowing good and evil; to act for themselves and not to be acted upon, save it be by
the punishment of the law at the great and last day. (2 Ne. 2:26)

Jacob spoke of "the foolishness of men," which makes them think "they are wise, and they hearken not unto the counsel of God" (2 Ne. 9:28). Those who misuse their
free agency, after being exposed to the truth, will have an eternal state that is "awful" (2 Ne. 9:27). His reference to the captivity of hell (2 Ne. 9:12) apparently derives
from some of Lehi's comments to the rest of the family (2 Ne. 1:13, 18, 21;3:5).

Lehi noted that "Men are free according to the flesh; and all things are given them which are expedient unto man. And they are free to choose liberty and eternal life . . .
or to choose captivity and death" (2 Ne. 2:27). "Eternal death . . . giveth the spirit of the devil power to captivate, to bring you down to hell, that he may reign over you
in his own kingdom" (2 Ne. 2:29; cf. 2:18, 21).

Jacob instructed, "Remember that ye are free to act for yourselves-ï¿½to choose the way of everlasting death or the way of eternal life" (2 Ne. 10:23). He evidently
had his father's teachings in mind when he wrote, "Remember, to be carnally-minded is death, and to be spiritually-minded is life eternal" (2 Ne. 9:39). Like his father,
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he spoke of the captivity that comes from surren dering one's agency to Satan:

If the flesh should rise no more our spirits must become subject to that angel who fell from before the presence of the Eternal God, and became the devil, to rise no
in his own kingdom" (2 Ne. 2:29; cf. 2:18, 21).

Jacob instructed, "Remember that ye are free to act for yourselves-ï¿½to choose the way of everlasting death or the way of eternal life" (2 Ne. 10:23). He evidently
had his father's teachings in mind when he wrote, "Remember, to be carnally-minded is death, and to be spiritually-minded is life eternal" (2 Ne. 9:39). Like his father,
he spoke of the captivity that comes from surren dering one's agency to Satan:

If the flesh should rise no more our spirits must become subject to that angel who fell from before the presence of the Eternal God, and became the devil, to rise no
more. And our spirits must have become like unto him, and we become devils, angels to a devil. . . . O how great the goodness of our God, who prepareth a way for
our escape from the grasp of this awful mon ster. (2 Ne. 9:8-10; cf. verse 46)

But, he noted, "the God . . . of Israel . . . delivereth his saints from that awful monster the devil" (2 Ne. 9:19; cf. verse 26), while the wicked "shall be thrust down to
hell" (2 Ne. 9:34, 36; cf. verse 37). He further declared that one can be "freed from sin" (2 Ne. 9:47) and exhorted his audience to "shake off the chains of him that
would bind you fast" (2 Ne. 9:45). These are the same words addressed by Lehi to his family just before he turned to admonish Jacob (2 1 Ne. 1:13, 23).

A Choice Land

In the exhortation to his family, Lehi spoke of being led out of Jerusalem by the Lord (2 Ne. 1:5; cf. verse 9). Jacob did likewise (Jacob 2:32), and also spoke of the
choice nature of the land to which they were led (2 Ne. 10:19-20). Both men also spoke of others led out of Jerusalem (2 Ne. 1:5-6;10:22). Jacob's comments on the
land of liberty (2 Ne. 10:11) and the land of promise (Jacob 2:12) remind us of Lehi's statements in 2 Ne. 1:5-8.

The land, Lehi said, would be cursed if the people were wicked (2 Ne. 1:7). Jacob repeated the idea (Jacob 2:29) and, like his father (2 Ne. 1:22; cf. 1:18), used the
expression "cursed with a sore cursing" (Jacob 3:3; cf. 2:33).

Preservation of the People

Jacob's belief that the Lord would show mercy to the Lamanites (Jacob 3:3-9) appears to derive from Lehi's statement that the Lamanites would not be destroyed (2
Ne. 4:3-9). Lehi promised his son Joseph that his seed would not be utterly destroyed (2 Ne. 3:3), and Jacob repeated this promise (2 Ne. 9:53).

The Branch of Israel

Jacob's comments on the "righteous branch" of Joseph, mentioned in both his discourses (2 Ne. 9:53;10:1-4, 22; Jacob 2:25;6:1-4, 7), hark back to Lehi's use of the
same term (2 Ne. 3:5). This branch, like the branches in the Zenos parable (Jacob 5), was "broken off" from the main body of Israel. But a restoration of Israel was
expected by Lehi (2 Ne. 3:13, 24), as by Zenos in the parable cited by Jacob.

It is clear from some of Lehi's comments that he, like Jacob, was aware of the parable of the olive tree.      It is equally clear that Jacob was acquainted with Lehi's tree
of life vision (1 Ne. 8) and that he tied it to the Zenos parable.

Conclusions

A survey of Jacob's teachings indicates that he was heavily influenced by the admonitions of his father Lehi. Tanner has noted that Jacob's descendants carried on the
tradition of using their father's words in their own writings. It is a tribute to both father and son that such important instruction was remembered and repeated to
subsequent generations.

    John S. Tanner, "Jacob and His Descendants as Authors," in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon , John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne, eds. (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1991), 52-66. Other elements found in both of Jacob's discourses are warnings to the rich (2 Ne. 9:30; Jacob 2:12-19), the earthy
nature of the flesh (2 Ne. 9:7; Jacob 2:21), and the "all-searching" or "piercing" eye of God (2 Ne. 9:44; Jacob 2:10; cf. Jacob 2:15). In both discourses, Jacob tries to
rid himself of the sins of his audience by teaching them (2 Ne. 9:44; Jacob 1:19;2:2, 10, 16). In his first discourse, Jacob spoke of the guilt felt by the wicked at the
judgment (2 Ne. 9:14, 46) he mentions this in his treatise as well (Jacob 6:9).

  For example, the latter part of Jacob's first sermon, in 2 Ne. 9, bears such a similarity to Lehi's discussion of the atonement in 2 Ne. 2 that the one is almost certainly
dependent upon the other. We shall examine details below.

   2 Ne. 1:10;2:10;3:2;6:9-10, 15;9:11-12, 15, 18-19, 23-26, 40 -41, 51. The expression appears frequently in the Isaiah passages quoted by Nephi and Jacob.

  Earlier, Lehi had stated that his righteous descendants "shall dwell safely forever" (2 Ne. 1:9).

  Lehi also told his family, "I have beheld his glory" (2 Ne. 1:15).

  Truth is defined in the scriptures as that which is always the same, and is hence a fitting title for the Lord. See my article "Faith and Truth" in the Notes and
Communications section of this volume for more details.

   Jacob also spoke of broken hearts in Jacob 2:10.

  The grace of God is also mentioned in 2 Ne. 10:25, and the mercy and grace of God are mentioned in 2 Ne. 9:8, 53.

  See also the list of "woes" in 2 Ne. 9:30-38.

   Jacob noted that those who follow Satan become "angels to a devil" (2 Ne. 9:9; also Jacob 3:11; cf. 2 Ne. 9:16). Tanner, "Jacob and His Descendants as Authors,"
60, notes that this expression is unique to Jacob; but it seems likely that he was influenced by Lehi's comments on the devil as a fallen angel (2 Ne. 2:17-18). Jacob's
comments on the lake of fire and brimstone are found in both of his discourses (2 Ne. 9:16, 19, 26; and Jacob 3:11;6:10).

 For a discussion of this and related topics, see my article, "Borrowings from the Parable of Zenos," in The Allegory of the Olive Tree, Stephen D. Ricks and John
W. Welch, eds. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1994), 373-426.

   Even in the minutest terminology, Jacob reflects his father's description of the vision. Both, for example, speak of the strait gate and the narrow way (1 Ne. 8:20; 2
Ne. 9:41; Jacob 6:11). Remembering those who mocked people who ate the fruit of the tree (1 Ne. 8:27), Jacob spoke of those who mock the plan of redemption
(Jacob 6:8).(c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
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  Tanner, "Jacob and His Descendants as Authors," 52-66.
W. Welch, eds. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1994), 373-426.

   Even in the minutest terminology, Jacob reflects his father's description of the vision. Both, for example, speak of the strait gate and the narrow way (1 Ne. 8:20; 2
Ne. 9:41; Jacob 6:11). Remembering those who mocked people who ate the fruit of the tree (1 Ne. 8:27), Jacob spoke of those who mock the plan of redemption
(Jacob 6:8).

  Tanner, "Jacob and His Descendants as Authors," 52-66.

  For further reading on this subject, see E. Douglas Clark and Robert S. Clark, Fathers and Sons in the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1991).

Lehi's Theology of the Fall in Its Preexilic/Exilic Context
Bruce M. Pritchett Jr.

Abstract: Some authors have claimed that Lehi's teachings on the fall of Adam are so similar to teachings prevalent in nineteenth-century America that they must be the
source for 2 Ne. 2. However, this paper demonstrates that the bulk of well-recognized scholarly authority attributes teachings very similar to those in 2 Ne. 2 to
preexilic and exilic biblical writers such as Hosea and Ezekiel. Thus, Lehi's teachings are more consistent with a preexilic/exilic Israelite context than a nineteenth-
century American context.

Lehi is the first and main Book of Mormon prophet to discuss the fall of Adam. Since +he states that he obtained his basic under standing of this event from "the things
which [he had] read" on the plates of brass (2 Ne. 2:17; see also 1 Ne. 5:11), one wonders how much of Lehi's theology was based on the preexilic Israelite religion
recorded on those plates and how much came as direct revelation to him. Certainly Lehi's explanation is a unique, plain, and precious revelation on the fall, free agency,
and the atonement. But the main principles Lehi mentions in the clearest scrip tural explanation of the human condition were in fact familiar topics for early Israelite
writers.

Accordingly, this paper explores the preexilic and exilic texts that discuss or may relate to the fall of Adam. The primary sources are Gen. 2-3; Ps. 82:7; Hosea 6:7;
Job 31:33; and Ezek. 28:11-19. In each case, I will (1) survey the scholarly commentaries on doctrines reflected in passages which show strong similarities to Lehi's
theology, and (2) consider the evi dence dating the passage to about the time of Lehi. I have limited this study to a survey of recognized non-Latter-day Saint experts
on these Old Testament texts. The scholars chosen for this study are those noted for their emphasis on the Old Testament's preexilic teachings. Based on such analysis,
I suggest that Old Testament prophets linked Adam's fall to the universal human condition and also provided commentaries on the fall. I also include an appendix listing
thirty-six other Old Testament pas sages, which some commentators have, to a lesser degree, linked with the fall.

Any comparison between Lehi's teaching on the fall and its preexilic Israelite counterparts must rest on carefully examined foundations, andï¿½-given the nature of the
sources-ï¿½most conclusions about what the ancients thought must remain tentative. Comments made in an article by Blake Ostler and in Sunstone lectures by Mark
Thomas, however, seem to fall short in just such respects, being unclear, inadequately supported, and overly conclusive. Ostler, in a private communication, has
stated his regret that his Dialogue article "is not clear as to [his] position," partly for reasons beyond his control. As a result, however, many readers may have come
away from that article with an unclear or erroneous impression about genuine Old Testament concepts of the fall of Adam. Although the following evidence is neither
exhaustive nor conclusive, I hope that it will shed additional light on the topic.

Ostler and, to a greater extent, Thomas have tended to focus on nineteenth-century concepts similar to Lehi's doctrine of the fall (and similar teachings undoubtedly
existed), but they have drawn their conclusions with insufficient consideration of what well-recognized scholars have generally agreed that Lehi's contemporaries and
predecessors (i.e., preexilic and exilic biblical writers) taught about the fall. Commenting on Lehi's doctrine, Ostler's article asserts that "there simply is no pre-exilic
interpretation of the fall of Adam" and that "the fall of Adam was never linked with the human condition in pre-exilic works. . . . Human 'nature' was not considered
inherently sinful in Israelite thoughtï¿½-if one can meaningfully speak about a Hebrew concept of 'human nature.' "

Obviously, these bold conclusions are based on assumptions about what preexilic Jews believed. Some assumptions are unavoidable when comparing the Book of
Mormon and the Old Testament, yet assumptions based upon an inadequate examina tion of the sources about ancient Judaism will unavoidably lead to faulty
conclusions in any comparison with the Book of Mormon.

For example, should one limit one's inquiry to strictly preexilic works? Lehi was in a sense an exilic prophet, preaching in exile in the wilderness. He was a
contemporary of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and thus may also be compared to them and, as I will demonstrate, not merely to earlier prophets such as Hosea, Isaiah, or
Amos.

In particular, assumptions about the account in Gen. 3 must be examined closely. Some scholars have argued that because of its universalistic, etiological concerns it
has very early origins, while others view the same universalistic elements as evidence that it should be dated relatively late, presuming Hellenistic philosophy to be the
only possible source of the Yahwist's universalism. The latter analysis assumes a linear theory of "doctrinal evolution," i.e., that doctrines of a later time were
unknown earlier. Of course, such an assumption has been widely questioned. Ostler, however, asserts that no preexilic sources link the fall of Adam with the human
condition. He bases this argument on the assumption that ancient Near Eastern cultures tended to be particularist rather than universalist, and that they saw literary
characters' actions as iso lated events rather than representing universal human conditions.

Samuel Noah Kramer, however, has shown that a Sumerian Joblike tale reveals that people in the ancient Near East held a very universalistic outlook as early as 2000
B.C. So also Yehezkel Kaufmann has shown that assuming universalism to be a characteristic only of later Judaism is an "error, . . . [a] failure to distinguish
adequately between the various meanings of religious universalism"; similarly, Francis Andersen criticizes "the idea of progressive evolution," noting that "even
outside Israel sensitive and reflective souls had been searching for an explanation of human misery from the dawn of literature. . . . [And it is] an ancient and persistent
theme in Israel's historical writings." Yet the contention that preexilic biblical writers never linked Adam's fall to the universal condition of man rests on precisely such
an assumption about doctrinal evolution and one's interpretation of Gen. 3.

To see the resemblances between Lehi's theology and that of Israelite writers such as Hosea and Ezekiel, it is necessary to out line briefly Lehi's theology of the fall.
Lehi taught that Adam's fall did not directly transmit sin but rather created circumstances within the world such as death, opposition, temptation, and choice, which all
humanity inherited (2 Ne. 2:11-16; see also Alma 42:9, 16-17). In other words, Lehi saw Adam's fall as a transition from immortality to mortality, from an immortal
realm to a mortal one. This topic, in particular, recurs in Old Testament literature. While Lehi believed that through the fall humanity was universally lost (2 Ne. 2:21,
26), his words show that he understood this in the sense that all humans had sinned (universal sinfulness) rather than in the sense that humans were wholly depraved
(original sin). He also believed that the fall had its fortunate side: "Adam fell that men might be; and men are, that they might have joy" (2 Ne. 2:25). The particularly
fortunate consequences Lehi noted were posterity (2 Ne. 2:23) and freedom forever to choose liberty and life through the great mediator (2 Ne. 2:27).

The main elements of Lehi's theology of the fallï¿½-(1) inter preting Adam's fall as a transition from mortality to immortality, (2) applying this interpretation to the
universal human condition, and (3) mentioning the fall's fortunate as well as woeful aspects-ï¿½were present among the doctrines taught to late preexilic and exilic
Israel, and were
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Preexilic/Exilic Interpretations of Adam's Fall
fortunate consequences Lehi noted were posterity (2 Ne. 2:23) and freedom forever to choose liberty and life through the great mediator (2 Ne. 2:27).

The main elements of Lehi's theology of the fallï¿½-(1) inter preting Adam's fall as a transition from mortality to immortality, (2) applying this interpretation to the
universal human condition, and (3) mentioning the fall's fortunate as well as woeful aspects-ï¿½were present among the doctrines taught to late preexilic and exilic
Israel, and were even combined to certain extents by other preexilic and exilic biblical writers.

Preexilic/Exilic Interpretations of Adam's Fall

Recensions of the Fall Account Itself

Because some scholars consider Gen. 2-3 to be the only Old Testament text referring to Adam's fall, it is a primary key in discussing the biblical doctrine of the fall.
Gerhard von Rad has written, "The contents of Gen., ch. 2, and especially ch. 3 are conspicuously isolated in the Old Testament. No prophet, psalm, or narrator
makes any recognizable reference to the story of the Fall." This assessment, however, is subject to criticism. While biblical writers never used the word fall to refer to
Adam's sin and expulsion, they did refer frequently to Adam and Eden in terms so laden with connotations of sin, punishment, and the descent from immortality to
mortality that the direct relation to Gen. 3 is difficult to avoid.

Before discussing such scriptures (e.g., Ps. 82:6-7; Job 31:33; and Ezek. 28:11-19), I would like to examine an aspect of Genesis that scholars often overlook when
counting references to the fall. One of the most widely held theories about the Pentateuch, the Documentary Hypothesis, claims that in its final form the Pentateuch drew
from and combined earlier documents (i.e., the Yahwist and Elohist sources). Though some recent studies have seriously challenged the specific applications of the
Documentary Hypothesis, it is still possible that there were versions (or recensions) of the Pentateuch (including the Paradise narrative) extant long before it reached
its final form. If the text of the Paradise narrative was redacted one or more times, then later recensions would have served as "interpretations" of the original fall
account, while at the same time replacing it and, in effect, would have become part of a centuries-long commentary on Adam's fall.

In other words, there may actually have been several versions of the fall account which replaced each other in turn. The theory most scholars give for the development
of the Paradise narrative includes three stages: (1) a traditional stage (predating the Yahwist, perhaps an adaptation from indigenous traditions when Israel entered
Canaan), (2) a Yahwistic stage (dated around the tenth century B.C.), and, finally, (3) the Priestly stage (dated during or shortly after the exile). Thus, Israelites at the
time of the Conquest held one "interpretation" of the fall based on the traditional account, while tenth-century Israelites had another based on the Yahwistic document,
and Israelites of the Exile had yet another based on the Priestly. In this manner, "interpretations" which might have been recorded elsewhere (as, for example, Lehi's
interpretation in 2 Ne. 2) were instead incorporated into revisions of the original text.

Regarding the traditional stage, Cassuto and Wallace have made particularly important studies. Cassuto notes three important indications of a literary tradition of the
fall, predating the Pentateuch: (1) there were Israelite epic poems about the fall in circulation before the Torah was ever written; (2) the definite articles used before
certain words in Gen. 3 point to an earlier version, since the text mentions without prior introduction the tree of life and the sword-flame which turned every way, as if
the audi ence were already quite familiar with the particular tree and sword-flame mentioned; and (3) Ezek. 28:11-19 and 31:8-18 point to an earlier interpretation of
Adam's fall which Ezekiel knew of, different from the Priestly interpretation of Gen. 3. Interestingly, Lehi's reinterpretation of the fall account can also be dated to
roughly the time of Ezekiel. As we shall see below, new interpretations of old Israelite traditions were a hallmark of Lehi's and Ezekiel's time.

Wallace also concludes that distinct formulated traditions about the fall existed before the Pentateuch, but he suggests that they were probably oral rather than literary
traditions. He notes that Israel's early oral traditions were probably large structures-ï¿½cycles of several stories which illustrated general themes and focused less on
actual phraseology. Concurring with the work of Frank M. Cross, he suggests the probability of an ancient "Israelite epic": "Israel, just as Homeric Greece, Ancient
Canaan, and Mesopotamia, was capable of producing long poetic epics."

On the Priestly stage, which reinterpreted the Yahwist's writings, Thompson's work is particularly instructive. He states:

The simple Yahwistic narrative had maintained and preserved in Israel the basic insights of the religion of Yahweh. This was its original function before it was made to
serve other purposes; when it was later combined with the P account its original purpose was further obscured and instead it was made to illustrate the theme of man's
persistent disobedience. . . . While originally as it [Gen. ii 4b-25] was adapted by J, it was a creation story emphasizing the basic insights of Yahwism, it is now merely
a necessary introduction to the story of man's disobedience and the consequent modification of God's purposes in creation.

Thompson emphasizes a basic point: The Yahwist creation account had a different interpretation of the Creation and of Eden than the Priestly account. Though we can
never be certain what this original Yahwist interpretation was, we can assume that it probably existed in some form and that the Priestly form of Genesis modified that
interpretation through the subtle means of juxtaposing the creation of man against his fall from Eden.

Thompson holds that this final, modified interpretation (which has retained the same textual form since the time of the Priestly redactor) taught that man had been
rebellious against his God since the beginning. Though such a belief is not a doctrine of original sin, it is a doctrine of universal sinfulness-ï¿½universal fallenness-
ï¿½which is quite close to the doctrine that Lehi teaches in 2 Ne. 2. Cassuto makes the same point: "The answer that the Torah seeks to give . . . to the question of the
existence of evil in the world flows from the continuity of the two sections [i.e., the accounts of man's creation and then his fall]." His theory of the Torah is that it
culled the wheat from the chaff of earlier tradi tions, selecting those elements that properly illustrated the truth. Thus, the Priestly redactor's juxtaposing of these two
narratives reveals the interpretation that "man's transgressions were the cause of all manner of evils and troubles (iii 16-19)."

These stages of interpretation demonstrate that concepts of Adam's fall existed for centuries, undergoing modification as subsequent redactors gave somewhat different
interpretations of Adam in Eden. Rather than explicitly stating their differences from formerly held interpretations, redactors adopted the less con frontational approach
of restructuring the existing text to more clearly represent their views. Thus, the final redactors of the Pentateuch left only the version that conformed to their
interpretations-ï¿½as well as some seams and doublets that reveal their work.

This final Priestly interpretation of the fall (and indeed of the entire primeval history) probably existed at the time of Lehi's departure from Jerusalem. Although some
scholars disagree about when the Pentateuch reached its final form, David Noel Freedman concluded in 1983 that the consensus of scholars had for twenty years
affirmed that the earliest version of the Bible was "organized and compiled, published and promulgated during the Babylonian Exile." This earliest version of the Bible
"contained the 'Primary History,' comprised of the Torah (Pentateuch) and the Former Prophets (Joshua-2 Kings) as well as the bulk of the prophetic works," and he
further notes that "no such postexilic additions or changes were apparently made in the Primary History or in the books of the major prophets such as Jeremiah and
Ezekiel; these works must have already been fixed." He brings the date of the final, fixed form several decades nearer to Lehi by saying, "The absence of data for the
intervening years (586-561 [B.C.]) shows that the historical work effectively ended with the fall of Jerusalem." This gap between Jerusalem's fall and Lehi's flight in
597 B.C. is not large, and the changes the Pentateuch might have undergone in that short time were not likely very large. Thus, we may confidently conclude that what
we read in Genesis today is very nearly the same as what Lehi read in 597 B.C.

References to Adam's Fall in Other Preexilic/Exilic Scriptures
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Though there are numerous biblical passages that mention Adam, Eden, or various doctrinal points deriving from the Paradise narrative, four biblical passages refer to
the fall account in ways that particularly illuminate Lehi's doctrine: Ps. 82:7, Hosea 6:7, Job 31:33, and Ezek. 28:11-19.
we read in Genesis today is very nearly the same as what Lehi read in 597 B.C.

References to Adam's Fall in Other Preexilic/Exilic Scriptures

Though there are numerous biblical passages that mention Adam, Eden, or various doctrinal points deriving from the Paradise narrative, four biblical passages refer to
the fall account in ways that particularly illuminate Lehi's doctrine: Ps. 82:7, Hosea 6:7, Job 31:33, and Ezek. 28:11-19.

As we shall see, three of these four scriptures (not Hosea 6:7) mention the fall of Adam in close connection with the fall of Satan. Lehi's discourse on the fall also notes
this connection: "And I, Lehi, according to the things which I have read, must needs suppose that an angel of God . . . had fallen from heaven; wherefore, he became a
devil, . . . [and] he said unto Eve, . . . Partake of the forbidden fruit, and ye shall not die, but ye shall be as God, knowing good and evil" (2 Ne. 2:17-18). However,
many translators have tended to downplay this connection and, indeed, any significance Adam's fall may have had in the Old Testament. That position, however, does
not appear to be justified.

There may be more references to Adam in the Old Testament than are commonly noticed. Since, in Hebrew, 'adam can mean either "man" or the proper noun Adam,
depending on context, passages that may originally have had clear reference to Adam may have been translated as referring only to man. Robert Gordis, commenting
on Ps. 82:7, noted

It is inexplicable to us that modern interpreters have failed to recognize the proper noun in adam in this Psalm. Similarly, Hosea (6:7) refers to his contem poraries as
violating God's covenant ke-'ad'am "as did Adam," and Job (31:33) protests that he did not try to hide any of his transgressions ke-'adam "as did Adam." In view of
the vast interest in Adam in post-biblical thought, we cannot understand the endeavor to ignore such references to him in the OT, particularly since the rendering "like
men" in these passages is exegetically inferior.

Although the four passages mentioned above are the only Old Testament passages outside of Genesis that attach any theological significance to the name 'adam (other
references to the proper noun Adam, such as 1 Chr. 1:1, use it in a genealogical sense only), these passages associate Adam with the themes of the fallï¿½-sin,
punishment, and the metamorphosis from immortality to mortalityï¿½-frequently enough that other OT references addressing these same themes could have alluded to
Adam without the explicit reference. Each of the four passages will be considered below.

Ps. 82:7 . But ye shall die like men [ke-'adam], and fall like one of the princes.

Many recent commentators have maintained that this passage speaks of mankind rather than of Adam (although in light of Gen. 3 it should be obvious that to "die like
Adam" is by definition to die like mankind). Thus Dahood renders it as, "Yet you shall die as men do, and fall like any prince," and both Rogerson and Kidner prefer
the like men translation, though giv ing the alternate reading like Adam in the footnotes.

Kidner reasons as follows: "This could be translated 'like Adam,' but the parallel expression, 'like any prince' is too general to make this likely."       Dahood's analysis
follows similar lines:

Expressions such as UT, 51,vii:43, umlk ublmlk "either king or commoner," or Phoenician Karatepe III:19-IV:1, hmlk h' w'yt 'dm h', "that king or that man," would
suggest that the pair 'adam . . . sarï¿½m forms a merism denoting "all mortals."

Both reasonings, however, are quite brief, taking no time to explain other possible interpretations or why theirs are better.

On the other hand, more thorough studies such as Morgenstern's "The Mythological Background of Psalm 82" and Mullen's The Assembly of the Gods, after taking
into account other views, still find that Ps. 82:7 clearly refers to Adam. Morgenstern, basing his translation directly on literary parallels between the Hebrew words
mï¿½t tamut in (very significantly) Gen. 2:17 and the word temutun in Ps. 82:7 (rather than the relatively distant Ugaritic and Phoenician similarities Dahood uses)
translates the phrase thus: "and like mankind shall ye become mortal." Although this translation does not use Adam's name directly, it does clearly refer to becoming
"mortal"-ï¿½the process of changing from immortality to mortality, rather than simply dying ï¿½-which is unquestionably to be associated with the process Adam
underwent at the Fall.

Mullen actually uses the name Adam as the preferred translation here (as does Gordis, above). He bases his analysis on the Hebrew poetic principle of parallelism, a
good assumption since almost all commentators and translators have acknowledged the parallel construction of verse 7:

The reading "man" ('adam) does not form a good parallel with "Shining Ones" (sarï¿½m) ["princes"] in 7b. . . . By reading 'adam as a reference to the primal revolt of
the first man against God, an excellent parallel is given to the heavenly revolt leading to the gods' being cast into the Underworld.

What makes this such a persuasive parallelism is the context set by the rest of the psalm. Set in a council of the gods (Ps. 82:1: "God standeth in the congregation; . . .
he judgeth among the gods"), the psalm describes God's judgment upon those who have judged unjustly and failed to defend the poor and fatherless. Those under
condemnation have been variously construed to be earthly judges, pagan gods, or a class of divine beings.

For our purposes we need not resolve this question. Whether those receiving judgment were gods or humans themselves, the important point is that Ps. 82 shows a
belief that God's sentence involved losing immortality, which Ps. 82:7 illustrates with two parallel images: Adam's loss of immortality and the sarï¿½m's loss of
immortality. Since this punishment comes as a result of sin (failure to judge righteously or defend the helpless, Ps. 82:2-4), it can be reasonably inferred that at the time
of this psalm's writing, the ancient Israelites believed that Adam's loss of immortality, as the sarï¿½m's loss of immortality, resulted from some sin and, as suggested by
the fact that many translators see here a reference to mankind in general, that mankind universally inherited death from Adam.

The psalm indicates the disobedience of those "said [to be] gods" (Ps. 82:6) by using, in parallelism, two mythological types of rebellion that run throughout the Old
Testamentï¿½-not only the fall of humans (Gen. 3), but the fall of certain divine beings as well (Gen. 6:1-4; cf. Isa. 14:12-15). Interestingly enough, Lehi also mentions
both these elements in his discourse on the fall (2 Ne. 2:17-27). Morgenstern, in his hundred-page analysis of Ps. 82, which to this day remains one of its most
complete and persuasive analyses, notes that

the almost invariable translation [of Psalm 82:7b], "and as one of the princes shall (or 'do') ye fall," can not express the real meaning of the clause. . . . By the laws of
Hebrew poetry the thought of v. 7b must be in parallelism of some kind with that of v. 7a. But to render the v., "But ye must die as men do, yea, even as one of the
princes must ye fall," fails to bring out the real parallelism of the thought of the two parts of the v., since, as we have seen, while it is the inescapable fate of all men to
die, it is by no means the same inescapable fate of princes that they must fall, presumably in battle.

Thus, he concludes that the psalm speaks not of princes, but of divine beings who, being condemned by God, inevitably had to relinquish their immortality.

IfCopyright
   this passage does reflect an ancient belief that Adam and the sarï¿½m lost their immortal state by sinning, a belief Lehi shares (2 Ne. 2:17-18), then it is well to ask
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when Ps. 82 was written. Sabourin dates the psalm as preexilic, and Dahood (following Ackerman) is even more specific about assigning it to the premonarchical
period on the basis of the "archaic quality of the language." Morgenstern dates it at 500 B.C., but admits that the themes involved are much older. Thus, recent
scholarly opin ion generally holds this verse to be a complex preexilic reference to the fall of Adam, also linking that fall through parallelism to the fall of other divine
Thus, he concludes that the psalm speaks not of princes, but of divine beings who, being condemned by God, inevitably had to relinquish their immortality.

If this passage does reflect an ancient belief that Adam and the sarï¿½m lost their immortal state by sinning, a belief Lehi shares (2 Ne. 2:17-18), then it is well to ask
when Ps. 82 was written. Sabourin dates the psalm as preexilic, and Dahood (following Ackerman) is even more specific about assigning it to the premonarchical
period on the basis of the "archaic quality of the language." Morgenstern dates it at 500 B.C., but admits that the themes involved are much older. Thus, recent
scholarly opin ion generally holds this verse to be a complex preexilic reference to the fall of Adam, also linking that fall through parallelism to the fall of other divine
beings.

Hosea 6:7 . But they like men [ke-'adam] have transgressed the covenant: there have they dealt treach erously against me.

This scripture is difficult to interpret, but the general tendency of scholars today is to read 'adam as the name of a city on the Jordan River (cf. Josh. 3:16) rather than
as Adam's name. Of course, there are still some who maintain that the verse refers directly to Adam, but their views have been found generally less convincing.

The major problem with reading 'adam as Adam's name is the word immediately following 'adam-ï¿½there. There functions as a locative, identifying where the
covenant transgression occurred. It does not seem likely that Hosea would have used there if he were talking about Adam. If he had meant to refer to Adam's sin, he
could have said, "But they as at Eden have transgressed the covenant: there have they dealt treacherously against me." This rendering would make more sense
grammatically.

Furthermore, the context of Hosea 7 makes it fairly clear that he is condemning the house of Israel in his generation, prophesying the fall of the Northern Kingdom that
occurred in 722 B.C. Certainly something more than Adam's sin must have been involved here to precipitate the fall of the Northern Kingdom, for Israel's punishment
at that time would have been no different than at any other, had they been solely under the perpetual judgment resulting from original sin. But some particularly wicked
events occurred at the time that Hosea prophesied (in the few decades prior to 722 B.C.) which made the Northern Kingdom especially vulnerable to God's judgment.

Andersen and Freedman's analysis in this regard is very con vincing. They note that Hosea in this particular section (Hosea 6:7-7:2) is condemning Israel's priests for
especially wicked conduct. Wolff concurs that it is Israel's priests rather than the nation in general who are implicated here. What was their great wickedness? The
answer seems to be murder. Verse 9 seems to indicate that a band of priests similar to a gang of robbers committed murder on the road to Shechem.
Geographically, a city of Adam on the Jordan River would lie along this route, thus harmonizing the geographical details of the passage with the themeï¿½-namely, the
condemnation of a grossly wicked act. Thus, contrary to Gordis's and Wood's interpretations, the best way to make sense of this passage is to translate 'adam as a
place name rather than as a reference to Adam in Eden.

Nevertheless, Hosea may have chosen to focus on an incident which associated the word 'adam with gross wickedness (indeed, wickedness on the part of the priestly
patriarchs of the community leading to the downfall of the entire kingdom) because of its allusion to the ancestral Adam and his transgression, which led to the downfall
of all humanity. As Andersen and Freedman note, "the J corpus had settled long before Hosea ever wrote," so Hosea was probably aware of the associations that
would be conjured up in the minds of his hearers by his use of such a rare name from the Yahwist Paradise narrative. Hosea could have chosen any of a number of
Israel's sins to describe; why did he choose to single out the events at a place named Adam in his prophecy? The gravity of the crime is one possibility. But another is
the symbolic link between Adam's transgression in Eden and Israel's priests who acted wickedly at the place Adam.

Virtually all commentators agree that the text of Hosea can be dated as coming from the eighth-century prophet himself, based on evidence within the book which
places him in the period "in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam, . . . king of Israel" (Hosea 1:1). Thus Lehi
could easily have been aware of his teachings and language.

Job 31:33 . If I covered my transgressions as Adam [ke-'adam], by hiding mine iniquity in my bosom.

Like Hosea, the book of Job presents many textual complexities which make it difficult to translate. However, the book of Job-ï¿½more than any other book in the
Bibleï¿½-treats the issue of universal sinfulness and its relation to the human condition. This particular passage is one of the clearest references to Adam outside the
book of Genesis.

The majority of recent commentators concur that this passage should be translated as an obvious reference to Adam. No commentator gives much reason for that
translation, except to say that Job's real innocence appears more clearly when contrasted with Adam's merely pretended innocence. Rowley, by rejecting the Adam
reading, holds a minority opinion. He gives no reason for his opinion but notes that three earlier editors interpreted the verse the same way he did. On the other hand,
Andersen notes that the comparison to Adam seems "apparent," and Gordis reiterates his perplexity that modern interpreters ignore biblical references to Adam,
but neither goes further in explaining why his interpretation should be preferred. All in all, recent scholars appear not to require minute argument over this point, since
they generally agree that the reference to Adam is obvious.

Furthermore, elements of the book of Job itself indicate that this passage refers to Adam. The context of the passage supports this interpretation. This chapter is Job's
"oath of clearance," in which he disclaims guilt to any of a whole series of sins. Several commentators see in this verse Job's disclaiming the particular sin of hypocrisy.
   Within the context of the chapter-ï¿½namely, a dis claimer of individual sinsï¿½-this seems reasonable. However, hypocrisy is the covering of other sins. So, quite
significantly, this verseï¿½-as the culmination of chapter 31 and, indeed, of Job's protestations throughout the entire book-ï¿½emphasizes that Job is not hiding his sins
as Adam did in Eden. Throughout the book, Job has insisted that he is guiltless. This passage, as the specific validation of his claim, does not imply that he bears even
the smallest degree of guilt for Adam's actions; rather, it sees Adam as an example of hypocrisy, sinning and then "hiding his guilt in his bosom."

While it is true that Job himself does not believe that he is guilty because of any of Adam's actions, it is equally true that Job makes this protest as an argument against
his friends' (particularly Eliphaz's) criticisms, which are based on the fact that he is mortal, a descendant of Adamï¿½-and as such, unavoidably guilty (cf. Job
4:17;15:14;25:4). Thus though the character Job does not believe he is guilty by virtue of his being mortal, the book of Job shows that a belief in universal sinfulness,
represented by the accusations of his friends, existed when the book was written.

When, then, was the book of Job written? No one has said for certain. The book's complete paucity of references to external events denies us concrete indicators;
consequently, scholars have proposed dates ranging from the tenth to the third centuries B.C. Scholars such as Rowley have dated Job in the postexilic era for such
reasons as its Aramaisms, the universalistic way it deals with human suffering, and the way it confronts a doctrine common to the Deuteronomistic school-ï¿½that the
wicked are invariably punished for their evil ways. Habel is more conservative, saying that while "nothing conclusive can be ascertained; . . . a date after 600 B.C.
appears most probable because of the connections with Jeremiah." On the other hand, Andersen and Pope suggest preexilic dates. Both note that there is no
way to reach a definite conclusion, but they bring up several persuasive points. First of all, Andersen notes a study (by Freedman) of Job's orthographic peculiarities
such as Aramaisms which makes "any date later than the seventh century hard to uphold"; and second, Pope notes that the very element which makes it hard to
date-ï¿½its lack of nationalistic concerns and especially its choice of an Edomite for its hero-ï¿½militate against its being written in the postexilic period. He notes,

IfCopyright
   the author(c)
              of 2005-2009,
                 Job had experienced
                            Infobasethe  national
                                      Media       tragedy, his reaction is strange for he betrays no nationalist concerns. Moreover, the choice of an Edomite as the hero
                                               Corp.                                                                                                  Page 271 / 919
of the story would have been an affront to nationalist sentiments for it was the Edomites in particular who rejoiced in the humiliation of Judah and took full advantage of
their brothers' misfortune.
way to reach a definite conclusion, but they bring up several persuasive points. First of all, Andersen notes a study (by Freedman) of Job's orthographic peculiarities
such as Aramaisms which makes "any date later than the seventh century hard to uphold"; and second, Pope notes that the very element which makes it hard to
date-ï¿½its lack of nationalistic concerns and especially its choice of an Edomite for its hero-ï¿½militate against its being written in the postexilic period. He notes,

If the author of Job had experienced the national tragedy, his reaction is strange for he betrays no nationalist concerns. Moreover, the choice of an Edomite as the hero
of the story would have been an affront to nationalist sentiments for it was the Edomites in particular who rejoiced in the humiliation of Judah and took full advantage of
their brothers' misfortune.

Thus, Pope concludes that "the seventh century B.C. seems the best guess," and Andersen likewise pushes the date back to the time of Josiah. Since Habel also
allows that a date in either the sixth or seventh centuries would be possible, and, for the reasons Pope and Andersen give above, a reasonable date for Job is some
time in the seventh century.

One thing, however, is certain: there were ancient versions of Joblike stories circulating in Mesopotamia as early as 2,000 B.C. Kramer's discovery of a Sumerian
version of the Job motif in an account called "Man and His God" gives conclusive evidence of this. Although there are considerable differences between the Sumerian
and Israelite versions of Job, the phrase from the Sumerian version, "Never has a sinless child been born to its mother" bears striking resemblance to Job 15:14
("What is man, that he should be clean? and he which is born of a woman, that he should be righteous?") and 25:4 ("how can he be clean that is born of a woman?").
Characteristics of the Israelite Jobï¿½-those of sufferer and comforter-ï¿½also appear in the Babylonian Theodicy, dated c. 1000 B.C. So, despite the significant
differences between various versions of the story, they all seem to include the idea that mortals are inherently guilty. This particular aspect of the book of Job (and the
aspect which has the most bearing on Lehi's doctrine of the fall) was thus extant in the region centuries before the Exile, and could very well have been known to Lehi.

It is also significant that Job 4:17-18 and 15:15, like Ps. 82, associate man's fallen and unworthy state with that of fallen divine beings. Eliphaz and Bildad both ask Job
if he can consider himself innocent when God has charged his very angels with sin. The angels to whom they refer are most likely Satan and his angels (Isa. 14:12-15)
or the benï¿½ ha-elohï¿½m (sons of God; Gen. 6:1-4), as Morgenstern's analysis of Ps. 82:7 has justified in great detail.

Finally, it is very interesting that the book of Job shows that evil is part of God's plan. As Pope notes, "Satan does not figure in the Epilogue [of Job], which lays the
responsibility for Job's misfortunes entirely on Yahweh (xlii 11)." The book of Job shows that Yahweh allowed Satan to afflict Job (Job 1:9-11) to test his
righteousness. This idea that God allows affliction in order to test humanity is very similar to Lehi's teaching that there must be opposition in all things (2 Ne. 2:11-18,
especially verse 16: "Wherefore, man could not act for himself save it should be that he was enticed by the one or the other [good and evil]"), and even the doctrine
taught elsewhere in Mormon scripture that the primeval council decided, "And we will prove them herewith, to see if they will do all things whatsoever the Lord their
God shall command them" (Abr. 3:25). In the book of Job, Job's righteousness appears through his suffering. Satan's premise, which God accepts, is that Job has not
been sufficiently tested-ï¿½therefore God allows Job's suffering. Likewise, Lehi's theology calls for opposition in order to make true righteousness possible.

Ezek. 28:11-19 , especially verses 13-15. Thou [king of Tyrus] hast been in Eden the garden of God . . . till iniquity was found in thee.

Nine passages in the Old Testament outside of Genesis make significant reference to the Garden of Eden. Five of these refer to Eden by name, while the other four (all
in the Song of Solomon) are part of what some scholars consider to be a "midrash" on Gen. 2-3, a parallel version of Paradise lost in which Paradise is regained.

The five passages that unmistakably refer to the Garden of Eden include:

1. Ezek. 28:11-19 (quoted above).

2. Ezek. 31:8-18, especially verses 9 and 11: "I have made him fair by the multitude of his branches: so that all the trees of Eden, that were in the garden of God,
envied him. . . . I have driven him out for his wickedness."

3. Ezek. 36:35: "And they shall say, This land that was desolate is become like the garden of Eden; and the waste and desolate and ruined cities are become fenced,
and are inhabited."

4. Isa. 51:3: "For the Lord shall comfort Zion: he will comfort all her waste places; and he will make her wilderness like Eden, and her desert like the garden of the
Lord."

5. Joel 2:3: "A fire devoureth before them; and behind them a flame burneth: the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness; yea,
and nothing shall escape them."

Of these five the most significant is Ezek. 28:11-19. This passage is probably the most widely recognized parallel to Gen. 2-3 in all the Bible. Walther Zimmerli, who in
his 1983 commentary analyzed this passage more thoroughly than any other recent writer, concluded that

It can scarcely be overlooked that from a traditio-historical point of view this account [Ezek. 28:11-19] has close connections with Genesis 2f, the Yahwistic paradise
narrative, and that it reveals an independent form of the tradition which is at the basis of that narrative.

Gordis, Wallace, McKenzie, May, and Taylor all interpret Ezekiel's lament of Tyre's king as a Hebrew variant of Adam's fall. Soggin and Ries also see Ezek. 28 as
a reference to Adam's fall, though they go into less detail. Only a few predominantly Jewish sources such as Hirsch and Cohon dispute that Ezekiel refers to the fall.


The reasoning in support of the idea that Ezekiel here uses another version of the fall story (perhaps an earlier version with which the Phoenicians would have been
more familiar) is quite persuasive. It is fairly obvious that the passage states that the king of Tyre will fall from his position of power and blessedness because of his
iniquity, just as the being found in Eden, the garden of God, fell from his blessed state because of sin. The comparison between the king of Tyre and some fallen being is
practically undisputed.

But scholars have disagreed over what type of fallen being Ezekiel may have referred to. Ezek. 28:14, "Thou art the anointed cherub" (according to the KJV) strongly
suggests that this fallen being is a divine being whose fall is similar to Satan's fall in Isa. 14:12-15. Morgenstern finds "decisive evidence" that Ezek. 28 is a literary
variant of Isa. 14:12-15, Both see the sin of pride (based on Ezek. 28:2 and 17) and the being's association with a cherub as clear evidence that the passage refers
to Satan in his prefallen state rather than to Adam in Eden. Cassuto also holds that the decisive difference between Ezek. 28 and Gen. 2-3 is that the former depicts the
fate of a cherub, while the latter depicts the fate of a man.

However, Zimmerli points out that "the identification of the creature addressed with this cherub, which is attempted by M, cannot be maintained on the basis of the
critically emended text." Thus, Zimmerli translates Ezek. 28:14 as "I associated you with the guardian cherub," thus reinforcing the idea that the being expelled from
the  garden was Adam, not the cherub. This inter pretation also harmonizes with the unequivocal reference to Eden in Ezek. 28:13. Adam was the being cast out of
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Eden, and the cherub was the guardian. Divine beings were never cast out of Eden, but were cast only out of heaven. It is more consistent to see the   Page    272 /to919
                                                                                                                                                          references   the
guardian cherub as an association between Adam and the guardian cherub of Gen. 2-3 rather than to create a version of the myth unattested elsewhere. Even in the
story of Satan's fall, Satan is not considered to be a guardian of anything, nor does he ever enter the Garden of Eden until after he is cast out of heaven.
However, Zimmerli points out that "the identification of the creature addressed with this cherub, which is attempted by M, cannot be maintained on the basis of the
critically emended text." Thus, Zimmerli translates Ezek. 28:14 as "I associated you with the guardian cherub," thus reinforcing the idea that the being expelled from
the garden was Adam, not the cherub. This inter pretation also harmonizes with the unequivocal reference to Eden in Ezek. 28:13. Adam was the being cast out of
Eden, and the cherub was the guardian. Divine beings were never cast out of Eden, but were cast only out of heaven. It is more consistent to see the references to the
guardian cherub as an association between Adam and the guardian cherub of Gen. 2-3 rather than to create a version of the myth unattested elsewhere. Even in the
story of Satan's fall, Satan is not considered to be a guardian of anything, nor does he ever enter the Garden of Eden until after he is cast out of heaven.

Interestingly, the fact that scholars see in this passage references to both the fall of Adam (Gen. 2-3) and the fall of Satan (Isa. 14) makes Ezek. 28:12-18 one of the
most powerful indications of what Jerusalem's people believed in the days of Lehi. Lehi uses both the Gen. 2-3 story and the Isa. 14 story to explain evil in the world (2
Ne. 2). Since Ezekiel is the only prophet in the Bible to do likewise, this corroborates the point that Lehi and Ezekiel were contemporaries.

As noted above, Lehi's interpretation of the Fall is unique in the Book of Mormon. But it came at a time in Israel's history when several prophets were reinterpreting the
old traditions of Israel. Von Rad notes,

In the view of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, Israel has bro ken the covenant. Of course, Amos and Hosea could also have said this; but what does Jeremiah mean by giving the
torah a central place in what he says on the subject (Jer. XXXI, 33)? The reason why we now find considerations of the Law which were absent in Amos, Isaiah, and
Micah is, first of all, that as a result of the current tendencies to revive the past, this whole age had suddenly become interested in the ancient traditions. . . . We may
sum it up thus: confronted with the eschato logical situation, the prophets were set the task of taking the old regulations and making them the basis of an entirely new
interpretation of Jahweh's current demands upon Israel.

Thus, Lehi's interpretation in 2 Ne. 2 of the fall account appears to be one strand in this "entirely new interpretation of Jahweh's current demands upon [his branch of]
Israel." Since, as von Rad suggests, such reinterpretation was a hallmark of prophets such as Jeremiah and Ezekiel (Lehi's contemporaries), Lehi's interpretation
appears to fit quite naturally into the time period immediately surrounding the Exile, as the Book of Mormon asserts.

The Biblical Doctrine of Human Nature

Several scholars have suggested that the early Israelites did not link the fall of Adam to human nature. Ostler goes further, claiming that they did not have a concept of
human nature. Samuel S. Cohon stated that

The name Garden of Eden, in Isa. 51.3 and Joel 2.3, the figure "tree of life" in Prov. 3.18 and the related "fountain of life" in Ps. 36.10 [9]; Prov. 10.11 are mere verbal
elements coming from the same stock as the folk tale in Genesis. Similarly Job 34.15 Ps. 90.3 Eccl. 12.7, which speak of man's return to dust, and Isa. 65.25 Micah
7.17, which allude to the serpent's eating dust, express common beliefs and do not necessarily point to the Genesis story.

However, Cohon never gives any reason beyond mere assertion that these were common beliefs. Furthermore, just who held these beliefs? Pagan, gentile cultures? If
so, then why did the compilers of the Old Testament (whose penchant for demythologizing and depaganizing is well known [cf. Soggin]) retain such a profusion of
references to them? Cohon finds fourteen passages worth mentioning in the paragraph above. If they were common beliefs in Israel, why would the passages not have
been genuine interpretations of Gen. 3 that found their way into scripture? Von Rad notes that the ancient Israelites as early as the Yahwistic period (1000-800 B.C.)
viewed man in a universalistic, rather than a particularistic sense.

This, of course, does not mean that Israel never properly saw into the phenomenon of man. The very opposite is true, for in the primeval history (Gen. I-XI) which
precedes the saving history, she expressed a real wealth of insights into the nature of man. Jahwism had, therefore, opened up a wide range of insights into man; . . .
each of the Old Testament histories [both the primeval and the saving] shows in its specific way this man freely exercising all his potentialities. The picture of his
relationship with God is fairly uniformly presented. Man is everywhere ready to oppose God and to fall away from him.

We find the earliest biblical reference to man's universal sinfulness in a very significant passage, Solomon's dedicatory prayer of the great temple (1 Kgs. 8:46): "For
there is no man that sinneth not." This passage is important because it is definitely preexilic (Solomon's dedication of the temple was one of the most important events in
Israel's history and appears to have been carefully recorded). It is also important because its parenthetical, almost offhand mention of man's sinfulness reveals it to be a
doctrine that Solomon felt to be obvious enough that it required no further elaboration.

Oddly, scholars have usually ignored this obvious fact. Tennant, Cohon, and others note that no link is ever made between this doctrine of universal sinfulness and
Adam, yet fail to take into account the significant fact that the very word for man in Hebrew is the same as Adamï¿½-'adam. Tennant, while denying that there is any
direct link between universal sinfulness and Adam, notes that "the narrative of the Fall . . . merely implies that the physical evils which he [Adam] brought upon himself
as punishments were also visited upon his descendants." Yet, the two most obvious physical evils Adam brought upon himself were death and separation from God.
Any Israelite would have easily noticed that he, like Adam, was going to die and that he, like Adam, was no longer in the presence of God. It is this obviousness that
Solomon implies in his brief reference that "there is no 'adam that sinneth not."

Cohon next argues that the author of Ps. 51:7 suggests that "humans . . . are prone to sinfulness from the very womb" (cf. Isa. 6:5;43:27;48:8;57:3). That he does not
imply that an ineradicable taint attaches to human nature is evident from the sequel in which he assumes "that man may enjoy the state of spotless purity." However,
all the examples that he gives of people enjoying spotless purity-ï¿½Noah, Enoch, Abraham ï¿½-are people whom God saved through special covenant and not
through their own righteousness. That their righteousness made them worthy to receive the covenant is certain, but that the covenant bestowed special blessings not
given to universal humanity is equally certain. The taint may not be ineradicable, but it is universal, and its eradication requires covenant with God. Indeed, this is the
thesis of Lehi's fall doctrine-ï¿½that men are fallen and always will be unless they enter into covenant with their God that he will save them.

This doctrine seemed particularly important in Lehi's day. As von Rad notes: "While the earlier prophets had spoken of Israel's utter and complete failure vis-a-vis
Jahweh, Jeremiah and Ezekiel reach the insight that she is inherently utterly unable to obey him." Kaufman also notes that the idea of universal sinfulness was a
fundamental preexilic notion:

The idea of man's rebelliousness, by which Genesis explains the origins of the human condition, is a fun damental idea of biblical literature and of the Israelite religion in
general; . . . these legends are not late creations, the product of scholastic speculation. They are primary, the very foundation stone of the biblical world.

In the book of Job, which, as we have seen, was probably extant in Lehi's day, the idea of man's universal sinfulness also recurs four times: 4:17; 14:4; 15:7-14; and
25:4. In these passages, Job's friends try to encourage him to cease his protestations of innocence because he, being mortal, cannot possibly be sinless before God.
Though Job refuses to succumb, and though the Lord's visitation to Job validates Job's claim to sinlessness, the book reveals that the friends' interpretation of man's
state was a popular belief of the day. Thus, it is clear that preexilic Israelites believed something very similar to Lehi's words: "all mankind were in a lost and in a fallen
state" (1 Ne. 10:6).
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The Fortunate Side of Adam's Fall

Both the Bible and the Book of Mormon make numerous references to mankind's universal sinfulness, but seldom do they refer to the more complex ideas of
Though Job refuses to succumb, and though the Lord's visitation to Job validates Job's claim to sinlessness, the book reveals that the friends' interpretation of man's
state was a popular belief of the day. Thus, it is clear that preexilic Israelites believed something very similar to Lehi's words: "all mankind were in a lost and in a fallen
state" (1 Ne. 10:6).

The Fortunate Side of Adam's Fall

Both the Bible and the Book of Mormon make numerous references to mankind's universal sinfulness, but seldom do they refer to the more complex ideas of
opposition and the fortunate fall. Second 1 Ne. 2 stands alone among scriptural passages for the thorough analysis it gives the many implications of the fall. In addition
to 2 Ne. 2, I have found roughly as many possible references to Adam's fall in the preexilic/exilic Old Testament (though they are generally not as lengthy) as in the
Book of Mormon (see appendix).

The Book of Mormon never states that Adam's fall was completely fortunate. Indeed, Lehi talks about how Adam's fall caused all mankind to be lost, a negative aspect
of the fall. But he does something virtually unique in the Book of Mormon-ï¿½he declares the fortunate side of Adam's fall. However, it must be remembered that Lehi's
teaching here is a unique synthesis of preexilic ideas and is repeated only once in the Book of Mormon (cf. Alma 42:5-8). This fortunate side contains at least two
aspects: (1) freedom, which comes solely from opposition and redemption from the fall (never expressly articulated as spiritual growth, but stated in terms of freedom
to choose life or death: 2 Ne. 2:27; cf. 2 Ne. 10:23; Deut. 30:15, 19-ï¿½as Ostler rightly says) and (2) posterity.

Of course, implicit in Lehi's doctrine of the fortunate side of the fall is that evil is part of God's plan. This is not a new result of "doctrinal evolution." Kramer notes that
this idea of evil's being part of God's plan dates back at least as far as 2,000 B.C., when the Sumerians developed their world view of evil. The scene in the
Prologue of biblical Job, in which God allows Satan to go down and test Job's faithfulness, is also very close to Lehi's teaching that opposition is allowed by God in
order to give men freedom to choose.

The idea of opposition's being necessary for the existence of choice is an old one. Deut. 30:15-20, a text most scholars believe to have been fixed before the reign of
Josiah, linked good and evil, life and death, as opposites that the Israelites had to choose between. It also linked the choice for life with multiplying and with the
Lord's promise to bless his children in the land, just as Lehi connects these ideas in the chapter immediately preceding his discourse on the fall (2 Ne. 1:20, "inasmuch
as ye shall keep my commandments ye shall prosper in the land"). The opposing choices set before the Israelites were life and death, blessing and cursing, with the
express purpose of enabling them to choose good. Perhaps Deut. 30:15-20 was the text that influenced Lehi in his doctrine of opposition, for it contains many of the
same elements.

In addition, Kaufman has discussed the role that freedom played in preexilic Jewish thought, saying that free will was a fundamental tenet of Israelite belief, for they
believed that men were responsible for bringing upon themselves their own evils.

The book of Job also contains another idea closely resembling Lehi's belief about the fortunate side of the fall. As Andersen notes, the message of Job is that suffering
may be for man's good as well as his punishment. Man does not notice this except in retrospect, when he finds that his trials have usually helped him. In Job's case, he
was blessed more at the end of his trials than he was in the beginning.

Furthermore, the Prologue of Job shows that its author had a conception that opposition was necessary for true choice. When the Lord says to Satan, "Have you
observed the faithfulness of my servant Job?" Satan replies that naturally Job is faithful: he has never experienced sore opposition. Then the Lord allows Satan to test
Job's faithfulness not once, but twice. This testing through trial, or opposition, is key to the conflict of the book of Job. Interestingly, it is also central to Lehi's
explanation of evil in the world.

Conclusion

Though the Old Testament never refers to Adam's sin by using the word fall, it does teach or reflect the following basic elements of this doctrine in various scriptures:
(1) that Adam's sin resulted in a metamorphosis from immortality to mortality, (2) that mankind inherited its mortal state from Adam, (3) that all mankind has fallen into
sin, and (4) that evil and suffering in the world could be for man's benefit as well as his punishment. These doctrines were brought together by the Prophet Lehi in one of
the most complete discourses on the fall recorded.

Appendix

Further Old Testament Scriptures Thought by Commentators to Be Related to Gen. 2-3, i.e. to Presuppose an Understanding of the Fall of Adam

Gen. 6:1-5, 12-13 von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 1:154 n. 39; 156
Cohon, "Original Sin," 281
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 97-98, 103
Ries, "The Fall," 5:265
Thompson, "Yahwist Creation Story," 204-5
Ronald S. Hendel, "Of Demigods and the Deluge,"
Journal of Biblical Literature 106 (March
1987): 14-25
Sabourin, The Psalms, 243
Morgenstern, "Mythological Background of Psalm
82," 76-86

Gen. 8:21 von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 1:154, 156
Cohon, "Original Sin," 281
Louis Jacobs, "Sin," in Encyclopedia Judaica
(Jerusalem: Keter, 1972), 14:1589
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 97-98, 103
Ries, "The Fall," 5:265
Thompson, "Yahwist Creation Story," 204-5
Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 4

Gen. 11:1-9 Cohon, "Original Sin," 281
Ries, "The Fall," 5:265
Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 130-31
von Rad, Genesis , 24
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Deut. 30:15-20 Buber, Good and Evil, 119
Ries, "The Fall," 5:265
Gen. 11:1-9 Cohon, "Original Sin," 281
Ries, "The Fall," 5:265
Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 130-31
von Rad, Genesis , 24

Deut. 30:15-20 Buber, Good and Evil, 119
Ries, "The Fall," 5:265
Gordis, Job , 55

1 Kgs. 8:46 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Jacobs, "Sin," 14:1589
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin,101
Sabourin, The Psalms, 106, 243
Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 4

2 Chr. 6:36 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin,101

Job 4:17 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin,101
Habel, The Book of Job , 24-25
Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary, 128-30
Pope, Job , 37
Gordis, Job , 50

Job 5:6-7 Habel, The Book of Job , 32
Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary, 131-32
Rowley, Job , 61
Pope, Job , 42-43
Gordis, Job , 55

Job 14:4 von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 1:154
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101
Habel, The Book of Job , 75-76
Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary, 234, 240
Rowley, Job , 127
Pope, Job , 106-7
Gordis, Job , 147

Job 15:7 Gordis, Job , 160

Job 15:14 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101
Habel, The Book of Job , 81-83
Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary, 369-70
Rowley, Job , 136
Gordis, Job , 162

Job 25:4 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101
Habel, The Book of Job , 81-83
Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary, 369-70
Rowley, Job , 215
Pope, Job , 182

Job 31:33 Cohon, "Original Sin," 283
Gordis, "Knowledge," 127
Hirsch, "Fall of Man," 5:334
Pope, "Adam," 2:235
Habel, The Book of Job , 167
Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary, 438
Rowley, Job , 259
Pope, Job , 238
Gordis, Job , 353

Ps. 8:4 Seyoon Kim, The Origin of Paul's Gospel, 2nd ed.
(Tï¿½bingen: Mohr, 1984), 159
Habel, The Book of Job , 25

Ps. 14:2-3 von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 1:154
Hirsch, "Fall of Man," 5:334

Ps. 51:5 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Jacobs, "Sin," 14:1589
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101
Hirsch, "Fall of Man," 5:334
Kaufman, The Religion of Israel, 293
Sabourin,
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Rogerson, Ps. 51-100 , 18-19
Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 4
Jacobs, "Sin," 14:1589
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101
Hirsch, "Fall of Man," 5:334
Kaufman, The Religion of Israel, 293
Sabourin, The Psalms, 106
Rogerson, Ps. 51-100 , 18-19
Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 4

Ps. 58:3 Sabourin, The Psalms, 105

Ps. 82:7 Cohon, "Original Sin," 283
Gordis, "Knowledge," 127, 128 n. 16
Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 185-86
Sabourin, The Psalms, 308-9
Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 270
Mullen, Assembly of the Gods, 243-44

Ps. 130:3 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101

Ps. 143:2 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101

Prov. 20:9 Cohon, "Original Sin," 282
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 101
Sabourin, The Psalms, 106
Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 4

Song of Solomon 2:3-7 Pope, Song of Songs, 208-9
Francis Landy, Paradoxes of Paradise (Sheffield,
England: Almond, 1983), 184-88, 214

Song of Solomon 4:12-16 Pope, Song of Songs, 208-9
Landy, Paradoxes of Paradise, 184-88

Song of Solomon 8:5-6 Pope, Song of Songs, 208-9
Landy, Paradoxes of Paradise, 184-88, 214

Isa. 14:12-15 Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 185
Morgenstern, "Mythological Background of Psalm
82," 108-10, cf. 92-99
Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 270

Isa. 43:27 Cohon, "Original Sin," 283

Isa. 48:8 Cohon, "Original Sin," 283

Isa. 53:6 Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 85
Kaufman, The Religion of Israel, 390-91

Jer. 13:23 von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 1:154
Sabourin, The Psalms, 105

Jer. 16:10-12 Jacobs, "Sin," 14:1589

Jer. 17:9 von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 1:154
Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 102
Sabourin, The Psalms , 105

Jer. 31:29-30 Taylor, Ezekiel , 147-48

Ezek. 18 Taylor, Ezekiel , 147-48

Ezek. 28:11-19 Zimmerli, Ezekiel , 2:81-95
Cohon, "Original Sin," 283-84
Gordis, "Knowledge," 127
Hirsch, "Fall of Man," 5:334
Ries, "The Fall," 5:265
Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 85-86, 184-85
Soggin, "The Fall of Man," 105
Morgenstern, "Mythological Background of Psalm
82," 111
Cassuto, Commentary on the Book of Genesis ,
74-82
von Rad, Genesis , 98

Ezek. 31:8-18 Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 72-73
Cassuto, Commentary
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74-82
Wyatt, Interpreting the Creation and Fall Story,
13
von Rad, Genesis , 98

Ezek. 31:8-18 Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 72-73
Cassuto, Commentary on the Book of Genesis ,
74-82
Wyatt, Interpreting the Creation and Fall Story,
13
Zimmerli, Ezekiel , 2:142-53

Hosea 6:7 Cohon, "Original Sin," 283
Gordis, "Knowledge," 127
Hirsch, "Fall of Man," 5:334
Pope, "Adam," 2:235
Cassuto, Commentary on the Book of Genesis , 148

 Blake Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion of an Ancient Source," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 20/1 (Spring 1987): 66-123, cf.
Mark Thomas, "Lehi's Doctrine of Opposition in Its Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Contexts," Sunstone 13/1 (February 1989): 52.

   Ostler's article, for example, fails to cite the early Christian sources accurately in its discussion of the fall. The article cites Theophilus, Ad Autolycus II, 24-25, and
Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses III, 16, and III, 10, 2, as examples of "very early Christian thought" expressing views on felix culpa, the fortunate fall. However, the
Irenaeus passages mention nothing about any type of fall (they talk about Christ's being perfect God and perfect man), and the Theophilus passage describes only the
beauty of Paradise and God's prohibition against eating the forbidden fruit, not felix culpa.

  Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion," 82 (emphasis added).

   Ostler, in private correspondence, explains that he only means to say that the extant documents in the Old Testament do not contain extended interpretative
discussions of the meaning of the fall of Adam. Nevertheless, he still tends to conclude quite decidedly from his abbreviated survey and assessment of the ancient
record that Israelite thought in fact lacked certain understandings about the fall.

  Howard N. Wallace, in The Eden Narrative, ed. Frank Moore Cross, Jr. (Atlanta: Scholars, 1985), 46-47; Gerhard von Rad, Genesis , rev. ed. (Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1972), 154, Robert H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament, rev. ed. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), 161-66; P. E. S. Thompson, "The
Yahwist Creation Story," Vetus Testamentum 21 (1971): 203.

  Nicolas Wyatt, "Interpreting the Creation and Fall Story in Gen. 2-3," Zeitschrift fï¿½r die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 93 (1981): 11; and Thompson, "The
Yahwist Creation Story," 205.

   Samuel N. Kramer, "Man and His God: A Sumerian Variation on the 'Job' Motif," in Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient Near East (Leiden: Brill, 1955), 170-71.

  Yehezkel Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel from Its Beginnings to the Babylonian Exile, trans. Moshe Greenberg (New York: Ktav, 1972), 127.

  Francis I. Andersen, Job (Liecester, England: Inter-Varsity, 1976), 63.

  Ibid., 62-63.

   Von Rad, Genesis , 102; cf. Louis F. Hartman, "Sin in Paradise," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 20 (1958): 26; Frederick R. Tennant, The Sources of the Doctrines of
the Fall and Original Sin (New York: Schocken, 1968), 97; Emil G. Hirsch, "Fall of Man," in The Jewish Encyclopedia, 12 vols. (New York: Funk and Wagnalls,
1903), 5:334; Marvin H. Pope, "Adam," in Encyclopedia Judaica, 17 vols. (Jerusalem: Keter, 1972), 2:234; contra, Umberto Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of
Genesis. Part 1: From Adam to Noah, trans. Israel Abrahams (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1961), 179; Robert Gordis, "The Knowledge of Good and Evil in the Old
Testament and the Qumran Scrolls," Journal of Biblical Literature 76 (1957): 127.

  Such as Yehuda T. Raddy's Genesis: An Authorship Survey (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1985), especially 14 and 231.

  Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis , 72-74.

  Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 18-21.

  Cf. Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis , 93.

  cWallace, The Eden Narrative, 20.

  Thompson, "The Yahwist Creation Story," 207.

  Ibid., 207.

  Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis , 92.

  Ibid., 72.

  Ibid., 92.

  David Noel Freedman, "The Earliest Bible," Michigan Quarterly Review 22 (Summer 1983): 167.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 168.
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  Gordis, "The Knowledge of Good and Evil," 127 n. 16.

  Mitchell Dahood, Ps. 51-100 (Garden City: Doubleday, 1965-70), 268.
  Ibid.

  Ibid., 168.

  Gordis, "The Knowledge of Good and Evil," 127 n. 16.

  Mitchell Dahood, Ps. 51-100 (Garden City: Doubleday, 1965-70), 268.

  J. W. Rogerson, Ps. 51-100 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 163, and Derek Kidner, Ps. 73-150 (London: Inter-Varsity, 1975), 299.

  Kidner, Ps. 73-150 , 299 n. 1.

  Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 270 n. 7.

  Julian Morgenstern, "The Mythological Background of Ps. 82," Hebrew Union College Annual 14 (1939): 74 n. 80.

  Ibid., 33.

  E. Theodore Mullen, Jr., The Assembly of the Gods, Frank Moore Cross, Jr., ed. (Chico, CA: Scholars, 1980), 243-44.

  Leopold Sabourin, The Psalms (New York: Alba House, 1974), 307.

  Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 268.

  Mullen, The Assembly of the Gods, 244; Morgenstern, "The Mythological Background of Ps. 82,"114-18

  Morgenstern, "The Mythological Background of Ps. 82,"37

  Sabourin, The Psalms , 24, 308-9.

  Dahood, Ps. 51-100 , 269.

  Morgenstern, "The Mythological Background of Ps. 82,"121

   James L. Mays, Hosea (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969), 99; F. I. Andersen and David Noel Freedman, Hosea (Garden City: Doubleday, 1980), 438.

  Hans W. Wolff, Hosea , Gary Stansell, tr. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974), 105; Andersen and Freedman, Hosea , 438; Mays, Hosea , 100.

  Leon J. Wood, Hosea (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1985), 195; Nielsen quoted in Wolff, Hosea , 105.

  Andersen and Freedman, Hosea , 463.

  Wolff, Hosea , 100.

  Andersen and Freedman, Hosea , 463.

  Marvin H. Pope, Job (Garden City: Doubleday, 1973), 238; Andersen, Job , 244; Robert Gordis, The Book of Job: Commentary, New Translation, and Special
Studies (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1978), 353; and Norman C. Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster,
1985), 438.

  Habel, The Book of Job: A Commentary, 438.

  Harold H. Rowley, ed., Job (London: Nelson and Sons, 1970), 258.

  Andersen, Job , 244.

  Gordis, The Book of Job , 353.

  Rowley, Job , 258; Andersen, Job , 244.

  Rowley, Job , 22.

  Norman C. Habel, The Book of Job (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 10.

  Andersen, Job , 62-63.

  Pope, Job , xxxiv-xl.

  Andersen, Job , 62.

  Pope, Job , xxxv-xxxvi; cf. Habel, The Book of Job , 9.

  Pope, Job , xl.

  Andersen, Job , 63.
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  Habel, The Book of Job , 10.

  Kramer, "Man and His God," 179.
  Pope, Job , xl.

  Andersen, Job , 63.

  Habel, The Book of Job , 10.

  Kramer, "Man and His God," 179.

  Pope, Job , xxxvii.

  Morgenstern, "The Mythological Background of Ps. 82,"29-126

  Pope, Job , xxxvii.

  Marvin H. Pope, Song of Songs (Garden City: Doubleday, 1977), 208-9.

  Walther Zimmerli, Ezekiel , trans. James Martin, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983), 2:90.

  Gordis, "The Knowledge of Good and Evil," 127; Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 184; John L. McKenzie, "The Literary Characteristics of Gen. 2-3," Theological
Studies 15 (1954): 541-72, quoted in Wallace, The Eden Narrative, 184; and John B. Taylor, Ezekiel: An Introduction and Commentary (Downer's Grove: Inter-
Varsity, 1969), 196.

  J. A. Soggin, The Fall of Man in the Third Chapter of Genesis (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1975), 105; Julien Ries, "The Fall," in The Encyclopedia of Religion,
ed. Mircea Eliade, 16 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1987), 5:265.

  Hirsch, "Fall of Man," 5:334, and Samuel S. Cohon, "Original Sin," Hebrew Union College Annual 21 (1948): 275-330.

  Morgenstern, "The Mythological Background of Ps. 82,"111 a view Enns shares.

  Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis , 81.

  Zimmerli, Ezekiel , 2:90.

  Ibid., 85.

  Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 2 vols. (New York: Harper and Row, 1962-65), 2:398-400.

  Ostler, "The Book of Mormon as a Modern Expansion," 82.

  Cohon, "Original Sin," 283 n. 11.

  Von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 2:348.

  Tennant, The Fall and Original Sin, 100.

  Cohon, "Original Sin," 283.

  Ibid., 282.

  Von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 2:398.

  Kaufman, The Religion of Israel from Its Beginnings, 295.

  Kramer, "Man and His God," 171 n. 1.

  Freedman, "The Earliest Bible," 168-70.

  Martin Buber, Good and Evil: Two Interpretations (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1953).

  Kaufman, The Religion of Israel from Its Beginnings, 76, 293; cf. von Rad, Old Testament Theology, 1:272, 277, 418-21; Herold S. Stern, "The Knowledge of
Good and Evil," Vetus Testamentum 8 (1958): 409-10; and Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis , 113, 163.

  Sources already fully cited in the notes are given short citations here.

The Missing Scripture
D. Lynn Johnson

Abstract: During his visit to the Nephites, the Savior instructed Nephi to add to their records a missing scripture concerning the resurrection of many of the dead
immediately following his own resurrection, and their appearance to many people. There is good evidence that it was Samuel the Lamanite's prophecy of this
resurrection that was missing. Aspects of the manner of recording, abridgment, and translation of the text of the Book of Mormon are elucidated through this missing
scripture as it appears in the English text.

During the second day of his visit to the Nephites, the Savior quoted and discussed the writings of Isaiah and Micah, and expounded to them all the scriptures they had
received (3 Ne. 23:6). He then stated there were other scriptures they should write, which they had not. The Lord asked Nephi to bring forth the records which had
been kept. He reminded Nephi he had com manded Samuel to testify that many would arise from the dead and appear to many at the time of his resurrection and noted
this had not(c)
 Copyright   been recorded (3
                2005-2009,    Ne. 23:7-13).
                            Infobase    Media Accordingly,
                                              Corp.         the missing scripture was added to the record.                                        Page 279 / 919
On the surface, this account seems straightforward enough. The Savior shows his concern that the scriptures be complete, and a prior omission is rectified. But what
was omitted? Was it a record of the prophecy, or a record of the fulfillment of the prophecy? And we are led to ask why Mormon selected this tiny dialogue, out of
During the second day of his visit to the Nephites, the Savior quoted and discussed the writings of Isaiah and Micah, and expounded to them all the scriptures they had
received (3 Ne. 23:6). He then stated there were other scriptures they should write, which they had not. The Lord asked Nephi to bring forth the records which had
been kept. He reminded Nephi he had com manded Samuel to testify that many would arise from the dead and appear to many at the time of his resurrection and noted
this had not been recorded (3 Ne. 23:7-13). Accordingly, the missing scripture was added to the record.

On the surface, this account seems straightforward enough. The Savior shows his concern that the scriptures be complete, and a prior omission is rectified. But what
was omitted? Was it a record of the prophecy, or a record of the fulfillment of the prophecy? And we are led to ask why Mormon selected this tiny dialogue, out of
what must have been an extensive and interesting discus sion, for inclusion in his abridgment.

Some Latter-day Saint authors believe that it was the fulfillment of the prophecy, rather than the prophecy itself, that had not been recorded; these include Sperry
and McConkie, Millet, and Top. Indeed, the recorded words of the Savior, "How be it that ye have not written this thing, that many saints did arise and appear unto
many and did minister unto them?" seem to say this. On the other hand, others have said it was the prophecy that was missing, including Ludlow and the authors of
the Book of Mormon Student Manual published by the Church. Each of these authors has simply stated his opinion without discussion or justification. The chapter
heading for 3 Ne. 23 for the last several editions seems to agree with the latter interpretation: "The words of Samuel the Lamanite concerning the resurrection are added
to their records."

It is curious that there is no record in the Book of Mormon of the fulfillment of the prophecy in the description of the events following the death of the Savior. Perhaps
Mormon thought it unnecessary to mention the fulfillment in his abridgment since he would include the Savior's discussion of the missing scripture. He chose his words
to teach more than simply the fulfillment of a prophecy, as we shall see.

There are several indications that the prophecy was missing in their records. The Savior's question in verse 9 appears to support this interpretation. If the prophecy had
been written in the records he had before him, it is doubtful he would have reminded them of it. More than likely he simply would have reminded them that they hadn't
recorded the fulfillment. Their response, "Yea, Lord, Samuel did prophesy according to thy words" (3 Ne. 23:10), is consistent with a missing record of the prophecy.
Such a statement would not have been called for if they were looking at the written prophecy.

Two aspects of the structure of the text in the record of Samuel's prophecy provide strong evidence that it was the prophecy that had been left out. First, the prophecy
of the resur rection of the saints (Hel. 14:25) is out of chronological order in the reiteration of the events connected with the death of the Savior. It is placed in the midst
of the description of the natural violence of that time, rather than after the darkness lifted, which is when it would have occurred. Indeed, McConkie and Millet point out
the problem by noting, "The rise of many Saints from the graves was not, strictly speaking, a sign of his death, but rather took place at the time of the Lord's
resurrection." Placing verse 25 after verse 27 would restore the proper order. The inconsistency can be explained by assuming that verse 25 was inserted years later
in response to the Savior's reminder.

An even more compelling argument that the prophecy was inserted later lies in the literary structure of verses 20-27. Substantial portions of the recorded words of
Samuel from the city wall are in an inverse parallel order known as chiasmus that pervades the Book of Mormon. Verse 25 disrupts the symmetry of a chiasm
concerning the signs of the death of the Savior. The structure can be represented as follows, leaving out verse 25 for the time being (capital letters and indenting have
been added to indicate the elements of the chiasm; a more detailed rendition of the structure is shown in the appendix):

A 20 But behold, as I said unto you concerning another sign, a sign of his death,
behold, in that day that he shall suffer death the sun shall be darkened and
refuse to give his light unto you; and also the moon and the stars; and there
shall be no light upon the face of this land, even from the time that he shall
suffer death, for the space of three days, to the time that he shall rise again
from the dead.

B 21 Yea, at the time that he shall yield up the ghost there shall be
thunderings and lightnings for the space of many hours,

C and the earth shall shake and tremble; and the rocks which are
upon the face of this earth, which are both above the earth and
beneath, which ye know at this time are solid, or the more part
of it is one solid mass, shall be broken up; 22 yea, they shall
be rent in twain, and shall ever after be found in seams and in
cracks, and in broken fragments upon the face of the whole
earth, yea, both above the earth and beneath. 23 And behold,
there shall be great tempests,

D and there shall be many mountains laid low,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½E like unto a valley,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½E' and there shall be many places which are now
called valleys

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½D' which shall become mountains, whose height is great.

C' 24 And many highways shall be broken up, and many cities
shall become desolate.

B' 26 And behold, thus hath the angel spoken unto me; for he said unto
me that there should be thunderings and lightnings for the space of
many hours. 27 And he said unto me that while the thunder and the
lightning lasted, and the tempest, that these things should be,

A' and that darkness should cover the face of the whole earth for the space of
three days.

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                                                      pairs of elements. For instance, both A and A' tell of darkness for three days, B and B' mention thunderings / 919
lightnings that would last for many hours. The great upheaval of the earth and breakup of the rocks both on and beneath the surface of the earth is described in C, while
C' tells of the effects of this destruction on the highways and cities. While satisfying most of Welch's criteria for chiasmus, there is one "maverick" ("tempests" appears
A' and that darkness should cover the face of the whole earth for the space of
three days.

Note the close comparisons between the various pairs of elements. For instance, both A and A' tell of darkness for three days, B and B' mention thunderings and
lightnings that would last for many hours. The great upheaval of the earth and breakup of the rocks both on and beneath the surface of the earth is described in C, while
C' tells of the effects of this destruction on the highways and cities. While satisfying most of Welch's criteria for chiasmus, there is one "maverick" ("tempests" appears
in both C and B'), and both A and C are more massive than A' and C' respectively, resulting in a degree of imbalance. However, there is no mistaking the parallelism of
the thought pattern. Adding verse 25 to this text, between C' and B', clearly disrupts the pattern and symmetry.

Broken symmetry, as it occurs in Hel. 14:20-27 as the text reads today, is unusual in scripture. In particular, careful analysis reveals that the balance of the record of
Samuel's discourse is highly patterned, primarily in the inverse order of chiasmus, with no other similar instances of out-of-place elements. The present text could easily
have resulted from a later insertion, at the general behest of the Savior, with Nephi writing in the margin or between the lines of the previously written record. It is
interesting to note that symmetry can be restored to the passage quite easily by switching the places of verses 25 and 26.

A 20 But behold, as I said unto you concerning another sign, a sign of his death
. . . sun shall be darkened . . . even from the time that he shall suffer death, for
the space of three days,

ï¿½B to the time that he shall rise again from the dead.

ï¿½ï¿½C 21 Yea, at the time that he shall yield up the ghost there shall
be thunderings and lightnings for the space of many hours, . . .

ï¿½ï¿½C' 26 And behold, thus hath the angel spoken unto me; for he
said unto me that there should be thunderings and lightnings
for the space of many hours.

B' 25 And many graves shall be opened, and shall yield up many of their
dead; and many saints shall appear unto many.

A' 27 And he said unto me that while the thunder and the lightning lasted, and the
tempest, that these things should be, and that darkness should cover the face
of the whole earth for the space of three days."

Both the message and the symmetry are preserved by this arrangement, with the prophecy of the resurrection of many of the dead (B') nicely matched with the
statement about the resurrection of the Lord (B). Although this arrangement satisfies the criteria of symmetry for chiasmus, the chronological inconsistency described
above is retained. The following alternative arrangement, placing verse 25 after verse 27, is preferred because it not only restores the symmetry, but it also
simultaneously correctly states the chronology of the death of the Savior and the subsequent resurrection:

A 1 20 But behold, as I said unto you concerning another sign, a sign of his death
. . . sun shall be darkened . . . even from the time that he shall suffer death, for
the space of three days,

ï¿½A2 to the time that he shall rise again from the dead.

ï¿½ï¿½B 21 Yea, at the time that he shall yield up the ghost there shall
be thunderings and lightnings for the space of many hours, . . .

ï¿½ï¿½B' 26 And behold, thus hath the angel spoken unto me; for he
said unto me that there should be thunderings and lightnings
for the space of many hours. 27 And he said unto me that
while the thunder and the lightning lasted, and the tempest,
that these things should be,

A 1 ' and that darkness should cover the face of the whole earth for the space of
three days.

A 2 ' 25 And many graves shall be opened, and shall yield up many of their
dead; and many saints shall appear unto many.

That neither of these easy solutions-ï¿½placing verse 25 after verse 26 or after verse 27-ï¿½was chosen, leaving a weakened chiasm in the midst of so many clear and
carefully constructed chiastic forms, is a strong argument that verse 25 was added later. The chiastic forms found so profusely throughout scripture rarely, if ever, show
such a blatant break in symmetry and order as is in the passage in question-ï¿½particularly a break that could have been "fixed" so easily, as shown above.

In light of the discussion above, we gain insight into the writing, abridging, and translation of the Book of Mormon. Among other things, we know Samuel did not write
the record, for he jumped from the wall, fled, and was never seen again among the Nephites (Hel. 16:8). Moreover, he would not have omitted the prophecy. Whether
the passage was spoken in chiastic form or not, whoever wrote the account took great pains to write it so, but he forgot the one prophecy. The younger Nephi did not
rewrite the account, but simply wrote in the margin or between the lines. He probably was constrained by the availability of space on the plates. Even if he understood
the literary structure of the passage, he may not have been able to find room to preserve it when inserting the missing scripture.

Furthermore, this finding helps us understand how Mormon abridged the records in writing the Book of Mormon. In at least this case he obviously copied the corrected
account verbatim into his abridgment for, if he had paraphrased or otherwise written the text himself, he could have balanced the passage quite simply as shown above.
Mormon apparently was quite familiar with chiastic style, since much of his abridgment is so written, including the record of the dialogue in question (3 Ne. 23:6-14).
Joseph Smith followed the original language in his translation, preserving the modified structure. Moreover, when he translated Hel. 14 he could not have yet known
that the Savior would later direct Nephi to insert the missing scripture. Finally, it can be concluded that Hel. 14:20-27 was not the product of a single author of any
age.
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Appendix
Mormon apparently was quite familiar with chiastic style, since much of his abridgment is so written, including the record of the dialogue in question (3 Ne. 23:6-14).
Joseph Smith followed the original language in his translation, preserving the modified structure. Moreover, when he translated Hel. 14 he could not have yet known
that the Savior would later direct Nephi to insert the missing scripture. Finally, it can be concluded that Hel. 14:20-27 was not the product of a single author of any
age.

Appendix

Detailed Structure of Hel. 14:20-27

Parallelism is shown by labeled elements or similar levels of indentation.

A 1 20 But behold, as I said unto you concerning another sign, a sign of his death,
behold, in that day that he shall suffer death the sun shall be darkened and
refuse to give his light unto you; and also the moon and the stars; and there
shall be no light upon the face of this land, even from the time that he shall
suffer death, for the space of three days,

ï¿½A2 to the time that he shall rise again from the dead.

ï¿½ï¿½B 21 Yea, at the time that he shall yield up the ghost there shall be
thunderings and lightnings for the space of many hours,

ï¿½ï¿½C a and the earth shall shake and tremble;

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½b and the rocks which are upon the face of this
earth,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½which are both above the earth and
beneath,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½c which ye know at this time are solid,
or the more part of it is one solid
mass,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½d shall be broken up;

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½d 22 Yea, they shall be rent in
twain,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½c and shall ever after be found in seams
and in cracks, and in broken
fragments

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½b upon the face of the whole earth, yea, both
above the earth and beneath.

a 23 And behold, there shall be great tempests,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½D and there shall be many mountains laid low,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½E like unto a valley,

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½E and there shall be many places which are now
called valleys

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½D which shall become mountains, whose height is great.

ï¿½ï¿½C 24 And many highways shall be broken up, and many cities
shall become desolate.

ï¿½A2 25 And many graves shall be opened, and shall yield up many of their
dead; and many saints shall appear unto many.

ï¿½B 26 And behold, thus hath the angel spoken unto me; for he said unto
me that there should be thunderings and light nings for the space of
many hours. 27 And he said unto me that while the thunder and the
lightning lasted, and the tempest, that these things should be,

A 1 and that darkness should cover the face of the whole earth for the space of
three days.

  Sidney B. Sperry, Book of Mormon Compendium (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1968), 417.

  Joseph Fielding McConkie, Robert L. Millet, and Brent L. Top, Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon , 4 vols. (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1992), 4:159.

   Daniel H. Ludlow, A Companion to Your Study of the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1977), 283.

Copyright (c) 2005-2009,
 Book of Mormon          Infobase
                  Study Manual:   Media 121-122
                                Religion Corp. (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1979), 376.                       Page 282 / 919

  Joseph Fielding McConkie and Robert L. Millet, Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon , 3 vols. (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1991), 3:415.
  Joseph Fielding McConkie, Robert L. Millet, and Brent L. Top, Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon , 4 vols. (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1992), 4:159.

   Daniel H. Ludlow, A Companion to Your Study of the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1977), 283.

  Book of Mormon Study Manual: Religion 121-122 (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1979), 376.

  Joseph Fielding McConkie and Robert L. Millet, Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon , 3 vols. (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1991), 3:415.

  Donald W. Parry, "Hebrew Literary Patterns in the Book of Mormon," Ensign 19 (1989): 58-61; cf. Donald W. Parry, The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted
according to Parallelistic Patterns (Provo: F.A.R.M.S., 1992).

  John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," in Noel B. Reynolds, ed., Book of Mormon Authorship (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1982), 33-52; cf. John
W. Welch, "Criteria for Identifying the Presence of Chiasmus," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1989).

   I have noted several hundred possible chiasms and a lesser number of other parallel forms in all four of the Standard Works. There are very few instances in which a
break in symmetry could be rectified by shifting the position of the out-of-place element.

  I wish to thank the refereeing reviewer for this comment, 1994.

A Chronological Setting for the Epistles of Mormon to Moroni
Alan C. Miner

Abstract: Although chapters 8 and 9 of the book of Moroni (Mormon's epistles to Moroni) were placed with Mormon and Moroni's abridgment by Moroni sometime
between the years A.D. 401 and 421, these chapters were not written at that time. The insertion into the text of these epistles was done for doctrinal reasons; however,
mixed in with the doctrinal message are certain facts and phrases which deal with their historical-chronological setting. By analyzing the specific chronological clues
contained within Mormon's epistles, and comparing them with his abridged record of the final years of the Nephite nation, we can create a set of chronological time
frames which then can be compared to construct a reasonable historical setting of A.D. 375 to 376.

At least sixteen years, if not more, after the final Nephite battles at Cumorah, and after finishing the abridgment of the record of the Jaredite people, Moroni had an
unexpected opportunity to include a few more things "of worth" in his final book of Moroni before he buried the plates. Among the writings he chose were two epistles
(chapters 8 and 9) which his father Mormon had written to him years before. Although the epistles were included because they contained valuable gospel teachings,
they also contain some comments that reflect on their historical chronology. Because these epistles inadvertently speak about events not specifically chronicled in the
abridged history, their chronological setting has been a difficult thing to establish; however, I believe a reasonable estimate is attainable. In this article, chronological
clues have been extracted from the epistles and are listed as an overview. They will be followed by a more lengthy chronological analysis. A chart has also been
designed to help the reader more fully understand the reasoning. Ultimately, the reader will see that all the clues blend together to suggest a unique time frame in Book
of Mormon history for the setting of Mormon's epistles.

Overview of Chronological Clues

1. The epistle of chapter 8 was written "soon after" Moroni was called to the ministry (Moro. 8:1).

2. During an apparent time lapse and distance gap since Mormon and Moroni had been together, disputations had apparently arisen (Moro. 8:4-5).

3. Apparently, Mormon had devoted enough time apart from his military calling to serve in a leadership capacity in the church, and Moroni as well was old enough to
labor in the church (Moro. 8:6-7).

4. In chapter 8, Mormon says "I will write unto you again if I go not out soon against the Lamanites." If this refers to the epistle in chapter 9, then chapter 9 is
apparently linked to the same general time period as chapter 8 (Moro. 8:27).

5. Mormon was personally involved in battles (Moro. 9:2).

6. The battle mentioned by Mormon was specifically termed a "sore battle" (Moro. 9:2).

7. The battle was one in which the Nephites "did not con quer" (Moro. 9:2).

8. The Lamanites at this time "have many prisoners" (Moro. 9:7).

9. The Nephite prisoners of the Lamanites were slain and treated inhumanely (Moro. 9:8).

10. The Nephites were making inhumane sacrifices of their own (Moro. 9:9-10).

11. Aaron was in charge of a Lamanite army (Moro. 9:17).

12. Mormon "cannot any longer enforce [his] commands" (Moro. 9:18).

13. Mormon has "sacred records that [he] would deliver up unto [Moroni]" (Moro. 9:24).

1. Chapter 8 Was Written "Soon After" Moroni Was Called to the Ministry (Moro. 8:1)

An epistle of my father Mormon, written to me, Moroni; and it was written unto me soon after my call ing to the ministry. (Moroni 8:1)

If in A.D. 321 Mormon was ten years old when Ammaron commanded him to retrieve the plates at the age of twenty-four (Morm. 1:2-4), then Mormon was
apparently born in 311 and would retrieve the plates from the hill Shim in 335. However, at age fifteen or in his "sixteenth year," Mormon was chosen to head the
Nephite armies (Morm. 2:1-2). From that point on (326 forward), there seems to have been no big break in the battles until the year 331 when the Nephite army was
able to spend the next fourteen years occupying the land of Joshua in apparent peace (Morm. 2:6-9, 15). Although we have few specifics, during this period Mormon
(age 20-34) finally had time for family, the ministry, and recordkeeping. This period of peace also seems to have been a good time for Moroni's birth; however, in
order  to more
 Copyright  (c)fully appreciateInfobase
                2005-2009,       the chronology of that birth we must understand the timing of Moroni's call to the ministry.
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Under the law of Moses and at the time of King David, thirty was the age at which men commenced "the service of the ministry" and "the work in the tabernacle of the
congregation" (Num. 4:35). Christ, too, began his ministry at age thirty (Luke 3:23), but with Christ the law of Moses had been fulfilled (3 Ne. 12:17). Thus Mormon
apparently born in 311 and would retrieve the plates from the hill Shim in 335. However, at age fifteen or in his "sixteenth year," Mormon was chosen to head the
Nephite armies (Morm. 2:1-2). From that point on (326 forward), there seems to have been no big break in the battles until the year 331 when the Nephite army was
able to spend the next fourteen years occupying the land of Joshua in apparent peace (Morm. 2:6-9, 15). Although we have few specifics, during this period Mormon
(age 20-34) finally had time for family, the ministry, and recordkeeping. This period of peace also seems to have been a good time for Moroni's birth; however, in
order to more fully appreciate the chronology of that birth we must understand the timing of Moroni's call to the ministry.

Under the law of Moses and at the time of King David, thirty was the age at which men commenced "the service of the ministry" and "the work in the tabernacle of the
congregation" (Num. 4:35). Christ, too, began his ministry at age thirty (Luke 3:23), but with Christ the law of Moses had been fulfilled (3 Ne. 12:17). Thus Mormon
attempted to start preaching to the Nephites at age fifteen; however, he was forbidden by the Lord not because of his age but "because of the hardness of their
hearts" (Morm. 1:16-17). Mormon's next recorded act related to the ministry was to retrieve the plates at age twenty-four (cf. Morm. 1:2-4;2:17). Whether Mormon's
retrieval of the plates constituted the beginning of his formal ministry is not known. Thus we have a possible range of between fifteen and thirty years of age for the
beginning of a "ministry."

If we assume that Moroni's call to the ministry likewise came when he was between fifteen and thirty years of age, then by adding this amount of time to the beginning
or ending of the previously noted fourteen-year period of peace (beginning in 331), we might be able to establish the minimum and maximum stretch of time until
Moroni was called to the ministry. Thus, if we allow one year for pregnancy:

----Peace----
331 345

ï¿½---15 years---
332 347

ï¿½ï¿½ï¿½-----------30 years------------
346 376

MINIMUM         = 331 + 1 + 15 years = [earliest probable date of 347 for call to ministry]

MAXIMUM          = 345 + 30 years + "soon after" = [latest probable date of 376 for epistle]

The word "ministry" also might refer to Moroni's administrative responsibility over part of the church, which could have been initiated by Mormon's return to military
leadership early in the time period of 375-79. Therefore, clue 1 gives a possible time period of 347-76 (see chart on page 113).

2. During An Apparent Time Lapse and Distance Gap Since Mormon and Moroni Had
Been Together Disputations Had Apparently Arisen (Moro. 8:4
(2. During An Apparent Time Lapse and Distance Gap Since Mormon and Moroni Had Been Together, Disputations Had
Apparently Arisen (Moro. 8:4-5) )

And now, my son, I speak unto you concerning that which grieveth me exceedingly; for it grieveth me that there should disputations rise among you. For, if I have
learned the truth, there have been disputations among you concerning the baptism of your little children. And now, my son, I desire that ye should labor diligently, that
this gross error should be removed from among you; for, for this intent I have written this epistle. For immediately after I had learned these things of you I inquired of
the Lord concerning the matter. And the word of the Lord came to me by the power of the Holy Ghost. . . . Pray for them, my son, that repentance may come unto
them. But behold, I fear lest the Spirit hath ceased striving with them; and in this part of the land they are also seeking to put down all power and authority which
cometh from God; and they are denying the Holy Ghost. And after rejecting so great a knowledge, my son, they must perish soon, unto the fulfilling of the prophecies
which were spoken by the prophets, as well as the words of our Savior himself. (Moro. 8:4-7, 28-29)

While Sidney Sperry assumes that Moroni's "ministry" involved just missionary labor, it is my opinion that Moroni's calling also involved administrative work.
Assuming that Mormon was involved in battles at this time (Moro. 8:27), the text leaves little doubt that after 350, which was the beginning of the time when Moroni
would have been old enough to have a church calling (see clue 3), most all of the battles fought were near the boundaries of Nephite territory. Therefore, Mormon
was apparently the one who was away from the headquarters of the Nephites, leaving Moroni in charge of the central church. Since there are no other ecclesiastical
leaders mentioned in the last part of the Nephite history other than Mormon and Moroni, it is only reasonable that Moroni would have remained in charge of the
ecclesiastical affairs of the church if Mormon was off fighting battles. However, faced with a question of doctrine, Moroni would have deferred to Mormon's superior
authority. Sometime after 380, the Nephites began to gather to Cumorah, which would have brought Mormon and Moroni together again.

Thus, the time periods in which Mormon devoted himself to military duties while Moroni would have been old enough to labor in the church at a distance from Mormon
were:

(1) 360-62 (see Morm. 3:1-11)
(2) 375-80 (see Morm. 5:1-6:3

3. Apparently Mormon Had Devoted Enough Time Apart From His Military Calling to
Serve in a Leadership Capacity in the Church and Moroni As Well Was Old Enough to Labor in the Church (Moro. 8:6
(3. Apparently, Mormon Had Devoted Enough Time Apart From His Military Calling to Serve in a Leadership Capacity in
the Church, and Moroni As Well Was Old Enough to Labor in the Church (Moro. 8:6-7) )

And now, my son, I speak unto you concerning that which grieveth me exceedingly; for it grieveth me that there should disputations rise among you. For, if I have
learned the truth, there have been disputations among you concerning the baptism of your little children. And now, my son, I desire that ye should labor diligently, that
this gross error should be removed from among you; for for this intent I have written this epistle. For immediately after I had learned these things of you I inquired of the
Lord concerning the matter. And the word of the Lord came to me by the power of the Holy Ghost. (Moro. 8:4-7)

The time period(s) in which Mormon had time to devote himself more entirely to the church were:

a. The fourteen years of peace (331-45; see Morm. 2:10-15) (age 20-34)

b. The ten-year period of peace (350-60; see Morm. 3:1-2) (age 39-49)

c. The twelve plus years that Mormon stood as an "idle wit ness" (362-75; Morm. 3:16) (age 51-63+)
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Since Moroni had to be old enough to labor in the ministry during this time, textual clue 3 would have a possible time frame from shortly before 350 until some time
after 380 when Mormon and Moroni were together again (see chart on page 113).
b. The ten-year period of peace (350-60; see Morm. 3:1-2) (age 39-49)

c. The twelve plus years that Mormon stood as an "idle wit ness" (362-75; Morm. 3:16) (age 51-63+)

Since Moroni had to be old enough to labor in the ministry during this time, textual clue 3 would have a possible time frame from shortly before 350 until some time
after 380 when Mormon and Moroni were together again (see chart on page 113).

4. in Chapter 8 Mormon Says "I Will Write Unto You Again If I Go Not Out Soon Against
the Lamanites." If This Refers to the Epistle in Chapter 9 Then Chapter 9 Is Apparently Linked to the Same General Time Period As Chapter 8 (Moro. 8:27)

Behold, my son, I will write unto you again if I go not out SOON against the Lamanites. Behold, the pride of this nation, or the people of the Nephites, hath proven
their destruction except they should repent. (Moro. 8:27)

The second epistle of Mormon to his son, Moroni (Subtitle to chapter 9)

The subtitle of chapter 9 identifies this chapter as "The second epistle of Mormon to his son, Moroni." This subscript was part of the original manuscript and was not
added at a later date as with many other chapter headings. If the eighth chapter of Mormon is to be considered the first epistle, then this subscript seems to help set the
chronological record straight. Given the circumstances, the best we can assume is that both epistles (chapters 8 and 9) were written within a short time of each other,
probably within less than a year.

5. Mormon Was Personally Involved in Battles (Moro. 9:2)

For behold, I HAVE HAD a sore battle with the Lamanites, in which we did not conquer; and Archeantus has fallen by the sword, and also Luram and Emron; yea,
and we have lost a great number of our choice men. (Moro. 9:2)

Mormon resigned as commander of the Nephite armies in the year 362 (Morm. 3:8, 11), and apparently stood as an "idle witness" (Morm. 3:16) until sometime early
in the period between 375 and 379, when Mormon "did repent of the oath which I had made that I would no more assist them; and they gave me command again of
their armies" (Morm. 5:1). We can probably say that the epistle was written either before or after this time period when Mormon stood as an "idle witness." After
380, the Lamanite king granted Mormon the opportunity to gather his people to Cumorah for the final battle (Morm. 6:2-3), so there would not have been any battles
from that time forward until the final battle at Cumorah when Mormon and Moroni were together, but we will include that period anyway. Therefore, taking into
consideration the age of Moroni and all the periods of peace, we can list the following time periods as satisfying clue 5:

a. 345-50 (see Morm. 2:16-29)
b. 360-62 (see Morm. 3:1-11)
c. 375-85 (see Morm. 5:1-6:3

6. the Battle Mentioned By Mormon Was Specifically Termed a "Sore Battle" (Moro. 9:2)

For behold, I have had a SORE BATTLE with the Lamanites, in which we did not conquer; and Archeantus has fallen by the sword, and also Luram and Emron; yea,
and we have lost a great number of our choice men. (Moro. 9:2)

Two scriptures specifically mention "sore battles" where the Nephites "did not conquer" in the chronological history of the Book of Mormon:

And it came to pass that the armies of the Nephites were driven back again to the land of Desolation. And while they were yet weary, a fresh army of the Lamanites
did come upon them; and they had a sore battle, insomuch that the Lamanites did take possession of the city Desolation, and did slay many of the Nephites, and did
take many prisoners (363). (Morm. 4:2)

And it came to pass that the Lamanites did come down against the city Desolation; and there was an exceedingly sore battle fought in the land Desolation, in the which
they did beat the Nephites (375). (Morm. 4:19)

Another reference also alludes to "sore battles" in which the Nephites "did not conquer" and in which Mormon was involved:

And it came to pass that in the three hundred and eightieth year the Lamanites did come again against us to battle, and we did stand against them boldly; but it was all in
vain, for so great were their numbers that they did tread the people of the Nephites under their feet (380). (Morm. 5:6)

Thus, if we are to go strictly by the references in the text, the possible time periods for clue 6 are 363, 375, and 380.

7. the Battle Was One in Which the Nephites "Did Not Conquer" (Moro. 9:2)

For behold, I have had a sore battle with the Lamanites, in which WE DID NOT CONQUER; and Archeantus has fallen by the sword, and also Luram and Emron;
yea, and we have lost a great number of our choice men. (Moro. 9:2)

Assuming that Mormon has given us a record of all the "sore battles" in which the Nephites "did not conquer" (see the list under clue 6), the reader should notice that
immediately prior to 362 when Mormon "did utterly refuse from this time forth to be a commander and a leader of this people" (Morm. 3:11), none of the battles were
won by the Lamanites. In other words, before 362 Mormon was involved in the battles, but the Nephites conquered. After 362 there were battles in which the
Nephites "did not conquer"; however, Mormon was not a part of the army or the battles but "did stand as an idle witness" (Morm. 3:16) until the year 375 when
Mormon stated that he "did repent of the oath, . . . and they gave me command again of their armies" (Morm. 5:1). Mormon made a record of his battles until sometime
after 380 when he apparently stopped recording until after the battle of Cumorah (Morm. 6:1).

Thus, the time period referred to here would be from 375 to shortly after 380.

8. the Lamanites At This Time "Have Many Prisoners" (Moro. 9:7)

And now I write somewhat concerning the sufferings of this people. For according to the knowledge which I have received from Amoron, behold, the Lamanites have
many prisoners, which they took from the tower of Sherrizah; and there were men, women, and children. (Moro. 9:7)

Although
Copyright"many" prisoners might
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                          Infobase   been taken
                                           Corp.at other times, the Book of Mormon text specifically mentions the Lamanites taking "many prisoners" only twice:
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And now it came to pass that in the three hundred and sixty and third year the Nephites did go up with their armies to battle against the Lamanites, out of the land
Desolation. And it came to pass that the armies of the Nephites were driven back again to the land of Desolation. And while they were yet weary, a fresh army of the
And now I write somewhat concerning the sufferings of this people. For according to the knowledge which I have received from Amoron, behold, the Lamanites have
many prisoners, which they took from the tower of Sherrizah; and there were men, women, and children. (Moro. 9:7)

Although "many" prisoners might have been taken at other times, the Book of Mormon text specifically mentions the Lamanites taking "many prisoners" only twice:

And now it came to pass that in the three hundred and sixty and third year the Nephites did go up with their armies to battle against the Lamanites, out of the land
Desolation. And it came to pass that the armies of the Nephites were driven back again to the land of Desolation. And while they were yet weary, a fresh army of the
Lamanites did come upon them; and they had a sore battle, insomuch that the Lamanites did take possession of the city Desolation, and did slay many of the Nephites,
and did take many prisoners (363). (Morm. 4:1-2)

And it came to pass that the Lamanites did take possession of the city Desolation, and this because their number did exceed the number of the Nephites. And they did
also march forward against the city Teancum, and did drive the inhabitants forth out of her, and did take many prisoners both women and children, and did offer them
up as sacrifices unto their idol gods (367). (Morm. 4:13-14)

We can assume "many" prisoners were taken during the period of 375-79 if mention is made that "women and their children were sacrificed to idols" (Morm. 4:21).
After 380, we might also assume that the Lamanites did not take "many prisoners" from the statement "and we did stand against them boldly; but it was all in vain, for
so great were their numbers that they did tread the people of the Nephites under their feet. And it came to pass that we did again take to flight, and those whose flight
was swifter than the Lamanites' did escape, and those whose flight did not exceed the Lamanites' were swept down and destroyed" (Morm. 5:6-7).

In summary, clue 8 involves specific references to events that occurred in 363, 367, and 375-79.

9. the Nephite Prisoners of the Lamanites Were Slain and Treated Inhumanely (Moro. 9:8)

Two specific scriptural references mention the Lamanites' sacrificing Nephite prisoners:

And they [the Lamanites] did also march forward against the city Teancum, and did drive the inhabitants forth out of her, and did take many prisoners both women and
children, and did offer them up as sacrifices unto their idol gods (367). (Morm. 4:14)

And when they [the Lamanites] had come the second time, the Nephites were driven and slaughtered with an exceedingly great slaughter; their women and their
children were again sacrificed unto idols (375-79). (Morm. 4:21)

Clue 9 would thus involve the times of 367 and 375-79.

10. the Nephites Were Making Inhumane Sacrifices of Their Own (Moro. 9:9-10)

And notwithstanding this great abomination of the Lamanites, it doth not exceed that of our people in Moriantum. For behold, many of the daughters of the Lamanites
have they taken prisoners; and after depriving them of that which was most dear and precious above all things, which is chastity and virtue-ï¿½And after they had done
this thing, they did murder them in a most cruel manner, torturing their bodies even unto death; and after they have done this, they devour their flesh like unto wild
beasts, because of the hardness of their hearts; and they do it for a token of bravery. (Moro. 9:9-10)

The first indication that the Nephites would have even thought to act with such inhumanity was in 367 when the Nephites were "angry because the Lamanites had
sacrificed their women and their children" (Morm. 4:15). However, nothing more is mentioned in retaliation other than that the Nephites "beat again the Lamanites, and
[did] drive them out of their lands."

We also should consider the idea that Mormon's reflection on Nephite atrocities could have extended some distance backward in time; however, considering the fact
that he didn't return to active military status until shortly after 375, I doubt that these reflections would have gone back before 367 when the Nephites, contrary to
Mormon's desires, were attacking the Lamanites. On the other end of the time line, after 380 the Nephites were in full retreat (Morm. 5:6-7), apparently fleeing away
from the borders of Lamanite territory and moving deeper into their own lands, so the chance of their capturing Lamanite women would have been remote.

Thus, the time frame for this textual clue would have to be sometime after 367 and before 380.

11. Aaron Was in Charge of a Lamanite Army (Moro. 9:17)

And the army which is with me is weak; and the armies of the Lamanites are betwixt Sherrizah and me; and as many as have fled to the army of Aaron have fallen
victims to their awful brutality. (Moro. 9:17)

According to Morm. 2:9, the Lamanites in 330 had a king whose name was Aaron. This Lamanite king was defeated in battle that year by a Nephite army with a
nineteen-year-old commander by the name of Mormon. Depending on the age and longevity of the Lamanite king Aaron, the Aaron in clue 11 could have been either
the same Aaron that Mormon fought when he was nineteen, or possibly a son who was given the same name or title (see Mosiah 24:3). In 380 Mormon also mentions
writing to a Lamanite king (Morm. 6:2-3), but no name is given. Thus, rather than definitely linking the epistles to 330 as Hauck has done, this reference to Aaron in
clue 11 is better linked to a lengthy time period extending from 330 to 385.

12. Mormon "Cannot Any Longer Enforce [His] Commands" (Moro. 9:18)

O the depravity of my people! They are without order and without mercy. Behold, I am but a man, and I have but the strength of a man, and I cannot any longer
enforce my commands. (Moroni 9:18)

There came a time when the Nephites' wicked desires came into conflict with the commands of Mormon. The military setting here seems to imply that this epistle was
written either before or after Mormon did "utterly refuse from this time forth to be a commander and a leader of this people" (Morm. 3:11), which would be before or
after the period 362-75 (Morm. 3:8-5:1 Two specific textual references might apply: The first instance of the Nephite people going completely against Mormon was in
362 (Morm. 3:14), when they desired to wage war against the Lamanites who had not initiated any aggressive action. Mormon opposed them and was overruled.
Also, during the period 375-79 there is an implication of Nephite disobedience associated with a statement reflecting Mormon's frustration with the Nephite people's
reluctance to gather:

But it came to pass that whatsoever lands we had passed by, and the inhabitants thereof were not gathered in, were destroyed by the Lamanites, and their towns, and
villages, and cities were burned with fire; and thus three hundred and seventy and nine years passed away. (Morm. 5:5)

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               12 is satisfied         Media
                               by two time   Corp. 360-62 and 375-79.
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13. Mormon Has "Sacred Records That [He] Would Deliver Up Unto [Moroni]" (Moro. 9:24)
But it came to pass that whatsoever lands we had passed by, and the inhabitants thereof were not gathered in, were destroyed by the Lamanites, and their towns, and
villages, and cities were burned with fire; and thus three hundred and seventy and nine years passed away. (Morm. 5:5)

Therefore, clue 12 is satisfied by two time periods, 360-62 and 375-79.

13. Mormon Has "Sacred Records That [He] Would Deliver Up Unto [Moroni]" (Moro. 9:24)

And if it so be that they perish, we know that many of our brethren have deserted over unto the Lamanites, and many more will also desert over unto them; where fore,
write somewhat a few things, if thou art spared and I shall perish and not see thee; but I trust that I may see thee soon; for I have sacred records that I would deliver up
unto thee. (Moroni 9:24)

According to Morm. 1:3-5, when Mormon was ten years old he was commanded by Ammaron, the keeper of the Nephite records, that when he turned twenty-four
years of age he was to "go to the land Antum, unto a hill which shall be called Shim." He was to "take the plates of Nephi [large plates] unto [himself]" and "engrave on
the plates of Nephi all the things . . . observed concerning this people." In Morm. 1:5, Mormon records that "I remembered the things which Ammaron commanded
me." If Mormon used the phrase I remembered to mean that he actually carried out the terms of the command, then he would have retrieved the plates in the year 335
(4 Ne. 1:48; Morm. 1:2). The last recorded location of Mormon before 335 was in the land of Joshua, which was apparently "in the borders west by the
seashore" (Morm. 2:6).

In 345 Mormon makes a reference that he "did make a record according to the words of Ammaron" (Morm. 2:17-18). This refers to Mormon's portion of the large
plates.

In 375 Mormon saw that "the Lamanites were about to over throw the land" (Morm. 4:23) therefore Mormon "did go to the hill Shim, and take up all the records
which Ammaron had hid up" (Morm. 4:23).

In 385 Mormon records:

And it came to pass that when we had gathered in all our people in one to the land of Cumorah, behold I, Mormon, began to be old; and knowing it to be the last
struggle of my people, and having been commanded of the Lord that I should not suffer the records which had been handed down by our fathers, which were sacred,
to fall into the hands of the Lamanites, (for the Lamanites would destroy them) therefore I made this record out of the plates of Nephi, and hid up in the hill Cumorah all
the records which had been entrusted to me by the hand of the Lord, save it were these few plates which I gave unto my son Moroni. (Morm. 6:6)

In Mormon's abridged record of the final years of the Nephite nation, there is no record of Mormon's turning any of the records over to Moroni prior to 385. In my
opinion, the phrases these few plates and this record, which record Mormon apparently "made10. . . out of the [large and small] plates of Nephi," both seem to refer to
that which Mormon gave to Moroni. The question we now come to is this: If in clue 13 the "sacred records that I (Mormon) would deliver up unto thee (Moroni)"
were "these few plates," and "these few plates" contained the abridgment, then when was the abridgment started?"

Although the work of the abridgment is specifically referred to by Mormon even before the abridged Nephite history chronologically reaches Mormon's lifetime,
perhaps the first known chronological dating of the Lord's command to write the abridgment is found in Morm. 3:14-17, and more thoroughly elaborated in Morm.
5:8-23. This would mean that "the sacred records that [Mormon] would deliver up unto [Moroni]" (the abridged records) were started some time after 362. At first
glance, the time period referred to here in clue 13 would be 362-85. The fact that Mormon was considering the idea of turning the abridgment over to Moroni might
imply some elapsed time after 362 for Mormon to complete a major portion of this work. On the other end of the proposed time period, the abridged records that
covered the Nephite history from shortly after 380 (Morm. 6 and 7) were written after the battle of Cumorah.

Thus, the time frame related to clue 13 is from 362+ to 380+.

Conclusion

By highlighting and charting the time periods relative to each analyzed chronological clue located within the epistles of Mormon to his son Moroni (see chart on page
113), it appears that chapters 8 and 9 in the book of Moroni (Mormon's epistles) were written sometime within the year between 375 and 376. This chronological
setting meets not just a majority of the textual clues, but it satisfies all thirteen time frames established for the clues. It is fascinating to realize that from limited references
within the complex chronological story contained in the Book of Mormon, a consistent historical scenario can be mapped out.

CHARTING THE TIME FRAMES OF TEXTUAL CLUES

Notes and Communications

   Sidney B. Sperry, Book Of Mormon Compendium (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1975), 491. Sperry writes: When were Mormon's two pastoral epistles written? An
exact answer to this question cannot be given. The contents of the letters seem to indicate a time late in Nephite history, when the nation was ripe for destruction. . . .
Moreover, the letters must have been written sometime after Mormon had reconsidered his decision not to lead the wicked Nephites into battle (Morm. 5:1; cf. 3:16),
for in the first letter to his son the great leader mentions, as we have seen, the possibility of his going out against the Lamanites to battle ([Moroni] 8:27). The decision to
lead the Nephites once more in battle seems to have been made shortly before a.d. 380 (Morm. 5:1-6). In the second letter to his son, Mormon writes, "I trust that I
may see thee soon; for I have sacred records that I would deliver up unto thee." ([Moroni] 9:24) We know that by 384 Moroni already had in his possession the
sacred records mentioned by his father (Morm. 6:6). All things considered, it seems quite probable that Mormon's letters to Moroni were written sometime between
380 and 384.

  All dates in this paper are a.d.

  Using the chart on page 113, we can see that even though we might conclude that Moroni was born before this fourteen-year period of peace, and even though we
might assume the earliest probable call to the ministry at age fifteen, all of the other factors dealing with the chronology of Mormon's epistles are not within this range.

   Although less probable, if Moroni was born during the next period of peace (350-60) then the minimum figure would be 350 + 1 + 15 = 366 for the earliest call to
the ministry, and 360 + 1 + 30 = 391 for the latest call to the ministry.

  Sperry, Book of Mormon Compendium, 488, writes, "It may be taken for granted that by 'ministry' is meant missionary labor. It would appear that in the course of
Moroni's missionary labors he seems to have encountered persons in a certain branch of the Nephite Church who were contending that little children should be
baptized."
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   In the treaty of 350, the Lamanites "did give unto us [the Nephites] the land northward, yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we
did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward" (Morm. 2:29). Thus, the narrow passage represented the key border position in the Nephite-Lamanite treaty, and it
  Sperry, Book of Mormon Compendium, 488, writes, "It may be taken for granted that by 'ministry' is meant missionary labor. It would appear that in the course of
Moroni's missionary labors he seems to have encountered persons in a certain branch of the Nephite Church who were contending that little children should be
baptized."

   In the treaty of 350, the Lamanites "did give unto us [the Nephites] the land northward, yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we
did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward" (Morm. 2:29). Thus, the narrow passage represented the key border position in the Nephite-Lamanite treaty, and it
was so strategic a position that when the Lamanite king wrote to Mormon in 360 that he was "preparing to come again to battle" (Morm. 3:4), the Nephites placed
their armies there "that they [the Lamanites] might not get possession of any of our lands" (Morm. 3:5-6). From 363 to 75 the Nephites, without Mormon, waged a
series of battles which eventually led twice to the loss and retaking of the land of Desolation, which was near the narrow pass (Morm. 3:5). In 375, when the Lamanites
came down against the Nephites with all their power, the Nephite army retreated to the city of Boaz. Although we don't quite know where the city of Boaz is located
from the text, it seems to be within the land that the Lamanites were about to overthrow, which was the land of Desolation (Morm. 4:1). Thus, in 375 Mormon
apparently rejoined the Nephite army in the borders of the land. From that time forward, because all the Nephites who would not gather in with Mormon's army were
swept down and destroyed (Morm. 5:5), the position of Mormon's army would have to be considered as always on the borders of Lamanite-controlled territory.

   Although less likely, the words "the second epistle" might just refer to the order of these epistles in Moroni's book and not to the fact that this "second epistle" was
the one that Mormon wrote "soon" after the first.

  Although we could definitely say that the epistle was written generally before or after the time period when Mormon stood as an "idle witness," the phrase "I have
had a sore battle" would not, in the opinion of the writer, eliminate the following possibility: Mormon might have just barely been put in command of the Nephite armies,
and while not claiming the battle as his own because of personally participating in it, he could have included the information as part of the description of his difficulties
and circumstances upon being named the new leader. This change of status could have been why Mormon wrote the epistle to Moroni in the first place.

   F. Richard Hauck, Deciphering the Geography of the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988), 90. According to Hauck, "His [Mormon's] role as
commander-in-chief during the preparation of the letter to Moroni and his mention of his enemy Aaron indicate that the letter [the second epistle or Moroni chapter 9]
was prepared before the treaty of 350. These various correlations, therefore, place the writing of the letter within the earlier period of warfare associated with the
Jashon-Shem complexes."

  The word "gave" implies that Mormon physically turned over "these few plates" to Moroni; however, this seems to contradict Mormon's story line which continues
on to record the final battle at Cumorah, and it ignores the note by Moroni which seems to mark the beginning of his own writing when "four hundred years have passed
away" (Morm. 8:6). Thus, I feel that the term "gave" here refers to responsibility more than possession.

  Mormon's specific editorial references to his work of the abridgment that chronologically appear in the text before his lifetime include: W of M 1:1-9; Hel. 2:13-14; 3
Ne. 5:13-17; and 3 Ne. 26:6-12. Morm. 2:18 (345) also specifically refers to the abridgment; however, it is situated during Mormon's lifetime about seventeen years
before the "command" mentioned in Morm. 3:14-17 (362). For a complete listing of Mormon's editorial comments see Alvin C. Rencher, "Book of Mormon
Authorship Chronology," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1986.

Faith and Truth
John A. Tvedtnes

One of the clearest and most precise definitions of faith is the one given in the Book of Mormon by Alma: "If ye have faith ye hope for things which are not seen, which
are true" (Alma 32:21). Faith and truth are often listed together in the scriptures (e.g., Mosiah 27:14; Hel. 15:7). The Book of Mormon even has the term true faith
(Enos 1:14, 20; Alma 44:4; 3 Ne. 6:14).

To gain a full appreciation of this definition, we must understand that the Hebrew words for faith and truth are related, both coming from the root *ï¿½MN. Hebrew
'emï¿½nah means "belief" or "faith," while 'emet means "truth." Both are related to yamï¿½n, "right hand," and to 'amen, "established," the word with which prayers are
ended. In Egyptian (which is distantly related to Hebrew) we have mn, "enduring, faithful," also "right hand," as the name of the chief God. In this connection, it is
interesting that Jesus is called the "Amen, the faithful and true witness, the beginning of the creation of God" (Rev. 3:14; cf. 19:11; 22:6) and also "he that is
true" (Rev. 3:7; 1 Jn. 5:20).

Joseph Smith is said to have indicated that the name Ahman was a title of God the Father, while Jesus is called "Son Ahman."         Old Testament prayers end simply
with the word Amen (= confirmed, true), and hence in the name (title) of Jesus Christ.

Alma spoke of faith in the "true God" (Alma 5:12-13; cf. John 17:3). True faith is hence a belief in God and Jesus, who are true. We are to worship God "in spirit and
in truth" (John 4:23-24; Alma 43:10). The Lord is also called the "God of truth" (Isa. 65:16, where the Hebrew reads 'elï¿½hï¿½ 'amen; Ether 3:12 [referring to
Jesus]).

Nephi wrote, "I glory in truth; I glory in my Jesus" (2 Ne. 33:6). This is an authentic parallelism (such as is found in typical biblical poetry), wherein the word "truth"
parallels the name "Jesus," making them synonymous. In support of the idea that "truth" is one of the titles of Jesus, we note that he is called "the way, the truth, and the
life" (John 14:6). In Mosiah 27:36, the knowledge of the truth is equated with the knowledge of Christ. A similar idea is found in Hel. 15:13: "they shall again be brought
to the true knowledge, which is the knowledge of their Redeemer, and their great and true shepherd" (cf. 1 Ne. 10:14; 2 Ne. 1:10;10:2; Mosiah 4:12; Alma 18:34).

The scriptures also speak of the truth which is in Christ (1 Ne. 13:24-25;14:26; Enos 1:26;1 1 Tim. 2:4, JST and of the truth of Christ (2 Cor. 11:10). He is said to be
"full of grace and truth" (John 1:14; Moses 1:32;5:7;6:52;7:11; D&C 84:102;93:11; 2 Ne. 2:6; Alma 5:48;9:26;13:9). In Hel. 15:7, a knowledge of the truth is equated
with faith on the Lord, while to reject truth is, according to Hel. 8:25, to rebel against God.

In D&C 93:24, we have a definition of truth: "And truth is knowledge of things as they are, and as they were, and as they are to come" (cf. Jacob 4:13). In the Bible,
Jesus is called he "which is, and which was, and which is to come" (Rev. 1:4, 8;4:8; cf. John 1:1; 1 Jn. 2:13-14, 24), thus defining him in the same manner as truth.
Indeed, the title rendered in English as Jehovah means "he exists" and is the third person equivalent of the "I am" of Ex. 3:14 (cf. D&C 39:1).

In the Bible, Jesus is also called the "Alpha and Omega, the first and the last" (Rev. 1:8, 11, 17;2:8;21:6;22:13; cf. also Isa. 41:4;44:6;48:12, and see D&C
19:1;35:1;38:1;45:7;54:1;61:1;63:60;68:35;75:1;81:7;84:120;95:17;112:34;132:66;110:4). He is "the beginning" (Col. 1:18) and is "the Word" which was "in the
beginning with God" (John 1:1-2). The title the Word is also an important one (John 1:1; 1 Jn. 1:1). Jesus, speaking to the Father, said, "Thy word is truth" (John 17:17;
cf. 1 Thes. 2:13). The same expression is used in the Hebrew text of several biblical passages, where we read that the word is "verified" or "confirmed" (Hebrew
'amen, for example, 1 Kgs. 8:26; 2 Chr. 1:9;6:17; Ps. 19:8;89:29;111:7). Jesus is also called the "word of truth" (2 Tim. 2:15; James 1:18; Alma 38:9).

The  word is(c)
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                                           Media  titles of Jesus (D&C 84:45). Christ is called the "light of truth" (D&C 88:6; cf. verse 7) and the "true light" (1 Jn. 2:8;
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John 1:9). He is also the "Spirit of truth" (D&C 93:9, 26; John 14:17;15:26;16:13; 1 Jn. 4:6;5:6; D&C 50:14, 17, 19, 21, where he is also called the Word), and
Spirit and truth are likewise equated in 1 Jn. 5:6.
beginning with God" (John 1:1-2). The title the Word is also an important one (John 1:1; 1 Jn. 1:1). Jesus, speaking to the Father, said, "Thy word is truth" (John 17:17;
cf. 1 Thes. 2:13). The same expression is used in the Hebrew text of several biblical passages, where we read that the word is "verified" or "confirmed" (Hebrew
'amen, for example, 1 Kgs. 8:26; 2 Chr. 1:9;6:17; Ps. 19:8;89:29;111:7). Jesus is also called the "word of truth" (2 Tim. 2:15; James 1:18; Alma 38:9).

The word is truth and is also light, these being titles of Jesus (D&C 84:45). Christ is called the "light of truth" (D&C 88:6; cf. verse 7) and the "true light" (1 Jn. 2:8;
John 1:9). He is also the "Spirit of truth" (D&C 93:9, 26; John 14:17;15:26;16:13; 1 Jn. 4:6;5:6; D&C 50:14, 17, 19, 21, where he is also called the Word), and
Spirit and truth are likewise equated in 1 Jn. 5:6.

It is through truth that we are sanctified according to John 17:17, 19 (see also verse 3), allowing Paul to write of the "sanctification of the Spirit and belief of the
truth" (2 Thes. 2:13). In his prayers offered in the presence of the Nephites, Christ used the word believe five times and added that it was through faith that one could
be "purified" (3 Ne. 19:20-23, 28-29). When Jesus said "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free" (John 8:32), he was evidently referring to himself
and to the atonement which he alone brought.

Returning to Alma's definition of faith as a hope in that which is true, we can perhaps better understand why the first principle of the Gospel is "faith in the Lord Jesus
Christ" (Article of Faith 4). It is faith in the atoning power of Jesus which starts us on our pathway to salvation. Faith in anything less than this truth-ï¿½Jesus Christï¿½-
has no power to save.

When, therefore, we read that Jesus is the "Amen, the faithful and true witness," the "Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end" (Rev. 3:14;21:5-6), we must
understand these titles in light of Alma's definition of faith, which has primary reference to faith in Christ.

  The converse is found in Alma 30:15.

  The expression is found in Jer. 42:5, while in Prov. 14:25 we read of the "true witness." In D&C 1:37, we read that the revelations given to Joseph Smith are "true
and faithful," indicating their divine source.

  Orson Pratt in JD 2:342; cf. D&C 78:20;95:17, and see "Adam-ondi-Ahman" in D&C 78:15;107:53;116:1;117:8, 11.

   While some of the references from John 14 can be applied to the Holy Ghost, they are said in D&C 93:9, 11, 26, to refer to Jesus. Joseph Smith similarly indicated
that John 14:16-18, 21, 23, refer to Jesus (HC 3:380-81). Both Jesus and the Holy Ghost operate by means of the "light of Christ," and in at least one passage the
Holy Ghost speaks for Jesus in first person (Moses 5:9).

The Jewish Lectionary and Book of Mormon Prophecy
John L. Fowles

During New Testament times, the law of Moses was read in the synagogues (Acts 15:21). This tradition hearkened back to Moses when he declared that all Israel was
to appear before the Lord and hear a Levite priest read the Law (Deut. 31:9-11). Later, following the Babylonian captivity, under the direction of Ezra and Nehemiah,
public reading of the Law in the synagogue was reinstituted (Neh. 8:4-8, 17-18). By the first half of the third century B.C., regularly scheduled readings from the Law
became standardized. In fact, the Septuagint was apparently compiled so that public synagogue readings could take place throughout the Greek-speaking diaspora.

To accomplish the goal of reading all of the law of Moses on consecutive Sabbaths, the first five books of the Bible were divided up into approximately 150 sections
called sedarim. In Palestine there developed a three-year cycle for completing the reading of the Law, while in Babylon there was a tradition of completing the reading
of the Law in one year. Sometime later there also developed a tradition of haphtorahs. These synagogue readings from the Prophets paralleled thematically with their
corresponding sedarim. During the synagogue service, the Law would be read first and then the concluding passage from the Prophets.

Instances of public readings of the scriptures during the synagogue service are reported in the Bible. When Paul went into the synagogue at Antioch on the Sabbath
day, he heard the reading from the Law and Prophets. After being invited to speak, Paul gave a discourse on the history of Israel (Acts 13:14-15). Even earlier than
Paul, Jesus also taught in the synagogue after hearing the reading of the Law and Prophets. Jesus' experience at Nazareth is a most fascinating reference to this practice.
On that occasion, Luke says that, "as his custom was, he went into the synagogue on the sabbath day, and stood up for to read. And there was delivered to him the
book of the prophet Esaias. And when he had opened the book, he found the place where it was written . . ." (Luke 4:16-17). One cannot help noticing that the scroll
of Isaiah was delivered unto him. It does not appear that Jesus asked for that specific scroll. This illustrates the high probability of a set prophetic reading schedule for
that day from Isaiah. Luke also says that he "found" the place where it was written. The Greek word behind the text for "found" is heurein. It is an irregular verb which
literally means to find without previous search or by chance. In addition, the Greek word for "place" is topos and carries the idea of a place or portion marked off as
it were from surrounding space. All of these nuances from the language of the text demonstrate again the idea that Jesus was simply reading the prescribed passage
for that particular Sabbath.

The passage Jesus read from was Isa. 61:1-2. The prophetic haphtorahs were also known to be short and corresponded to the accompanying sedarim from the Law.
It is interesting to note that, according to Aileen Guilding's modern reconstruction of the sedarim schedule, the passage from the Law during Jesus' visit at Nazareth
would have been "If there be among you a poor man of one of thy brethren within any of thy gates in thy land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou shalt not harden
thine heart, nor shut thine hand from thy poor brother" (Deut. 15:7). Therefore, the haphtorah from Isaiah, like the corresponding sedarim from the Law, also
mentioned the preaching of the gospel to the poor or meek, "The Spirit of the Lord God is upon me; because the Lord hath anointed me to preach good tidings unto
the meek; he hath sent me to bind up the brokenhearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to them that are bound; to proclaim the
acceptable year of the Lord, and the day of vengeance of our god; to comfort all that mourn" (Isa. 61:1-2). After Jesus finished reading the scroll he gave the book to
the minister and sat down. Everyone in the synagogue was waiting for his comment about the reading. In majestic fash ion, Jesus announced that, "This day is this
scripture fulfilled in your ears" (Luke 4:21). Jesus, as on many other occasions, ful filled this messianic prophecy from Isaiah, which also was related to a similar theme
from the Law which the people of Nazareth would have been reading at the time.

Aileen Guilding's major contribution to the study of the triennial cycle of the reading of the Law and Prophets related to her study of the arrangement of the gospel of
John against the backdrop of the synagogue reading schedule. She showed that John's gospel was organized according to the major Jewish feasts and preserved many
of the long discourses of Jesus which the synoptics do not mention. According to this view, John's gospel was written to show Jewish readers that Jesus fulfilled
prophecy, particularly as it related to each successive feast. Guilding showed that not only did Jesus comment upon the very scriptures that were being studied at the
particular feast, but also the customs and practices associated with them. In her words, "These [John's] discourses are nearly all given on the successive feasts of the
Jewish year, and in each case the text is taken from the lection read at the feast in question, whilst the purpose of the sermon is to set forth Jesus himself as the
fulfillment of the things typified by that feast."

Jesus' announcement of visiting other sheep while in Jerusalem came during the time of the Feast of Dedication. This Jewish festival, sometimes called Hanukkah, was
an annual eight-day festival commencing on the 25th of Kislev (usually in December). Jewish tradition says that Judah Maccabee and his followers instituted the feast
after their recapture
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gladness (1 Maccabees 4:59). The book of Maccabees tells us that Judah Maccabee defeated Lysias, entered Jerusalem, and purified the temple by demolishing the
altar that had been built there by Antiochus Epiphanes. Judah and his brothers next deliberated concerning what to do about the altar of burnt offerings. They decided
to rebuild the sanctuary and interior of the temple. After this was completed, Judah and his brothers chose blameless priests to offer sacrifices again upon the
fulfillment of the things typified by that feast."

Jesus' announcement of visiting other sheep while in Jerusalem came during the time of the Feast of Dedication. This Jewish festival, sometimes called Hanukkah, was
an annual eight-day festival commencing on the 25th of Kislev (usually in December). Jewish tradition says that Judah Maccabee and his followers instituted the feast
after their recapture of Jerusalem in 164 B.C. Another name for the feast is actually the "dedication of the altar." The celebration was to be observed with joy and
gladness (1 Maccabees 4:59). The book of Maccabees tells us that Judah Maccabee defeated Lysias, entered Jerusalem, and purified the temple by demolishing the
altar that had been built there by Antiochus Epiphanes. Judah and his brothers next deliberated concerning what to do about the altar of burnt offerings. They decided
to rebuild the sanctuary and interior of the temple. After this was completed, Judah and his brothers chose blameless priests to offer sacrifices again upon the
consecrated altar. This feast is closely related to Solomon's consecration of the temple and the Feast of Tabernacles. In fact, the Feast of Dedication is called
Tabernacles in 2 Maccabees 1:9, 18. Josephus said that the feast from his time onward was called the Festival of Lights because the right to serve God came to the
people unexpectedly, like a sudden light.

According to Guilding's reconstruction of the triennial cycle, the sedarim during the Feast of Dedication came from Gen. 46:28-47:31 which spoke of the reuniting of
Joseph and Judah. The accompanying haphtorah for the first year was Ezek. 37:15-28 regarding the reuniting of Judah and Joseph, including their records. John tells us
in his gospel that the time of the year when Jesus uttered the famous "other sheep" prophecy was at the time of the "feast of dedication, and it was winter" (John 10:22).

Guilding's research on the triennial cycle, including the possibility of Ezek. 37 being the background to Jesus' sermon of other sheep, is impressive. Therefore, Christ
promised to visit his other sheep at the same time themes of shepherding, gathering, and Ezekiel's prediction of the Nephites' record being joined with the record of
Judah were being studied and read in the synagogue. In a profound but subtle way, Jesus was expounding upon the Law and prophetic readings associated with the
Feast of Dedication when he said he would visit his other sheep.

No one except Latter-day Saints makes the claim that the prophecy of Ezek. 37 applies to the Book of Mormon. Moreover, no one except Latter-day Saints believes
that John 10:16 has anything to do with the prophecy of Ezekiel or of Christ's visit to the New World. Rather, these critics would say Ezekiel's prophecy is simply a
symbolic representation of the reunification of Israel or that Jesus' sermon of visiting other sheep had reference only to the Gentiles and not to the rest of the house of
Israel. This historical background and setting regarding the synagogue reading schedule and the Feast of Dedication provides another look at the exciting connection
between these Old and New Testament prophecies concerning the coming forth of the Book of Mormon.

   Louis de Jong, "Torah, Reading of History," in Encyclopedia Judaica, 16 vols. (Jerusalem: Keter, 1974), 15:1246.

   Aileen Guilding, Jewish Worship and the Fourth Gospel: A Study of the Relation of St. John's Gospel to the Ancient Jewish Lectionary System (Oxford: Clarendon,
1960), 6. One scholar, Leon Morris, has written that Guilding's thesis is flawed because there is not an extant list of the triennial cycle at the time of Jesus. However,
others have posited that there was not an exact list because different communities had different haphtorahs at the time; see H. L. Strack and G. Stemberger,
Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (Edinburgh: Clark, 1991), 262, for a bibliography on this subject.

   Joseph H. Thayer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1977), 261.

   Ibid.

   Guilding, Jewish Worship and the Fourth Gospel, 234.

   Ibid., 45.

   Moshe David Herr, "Hanukkah," in Encyclopedia Judaica, 7:1280.

   Ibid., 7:1283.

   Guilding attributes this phenomenon more to the literary genius of the gospel of John than to Jesus himself. For Guilding, the complete book of John was organized
according to the chronological Jewish feasts. Moreover, Raymond Brown, one of the most prolific and respected New Testament scholars, commented on Guilding's
findings when he discussed Christ's "bread of life" sermon in The Gospel according to St. John I-XII (New York: Doubleday, 1966), 279-80: "For Miss Guilding the
setting in John vi is fictional, and it is a Christian author who has composed the discourse by blending the themes. However, once again if Jesus did speak in a
synagogue (John 6:59), how can we be certain a priori that he was not the one who drew the themes of the discourse from the synagogue readings? It may be objected
that the discourse reflects readings for all three years; yet, in a liturgical tradition, as a cycle is repeated over and over again, one becomes familiar with all the readings
for the great feasts. Thus Jesus may have illustrated his general topic taken from the seder of one year (Ex. 16) with pertinent phrases from the Passover sedarim and
haphtorah of other years."

   In Jewish terms, Jesus would have been giving a midrash, or interpretation, on the prophetic reading of Ezek. 37:15-28.

The Exodus of Lehi Revisited
Mark J. Johnson

In the past decade, there have been many reports on what has been called the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon. Although these reports have been fairly
comprehensive, I feel a few points have been missed. In addition to the numerous compar isons that have been made between the exodus of the children of Israel out of
Egypt and the exodus made by the Lehites from Jerusalem, I would like to add two additional parallels. The first deals with death in the desert and the second with
transfiguration.

The Burial of Ishmael: a Matter of Grave Importance

In 1952, Hugh Nibley first pointed out the significance of the name Nahom in relationship to the death of Ishmael. He also mentioned the importance of Ishmael's
daughters mourning his loss. What also becomes apparent is that, by the way Ishmael is buried in the desert, they (the Lehites) are following in the foot steps of their
fathers (the children of Israel under Moses).

Let us examine, side by side, two accounts of death and burial in the desert:

And it came to pass that And the bones of Joseph,
Ishmael died, and was buried which the children of Israel
in the place which was called brought up out of Egypt,
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parcel of ground which Jacob
bought. (Josh. 24:32)
And it came to pass that And the bones of Joseph,
Ishmael died, and was buried which the children of Israel
in the place which was called brought up out of Egypt,
Nahom. (1 Ne. 16:34) buried they in Shechem, in a
parcel of ground which Jacob
bought. (Josh. 24:32)

I feel that it is most likely that Ishmael died well before (possibly weeks or even months) the Lehites arrived at Nahom. Dr. Nibley points out it is not uncommon for
desert people to carry their dead many miles to locate the proper place of burial. Just as Joseph was buried in a special parcel of land, it seems only natural that the
Lehites would wait until they found a proper place to bury Ishmael.

In their report to F.A.R.M.S., Warren and Michaela Aston show that the place of Nahom is a few miles off the main trail that the Lehites took. It is unlikely that they
would go out of their way unless it was rather important. Surely, one thing that would make them go out of their way would be the death of a loved one. It is important
to note, as do the Astons, that Nahom already existed and was already a place of burial. The chances seem slim that Ishmael would die as the party arrived at
Nahom. The logical conclusion is that Ishmael died along the way and was carried to Nahom.

We cannot conclude whether the Lehites were aware of the parallels to the Exodus as they were reenacting them, although it appears that Nephi did at least thirty years
later. We can be sure that, like the children of Israel, they honored their patriarchs and also were following ancient ritual in burying their dead.

The Transfiguration of Nephi

Bruce R. McConkie defines transfiguration as "a special change in appearance and nature which is wrought upon a person . . . by the power of God."           Let us
examine two accounts of transfiguration in the desert.

And it came to pass that I, And when Aaron and all the
Nephi, said many things unto children of Israel saw Moses,
my brethren, insomuch that behold, the skin of his face
they were confounded and shone; and they were afraid to
could not contend against me; come nigh unto him. (Exodus
neither durst they lay their 34:30)
hands upon me nor touch me
with their fingers, even for the
space of many days. Now they
durst not do this lest they
should wither before me, so
powerful was the Spirit of
God; and thus it was wrought
upon them. (1 Ne. 17:52)

It is interesting to note that in both instances the literal brothers of Moses and Nephi witnessed the transfiguration. Both sets of brethren weren't quite sure what to make
out of the situation. Aaron was afraid to go to Moses while Nephi's brothers were shocked by the power of the Lord which was in him (1 Ne. 17:53).

In both accounts, the effect of the power of God upon mortal flesh is detailed. Moses' skin shone while Nephi mentions that he was "filled with the power of God, even
to the consuming of my flesh" (1 Ne. 17:48). Nephi was indeed transfigured by the Lord and therefore was able to better understand Moses' situation. In fact, Nephi
gives a powerful sermon on the symbolism of the exodus of the children of Israel just prior to his state of transfiguration.

We find that the parallels between the two instances of exodus are numerous. Through these parallels we are able to understand the mentality of the Lehites as they
emulated the children of Israel. We also can better recognize the hand of the Lord in guiding his covenant people.

About the Contributors

Robert L. Bunker, B.S., has worked twenty-five years at the Caltech/Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Pasadena, California. Currently he serves as Division (Chief)
Engineer, Observational Systems Division, JPL.

Richard D. Draper, Ph.D., is associate professor of ancient scripture at Brigham Young University.

John L. Fowles, Ph.D., is an instructor at the Logan Institute in the Church Educational System.

D. Lynn Johnson, Ph.D., is Walter P. Murphy Professor of Materials Science and Engineering at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois.

Mark J. Johnson is completing his associate degree in English at Salt Lake Community College.

Alan C. Miner, D.M.D., is a practicing dentist in Springville, Utah.

Bruce M. Pritchett, Jr., J.D., practices insurance and medical malpractice law with the Salt Lake law firm of Hanson, Epperson & Smith.

John A. Tvedtnes, M.A., is a technical writer in Salt Lake City.

Book of Mormon Studies Spring 1995
Special Issue:
The Book of Mormon Writings of
Sidney B. Sperry

Foundation for Ancient Research and
Mormon  Studies
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                        Page 291 / 919
Provo, Utah

ï¿½ 1995 Foundation for Ancient Research
Sidney B. Sperry

Foundation for Ancient Research and
Mormon Studies
Provo, Utah

ï¿½ 1995 Foundation for Ancient Research
and Mormon Studies
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America

George S. Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," in Literature of Belief: Sacred Scripture and Religious Experiences, ed. Neal E.
Lambert (Provo: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1981), 245-62; Terrence L. Szink, "To a Land of Promise (1 Ne. 16-18)," in Studies in
Scripture: Volume Seven, 1 Nephi to Alma 29 , ed. Kent P. Jackson (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987), 60-72; S. Kent Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the Book
of Mormon," BYU Studies 30 (Summer 1990): 112-26; and Bruce J. Boehm, "Wanderers in the Promised Land: A Study of the Exodus Motif in the Book of
Mormon and Holy Bible," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 3/1 (Spring 1944): 187-203.

Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert; World of the Jaredites; There Were Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 79 (first published in 1952).

Had the Lehites possessed the knowledge of Egyptian enbalming techniques among their Egyptian learning (1 Ne. 1:2), they surely would have carried Ishmael's body
into the promised land. For further discussion of cultural connections between Egypt and Judah, see Hugh W. Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon, 3rd ed.,
vol. 6 in the Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and F.A.R.M.S., 1988), 84-92.

Nibley, Lehi in the Deseret, 90.

Warren P. and Michaela J. Aston, "The Place Which Was Called Nahom: The Validation of an Ancient Reference to Southern Arabia," F.A.R.M.S. paper, 1991.

Ibid., 10.

For further discussion, see Boehm, "Wanderers in the Promised Land," 189-90.

Bruce R. McConkie, Mormon Doctrine (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1994), 803.

Editor's Introduction

Stephen D. Ricks

Our purpose in featuring the Book of Mormon writings of Sidney B. Sperry in this special issue is to make accessible many of his essays that are out of print or are not
readily available. This year marks the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Sidney Sperry, an individual who did much ground-breaking work in the study of the
scriptures, particularly the Book of Mormon, from the 1930s to the 1970s. Over the past decade FARMS has made available a selection of Sperry's essays as reprints
or typescripts-with this issue, we have standardized the format of those selections and made them available in one volume.

Although Book of Mormon research has progressed beyond the pioneering explorations and views of Dr. Sperry, his works deserve attention. They identified issues
and proposed solutions that still remain stimulating to Book of Mormon scholars. We make no effort here to evaluate, critique, or update Sperry's discussions, but trust
that serious students will benefit by having his writings conveniently available.

In this issue, several chapters from Sperry's 1947 Our Book of Mormon have been included. The beginning chapters in this work discuss the contents of each book in
the Book of Mormon in basic outline form. Sperry next deals with the Book of Mormon as literature-he includes the Book of Mormon in his definition of great
literature-and cites examples and provides parallels of sixteen different types of literature found in the Book of Mormon: gospel, epistle, psalm, lamentation, historical
narrative, memoir, prophetic discourse, oratory, patriarchal blessing, symbolic prophecy, prophetic narrative, prophetic dialogue, allegory, prayer, song, and genealogy.
Sperry treats literary problems that the Book of Mormon sheds light on-the authorship of the Pentateuch and Isaiah, as well as issues surrounding the Book of Mormon
use of the Sermon on the Mount and various New Testament scriptures. He further expands on textual criticism as it relates to the Book of Mormon and to the brass
plates.

Sperry's 1970 Book of Mormon Compendium, though currently out of print, remains accessible to the serious Book of Mormon student and has therefore, with few
exceptions, not been included in this issue. In this standard commentary, Sperry provides a description of the contents and an analysis of each book in the Book of
Mormon. He retells the narrative and deals with some important issues-the use of the Urim and Thummim, linguistic aspects of the plates, the title page, the Three and
Eight Witnesses, the nature of the Church in the Book of Mormon, the properties of God, the relationship of humankind with God, death and the afterlife, and the
"Isaiah problem" (was there more than one author of Isaiah?). Three themes that he terms "outstanding messages" of the Book of Mormon are a warning of impending
destruction, a testimony that Jesus is the Christ, and the destiny of the remnant of the house of Israel. Those articles appearing in this issue from the Compendium
include "The 'Isaiah Problem' in the Book of Mormon" and "Some Universals in the Book of Mormon" (both were originally published in Our Book of Mormon ). They
have been included because they appeared numerous times in his publications. Dr. Sperry must have felt strongly about their message to have repeated them so
frequently.

While many parts of the Compendium are fairly basic, Sperry does provide good seminal thoughts on a variety of issues. In preparing his Compendium, Sperry has
applied common sense; consulted Church history documents, the Bible, and the Doctrine and Covenants; made occasional reference to non- Mormon scholars, such as
C. C. Torrey and S. R. Driver; and drawn comparisons between passages in the Book of Mormon, the King James Version of the Bible, and the Septuagint.

In the additional articles in this issue that follow the chapters from Our Book of Mormon . Sperry examines remnants of Hebrew idioms and structure found in the Book
of Mormon and staunchly maintains that it was translated from an ancient document. Sperry presents a number of "universals" he finds within the Book of Mormon,
explores the composition of Lehi's family, describes the Book of Mormon message on brotherhood, clarifies the term Lamanite, and recounts the last years of Moroni's
life, during which he wrote the title page of the Book of Mormon. In addition, Sperry touches on the still-debated issue of the existence of one or two Cumorahs. Our
selection of articles has been rounded out by the inclusion of Sperry's discussion on the selection of scriptures quoted by Moroni to Joseph Smith on the evening of 21
September 1823. Three of the articles-"The Isaiah Quotation: 2 Nephi 12-24," "Were There Two Cumorahs," and "Moroni Expounds Old Testament Scriptures"-have
never previously appeared in a formal publication.

If items have been previously published, we have left the text basically intact with some minor changes: (1) Where Sperry referred to himself in the third person as "the
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author," we (c)
            have2005-2009,  Infobase
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                                       modern Corp.                                                                                                 Page
                                                usage in the first person; (2) where Sperry included some bibliographic references within the text, we  have292
                                                                                                                                                             moved/ 919
                                                                                                                                                                     those
to footnotes; (3) where Sperry referred to the number of pages in a given section of the Book of Mormon, we have updated that to correspond to our 1981 edition;
(4) a few words or phrases have been changed to correspond to modern usage; and (5) we have written and included abstracts and subheadings that did not appear in
never previously appeared in a formal publication.

If items have been previously published, we have left the text basically intact with some minor changes: (1) Where Sperry referred to himself in the third person as "the
author," we have changed that to more modern usage in the first person; (2) where Sperry included some bibliographic references within the text, we have moved those
to footnotes; (3) where Sperry referred to the number of pages in a given section of the Book of Mormon, we have updated that to correspond to our 1981 edition;
(4) a few words or phrases have been changed to correspond to modern usage; and (5) we have written and included abstracts and subheadings that did not appear in
Sperry's original writings. Many of Sperry's sources are dated at this point in time, but every effort has been made to provide full bibliographic information for all of his
references in case readers wish to locate those sources.

We have tried to provide a comprehensive bibliography of Sidney Sperry's writings, something which has not been previously available. Because of our emphasis on
the Book of Mormon, we have also provided chapter titles for those of his volumes that deal specifically with the Book of Mormon.

A number of individuals have aided in the success of this volume and deserve our rich thanks. Steven Booras and Rebecca Kint scanned in some of the articles. John
W. Welch has provided direction to this issue, and Melvin J. Thorne has furnished able editorial support. Daniel B. McKinlay prepared most of the bibliography and
performed other research tasks. Michael Lyon was instrumental in obtaining and preparing the photographs included. Carma and Richard Anderson, A. Burt Horsley,
Keith Meservy, Hugh Nibley, Robert Patch, Ellis Rasmussen, and David Yarn have added personal insights into the character and background of Sidney Sperry. We
are pleased that the efforts of so many individuals have resulted in an issue that honors Sidney B. Sperry and his contributions to the scholarly study of the Book of
Mormon.

Sidney B. Sperry

Sidney Branton Sperry was born in Salt Lake City on December 26, 1895, a son of Harrison and Josephine Titcomb Sperry.

In 1917 he was awarded a B.S. degree from the University of Utah with a major in chemistry. After graduating, he was employed as a chemist by the United States
Bureau of Metallurgical Research. He filled a successful mission to the Southern States from 1919 to 1921, serving about twenty months as president of the South
Carolina Conference. He returned home from his mission in 1921 and, on September 1 of that year, married Eva Lila Braithwaite. They became the parents of eight
children.

Interrupting his seminary and institute teaching, he earned and was awarded a master of arts degree in Old Testament by the University of Chicago Divinity School
(1926), and a doctorate by the University of Chicago Old Testament division of the Oriental Language and Literatures Department (1931). While working on his
doctorate in 1926, Dr. Sperry was appointed director of the Institute of Religion at the University of Idaho. Following his doctorate he did postdoctoral work in
archaeology at the American School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem (1931-32).

In 1932 at the end of his year abroad, Dr. Sperry joined the faculty of Brigham Young University. His specialized study was in the field of Old Testament language and
literature. He also taught the New Testament and latter-day scriptures along with courses in Greek history, Roman history, and mathematics.

From 1948 to 1954, Dr. Sperry was director of the Division of Religion at Brigham Young University, and from 1954 to 1959 he was director of Graduate Studies in
Religion.

In May 1962, Brigham Young University bestowed the Karl G. Maeser Distinguished Teaching Award upon him. He retired from Brigham Young University in 1971.

Dr. Sperry was a major contributor in the Know Your Religion series and gave speeches in both the Assembly Hall and the LDS Business College in Salt Lake City.
He was an early participant in the education week programs conducted by Brigham Young University and gave lectures for such programs in Utah, Idaho, Nevada,
California, Washington, and Alberta, Canada.

Dr. Sperry was widely known as an author. He wrote numerous articles for the Improvement Era, the Millennial Star, the Instructor, and the Ensign. He also prepared
lessons or manuals for the Sunday School, the MIA, and the Relief Society general boards of the Church. He authored eighteen books, some of which are Our Book
of Mormon, The Voice of Israel's Prophets, Paul's Life and Letters, the Doctrine and Covenants Compendium, and the Book of Mormon Compendium.

Dr. Sperry passed away on September 4, 1977. His funeral was held in the Joseph Smith Auditorium.

Most of the material in this biography appeared in the publication of a former Sperry Symposium.

Sidney B. Sperry:
the Man Scholar and Teacher

,ID:8F36D> ( a world where it was fashionable to deny the literalness of the Bible and revelation, Brother Sperry, almost alone, played a crucial role in defending the
Bible, the Book of Mormon, and other revelations given to Joseph Smith. (Hugh Nibley)

Ellis Rasmussen reports that while Sidney Sperry was still a student at LDS High School in Salt Lake, he heard of Bishop Franklin S. Spalding's attempt to discredit the
book of Abraham, and he then made a mental note that he might someday undertake to defend the latter-day scriptures he saw under attack. In a KBYU-FM radio
program in December 1967 Brother Sperry described how he had earlier come across the grammar and alphabet for the book of Abraham, which he was able to use
as a basis for his defense of the scriptures. Although he could have found fame through his writing in professional journals (the 1959 printing of the Brown, Driver, and
Briggs A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament acknowledges Brother Sperry's contributions to its accuracy), he chose to devote his knowledge of
biblical languages, archaeology, and history to helping the Latter-day Saints. Paramount in his study of the scriptures are his exploration and explanation of the Book of
Mormon.

Brother Sperry's journey to this level of scholarship was marked by a milestone at the University of Chicago. Russel Swensen notes that in 1925 Sperry left his small
family to obtain a master's degree in Old Testament languages and literature, which he received a year later. In 1931 he became the first Latter-day Saint scholar to
obtain a doctorate in divinity school education, with his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago. Brother Swensen remarks that Brother Sperry was a highly effective and
popular teacher and a prolific author of many scholarly books, Church manuals, and articles dealing with biblical and modern scriptural studies.

In 1932 Brother Sperry began teaching at Brigham Young University. It was here that Robert Patch began his association with him. Visiting Utah for the centennial
celebrations in 1947, Brother Patch was walking by Brother Sperry's office when he was invited in to visit, whereupon Brother Sperry hired him on the spot, about the
same time that he hired Reid Bankhead and Calvin Bartholomew. For the better part of three years, Brother Sperry was their Hebrew teacher. Brother Patch recalls
that Brother Sperry was a major influence in their study of the scriptures. One colleague asked him if he believed in what he was writing, and he answered,
 Copyright (c) affirmative."
"Categorically  2005-2009, OnInfobase  Media
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                                                  Brother Patch fondly remembers Brother Sperry calling the members of the Patch family on their birthdays          / 919
                                                                                                                                                               to wish them
a happy birthday. He also recalls the solicitous way he treated Sister Sperry in her last few years of failing health. Brother Patch ranks Brother Sperry along with
George Reynolds and Hugh Nibley as the foremost Book of Mormon scholars of their time.
In 1932 Brother Sperry began teaching at Brigham Young University. It was here that Robert Patch began his association with him. Visiting Utah for the centennial
celebrations in 1947, Brother Patch was walking by Brother Sperry's office when he was invited in to visit, whereupon Brother Sperry hired him on the spot, about the
same time that he hired Reid Bankhead and Calvin Bartholomew. For the better part of three years, Brother Sperry was their Hebrew teacher. Brother Patch recalls
that Brother Sperry was a major influence in their study of the scriptures. One colleague asked him if he believed in what he was writing, and he answered,
"Categorically affirmative." On a personal note, Brother Patch fondly remembers Brother Sperry calling the members of the Patch family on their birthdays to wish them
a happy birthday. He also recalls the solicitous way he treated Sister Sperry in her last few years of failing health. Brother Patch ranks Brother Sperry along with
George Reynolds and Hugh Nibley as the foremost Book of Mormon scholars of their time.

Keith Meservy met Brother Sperry a year later, in 1948, upon returning from his mission. He recalls that when he needed a class in biblical Aramaic, Brother Sperry
willingly agreed to teach him one on one, since there were no other students. He remembers that Brother Sperry was an organist for the Provo Fourth Ward (having
been one of the last students of John J. McClellan, organist at the Salt Lake Tabernacle) and that he had been a boxer in his younger days. Brother Meservy tells an
interesting story about a race sponsored in Provo for a course from Provo to Manti via Nephi and back. The object of the race was to use the least amount of gas, and
Brother Sperry in his Volkswagen won this race at least twice.

Brother Meservy has a favorite anecdote concerning Brother Sperry's writing habits. He reports, "One day when I went into his office to see him, I found him working
on one of his books. He had a pile of papers neatly stacked on the right side of his desk. Each sheet was written in long hand. When I learned that this was the
manuscript of his next book, I looked in amazement at the unruffled stack of papers lying there. (In those precomputer days, I not only typed out whatever I wrote, but
also double-spaced it to make sure I had enough room to make corrections. Handwriting anything, knowing that it would all have to be rewritten, was too laborious
and time consuming a way to write to my way of thinking. The thought of writing a whole book by this process amazed me.) When I made an observation to this effect,
he chuckled and noted that a friend of his had recognized his lifelong disposition to write well-composed paragraphs by nicknaming him 'One-Write Sperry.' "

David Yarn, in the book They Gladly Taught, highlights Brother Sperry's championing Brigham Young University as a center for scriptural study. As he worked to
recruit and keep qualified scholars in religion, Brother Sperry never hesitated to ask President Howard S. McDonald or President Ernest L. Wilkinson for better
salaries for those with whom he was building the program. He was not known, however, to ask more for himself. Brother Yarn also comments on Brother Sperry's war
contribution, noting that he taught mathematics and Morse code on campus to young men in the reserve officer training program. He remembers that Brother Sperry's
son Lyman identified him as the first person in Utah to make contact by wireless with ships in the Pacific, and that, in the early war years, Brother Sperry drove a truck
at Geneva Steel while the plant was being constructed. Brother Sperry was a pioneer of the Brigham Young University Study Abroad program in the Holy Land,
leading the first BYU-sponsored trip to Jerusalem. Though his interest and abilities in archaeology are sometimes overlooked when compared with his teaching and
writing accomplishments, he and four others were responsible for the establishment of Brigham Young University's Department of Archaeology in 1946.

Brother A. Burt Horsley recalls that he first came to know Sidney Sperry when he came to Brigham Young as a student in the fall of 1940 and was very impressed with
his first class from him on doctrines of the Church. His graphic use of drawings, analogies, and word forms helped enormously in grasping the meaning of what he
taught. Brother Horsley's personal testimony was greatly strengthened by the way Brother Sperry dealt with the "Deutero-Isaiah" problem with the help of the Book of
Mormon.

Brother Horsley remembers that Brother Sperry enjoyed boat fishing; although his weekdays were full of school work, he could usually squeeze in a few hours at the
lake on weekends. He especially enjoyed going with one of the General Authorities.

As with Brother Sperry's many friends and colleagues, Brother Horsely missed him when he retired. His passing in 1977 imposed a great loss on many friends and
admirers.

Editor's note: We appreciate the kindness of the people mentioned here in letting us summarize and publish their personal reminiscences of Sidney Sperry; see Ellis T.
Rasmussen, "Sidney B. Sperry: Student of the Book of Mormon," Ensign 6 (July 1986): 24-27; Russel B. Swensen, "Mormons at the University of Chicago Divinity
School," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 7/2 (Summer 1972): 37-47; and David Yarn, "Sidney B. Sperry," in They Gladly Taught: Ten BYU Professors, ed.
Jean Anne Waterstradt (Provo, Ut: Brigham Young University and the Emeritus Club, 1986), 159-65.

Sidney B. Sperry:
Memories

Carma deJong Anderson

I was acquainted with the Sperry family throughout my childhood, since I often played with their daughter, Phyllis, in grade school and junior high. Only occasionally did
I ever see Brother Sperry at his home on Seventh North, but when I did he was reading in his living room to the left of the front door. We kids spent most of our
playing time outside under the huge trees that shaded their house, or at my house half a block away by the "lower campus" of Brigham Young University. About the
time I was ready to graduate from high school, I sometimes walked to the "upper campus" to the beautiful new Joseph Smith Building, seeking greater excitement at the
only branch of the Church on campus, which was held in the auditorium and was composed solely of students. Often I would see Brother Sperry plodding up the hill to
the Smith building to study and write on Sunday in the solitude of his private office. Solitude was rare on school days.

The summer before my third year at the university (1950), my intended husband and I spent a great deal of time discussing aspects of the gospel and the latest research
with various scholars on the faculty. We were quite often in the office of either Hugh Nibley or Sidney Sperry; they were right next to each other. The welcome given
my boyfriend, the budding scholar Richard L. Anderson, and me, the old friend, was warm, and these two great minds of the Religion Department shared some very
personal insights with us.

One day, as Brother Sperry was busy filing papers around his room, Richard and I had perched on his desk, and there, in the brilliant sunshine filtering through the tall
sculptured junipers at the spacious window, we listened to a pivotal dream which had come to Brother Sperry when he had just finished graduate work in Chicago.

I was ready to begin teaching and connecting myself with a university that valued scholarship, and I seriously considered staying somewhere in the east, at a larger,
more prestigious center of learning. The desire to do this was very strong, and I didn't really think I would ally myself with Brigham Young University because it was still
so small and so far from other great universities and libraries. I was thinking that perhaps I could be a Mormon scholar "out in the world," and thereby have an influence
for good among non-Mormons. Then one night I dreamed that I was up high, looking down on the foothills of Y mountain, but it was a time farther in the future. The
campus I saw was not the tiny cluster of buildings I had known, but a great array of many, many buildings. Some very big, like none yet seen in Provo, and there were
tall buildings in the shape of towers. Yes, tall towers! I was amazed at Brigham Young University, and I thought, "How much is going on in those buildings, with
thousands of students and teachers, and much research. What a power for good it is!"

Then I scanned the foothills and saw that the university spread northward, with many more buildings, and most of the structures were white. They reached the point
where they adjoined a white temple, and I thought, "So we will have a temple here as predicted!"

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We broke in(c)
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                              the temple     Corp.
                                         wasn't                                                                                                 Page
                                                in the middle of the campus? Brigham Young University has been built on 'temple hill' as the pioneers    294it, /and
                                                                                                                                                      called      919we
always thought there would be a temple in the center of this hill." He answered:
Then I scanned the foothills and saw that the university spread northward, with many more buildings, and most of the structures were white. They reached the point
where they adjoined a white temple, and I thought, "So we will have a temple here as predicted!"

We broke in and asked, "Then the temple wasn't in the middle of the campus? Brigham Young University has been built on 'temple hill' as the pioneers called it, and we
always thought there would be a temple in the center of this hill." He answered:

No. I saw the temple at the end of the great white buildings, farther north in the foothills. The white of the buildings shone with such a light in that dream that later, when
Architect Markham began using tan colored bricks for some of the buildings I was very upset. Of course, this beautiful cast stone Joseph Smith Building is white! [This
was long before the present Smith Building was built.] But can you imagine [he mused] those tall towers gleaming white-for little Brigham Young University?

We left that day seriously considering coming to teach at Brigham Young University as a base for our work also.

Sidney B. Sperry:
Steadfast Scholar

Richard Lloyd Anderson

In the Sperry years, a young apostle named Spencer Kimball addressed a Brigham Young University devotional on "A Style of Our Own," of course speaking of the
need to harmonize gospel modesty with fashion in dress. By that time Brother Sperry had taken religious studies far down a similar road by creating a "Scholarship of
Our Own." This quest did not aim at simplistic answers that bypassed hard issues. His own academic career started in science and moved to biblical languages, two
fields that first mastered tools and then correlated hard data. For him there was no compromise on the truth of the Book of Mormon and the revelations of Joseph
Smith. It was a given that these sources were part of the accurate body of information out of which a view of history and religious knowledge must be constructed. I
have heard Brother Sperry tell of a Brigham Young University departmental official who said to a group that Sperry graduated from the University of Chicago without
learning anything-meaning that he did not adopt the world view of religious liberalism which was then in vogue.

Two major paths of higher learning emerged in that put-down some six decades ago. Is graduate study memorizing and agreeing with some consensus of senior
academicians? Is it the equivalent of a political party, defined by conclusions? Or is the doctorate a rigorous training in recognized skills, with the ability to have
independent judgment on the meaning of objective information? I talked personally with another Latter-day Saint institute teacher holding a doctorate from the
University of Chicago in Brother Sperry's era. This man spent decades disseminating the point of view of his professors without much effort to bring insights from
modern revelation to his field of the Old Testament, and he regretted passing up the offer to be pastor at a major Protestant church of liberal orientation. His scholarship
had replaced his Mormonism instead of enriching it.

This story illustrates an element of the academic climate that Sidney Sperry faced on returning to Brigham Young University after graduate school and some residence in
the Near East. Certainly not all Brigham Young University teachers espoused secular learning at the expense of their religious heritage, but enough lived up to the
mission of the university to reflect the merging of revealed and secular knowledge. In this setting he had an impressive dream that I have heard him relate on several
private occasions. It surprised him that the university was crowned by a temple above it because, as my wife accurately reports his detail, most people expected that
building to be on the traditional "temple hill," near the Maeser Building. He felt that his view of the immensity and whiteness of the physical buildings was a wondrous
symbol of the future blending of the glory of God with the best intelligence of mankind. Yet he took the dream so literally that he complained to Fred Markham, the
architect of the first Joseph Smith Building, that new buildings did not contain enough white stone to match his earlier dream.

Sidney Sperry built solidly in his own area, where for a time he held the position we would now equate with a dean. He sought the combination of conviction and formal
learning, recruiting a number of teachers who have since gone on to finish successful careers. I first came in contact with Brother Sperry when I was a college student
after World War II and a successful mission. He heard that I sought to master biblical languages and contacted me to say that Brigham Young University furnished the
best opportunities. He took a personal interest in asking Hugh Nibley to join him, and spent an early evening in conference with my father and me. Of course I was both
flattered and persuaded to come to Brigham Young at the outset. When later pressures made formal Hebrew classes burdensome, Sidney Sperry took the initiative to
ask me to come in regularly over a long period of time for personal tutoring. His sharing of time beyond the classroom proves his depth of conviction of the value of
gospel scholarship. In addition to this example, I learned from him that senior scholars have a duty to give copies of their own books and articles to those who might
follow in their steps. Many who later became religion teachers attest that he practiced "mentoring" long before the term was invented.

The trademark of this man was personable optimism. In the halls and classroom he carried the warm spirit of brotherhood, not professional austerity. Jesus told the
Twelve that they should freely give because they had freely received (Matt. 10:8). Sidney Sperry wrote much as a means of sharing the gospel. He probably served for
decades in the Sunday School as a Gospel Doctrine teacher. In our early years of marriage, Carma and I were stimulated by a real study of doctrine by regularly
attending his classes. As a student or colleague, I would stop in the hall to ask, "How are you, Brother Sperry?" I can still see his smile as he often answered, "Fine, as
far as I'm translated correctly."

Eli Rasmussen, Sidney Sperry, and Keith Meservy
examining characters relating to the Dead Sea Scrolls
1959

Sidney B. Sperry
As I Remember and Appreciate Him

Ellis T. Rasmussen

The last books I have from Dr. Sperry, given and inscribed by him in April and November of 1970, address me as his "beloved friend and colleague, with compliments
and best wishes." He has been a friend to me from the beginning of our association and helped me to become a colleague.

The first contacts I had with Dr. Sperry came at Brigham Young University during 1941. I was twenty-five years of age, single, just home from a mission in Germany
and our own Southern states (the German missions were closed at the onset of the war). He seemed to take a personal interest in me not only because we shared an
affection for the South but also because he seemed to think I had some potential he could help develop.

I finished my bachelor's degree that same summer and went to work in the fall of 1941 in the LDS Church Education System, opening up an experimental half-time
seminary in a small high school in Weston, Idaho-teaching three classes in seminary and three in the high school. Dr. Sperry had been a pioneer in CES and thought I
made a good choice in seeking employment there.

Each summer from then until 1949 I returned to Brigham Young University, undertaking graduate work under Dr. Sperry's guidance. He, having begun his biblical
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language studies in graduate school in Chicago in a field totally different from his undergraduate major, didn't hesitate to recommend that I, belatedly,      295
                                                                                                                                                          get into Old/ 919
Testament languages and literature. "Scholars in the Church haven't paid enough attention to Hebrew since the time of the Prophet Joseph," he said.
seminary in a small high school in Weston, Idaho-teaching three classes in seminary and three in the high school. Dr. Sperry had been a pioneer in CES and thought I
made a good choice in seeking employment there.

Each summer from then until 1949 I returned to Brigham Young University, undertaking graduate work under Dr. Sperry's guidance. He, having begun his biblical
language studies in graduate school in Chicago in a field totally different from his undergraduate major, didn't hesitate to recommend that I, belatedly, get into Old
Testament languages and literature. "Scholars in the Church haven't paid enough attention to Hebrew since the time of the Prophet Joseph," he said.

By the fall of 1949 he had made arrangements enabling me to come and teach part time at Brigham Young University and undertake graduate work in earnest. So my
wife, our small family, and I bought a small new home in Orem. Within two more years I had my master's degree and, thanks to Dr. Sperry, an opportunity to teach full
time at Brigham Young University, starting in 1951.

It didn't stop there, however. In 1955 I was looking for schools in the East where I might further pursue biblical languages and literature. I chose a somewhat obscure
graduate school in Philadelphia, and my old mentor encouraged me therein because he recognized the names and works of some of the faculty there. My growing
family and I moved to a suburb of Philadelphia in 1957-58, with the help of a modest sabbatical leave grant, aided by a little cost-of-living supplement arranged by
someone who remains unidentified.

I remember with pleasure many facets of my association with Sidney B. Sperry. One day I volunteered in class a possible cognate for one of the Hebrew words for
"seer"; though he perceived what I was suggesting, he explained it to the class, assuming they might not see it. One morning I came into his office and upon inquiring
about his health received the jolly response, "Oh, I'm all right, so far as I am translated correctly!" I treasured his appreciation of the Church, its music, and its
programs; I still turn occasionally to find again some item of interest and value I remember in his early MIA course of study (for 1938-39), entitled Ancient Records
Testify in Papyrus and Stone. I admire the fact that his early interest in biblical languages and literature led him not only into deep insights in the Old Testament, but also
into a deep commitment to and understanding and firm testimony of all of our standard works. I admired his familiar and friendly association with several of our General
Authorities. I own and use a dozen of the books he authored concerning our several books of scripture.

Sidney B. Sperry has been and remains in my memory affectionately "my old mentor, and friend."

What the Book of Mormon Is

Abstract: The records of the Nephite, Jaredite, and Mulekite peoples comprise the Book of Mormon, of which Mormon is the principal editor. Four divisions are
evident, namely, the small plates of Nephi, Mormon's explanatory notes, the literary labors of Mormon, and the literary labors of Moroni. The first division, the small
plates of Nephi, is analyzed in this chapter.

In this and the two succeeding chapters we shall analyze the Book of Mormon and find out what it is-its construction, the nature of its books, and the purposes for
which it was written. Considerable exploratory work has already been accomplished toward discovering the nature of the Book of Mormon, but much still remains to
be done. The eyes of trained scholars and spiritual readers will yet discover for us many things of interest that have not yet been discerned in this volume.

In its English dress, the Book of Mormon is "translation literature" or a collection of scriptures, the greater part of which stems from people who were descendants of
two groups of Hebrews who left Jerusalem about 600 B.C., and came to this continent. It records in simple literary forms the relations of God with these covenant
peoples, who were principally descendants of Abraham through Joseph who was sold into Egypt. One colony, composed mainly of people from the tribes of Ephraim
and Manasseh, departed from Jerusalem in the year 600 B.C. under the leadership of a prophet by the name of Lehi; the other was made up of refugees who left
Jerusalem, presumably about 589 B.C., when Zedekiah, king of Judah, was carried away captive into Babylon. One of these refugees was a son of Zedekiah by the
name of Mulek, who is not mentioned in the Bible. The other sons of Zedekiah, it will be remembered, were slain by the Babylonians (2 Kgs. 25:7).

After arriving on this continent, the first colony eventually split into two groups: (1) the Nephites, named after Nephi, the son of Lehi, and (2) the Lamanites, named
after Laman, the oldest son of Lehi. These were cursed with a red skin.

The members of the second colony, known among us as Mulekites, were led by the hand of the Lord to this continent, but, unlike the Nephites, they had no scriptures
with them. They became more numerous than the people of Nephi and were discovered eventually by the Nephites and united with them sometime between 279 B.C.
and 130 B.C. (Omni 1:12-23; Mosiah 25:1-4; notice that the King Mosiah mentioned in Omni is the grandfather of the one in the latter reference).

The Book of Mormon also contains a translation of the severely abridged records of another people called Jaredites, who left the Tower of Babel at the time the Lord
confounded the language of the people, and under divine guidance came to this continent. The remnants of this people, who became a great nation, were being
destroyed by internecine conflicts and civil wars at, or shortly before, the time the Nephites and Mulekites came to this hemisphere.

It will be observed from what has been said that the Book of Mormon covers a period of about twenty-seven hundred years: (1) the history of the Jaredites from 2300
B.C. [?] to 600 B.C. and (2) the history of the Nephites from 600 B.C. to A.D. 400. We hasten to add at this point that much of the Nephite scripture consists of
abridged records, the details of which will be dealt with presently.

The Book of Mormon-like the Bible in many respects-is a book of life. It deals with the history of nations over a period of hundreds of years and therefore contains a
great number of vital experiences, political and spiritual, individual and national, social and ethical, pleasant and painful. Through and behind these significant and vital
experiences we behold God at work, making known his character, will, and designs to his earthly children. In short, we may say that the Book of Mormon is a book of
life because it faithfully records and interprets life situations in the long history of religious peoples, and simply and effectively presents a revelation of how God works
with man.

Why is this volume of scripture called the Book of Mormon? The answer is simple. It may be deduced from the title page of the book. Of this title page Joseph Smith
recorded the following:

Said title page is not by any means a modern composition, either of mine or of any other man who has lived or does live in this generation. Therefore, in order to
correct an error, which generally exists concerning it, I give below that part of the title-page of the English version of the Book of Mormon, which is a genuine and literal
translation of the title-page of the original Book of Mormon as recorded on the plates:

THE BOOK OF MORMON.

An account written by the hand of Mormon, upon Plates, taken from the Plates of Nephi .

Two more paragraphs written by Moroni, Mormon's son, follow, but we do not need them for our purposes here. It is evident that a person by the name of Mormon
was responsible for the choice of considerable subject matter in the Nephite scripture. We shall find out presently that other men were responsible for certain parts of
 Copyright
the Book of(c) 2005-2009,
            Mormon           Infobase
                      also, but       Media was
                                that Mormon  Corp.                                                                                                 Page
                                                 its supreme literary figure, or, shall we say, editor. Hence the volume is named after him. Moreover,      296the/ 919
                                                                                                                                                        he was      last
great commander-in-chief of the Nephite armies and an even greater prophet.
An account written by the hand of Mormon, upon Plates, taken from the Plates of Nephi .

Two more paragraphs written by Moroni, Mormon's son, follow, but we do not need them for our purposes here. It is evident that a person by the name of Mormon
was responsible for the choice of considerable subject matter in the Nephite scripture. We shall find out presently that other men were responsible for certain parts of
the Book of Mormon also, but that Mormon was its supreme literary figure, or, shall we say, editor. Hence the volume is named after him. Moreover, he was the last
great commander-in-chief of the Nephite armies and an even greater prophet.

Our Book of Mormon was originally published by Stevens & Wallis of Salt Lake City in 1947, then reprinted in 1950 by Bookcraft. This was originally chapter 4 and
appeared on pages 39-54.

  DHC 1:71.

The Structure of the Book of Mormon

In order to explain the rather complex structure of the Book of Mormon, we shall cast it into four logical divisions and then proceed to analyze each. The fourfold
division is as follows:

I. The Small Plates of Nephi

These contain the independent and unabridged work of nine writers: Nephi, Jacob, Enos, Jarom, Omni, Amaron, Chemish, Abinadom, and Amaleki. They cover a
period of about four hundred and seventy years: from 600 B.C. to 130 B.C. In the current edition this part of the Book of Mormon contains a little more than one
hundred and thirty-one printed pages. These plates pleased Mormon so much that he included them with the plates containing his abridgment of the large plates of
Nephi (Words of Mormon 1:3-11).

II . Mormon's Explanatory Notes

These contain editorial remarks by Mormon explaining his previous work of abridging the large plates of Nephi (Words of Morm. 1:3), the reason for the presence of
the small plates of Nephi among his records (Words of Mormon 1:3-4, 6-7, 10-11), his intention to continue the abridgment of the large plates of Nephi (Words of
Morm. 1:5, 9), and some historical data. This material was written about A.D. 385, a short time before Mormon's death in battle, and contains about two printed pages
in the current edition.

III . The Literary Labors of Mormon

The literary work of Mormon includes the abridgment of the large plates of Nephi and many commentaries on them, followed by a short history of his life and times.
The greater part of the Book of Mormon comes under this heading. This division contains about three hundred and thirty-eight printed pages.

IV . The Literary Labors of Moroni

Moroni's literary accomplishments consist of an addition to the record of the last days of the Nephite nation begun by his father Mormon, an abridgment of the plates of
Ether containing an account of the Jaredite nation, and, finally, a section containing miscellaneous teachings, letters, and historical items. A total of about fifty printed
pages is found in this division.

In the discussions of the first three divisions, reference has been made either to the small plates of Nephi or to the large plates of Nephi. An explanation of these sets of
plates is due the reader. The small plates of Nephi were made by Nephi, the son of Lehi, for the special purpose of recording the more spiritual and religious side of
Nephite history. The large plates contained a fuller account of Nephite history, particularly secular affairs. Unfortunately, for purposes of identification, both sets of
plates were named after Nephi. The experienced reader of the Book of Mormon, however, usually has little difficulty in determining which set of plates is meant in a
given context.

The Book of Mormon is divided into fifteen parts, all of which are called books with the exception of one, which, as was indicated in Division II, is a two-page editorial
containing, among other things, an explanation of how the foregoing small plates of Nephi came into Mormon's collection and of their relation to the abridgment that
follows. The fifteen parts of the Book of Mormon in their respective divisions are shown here:

I. The Small Plates of Nephi
1. First Book of Nephi
2. Second Book of Nephi
3. Book of Jacob
4. Book of Enos
5. Book of Jarom
6. Book of Omni

II. Mormon's Explanatory Notes
7. The Words of Mormon

III. The Literary Labors of Mormon
8. Book of Mosiah
9. Book of Alma
10. Book of Helaman
11. Third Nephi
12. Fourth Nephi
13. Book of Mormon (Mormon 1-7)

IV. The Literary Labors of Moroni
13. Book of Mormon (Mormon 8-9)
14. Book of Ether
15. Book of Moroni

It should be observed that the small plates of Nephi with their six books would not have become an integral part of the Book of Mormon except for a strange turn of
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events  when(c)
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                  Prophet Joseph   SmithMedia  Corp. in the work of translation. He first translated Mormon's abridgment of the book of Lehi which,Page
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                                                                                                                                                             of time,
covered about the same period as the small plates of Nephi (see explanation in the first edition of the Book of Mormon). The one hundred and sixteen pages of this
translation, our readers will remember, were finally obtained by Martin Harris and shown by him to his wife and others. The manuscript got out of Harris's possession,
15. Book of Moroni

It should be observed that the small plates of Nephi with their six books would not have become an integral part of the Book of Mormon except for a strange turn of
events when the Prophet Joseph Smith was engaged in the work of translation. He first translated Mormon's abridgment of the book of Lehi which, in point of time,
covered about the same period as the small plates of Nephi (see explanation in the first edition of the Book of Mormon). The one hundred and sixteen pages of this
translation, our readers will remember, were finally obtained by Martin Harris and shown by him to his wife and others. The manuscript got out of Harris's possession,
which occurrence caused the prophet great mental anguish and distress. The Urim and Thummim were taken from him, and only after much prayer and supplication
were they restored by a divine messenger. Joseph was commanded not to retranslate the abridgment which Mormon had made of the book of Lehi from the large
plates of Nephi. In its place the prophet was instructed to translate the small plates, which would have greater spiritual value. At the same time this procedure would foil
the enemies of the prophet who had altered the words of the manuscript (see D&C 10:10-46).

It will be perceived that the Book of Mormon is, in a very real sense, a library of books. These books were, to be sure, composed principally by Mormon and Moroni
as abridged works; nevertheless, behind each abridgment lay a voluminous source-book in the large plates of Nephi.

Now, let us examine the books of each of the above divisions in some detail.

The Small Plates of Nephi

First Nephi

The first book of Nephi contains twenty-two chapters. The attention of the reader is called to the caption and brief summary of contents at the head of Chapter 1:

THE FIRST BOOK OF NEPHI:
HIS REIGN AND MINISTRY

An account of Lehi and his wife Sariah, and his four sons, being called, (beginning at the eldest) Laman, Lemuel, Sam, and Nephi. The Lord warns Lehi to depart out
of the land of Jerusalem, because he prophesieth unto the people concerning their iniquity and they seek to destroy his life. He taketh three days' journey into the
wilderness with his family. Nephi taketh his brethren and returneth to the land of Jerusalem after the record of the Jews. The account of their sufferings. They take the
daughters of Ishmael to wife. They take their families and depart into the wilderness. Their sufferings and afflictions in the wilderness. The course of their travels. They
come to the large waters. Nephi's brethren rebel against him. He confoundeth them, and buildeth a ship. They call the name of the place Bountiful. They cross the large
waters into the promised land, and so forth. This is according to the account of Nephi; or in other words, I, Nephi, wrote this record.

That part of the caption reading "His Reign and Ministry" would indicate that Nephi, the author, was a king. This fact, however, is not discovered in Nephi's writings
until one reaches 1 Ne. 10:1. The brief summary of the contents of the book was evidently written by Nephi after he had completed the body of the text. Nephi's habit
of writing summaries or useful explanations may have set the precedent followed by many later Nephite historians. Jacob, Nephi's brother, is the only other historian
mentioned in the small plates of Nephi to follow the precedent, but that is because the other six writers wrote so little.

What was Nephi's purpose in writing this book? His intent, as the following passage from the book testifies, was primarily spiritual:

And it mattereth not to me that I am particular to give a full account of all the things of my father, for they cannot be written upon these plates, for I desire the room that
I may write of the things of God.

For the fulness of mine intent is that I may persuade men to come unto the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, and be saved.

Wherefore, the things which are pleasing unto the world I do not write, but the things which are pleasing unto God and unto those who are not of the world.

Wherefore, I shall give commandment unto my seed, that they shall not occupy these plates with things which are not of worth unto the children of men. (1 Nephi 6:3-
6)

Attention ought also to be called to another passage in which Nephi declares in a somewhat different way his purpose in writing the book. He says:

Nevertheless, I have received a commandment of the Lord that I should make these plates [small plates], for the special purpose that there should be an account
engraven of the ministry of my people.

Upon the other plates [large plates] should be engraven an account of the reign of the kings, and the wars and contentions of my people; wherefore these plates are for
the more part of the ministry; and the other plates are for the more part of the reign of kings and the wars and contentions of my people.

Wherefore, the Lord hath commanded me to make these plates for a wise purpose in him, which purpose I know not. (1 Nephi 9:3-5; cf. Words of Mormon 1:3-7)

We see that Nephi's purpose in writing was to bring men to God by telling them the "good news" of the ministry. He also knew that God wanted him to write on the
small plates for a wise purpose, which was unrevealed at the time. We, of course, know what the "wise purpose" was. It was discussed in connection with the
disappearance, from the hands of Martin Harris, of the one hundred and sixteen pages of translated matter of the book of Lehi.

While 1 Nephi-and 2 Nephi as well-may be called autobiography in the loose sense of the term, it would, perhaps, be better to call these books "Nephi's
Memoirs" (see 1 Ne. 10).

The contents of 1 Nephi may be examined according to the following scheme of analysis:

I. History of the Nephites from the time they leave Jerusalem until they build a ship to leave for the promised land (1 Nephi 1-17).

A. Lehi predicts destruction of Jerusalem and departs into the wilderness with his family. His sons Nephi, Sam, Laman, and Lemuel return to Jerusalem in order to
obtain the brass plates containing Hebrew scriptures. Having obtained them Lehi predicts their preservation (1 Nephi 1-5).

B. Nephi's intent in writing his record. He writes what is pleasing to God (1 Ne. 6).

C. Lehi's sons again return to Jerusalem and bring back Ishmael and his family. Nephi's brethren rebel against him. Lehi's dream of the tree, the river, and the iron rod.
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D. Nephi describes two sets of records, both of which are named after him. One set deals with the ministry, the other with secular history (1 Ne. 9).

E. Prophecies and spiritual experiences of Lehi and Nephi. The Babylonian captivity, Israel's dispersion and gathering, the Spirit of the Lord, the Savior and his
B. Nephi's intent in writing his record. He writes what is pleasing to God (1 Ne. 6).

C. Lehi's sons again return to Jerusalem and bring back Ishmael and his family. Nephi's brethren rebel against him. Lehi's dream of the tree, the river, and the iron rod.

D. Nephi describes two sets of records, both of which are named after him. One set deals with the ministry, the other with secular history (1 Ne. 9).

E. Prophecies and spiritual experiences of Lehi and Nephi. The Babylonian captivity, Israel's dispersion and gathering, the Spirit of the Lord, the Savior and his
ministry, the vision of the promised land, the Savior's eventual appearance to the Nephites, final downfall of the Nephites, the Gentile nations, the great and abominable
church, the Bible and Book of Mormon, the mission of John the Revelator. Nephi interprets his father's dream (1 Nephi 10-15).

F. Lehi's sons marry daughters of Ishmael. Journey in wilderness continued with aid of miraculous director (Liahona). Ishmael's death. The Nephites reach the
seashore. The Lord commands Nephi to build a ship. Nephi's brothers oppose him but are confounded (1 Nephi 16-17).

II. The Nephites sail for the promised land. Nephi's records, prophecies, and teachings (1 Nephi 18-22).

A. Difficulties during voyage to promised land. The arrival. The record of Nephi. Prophecies of Zenock and Zenos quoted. Writings in book of Moses (1 Nephi 18-
19).

B. Nephi quotes Isaiah 48-49 and expounds them (1 Nephi 20-22).

The spiritual core of 1 Nephi will be found in 1 Nephi 10-15. The outstanding character in the book is, of course, Nephi. His father is a great man, but in the midst of
affliction Lehi fails to meet the test his son passes (1 Nephi 16:20-25). The high spirituality, zeal, and courage of Nephi as a young man win our admiration and
affection. His brothers Laman and Lemuel, on the other hand, are rebellious, materialistic, and selfish. They typify the thorn in the flesh which characterized the role of
their descendants for the Nephite nation in later times.

Second Nephi

Second Nephi contains thirty-three chapters; its total text is, however, only about eight printed pages greater than that of 1 Nephi. Nephi also wrote a summary at the
head of the book as in his earlier record, except that it was much shorter. The text of the summary follows:

An account of the death of Lehi. Nephi's brethren rebel against him. The Lord warns Nephi to depart into the wilderness. His journeyings in the wilderness, and so
forth.

Second Nephi may be logically divided into three parts, as the following analysis shows:

I. Teachings, blessings, and death of Lehi. The eventual separation of his family (2 Nephi 1-5).

A. Lehi speaks of the land of promise and of Jerusalem's destruction. His final blessings on his sons and grandchildren. The psalm of Nephi (2 Nephi 1-4).

B. Nephi leads Zoram, Sam, Jacob, Joseph, and friends away from his older brethren. He manufactures weapons and teaches his people how to construct buildings
and work with metals. A temple completed. Nephi appointed king over his people. Lamanites cursed with dark skin. Priests and teachers consecrated (2 Ne. 5).

II. The teachings of Nephi's brother Jacob (2 Nephi 6-10).

A. Jacob exhorts his people and cites prophecies of Isaiah (2 1 Ne. 6).

B. A quotation of Isaiah 50-51 (2 Nephi 7-8).

C. Atonement and sufferings of the Savior foreseen. Where no law is given there is no punishment. The results of sin. The coming of Christ. The gathering of Israel. The
land of promise to have no kings. Those who fight against Zion shall perish (2 Nephi 9-10).

III. Nephi's quotations from Isaiah, together with commentaries and teachings based largely on that prophet (2 Nephi 1-33).

A. Nephi delights in words of Isaiah. Law of Moses to prove to his people the coming of Christ. Jacob a witness of the Redeemer (2 Ne. 11).

B. Nephi quotes Isaiah 2-4 (2 Nephi 12-4).

C. Nephi's comments on Isaiah. The dispersion and gathering of Israel, the time of the Messiah's advent, the coming of Christ to the Nephites, the final destruction of
the Nephites, the days of the Gentiles. A quotation from Isa. 29 concerning predicted coming forth of Book of Mormon. Latter-day churches, misleading precepts of
men, the Gentiles and the Bible, the gathering in one of God's word. Converted Gentiles to be numbered with God's people. Lamanites and Jews eventually to believe
in Gospel (2 Nephi 25-30).

D. Nephi teaches concerning the Savior's baptism, the straight and narrow way, of angels, the Holy Ghost. His parting testimony to all men (2 Nephi 31-33).

What was Nephi's purpose in writing his second book? We may be sure that it was similar to that expressed in 1 Nephi:

And I engraved that which is pleasing unto God. And if my people are pleased with the things of God they will be pleased with mine engravings which are upon these
plates. (2 Ne. 5:32)

Our understanding of Nephi's purposes in writing is somewhat broadened by the following words:

As the Lord God liveth, there is none other name given under heaven save it be this Jesus Christ, of which I have spoken, whereby man can be saved.

Wherefore, for this cause hath the Lord God promised unto me that these things which I write shall be kept and preserved, and handed down unto my seed, from
generation to generation, that the promise may be fulfilled unto Joseph [who was sold into Egypt], that his seed should never perish as long as the earth should stand.

Wherefore, these things shall go from generation to generation as long as the earth shall stand; and they shall go according to the will and pleasure of God. (2 Nephi
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Observe also these words of Nephi in his concluding chapter:
generation to generation, that the promise may be fulfilled unto Joseph [who was sold into Egypt], that his seed should never perish as long as the earth should stand.

Wherefore, these things shall go from generation to generation as long as the earth shall stand; and they shall go according to the will and pleasure of God. (2 Nephi
25:20-22)

Observe also these words of Nephi in his concluding chapter:

And now, my beloved brethren, and also Jew, and all ye ends of the earth, hearken unto these words and believe in Christ; and if ye believe not in these words believe
in Christ. And if ye shall believe in Christ ye will believe in these words, for they are the words of Christ, and he hath given them unto me; and they teach all men that
they should do good. (2 Ne. 33:10)

The careful reader of 2 Nephi will be pleased with Nephi's regard for the teaching and testimony of his younger brother Jacob, who was also a witness of the
Redeemer (2 Ne. 11:3). Of the thirty-three chapters in the book, five are devoted to Jacob's teaching and his quotations from the book of Isaiah.

The tone of 2 Nephi is very spiritual. The general public understands very little about its quotations from Isaiah, but the commentaries of both Jacob and Nephi help us
to understand their spiritual significance. Nephi's prophecies concerning the latter days, as well as his other teachings, are of unusual interest and benefit to us at the
present time (2 Nephi 25-32). We call the reader's attention to the forceful manner in which Nephi affirms the truth of his writings in 2 Ne. 33.

Jacob

The book of Jacob is the third largest in the small plates of Nephi, containing seven chapters. The summary or superscription at the head of the book was probably
written by Jacob and reads:

The words of his preaching unto his brethren. He confoundeth a man who seeketh to overthrow the doctrine of Christ. A few words concerning the history of the
people of Nephi.

Jacob speaks of the plates upon which he wrote in terms of his own name, as the following words testify:

These plates are called the plates of Jacob, and they were made by the hand of Nephi. (Jacob 3:14)

The summary of his book is not sufficiently detailed to give us a good idea of the content of the record. For that reason we shall analyze the book at greater length.
Because of the miscellaneous nature of its teachings it is somewhat difficult to discover logical division points, but perhaps the following scheme will prove useful:

I. Transfer of sacred records, death of Nephi, and teachings of Jacob (Jacob 1-4).

A. Nephi transfers sacred records to his brother Jacob. Nephi anoints a man to be king. Love of people for Nephi. Jacob and Joseph consecrated priest and teachers.
Death of Nephi (Jacob 1).

B. Jacob's denunciation of unchastity. Plural wives forbidden to Nephites. Condemns unrighteous treatment of wives and children. Lamanites commended for fidelity to
marriage vows. Law of Moses points people to Christ. His rejection by Jews foreseen (Jacob 2-4).

II. Jacob quotes and interprets writings of prophet Zenos (Jacob 5-6).

A. Zenos's allegory quoted. Israel compared to tame olive tree. Gentiles likened to branches of wild olive tree (Jacob 5).

B. Jacob expounds in part the allegory of Zenos. Pruning of the vineyard. A warning (Jacob 6).

III. A Nephite dissenter. Plates delivered to another (Jacob 7).

A. Sherem, an apostate, teaches false doctrine (Jacob 7:1-4).

B. Sherem attempts to shake Jacob's faith. Displeasure of God manifested. Reformation among Nephites (Jacob 7:5-23).

C. Nephites attempt to reclaim Lamanites but to no avail. Recourse to armies and fortifications. Jacob delivers records to his son Enos (Jacob 7:24-27).

The book of Jacob is notable for its defense of the home and family. In Jacob 2-3 we find one of the finest vindications of the sacredness of marriage ties in all
scripture. Jacob is a great champion of woman. He may be compared with Malachi in this respect. Only the words of the Savior are more impressive in placing woman
in her rightful place in the eyes of God and man.

The reader will notice Jacob's parting words, "Brethren, adieu." This is to be contrasted with Nephi's "Amen" at the end of each of his books. The solemn and sincere
nature of Jacob may be judged from the following:

And it came to pass that I, Jacob, began to be old; and the record of this people being kept on the other plates of Nephi, wherefore, I conclude this record, declaring
that I have written according to the best of my knowledge, by saying that the time passed away with us, and also our lives passed away like as it were unto us a dream,
we being a lonesome and solemn people, wanderers, cast out from Jerusalem, born in tribulation, in a wilderness, and hated of our brethren, which caused wars and
contentions; wherefore, we did mourn out our days. (Jacob 7:26)

That Jacob's intent in writing was similar to Nephi's may be deduced from Jacob 1:2-8.

Enos Jarom Omni

Each of the remaining books in the small plates of Nephi contains only one chapter. The book of Enos was written by a single person by that name. The same may be
said of the book of Jarom. However, the concluding book of Omni is the production of five writers: Omni, Amaron, Chemish, Abinadom, and Amaleki. The first four
wrote a total of eleven verses; Amaleki was responsible for the remaining nineteen verses. We have called attention to the fact that none of these three books contains a
summary of contents at its head as do the books written by Nephi and Jacob. The brevity of the records accounts for this lack.

The book of Enos, despite its small size, is one of the most interesting books in the Nephite record. In the first eighteen verses we find Enos's description of his great
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event his people fell into transgression. We may call his account "Enos's wrestle before God." It is one of the finest descriptions of personal religion in scripture. When
on a hunt he knelt in prayer:
summary of contents at its head as do the books written by Nephi and Jacob. The brevity of the records accounts for this lack.

The book of Enos, despite its small size, is one of the most interesting books in the Nephite record. In the first eighteen verses we find Enos's description of his great
soul's hunger to find God and to receive a remission of sins. Moreover, he desired a promise from the Almighty that he would preserve the Nephite scriptures in the
event his people fell into transgression. We may call his account "Enos's wrestle before God." It is one of the finest descriptions of personal religion in scripture. When
on a hunt he knelt in prayer:

And my soul hungered; and I kneeled down before my Maker, and I cried unto him in mighty prayer and supplication for mine own soul; and all the day long did I cry
unto him; yea, and when the night came I did still raise my voice high that it reached the heavens.

And there came a voice unto me, saying: Enos, thy sins are forgiven thee, and thou shalt be blessed.

And I, Enos, knew that God could not lie; wherefore, my guilt was swept away.

And I said: Lord, how is it done?

And he said unto me: Because of thy faith in Christ, whom thou hast never before heard nor seen. And many years pass away before he shall manifest himself in the
flesh; wherefore, go to, thy faith hath made thee whole. (Enos 1:4-8)

Enos received promises from God to the effect that if his people fell into transgression and the Lamanites were spared, the latter would eventually come to a knowledge
of the sacred records of the Nephites. The remainder of the book tells of his efforts in prophesying among the people, of the wickedness of Nephites and Lamanites
alike, and, finally, of his testimony that he should find rest with the Redeemer in the mansions of his Father. Enos died in about 420 B.C.

The book of Jarom is the shortest book in the Nephite record, containing only fifteen verses. Jarom, the son of Enos, deals with the shortcomings of the Nephites, their
observance of the law of Moses, their skill and fine workmanship in wood and metals, and the diligence of their prophets, priests, and teachers. A reference to the
murderous Lamanites is also made. The last date indicated in this record is 361 B.C. This book contains some writing of considerable value to the student, but does not
have the high personal religious interest one finds in the book of Enos.

The book of Omni is named after the first of its five writers. Omni speaks of himself as a "wicked man," who had not kept the statutes and commandments of the Lord
as he ought to have done. He also speaks of war and bloodshed, because of various clashes with the Lamanites during his lifetime. He delivered the sacred records into
the hands of his son Amaron about 317 B.C. Apparently Amaron wrote the five verses credited to him on the very day, some thirty-eight years later, that he delivered
the plates to his brother Chemish. Amaron says little of importance except that the more wicked Nephites had been destroyed in accordance with Lehi's dictum:
"Inasmuch as ye will not keep my commandments ye shall not prosper in the land" (see Omni 1:6; cf. 2 Ne. 1:20). Chemish wrote one verse only and transmitted the
plates to Abinadom, who wrote two verses. He tells of contention between the Nephites and Lamanites, and of the fact that he knows of no additional revelation or
prophecy to be written. Amaleki, the son of Abinadom, writes of several interesting and important events in the remainder of the book. First of all, he tells of the elder
Mosiah, who was warned of the Lord to flee into the wilderness with as many others as would hearken to him. They were led by revelation and finally discovered the
Mulekites, who were called the people of Zarahemla. The two peoples united together under Mosiah, who was made their king. Secondly, Mosiah translated writings
found on a large stone which was brought to him. I believe that Mosiah did this by means of the Urim and Thummim or "interpreters" in his possession. The engravings
on the stone told of one Coriantumr and the slain of his people. He had been discovered by the Mulekites and lived with them for the "space of nine moons." Book of
Mormon students will recognize Coriantumr as the last king of the Jaredite people, who were destroyed through great civil wars (see Ether 15).

The third important matter of history told us by Amaleki concerns a group of people under the leadership of a stubborn man who led them into the wilderness in an
endeavor to find the land of Nephi from whence Mosiah had fled. Strife arose, and all but fifty were slain. An expedition led by another man departed into the
wilderness to pursue the search for the ancestral lands (Omni 1:27-29). Amaleki had a brother among these adventurers and writes that he never heard of him again. In
the book of Mosiah (Mosiah 9-22) we learn in greater detail of these people and are there told that the name of their leader was Zeniff. Since Amaleki had no
descendants, he left the sacred records in the hands of King Benjamin, the son of Mosiah.

In the last verse of the book of Omni, Amaleki tells us that the small plates were filled:

And I am about to lie down in my grave; and these plates are full. And I make an end of my speaking. (Omni 1:30)

One is impressed by the great differences in personality and character of the various writers in the small plates of Nephi. The piety and highly religious character of
Nephi is an interesting contrast to that of the rather rough and ready but tight-lipped Omni.

What the Book of Mormon Is
(Continued)

Abstract: An analysis of the Words of Mormon to Helaman, including Mormon's abridgment between the small and large plates of Nephi. The teachings of Benjamin,
Mosiah, Abinadi, Alma, and his son, Alma the Younger. Helaman and Shiblon's writings in the book of Alma are set forth. Alma the Younger is to the Book of
Mormon as Paul is to the New Testament. The book of Helaman covers fifty years of Nephite history.

This originally appeared as chapter 5 on pages 55-64 of Our Book of Mormon.

Mormon's Explanatory Notes

Words of Mormon

Having examined the small plates of Nephi, or Division I, according to our plan of dividing the Book of Mormon in the last chapter, let us proceed to analyze Division
II, "Mormon's Explanatory Notes." These "notes" are formally designated by the Nephite record as "The Words of Mormon" and occupy in our current edition less
than two printed pages. Why does this little book of Mormon, if we may call it such, appear in the Nephite text between the small plates of Nephi and Mormon's
abridgment of the large plates of Nephi? It appears that when Mormon began the task of abridging the Nephite scriptures, he commenced with the book of Lehi on the
large plates. When he came to the reign of King Benjamin, of whom Amaleki speaks in the last part of the book of Omni, he searched among the records in his
possession and found the small plates of Nephi. These pleased him much, and, prompted by the Spirit of the Lord, he included them with the plates he had abridged.
Because of the fact that they covered in point of time the same period as his abridgment of the book of Lehi, he probably deemed it advisable to add a little explanation
for their presence among his collection of plates. In our last chapter, we explained why the Prophet Joseph Smith translated the small plates instead of retranslating
Mormon's abridgment of the book of Lehi, the original translation of which fell into the hands of Martin Harris. The Lord's foreknowledge of what would happen
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                        Mormon          Media
                                to put the smallCorp.
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The Words of Mormon consist of only eighteen verses in one chapter, which may, for purposes of analysis, be divided into four parts: (1) Words of Mormon 1:1-2, (2)
possession and found the small plates of Nephi. These pleased him much, and, prompted by the Spirit of the Lord, he included them with the plates he had abridged.
Because of the fact that they covered in point of time the same period as his abridgment of the book of Lehi, he probably deemed it advisable to add a little explanation
for their presence among his collection of plates. In our last chapter, we explained why the Prophet Joseph Smith translated the small plates instead of retranslating
Mormon's abridgment of the book of Lehi, the original translation of which fell into the hands of Martin Harris. The Lord's foreknowledge of what would happen
caused him to inspire Mormon to put the small plates with his abridged records.

The Words of Mormon consist of only eighteen verses in one chapter, which may, for purposes of analysis, be divided into four parts: (1) Words of Mormon 1:1-2, (2)
1:3-8, (3)1:9-11, (4)1:12-18.

The first two verses are preliminary in nature. In them Mormon points out that he is about to deliver the record which he had been making into the hands of his son
Moroni. It is many hundreds of years after Christ's coming (ca. A.D. 385), and he has witnessed almost the entire destruction of his people. He supposes that his son
Moroni will view the remainder of the destruction, and trusts that he will write about it and also something concerning Christ which will be of profit.

In Words of Mormon 1:3-8 we have Mormon's account of his early work of abridgment, and of his finding the small plates of Nephi, which "for a wise purpose" (W of
M 1:7) were put with the remainder of his record, as we have already seen. He also prays for the redemption of his brethren (doubtless the Lamanites), that they may
once again be a "delightsome people" (W of M 1:8).

Words of Mormon 1:9-11 tell us that Mormon is proceeding to finish out his record from the "plates of Nephi," meaning the large plates, and that after Amaleki had
delivered up "these plates" (i.e., the small plates) to Benjamin, the latter put them with the "other plates" containing the records which had been handed down by the
kings from generation to generation until King Benjamin's time; and, finally, that they were handed down through the generations until they reached the hands of
Mormon, who says that they will be used to judge his people and their brethren at the last day.

In the last part of the editorial (Words of Mormon 1:12-18), Mormon tells about King Benjamin; the contentions among his people; their battles with the Lamanites; the
false Christs, prophets, and preachers among them; and the king's success in finally establishing peace and harmony in the land with the assistance of holy prophets (cf.
Omni 1:23-25). These seven verses are very important in helping one to get a clear perspective of the life and work of King Benjamin. The first six chapters of the
book of Mosiah tell us little or nothing of the great difficulties Benjamin encountered in the early years of his reign.

The Literary Labors of Mormon

Now, let us proceed to the analysis of our Division III of the Book of Mormon, "The Literary Labors of Mormon." This division is the largest in the Nephite record and
consists, as we have already seen, of the books of Mosiah, Alma, Helaman, 3 Nephi, 4 Nephi, and Mormon (Mosiah 1-7).

Mosiah

The book of Mosiah contains no summary of contents at its head such as we found in 1 Nephi, 2 Nephi, and Jacob. The reader will observe, however, brief
superscriptions over Mosiah 9 and Mosiah 23. This book falls into four natural divisions:

I. The events of King Benjamin's declining years (Mosiah 1-6).

A. Benjamin counsels his three sons. Chooses Mosiah to succeed him and conveys sacred relics and records into his keeping. Mosiah charges the people to gather and
listen to his father's last words (Mosiah 1).

B. Benjamin's oration (Mosiah 2:9-3:27;4:4-30). Great spiritual and practical advice given his people (Mosiah 2-4).

C. Effect of Benjamin's address. Christ is the name he wants retained in people's hearts. Names of people recorded who covenant with the Lord. Priests appointed to
teach. Mosiah begins reign. Death of Benjamin (Mosiah 5-6).

II. The discovery of Zeniff's people (Mosiah 7-8).

A. Mosiah sends expedition under Ammon's leadership to discover Zeniff's people in city of Lehi-Nephi. Ammon finds them but is thrown in prison by their king. Limhi
and his people overjoyed when they learn identity of Ammon and his men (Mosiah 7).

B. How the twenty-four engraved gold plates were discovered by Limhi's people. Ammon suggests that Mosiah, the seer translate the plates (Mosiah 8).

III. History of Zeniff's people from time of departure until reunited with Mosiah's subjects in Zarahemla (Mosiah 9-24).

A. Zeniff's personal memoirs. Confers kingship of his people on Noah, an unworthy son (Mosiah 9-10).

B. Wicked administration of Noah and corrupt priests. Ministry of Abinadi the prophet who courageously opposes Noah by preaching true meaning of law of Moses
and the mission of Christ. Abinadi finally burned to death (Mosiah 11-17).

C. Alma, convert of Abinadi, preaches secretly. Baptizes at Waters of Mormon and organizes Church of Christ. He and followers pursued by Noah's army. Depart
into wilderness (Mosiah 18).

D. Gideon's insurrection against Noah. Lamanite invasion. Death of Noah by fire. Limhi, a just son of Noah, becomes tributary monarch. Wicked priests of Noah
abduct daughters of Lamanites. Lamanites plan revenge but are pacified by Limhi. Ammon and Limhi plan deliverance from Lamanites. Lamanites plied with wine.
Their captives escape and return safely to Zarahemla. End of Zeniff's record (Mosiah 19-22).

E. Account of Alma's people from time they were driven into wilderness until they find their way to Zarahemla (Mosiah 23-24).

IV. Mosiah's reign from time of the return of Zeniff's people until his death (Mosiah 25-29).

A. Mosiah's people (including the Mulekites) gather together to hear records of Zeniff and Alma read. Alma receives authorization to establish a church and ordain
priests and teachers throughout Zarahemla. The Lord instructs Alma how to deal with unbelievers and evildoers (Mosiah 25-26).

B. Persecution of Church members enjoined. Equality urged among all men. Miraculous conversion of the younger Alma and the four sons of Mosiah, who had
endeavored to destroy the Church. They preach righteousness. The younger Alma made custodian of sacred records. Mosiah translates the twenty-four plates of Ether
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C. King Mosiah urges representative form of government-a government by judges democratically chosen. Death of Mosiah and Alma (ca. 91 B.C.) (Mosiah 29).
priests and teachers throughout Zarahemla. The Lord instructs Alma how to deal with unbelievers and evildoers (Mosiah 25-26).

B. Persecution of Church members enjoined. Equality urged among all men. Miraculous conversion of the younger Alma and the four sons of Mosiah, who had
endeavored to destroy the Church. They preach righteousness. The younger Alma made custodian of sacred records. Mosiah translates the twenty-four plates of Ether
(Mosiah 27-28).

C. King Mosiah urges representative form of government-a government by judges democratically chosen. Death of Mosiah and Alma (ca. 91 B.C.) (Mosiah 29).

The reader should observe that the account of Mosiah's reign is interrupted after Mosiah 8 by the introduction of the records of Zeniff and Alma (Mosiah 9-24).
Without these interesting but interpolated histories, the book of Mosiah would have been much smaller indeed-eleven chapters or less.

The great characters of this book are Benjamin, Mosiah, Abinadi the prophet, the older Alma, and Alma the Younger. The great characteristics of the younger Alma
are more fully brought out in the book which bears his name; Benjamin's oration is one of the spiritual gems of the Book of Mormon. All of these men are noble
characters and portray a vital and dynamic idealism of value for men in all walks of life. They all exhibit a love for righteousness, for freedom and liberty, and for the
spirit of service to their fellow men. Mosiah is to be distinguished also by the fact that he urged and successfully brought about a vital change in the form of Nephite
government. Perhaps we should also observe that Mosiah translated the gold plates found by Limhi's men, which contained the record of Ether, the last prophet of the
Jaredite nation (Mosiah 28:11-17).

No special reasons are assigned for the writing of this book; it finds its justification in the way that history always vindicates and upholds the acts and words of great
men.

Alma

The book of Alma is the largest in the Book of Mormon, containing one hundred and sixty-one printed pages in the current edition. It constitutes, therefore, about one-
third of the total text in the Nephite record. The book deals with a great variety of topics, and it is necessary to break it up into many parts for purposes of analysis. It
may be divided into sections-two large and one small-without any difficulty, because the first forty-four chapters are an abridgment of the younger Alma's record, and
chapters 45-62 are taken from Helaman's record, leaving Alma 63 to itself. We may assume that this chapter is principally an abridgment of the writings of Shiblon,
Helaman's brother. In light of these observations let us present the following scheme of study for the book:

I. The abridgment of Alma the Younger's record (Alma 1-44).

A. Alma chief judge for nine years. Death of Nehor and Amlici, Nephite dissenters. Prosperity, pride, and iniquity in the Church. Alma delivers up judgeship to
Nephihah for the work of the ministry (Alma 1-4).

B. Missionary labors of Alma and also Amulek, a convert. Zeezrom, a Nephite lawyer, confounded. He later joins Church (Alma 5-16).

C. Missionary labors of the sons of Mosiah. Their success in converting Lamanite kings and subjects (Alma 17-26).

D. Ammonites (converted Lamanites) given the land of Jershon in which to live. Great battles of Nephites with the Lamanites. The ministry of Alma. Korihor the Anti-
Christ. The apostate Zoramites. The testimony of Amulek (Alma 27-35).

E. Alma's commandments to his sons Helaman, Shiblon, and Corianton. Helaman entrusted with the records and sacred artifacts (Alma 36-42).

F. Wars with the Lamanites. The strategy of Moroni and Lehi, two great Nephite generals (Alma 43-44).

II. Abridgment of the record of Helaman, the son of Alma the Younger (Alma 45-62).

A. Mysterious disappearance of Alma. Amalickiah's dissension; incites Lamanites against Nephites. Generalship of Moroni and Lehi. Morianton's rebellion. Death of
Nephihah the second chief judge (Alma 45-50).

B. Accession of Pahoran, the third chief judge. Suppresses Nephite dissenters. Amalickiah leads Lamanite armies. He is slain. Continued battles with the Lamanites.
Helaman's two thousand young men. Difficulties of Pahoran the chief judge in maintaining his government. Nephites successful in war against Lamanites. Death of
Helaman (Alma 51-62).

III. Abridgment of the record of Shiblon, brother of Helaman (Alma 63).

A. Shiblon takes over sacred records. The ships of Hagoth. Nephite migrations. Death of Shiblon, who conferred sacred records into the hands of Helaman, son of his
brother Helaman (Alma 63:1-11).

B. Mormon's remarks concerning the scriptures in hands of Helaman. Moronihah defeats Lamanites (Alma 63:12-17).

The attention of the reader is called to the unusually large number of superscriptions scattered throughout the book of Alma. It should be kept in mind that these are an
integral part of the text of the Book of Mormon and are not to be regarded as modern editorial devices in the same way as are the synopses found immediately above
each chapter of the current edition. They will be found over the following chapters: 1, 5, 7, 9, 17, 21, 36, 38, 39, 45. The superscription at the head of Alma 1 reads as
follows:

The account of Alma, who was the son of Alma, the first and chief judge over the people of Nephi, and also the high priest over the Church. An account of the reign of
the judges, and the wars and contentions among the people. And also an account of a war between the Nephites and the Lamanites, according to the record of Alma,
the first and chief judge.

The one above Alma 45 reads:

The account of the people of Nephi, and their wars and dissensions, in the days of Helaman, according to the record of Helaman, which he kept in his days.
Comprising chapters 45 to 62 inclusive.

These two superscriptions explain the two large sections in our analysis of the book of Alma. Alma and Helaman, as we have seen, are responsible for the bulk of the
historical matter in the book as abridged by Mormon. The reasons for writing the book may be deduced from the above superscriptions.
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From what has been observed in our study of the book, we perceive that although Helaman and Shiblon are responsible for about eighteen chapters of the subject
matter, the complete record is named after Alma. Perhaps Mormon, the editor, is responsible for this arrangement. In the superscription at the head of Alma 1 (see
above) it will be noticed that nothing is said about the writings of Helaman, though attention might well have been called to them. It may be that Mormon deliberately
Comprising chapters 45 to 62 inclusive.

These two superscriptions explain the two large sections in our analysis of the book of Alma. Alma and Helaman, as we have seen, are responsible for the bulk of the
historical matter in the book as abridged by Mormon. The reasons for writing the book may be deduced from the above superscriptions.

From what has been observed in our study of the book, we perceive that although Helaman and Shiblon are responsible for about eighteen chapters of the subject
matter, the complete record is named after Alma. Perhaps Mormon, the editor, is responsible for this arrangement. In the superscription at the head of Alma 1 (see
above) it will be noticed that nothing is said about the writings of Helaman, though attention might well have been called to them. It may be that Mormon deliberately
included Helaman's writings in the book of Alma in order to avoid the confusion of having two books named after the same individual (notice that the book of Helaman
immediately follows the book of Alma; it is named after the son of Helaman 1 ; see Hel. 2:2).

The younger Alma is undoubtedly one of the greatest characters of the Book of Mormon. He is to the Book of Mormon what Paul is to the New Testament. It is well
to have a book named in his honor. Other notable figures in the book of Alma are Amulek, the four missionary sons of Mosiah, Moroni and Teancum (Nephite
generals), Helaman the son of Alma, and Pahoran the chief judge. The record of Alma is distinctive for its account of missionary activities. Alma, Amulek, and Mosiah's
four sons-Ammon, Aaron, Omner, and Himni-are the great missionaries of the Book of Mormon (see Alma 5-26 for typical missionary history). The book is also
remarkable for its doctrinal aspects-probably more so than any other part of the Nephite scriptures. Alma's discourse on faith (Alma 32) is one of the finest in all
scripture. Amulek's testimony (Alma 34) concerning the great and last sacrifice, justice, mercy, and repentance should be read by everyone. The explanations given by
Alma to his son Corianton (Alma 40-42) concerning man's state in the hereafter; the purpose of mortality, and repentance, atonement, law, and punishment are most
enlightening and valuable.

Helaman

The book of Helaman contains sixteen chapters only, or about thirty-eight printed pages in the modern edition. It has three superscriptions; the first, over Hel. 1, is the
largest and most interesting; the second, over Hel. 7, assigns most of the remainder of the book to Nephi, the son of Helaman 2 ; and the third, over Hel. 13, calls
attention to the prophecy of Samuel the Lamanite in Helaman 13-15. The first superscription at the head of Hel. 1 is concerned with the contents and authorship of the
whole book. Differing markedly from the one at the head of the first chapter of Alma, it reads as follows:

An account of the Nephites. Their wars and contentions, and their dissensions. And also the prophecies of many holy prophets, before the coming of Christ, according
to the records of Helaman, who was the son of Helaman, and also according to the records of his sons, even down to the coming of Christ. And also many of the
Lamanites are converted. An account of their conversion. An account of the righteousness of the Lamanites, and the wickedness and abominations of the Nephites,
according to the record of Helaman and his sons, even down to the coming of Christ, which is called the book of Helaman.

It will be observed, as has already been pointed out, that this superscription refers to the contents of the book as a whole, because it emphasizes by repetition the fact
that the book is based on the records of Helaman and his sons. The one at the head of the book of Alma does not do this. It refers to the record of Alma only, that is to
say, to the contents of the first forty-four chapters. No attention is paid to the fact that the remainder of the book (Alma 45-63) is dependent upon the writings of
Helaman 1 and Shiblon.

Mormon did not write much of what was recorded by Helaman 2 , because in Hel. 3:37 we are informed of Helaman's death and of the accession of his eldest son,
Nephi, to the judgeship. It may be assumed, therefore, that Nephi took over the sacred records from his father. This supposition is correct, as 3 Ne. 1:2 makes clear.
Since Nephi had the plates, it may be taken for granted that he did most of the writing, though it is not improbable that he instructed his brother Lehi to do part of it.
That part of the text for which Lehi may have been responsible was not dictated by Mormon when he made his abridgment.

The book of Helaman covers Nephite history for a period of over fifty years (52-1 B.C.). As the superscription over Hel. 1 indicates, the book records history "even
down to the coming of Christ."

The contents of the book may be exhibited under three major divisions, as the following scheme shows:

I. From Pahoran2 to death of Helaman 2 (Helaman 1-3).

A. Sons of Pahoran1 contend for the judgeship. Pahoran2 named chief judge. He is murdered by Kishkumen. Lamanites capture Zarahemla, but Nephites retake it
(Hel. 1).

B. Helaman 2 appointed chief judge. Kishkumen is slain. The Gadianton robbers (Hel. 2).

C. Many Nephites migrate into land northward. Many records kept. Helaman dies and is succeeded by his son Nephi (Helaman 3).

II. From Nephi's accession to his prophecy (Helaman 4-6).

A. Nephites lose Zarahemla to the Lamanites. They are weak because of transgression (Hel. 4).

B. Nephi yields judgment seat to Ceezoram because of his people's iniquity. He and his brother Lehi devote themselves to the ministry. Great spiritual manifestations.
Converted Lamanites restore Nephite lands (Hel. 5).

III. Nephi's prophecy (Helaman 7-16).

A. Nephi's prayer and the episode of the chief judge's death (Helaman 7-9).

B. Great powers of sealing given Nephi. These are used to bring his people to repentance. The Gadianton band. A commentary (Hel. 12), presumably by Mormon
(Helaman 10-12).

C. Prophecy of Samuel the Lamanite, to the Nephites. He predicts that great signs will be shown forth at Christ's birth and death (Helaman 13-15).

D. Effect of Samuel's words. Nephi continues his ministry (Hel. 16).

The book of Helaman is in many respects a remarkable record. Its greatest characters are Helaman 2 , Nephi, Lehi, and Samuel the Lamanite. A noteworthy military
leader of the Nephites is found in the shrewd but righteous Moronihah. The spiritual powers of Nephi, Lehi, and Samuel are outstanding among many great Nephite
leaders mentioned in the Book of Mormon. No special reasons are assigned for the writing of the book.
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What the Book of Mormon Is
(Concluded)
The book of Helaman is in many respects a remarkable record. Its greatest characters are Helaman 2 , Nephi, Lehi, and Samuel the Lamanite. A noteworthy military
leader of the Nephites is found in the shrewd but righteous Moronihah. The spiritual powers of Nephi, Lehi, and Samuel are outstanding among many great Nephite
leaders mentioned in the Book of Mormon. No special reasons are assigned for the writing of the book.

What the Book of Mormon Is
(Concluded)

Abstract: An analysis of the text of 3 Nephi to Moroni. Third Nephi was written by Nephi, the son of Nephi, the son of Helaman. Fourth Nephi in turn was written by
the son of Nephi 3 also called Nephi, and Nephi 4 's son Amos and grandsons Amos and his brother Ammaron. The book of Mormon was principally inscribed by
Mormon and Moroni. The book of Ether exposes the terrible end of a people persisting in wickedness. The book of Moroni shows his love for his enemies.

Third Nephi

The book known to us as 3 Nephi was originally called "The Book of Nephi," as the caption immediately below the title in our modern editions indicates. The title
"Third Nephi" was first added by Elder Orson Pratt in the 1879 edition to distinguish this book from the first two books in the Nephite record known respectively as
"The First Book of Nephi" and "The Second Book of Nephi." In other words, "3 Nephi" is not a part of the original text of the Book of Mormon. For convenience, we
shall continue to use the title, since it is in common use among our people.

Third Nephi contains thirty chapters, or nearly fifty-seven printed pages in its modern dress. The first seven chapters record the events of Nephite history during the
Savior's thirty-three years of mortality. The chapters in 3 Nephi 8-26 inclusive deal altogether with the events of about six days-the three days of darkness and
destruction on this continent and the three-day ministry of the resurrected Christ among the Nephites. Third Nephi 27-28 tell us of a visit which the Savior made to his
Nephite twelve, and 3 Nephi 29-30 contain some of Mormon's warnings and admonitions. The ministry of Jesus among the Nephites seems to have taken place a
considerable time after the three days of darkness and destruction. This three-day period occurred at the beginning of the Nephite year in A.D. 34 (3 Ne. 8:5),
whereas Christ's visitation took place some time near the end of the year, as the words of Mormon indicate:

And it came to pass that in the ending of the thirty and fourth year, behold, I will show unto you that the people of Nephi who were spared, and also those who had
been called Lamanites, who had been spared, did have great favors shown unto them, and great blessings poured out upon their heads, insomuch that soon after the
ascension of Christ into heaven he did truly manifest himself unto them. (3 Ne. 10:18)

The author of this book in its original form, that is to say before Mormon abridged it, was Nephi, the son of Nephi, the son of Helaman, after whom the preceding book
was named.

This book has two superscriptions; the first appears over 3 Ne. 1 and traces Nephi's genealogy; the second, over 3 Ne. 11, announces the ministry of Jesus Christ to
the Nephite people as recorded in that and following chapters.

In my chapter on the "American Gospel," I have analyzed in considerable detail those chapters dealing with Jesus and his ministry. In the following outline of 3 Nephi
we therefore curtail our analysis of the chapters dealing with that subject:

I. Nephite history from the birth of Christ to his death (3 Nephi 1-7).

A. Nephi receives the sacred records and artifacts from his father Nephi, who disappears. Annunciation of the Savior's birth (part of American Gospel). The Gadianton
robbers. Righteous Nephites and Lamanites unite in common defense. Lachoneus, the governor, receives ultimatum from Giddianhi, the robber chieftain, to surrender
his people. Lachoneus refuses and appoints Gidgiddoni as general over Nephite armies (3 Nephi 1-3).

B. Gadianton robbers are beaten in battle and their chieftain slain. Nephites triumph over Giddianhi's successor and repent of their sins. Mormon's comments
concerning himself and the sacred records. Nephites prosper, but pride, dissensions, and works of darkness follow. The chief judge murdered. The people are divided
into tribes. Jacob, so-called king. Nephi's powerful ministry (3 Nephi 4-7).

II. The American Gospel (3 Nephi 8-28; this Gospel also includes 3 Nephi 1:12-21).

A. Signs of the crucifixion and death of Christ (3 Ne. 8-10).

B. Three-day ministry of the resurrected, redeemed Savior among the Nephites (3 Nephi 11-26).

C. Last recorded appearance of Jesus to his disciples, giving them sundry items of instruction and a blessing (3 Nephi 27-28).

III. Mormon's warning and call for repentance (3 Nephi 29-30).

A. Mormon gives stern warning to those Gentiles who spurn the revelations of the Lord, his works, and his people (3 Ne. 29).

B. Mormon calls the Gentiles to repentance in accordance with the Lord's command (3 Ne. 30).

Third Nephi is by all means the most important book in the Nephite record because of the ministry and witness of the resurrected Christ on this continent. Its message
is the heart and core of the book, and the one which all students of the Book of Mormon should thoroughly master.

Fourth Nephi

The book commonly known among us as 4 Nephi was, like 3 Nephi, originally known as "The Book of Nephi." For convenience in reference Elder Orson Pratt, in the
1879 edition of the Book of Mormon, put the caption "Fourth Nephi" over the original title. According to the superscription of the book it is named after Nephi, the son
of the Nephi mentioned in 3 Nephi, who was the chief disciple of Jesus Christ. It seems strange that his father should give up the sacred records to him so quickly after
the coming of Christ. Perhaps the work of the ministry was so exacting and occupied so much of his time that he felt obliged to turn them over to his son in order that
the great events of the time could be recorded adequately. The superscription declares that this book gives an account of the people of Nephi "according to his record."
However, a quick glance at the single chapter of this book-it contains only 49 verses-reveals that it is the abridgment of the work of four men. It is unfortunate-at least
vexing-that the great Golden Era of Nephite history, a period of about two hundred and eighty-five years, should be so sparingly treated by Mormon, the abridger. We
shall have to content ourselves with the thought that Mormon was commanded to refrain from revealing details of the great social system of having all things in common,
which was developed among the Nephites during the period immediately following the Savior's appearances to them.
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The original authors of this book, other than Nephi, were two men, both named Amos, who were Nephi's son and grandson, respectively, and Ammaron, also a
grandson. It is convenient to analyze the text according to the authorship of its various parts:
However, a quick glance at the single chapter of this book-it contains only 49 verses-reveals that it is the abridgment of the work of four men. It is unfortunate-at least
vexing-that the great Golden Era of Nephite history, a period of about two hundred and eighty-five years, should be so sparingly treated by Mormon, the abridger. We
shall have to content ourselves with the thought that Mormon was commanded to refrain from revealing details of the great social system of having all things in common,
which was developed among the Nephites during the period immediately following the Savior's appearances to them.

The original authors of this book, other than Nephi, were two men, both named Amos, who were Nephi's son and grandson, respectively, and Ammaron, also a
grandson. It is convenient to analyze the text according to the authorship of its various parts:

I. Abridgment of the record of Nephi. A.D. 35-110.

A. All people converted to the Lord. They have all things in common. Their great happiness (4 Nephi 1:1-19).

II. Abridgment of the record of Amos, son of Nephi. A.D. 111-194.

A. A small part of the people revolt and call themselves Lamanites (4 Ne. 1:20).

III. Abridgment of the words of Amos, grandson of Nephi. A.D. 194-306.

A. Nephites become wealthy. They begin to divide into classes. Deny parts of the gospel. Disciples of Jesus exhibit great power in overcoming their enemies. In A.D.
231 there occurs a great division among the Nephites. Gadianton robbers reappear. Nephites begin to be proud (4 Nephi 1:21-47).

IV. Abridgment of the record of Ammaron, brother of Amos and grandson of Nephi. A.D. 306-321.

A. Constrained by the Holy Ghost, Ammaron hides up the sacred records unto the Lord in A.D. 321 (4 Nephi 1:48-49).

A study of the above analysis of 4 Nephi reveals how severely Mormon abridged the writings of the four record keepers. One gets the impression from the book that
Mormon was not only cautioned not to reveal many important matters of Nephite history during this period, but was also in a great hurry to finish his literary labors.

Mormon

The next book to be described has, unfortunately, received the same name as the whole Nephite record. The book of Mormon consists of the brief memoirs of
Mormon plus two chapters from the pen of his son Moroni. Mormon writes seven chapters, which means that the book contains a total of nine chapters. It occupies a
little over sixteen printed pages in the current edition.

Ammaron, who came from a different family than Mormon, noticed Mormon's abilities as a youth, for he bequeathed to him at the age of ten the responsibility of taking
over the sacred records and of writing the history of the Nephites in his time (Mormon 1:2-4). The purpose of Mormon in writing is thus made clear. In the very first
verse of the book he writes:

And now I, Mormon, make a record of the things which I have both seen and heard, and call it the book of Mormon. (Morm. 1:1)

In a later chapter he indicates that what he writes is but a small account of what he has seen:

Therefore I write a small abridgment, daring not to give a full account of the things which I have seen, because of the commandment which I have received, and also
that ye might not have too great sorrow because of the wickedness of this people. (Morm. 5:9)

The seven chapters written by Mormon cover Nephite history from about A.D. 322 until 385. It should be kept in mind that Mormon did not obtain the large plates of
Nephi upon which to write in accordance with Ammaron's request until about the year 335, when he was twenty-four years old (Mormon 1:3-4). We are probably
justified in assuming that his seven chapters are an abridgment of the detailed history written by him on the large plates.

The two chapters written by Moroni were not completed until some time between the years A.D. 401 and 421. In fact, he did not begin to write until the year 401,
about sixteen years after the last great battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 8:6). The reader's attention is called to chapter 1, "An Epic Story of
Moroni," in which I deal in considerable detail with some of Moroni's literary activities.

It is convenient to analyze the book of Mormon under two divisions, following its authorship:

I. Brief memoirs of Mormon, including some of his commentaries and addresses to the Lamanite remnant A.D. 322-385 (Mormon 1-7).

A. Prophet Ammaron gives charge to Mormon concerning sacred records. War and wickedness among Nephites. Departure of the three Nephite disciples. Mormon
warned not to preach. He leads Nephite armies. The Gadianton robbers. Division of territory between Nephites and Lamanites. Mormon refuses to lead Nephites
because of their wickedness. His words to future generations (Mormon 1-3).

B. Continued wars between Nephites and Lamanites. Nephites begin to lose. Mormon removes sacred records from hill Shim. He consents to lead Nephites again.
Great battles. Continued crime and wickedness. Mormon writes to the remnant of the Lamanites and to the Gentiles. The final struggle between the Nephites and
Lamanites. The records hidden in the hill Cumorah. Mormon writes to the Lamanite remnants. Admonishes them to receive the gospel in the latter days (Morm. 4-7).

This originally appeared as chapter 6 on pages 65-76 of Our Book of Mormon.

  See pages 48-68 in this issue.

  Sidney B. Sperry, Our Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1950), 1-8.

The Literary Labors of Moroni

II. Brief memoirs of Moroni, his description of calamities and conditions of the latter days, and an address to unbelievers. A.D. 385-421 (Mormon 8-9).

A. Moroni finishes his father's record, writing about A.D. 401. Conditions after the great battle of Cumorah. Moroni alone. Has little to write and finishes-as he
supposes-the record (Mormon 8:1-13).
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B. At a later time Moroni begins to write again (see chapter 1).    Mormon's record to come forth. The calamities and conditions of the latter days (Mormon 9:1-37).
II. Brief memoirs of Moroni, his description of calamities and conditions of the latter days, and an address to unbelievers. A.D. 385-421 (Mormon 8-9).

A. Moroni finishes his father's record, writing about A.D. 401. Conditions after the great battle of Cumorah. Moroni alone. Has little to write and finishes-as he
supposes-the record (Mormon 8:1-13).

B. At a later time Moroni begins to write again (see chapter 1).      Mormon's record to come forth. The calamities and conditions of the latter days (Mormon 9:1-37).

Ether

The abridgment of the book of Ether was the next literary labor of Moroni. When he decided to do this work we do not know, but it is probable that he commenced
not long after completing the book named after his father. The book of Ether was written by the last Jaredite prophet, whose name was Ether, upon the twenty-four
gold plates found by King Limhi's people in the days of King Mosiah (see Mosiah 8:7-9). These records were preserved among the Nephite historians until the days of
Mormon, when they were hidden with the other sacred writings in the hill Cumorah (Morm. 6:6).

From Ether 1:2 one naturally assumes that Moroni made his abridgment directly from the plates. If he did, we are driven directly to the conclusion that it was necessary
for him to find his way into the hill Cumorah, where the plates were hidden (Morm. 6:6). Since the language of the plates was that of the Jaredite people, it would have
been incumbent upon Moroni to translate them by means of the Urim and Thummim before he could abridge them. This would be a tremendous task and quite
unnecessary if he had used Mosiah's translation, which had been made many years before (Mosiah 28:11-20). The attention of the reader is again called to chapter 1,
    in which the problem of translation is discussed in greater detail. In its present form the book of Ether contains fifteen chapters or thirty printed pages. The title of the
book is now "The Book of Ether"; in the early editions of the Book of Mormon the title was simply "Book of Ether." The article seems to have first been added by
Elder Orson Pratt in the 1879 edition. Immediately beneath the title there now occurs an explanatory note which reads:

The record of the Jaredites, taken from the twenty-four plates found by the people of Limhi in the days of king Mosiah.

This is only found in the later editions of the Book of Mormon and is not to be regarded as part of the original text. The note seems to have been inserted by the
committee appointed to edit the text now in common use.

The book of Ether deals with the history of a people called the Jaredites, who came from the Tower of Babel to this continent and became a great nation. They were
led by prophets and were acquainted with the gospel, but finally, because of wickedness, they were destroyed at about the time the Nephites came to possess the land.
The book appears to be a severely condensed version of Ether's original, except in the first three and the last two chapters in which certain personalities are dealt with
in considerable detail. The personality of Moroni, the abridger, impresses itself strongly at intervals on the reader.

His spiritual commentaries and admonitions to the future readers of the book are notable. The philosophy of history underlying the writing of the book of Ether is clearly
expressed in Ether 2:8-12 and also in Ether 8. In the latter, Moroni explains the nature of the secret orders, oaths, and combinations of a sinister nature that existed
among the Jaredites and that threatened to destroy them as a nation. After pointing out that the Lord "worketh not in secret combinations, neither doth he will that man
should shed blood" (Ether 8:19), Moroni says:

And whatsoever nation shalt uphold such secret combinations, to get power and gain, until they shall spread over the nation, behold, they shall be destroyed; for the
Lord will not suffer that the blood of his saints, which shall be shed by them, shall always cry unto him from the ground for vengeance upon them and yet he avenge
them not.

Wherefore, O ye Gentiles, it is wisdom in God that these things should be shown unto you, that thereby ye may repent of your sins, and suffer not that these murderous
combinations shall get above you, which are built up to get power and gain-and the work, yea, even the work of destruction come upon you, yea, even the sword of
the justice of the Eternal God shall fall upon you, to your overthrow and destruction if ye shall suffer these things to be.

Wherefore, the Lord commandeth you, when ye shall see these things come among you that ye shall awake to a sense of your awful situation, because of this secret
combination which shall be among you; or wo be unto it, because of the blood of them who have been slain; for they cry from the dust for vengeance upon it, and also
upon those who built it upï¿½

Wherefore, I, Moroni, am commanded to write these things that evil may be done away, and that the time may come that Satan may have no power upon the hearts of
the children of men, but that they may be persuaded to do good continually, that they may come unto the fountain of all righteousness and be saved. (Ether 8:22-24,
26)

The words in italics indicate the philosophy of history which dominated Moroni in his abridgment. The thoughtful reader will compare this philosophy with that in Ether
2:8-12, which is essentially that found in other books of the Nephite scripture. In other words, if men keep God's commandments on this land they shall prosper;
otherwise, they shall be cut off.

The purposes of Moroni in abridging the book of Ether are clear. Aside from showing God's loving care over the nation that preceded the Nephites, his desire was to
expose for our profit and benefit the terrible end of a people who persisted in wickedness.

The book of Ether may be analyzed under three major headings as follows:

I. Early history of the Jaredite people before coming to this continent (Ether 1-4).

A. Moroni's discussion concerning the twenty-four plates. Genealogy of the prophet Ether. Language of the Jaredites and their friends not confounded. Brother of
Jared told by the Lord to prepare his people for migration (Ether 1).

B. Jaredites go into the valley of Nimrod. They gather together flocks, fowls, bees, and seeds. The Lord talks again with the brother of Jared and tells him of his decree
concerning the promised land. The people build barges for their journey (Ether 2).

C. Because of the brother of Jared's great faith the Lord manifests marvelous things to him. The premortal Christ appears. He commands the brother of Jared to write
the great things revealed to him. Two stones or "interpreters" provided for the purposes of translation (Ether 3).

D. Moroni's commentary; his solemn admonition to the Gentiles (Ether 4).

II. Moroni writes to future translator of his abridgment (Ether 5).

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Mormon. Three witnesses to be shown plates by the power of God (Ether 5:1-4).
D. Moroni's commentary; his solemn admonition to the Gentiles (Ether 4).

II. Moroni writes to future translator of his abridgment (Ether 5).

A. Translator of the Book of Mormon forbidden to touch the sealed portion of the plates. Plates to be shown to those who assist in bringing forth the Book of
Mormon. Three witnesses to be shown plates by the power of God (Ether 5:1-4).

B. Those who repent shall be received into the kingdom of God. Moroni asserts his authority for what he says (Ether 5:5-6).

III. History of Jaredite people from when they set sail for the promised land until their final destruction as a nation. With commentaries and admonitions by Moroni
(Ether 6-15).

A. Jaredite vessels, lighted in miraculous manner, reach promised land. Leaders oppose kings as rulers but give way to demands of people. Death of Jared and his
brother. During reign of kings from Orihah to Com there is much strife and contention. Secret and murderous combinations. When people were righteous they
prospered, when they were wicked destruction followed (Ether 6-10).

B. Many prophets in days of Com predict utter destruction of Jaredites except they repent. In days of the kings from Com to Coriantumr the words of the prophets
generally remained unheeded. Moroni bids farewell to the Gentiles. Words of Ether, the last Jaredite prophet, disregarded and he lives to write of the entire destruction
of his people. Moroni quotes Ether's last words (Ether 11-15).

In studying the book of Ether one is struck by an expression of Moroni with certain variations, which nearly always appears after he has been diverted from his main
task of abridging. After a lengthy commentary or admonition of his own he may say: "And now I, Moroni, proceed to give an account"; "and now I proceed with my
record"; "and now I, Moroni, proceed to give the record"; "and now I, Moroni, proceed with my record"; "and now I, Moroni, proceed to finish my record" (Ether
1:1;2:13;6:1;9:1;13:1; cf. 1 Ne. 10:1).

Moroni

The book of Moroni was the last of Moroni's literary labors and concludes the Nephite volume of scripture. It contains ten chapters comprising over twelve printed
pages in its present form. This book was written as the result of an afterthought on the part of its author. After finishing his abridgment of the book of Ether, Moroni had
concluded not to write any more (Moro. 1:1). Then he changed his mind, for as he says:

I write a few more things, that perhaps they may be of worth unto my brethren, the Lamanites, in some future day, according to the will of the Lord. (Moro. 1:4)

These words not only reveal to us Moroni's purpose in writing the book, but lay open to our minds the magnanimous character of the man. A person who can love his
enemies so much that he contributes to the eternal welfare of their descendants has a great soul.

The book of Moroni was written sometime between A.D. 401 and 421 (Morm. 8:6; cf. Moro. 10:1). I am inclined to believe that the later date is nearer the actual time
of writing.

The content of the book is confined roughly to about three classes of material: Moroni's historical and admonitory remarks, the discipline and procedures in the Nephite
church, the teachings and epistles of Mormon. We may divide the book more or less logically into four parts:

I. Moroni's preliminary remarks. Historical and explanatory items (Moro. 1).

A. Moroni continues to write; he successfully evades Lamanites. Wars among Lamanites are exceedingly fierce. Any Nephite who does not deny the Christ is slain by
them (Moroni 1:1-3).

B. Moroni explains his motives in writing; he has in mind the future welfare of the Lamanites (Moro. 1:4).

II. Items of Church discipline and procedure among the Nephites (Moroni 2-6).

A. The Savior's instructions to Nephite twelve concerning bestowal of the Holy Ghost (Moro. 2).

B. Manner in which Nephite twelve ordained priests and teachers (Moro. 3).

C. Manner in which sacramental bread and wine was administered (Moroni 4-5).

D. Conditions and mode of baptism among the Nephites. Matters of Church discipline (Moro. 6).

III. Moroni presents certain teachings of his father and two of his epistles (Moroni 7-9).

A. Mormon's teachings on faith, hope, and charity (Moro. 7).

B. Mormon's epistle to Moroni concerning the question of repentance and baptism for little children (Moro. 8).

C. A second epistle of Mormon to Moroni concerning Lamanite and Nephite atrocities, the work of the ministry, together with an affectionate admonition (Moro. 9).

IV. Moroni's final farewell to the Lamanites. A.D. 421 (Moro. 10).

A. How an individual may gain a testimony of the truth of the Book of Mormon (Moroni 10:1-7).

B. The gifts and power of God. An exhortation to lay hold upon every good gift (Moroni 10:8-30).

C. An appeal to Zion of the latter days to be no more confounded, to come unto Christ and be perfected in him (Moroni 10:31-34).

Judged by his writings, Moroni must have been a remarkably spiritual man. He holds the keys of the "stick of Ephraim" as the Book of Mormon is known in the
Doctrine and Covenants (D&C 27:5) and in the Bible (Ezek. 37:16, 19). His last written words were:
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And now I bid unto all, farewell. I soon go to rest in the paradise of God, until my spirit and body shall again reunite, and I am brought forth triumphant through the air,
to meet you before the pleasing bar of the great Jehovah, the Eternal Judge of both quick and dead. Amen. (Moro. 10:34)
C. An appeal to Zion of the latter days to be no more confounded, to come unto Christ and be perfected in him (Moroni 10:31-34).

Judged by his writings, Moroni must have been a remarkably spiritual man. He holds the keys of the "stick of Ephraim" as the Book of Mormon is known in the
Doctrine and Covenants (D&C 27:5) and in the Bible (Ezek. 37:16, 19). His last written words were:

And now I bid unto all, farewell. I soon go to rest in the paradise of God, until my spirit and body shall again reunite, and I am brought forth triumphant through the air,
to meet you before the pleasing bar of the great Jehovah, the Eternal Judge of both quick and dead. Amen. (Moro. 10:34)

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  See pages 81-85 of this issue.

The Book of Mormon As Literature

Abstract: What constitutes great literature? What is it about the literature of the Book of Mormon that has such a profound effect upon its readers? Although perhaps
not beautifully written, the Book of Mormon's message or theme justifies its classification as great literature and accounts for its profound effect on the lives of millions.

Persons in and out of the Church may differ in their opinions of the Book of Mormon as a religious production; but whatever the nature of these opinions, we must
agree that the Book of Mormon is literature. We can read it and appraise it-indeed, we can subject it to all the searching tests of literary criticism. It is estimated that
nearly one million five hundred thousand copies have been put in circulation since the book was first published in March 1830. [Ed. note: As of December 1994,
72,860,936 copies were in circulation.] Now that the Nephite scripture has been before the public for a little over one hundred years, it would seem possible to give a
candid and honest appraisal of the volume as literature. This we shall attempt to do and then proceed to point out the various types of literature found within its pages.

That the Book of Mormon has had a profound effect on hundreds of thousands of persons within the past century, few will deny. Henry A. Wallace, then Secretary of
Agriculture, was probably right when he made a statement, widely quoted in Mormon circles and published in the New York Times on November 5, 1937, to the
effect that of all the American religious books of the nineteenth century, the Book of Mormon was probably the most powerful. "It reached," so he said, "perhaps only
one per cent of the people of the United States, but it affected this one per cent so powerfully and lastingly that all the people of the United States have been affected,
especially by its contribution to opening up one of our great frontiers." What is there about the literature of the Book of Mormon that has produced such profound
effects upon its readers?

Qualitites of Great Literature

All of us agree that great literature should have a great theme. A petty, trivial, or commonplace theme, no matter how adequately treated, ill adapts itself to the
requirements of great literature because it is too narrow and limited in its outlook on life. Its content is too easily exhausted; it does not give constantly the exhilaration of
new discovery with each repeated examination.

Then, too, we may agree that, in addition to having a significant theme, a given piece of literature, to be called great, must be expressed beautifully. Its diction and
imagery should be well-nigh faultless.

Great literature has the faculty of bringing into activity man's whole being. The greater the scope of any literature-that is, the greater the number, variety, color, and
complexity of the impulses it arouses in man-the better its quality.

We are perhaps safe in saying that the authors of the world's best literature have had such varied and wide experiences, have had so many avenues of approach, and
have known human nature so well that we can never quite get away from them. Each age reads their works, relives them, and seems never to tire of them.

A Great Theme

How does the Book of Mormon fulfill the first requirement of great literature, that it should have a great theme? The Nephite record deals with the ancient peoples
which dwelt upon this continent. These people had followed prophets and believed in Jesus Christ as the Redeemer of the world. The Savior, after his death and
resurrection, appeared to many of them, and they were permitted not only to see him but to touch him and make sure that he was a glorious, exalted personage. The
book reveals that the American aborigines are principally descendants of Hebrew colonies who were divinely led to this hemisphere about 100 B.C. Even non-
Mormons will grant that the theme of the book is a great one, whether or not they agree as to its authenticity. Any book that professes to tell us the origin of the native
inhabitants of this continent and to reveal that the Savior taught the gospel to their ancestors has a great theme, regardless of the manner in which it is treated.

Beauty of Expression

How does the Book of Mormon fulfill the second requirement of great literature? Is it beautifully written? Is its diction nearly faultless? Most Mormon people who are
well acquainted with the Nephite record would have quite mixed feelings if these questions were put to them. Before we attempt to answer the questions here, let us
consider a few important matters in relation to the writing of the Book of Mormon and its translation. First of all, it would seem that few if any of the original Book of
Mormon writers had great literary qualifications. We must recognize that almost no Book of Mormon writings reach the high literary levels found in the Old Testament-
in the Joseph narratives, the books of Ruth, Isaiah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Job, and the Psalms, for example. The writers of the Book of Mormon seem to have been
direct, simple, unsophisticated men with a fervent and sincere desire to tell the truth-religious truth-as they saw it. Seldom or never do they rise to the heights or
grandeur that one finds in Isaiah; they never equal the philosophic concepts and literary perfection of Job. Occasionally one glimpses passages of considerable literary
merit such as the psalm in 2 Nephi 4:28-34. Parts of Alma, 3 Nephi, Mormon, and Moroni may also be read for aesthetic enjoyment. A good example of the simple
but fervent religious prose of the Book of Mormon is to be found in the book of Enos, which may be read in just a few minutes. Notice, however, the English of the
following scripture, quoted in other connections elsewhere in this book:

Behold, I say unto you that because I said unto you that I had spent my days in your service, I do not desire to boast, for I have only been in the service of God.

And behold, I tell you these things that ye may learn wisdom; that ye may learn that when ye are in the service of your fellow beings ye are only in the service of your
God.

Behold, ye have called me your king; and if I, whom ye call your king, do labor to serve you, then ought not ye to labor to serve one another? (Mosiah 2:16-18)

The homely English of this scripture could be much improved, particularly the first sentence. Nevertheless, the sentiments expressed are lovely and sublime. One likes to
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believe that (c)
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outstanding writer or orator.
Behold, ye have called me your king; and if I, whom ye call your king, do labor to serve you, then ought not ye to labor to serve one another? (Mosiah 2:16-18)

The homely English of this scripture could be much improved, particularly the first sentence. Nevertheless, the sentiments expressed are lovely and sublime. One likes to
believe that King Benjamin, the author, was in effect the Wilford Woodruff of his time, a leader, a hard worker with his hands, a very spiritual man, but not an
outstanding writer or orator.

Consider the following selection from the writings of Nephi, son of Lehi, who, for very good and sufficient reasons was the favorite Book of Mormon character of our
former president, Heber J. Grant:

I, Nephi, having been born of goodly parents, therefore I was taught somewhat in all the learning of my father; and having seen many afflictions in the course of my
days, nevertheless, having been highly favored of the Lord in all my days; yea, having had a great knowledge of the goodness and the mysteries of God, therefore I
make a record of my proceedings in my days.

Yea, I make a record in the language of my father, which consists of the learning of the Jews and the language of the Egyptians. (1 Nephi 1:1-2)

This passage in its English dress, and doubtless in the original, is too involved. The last sentence, as pointed out in chapter 3, "The Language and Script of the Book of
Mormon," is ambiguous and hard to understand. Nephi writes in another chapter:

For it sufficeth me to say that we are a descendant of Joseph. (1 Ne. 6:2)

This is a very poor English sentence, parallels of which can be found many times over in the Book of Mormon. I believe that this sentence betrays a too literal
adherence to the Nephite (Hebrew) original. This observation brings us to another matter which should be discussed in connection with the literature of the Book of
Mormon.

Translation Literature

The Book of Mormon is a translation literature. It must be kept in mind that a translation seldom does complete justice to the original. The patterns of any two
languages differ from each other, oftentimes very widely. A peculiar idiom of one tongue may have no counterpart in another. Consequently, a translator is often hard
put to carry over the spirit of a given passage into another language, because no adequate vehicle exists with which to do it. How, for example, could a translator
render adequately the Gospel of John 10 into the Eskimo language? In this lovely excerpt of scripture Jesus portrays himself as the good shepherd. Eskimos of the
Arctic region have had little or no experience with sheep. It would be vain to expect them to catch the spirit of Jesus' words if the translator kept the figure of sheep.

In connection with the English of the Book of Mormon we have indicated some of the natural human deficiencies of the translator. The Prophet Joseph Smith had little
or no formal training in English. He was no scholar as were the translators who gave us the King James Version of the Bible. These men were literary experts; when
they caught the spirit of the original scriptures they usually carried it over into clear, perspicuous, lovely English. Who can forget the melody and beauty of their
translation? Seldom would examples of the poor English we have already pointed to in the Book of Mormon have crept into the volume had Joseph Smith been an
English scholar. Moreover, the prophet was a novice at translation. It takes experience and training to become a polished translator. But the Lord had to make the best
use that he could of the young prophet. By means of the Urim and Thummim, which he provided, Joseph was enabled to catch the spirit of the original writers of the
Book of Mormon; but his translation was limited in effectiveness and beauty by his own lack of training. Like most inexperienced translators he had a tendency to be
too literal in his renditions of the original. Many of the mistakes found in the English of the Book of Mormon are due to this fact.

The abundant use of the expressions and / and it came to pass, so noticeable and distasteful to cultured readers of the Nephite record, is due simply to the fact that the
prophet lacked the skill of the King James translators in handling the Hebrew original. These scholars knew how to avoid monotony in their renditions; Joseph Smith,
on the other hand, did not. In the circumstances we should expect anything but a polished and sophisticated translation of the Book of Mormon. Moreover, the great
amount of abridgment in the Nephite record tends to detract from any literary perfection it might otherwise have had.

We must conclude, then, that the diction of the Book of Mormon does not achieve the elegance of highly artistic English. It falls far short of the literary perfection found
in many of the books of the Bible. Why has the Book of Mormon had such profound effects upon its readers? We are impelled to repeat the question propounded
above: Why has the Book of Mormon had such profound effects upon its readers? I believe that the answer lies in the unusual historical and religious truths revealed by
the volume, and in the further fact that the original writers of the book and its translator were possessed of unusually profound religious fervor and convictions. The
message of the record, with all its native simplicity, honesty, and religious fervor, is carried with great power to the hearts of sincere seekers after truth. This effect is not
dependent upon literary elegance.

In the light of what has been said, our appraisal of this book as literature may be stated as follows: Though the Book of Mormon has little sustained literary beauty, it is
a great literature because of the unusual religious and historical truths which it sets forth with profound spiritual fervor.

Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon
"The American Gospel"

Abstract: The American Gospel, found in 3 Nephi, differs from the Gospels of the New Testament in that Jesus is teaching as a resurrected, glorified, and exalted
person. It includes details of the cataclysmic events at the time of the crucifixion and of the multiple appearances of the Savior to the Nephites. Jesus delivers sermons
to the Nephites in general and also to the Nephite twelve. He heals the sick and institutes the sacrament. The depiction of prayer is perhaps the most powerful in all
scripture. The Savior quotes the prophecies of Isaiah and Micah with regard to the New Jerusalem and the Gentiles. He emphasizes the importance of record-keeping
for the Church, which should be called in his name.

Very little work has been done hitherto toward discovering, describing, and appraising the various types of literature found in the Book of Mormon. Let us turn now to
this new and fascinating approach to the study of the Book of Mormon.

The Gospels As Literature

The most outstanding selection of literature in the Book of Mormon is what I have denominated the American Gospel. It comprises 3 Nephi 1:4-21;8-28. The gospel is
a distinct and well-recognized type of religious literature; the four Gospels in the New Testament are, of course, the great examples. A gospel is not intended to be a life
of Jesus, but "good news," "tidings of great joy" about him. Gospels differ, oftentimes greatly, in style, selection of materials, and emphasis; but each attempts in its own
way to portray the "good news" to men that Jesus, the Christ, came into the world with the true way of life and salvation. Each attests his final triumph over death
through the resurrection.

The American
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The American Gospel differs in an obvious way from the four biblical Gospels in that it deals with Jesus' ministry among the Nephites as a resurrected, glorified, and
exalted personage rather than as a mortal being. True, each of the four Gospels tells us something about the Savior after his resurrection, but the space devoted to it is
of Jesus, but "good news," "tidings of great joy" about him. Gospels differ, oftentimes greatly, in style, selection of materials, and emphasis; but each attempts in its own
way to portray the "good news" to men that Jesus, the Christ, came into the world with the true way of life and salvation. Each attests his final triumph over death
through the resurrection.

The American Gospel

The American Gospel differs in an obvious way from the four biblical Gospels in that it deals with Jesus' ministry among the Nephites as a resurrected, glorified, and
exalted personage rather than as a mortal being. True, each of the four Gospels tells us something about the Savior after his resurrection, but the space devoted to it is
small in comparison to the size of the record. The gospel in 3 Nephi reveals clearly that Jesus taught the Nephites many of the same principles that he proclaimed in the
flesh in Palestine; he did it, however, as a being risen from the dead. His repetition here of the Sermon on the Mount is a good example (3 Nephi 12-14; cf. Matthew
5-7).

I include 3 Nephi 1:4-21 as part of the American Gospel because it deals with the birth of Christ. It differs very markedly from the accounts in the Gospels of Matthew
and Luke, in that a prophet by the name of Nephi receives assurances from the heavens that Jesus was to be born on the morrow:

And it came to pass that he [Nephi] cried mightily unto the Lord all that day; and behold, the voice of the Lord came unto him, saying:

Lift up your head and be of good cheer; for behold, the time is at hand, and on this night shall the sign be given, and on the morrow come I into the world, to show unto
the world that I will fulfil all that which I have caused to be spoken by the mouth of my holy prophets.

Behold, I come unto my own, to fulfil all things which I have made known unto the children of men from the foundation of the world, and to do the will, both of the
Father and of the Son-of the Father because of me, and of the Son because of my flesh. And behold, the time is at hand, and this night shall the sign be given. (3 Nephi
1:12-15)

The "sign" spoken of in this scripture was that predicted by Samuel the Lamanite five years before the event. This prophet foretold that when Jesus was born there
should be no darkness for a "day and a night and a day, as if it were one day and there were no night." He also said that a new star should arise as an additional sign
(see Helaman 14:2-7). These prophecies of Samuel the Lamanite all came to pass, including the appearance of a new star (3 Nephi 1:15-21). The latter parallels the
star episode mentioned only in Matthew 2:1-10.

Chronologically, most all of the events narrated in the four Gospels take place after the signs mentioned by Samuel the Lamanite were given and before those
mentioned in the first chapter of the next section of the American Gospel, namely, 3 Ne. 8. In a word: from the standpoint of time the events mentioned in the New
Testament Gospels may be placed between those mentioned in 3 Ne. 1 and 3 Ne. 8.

Mormon's Purpose in Writing 3 Nephi

The bulk of the American Gospel consists, as the reader has discovered, of 3 Nephi 8-28; a total of twenty-one chapters. The form and content of this material is due
to Mormon, the abridger or editor, acting under the Savior's direction. Inasmuch as Mormon tells of his intent in writing this Gospel and adds other comments of
interest, it will be well to quote his own words:

And now there cannot be written in this book even a hundredth part of the things which Jesus did truly teach unto the people;

But behold the plates of Nephi [large plates] do contain the more part of the things which he taught the people. And these things have I written, which are a lesser part
of the things which he taught the people; and I have written them to the intent that they may be brought again unto this people, from the Gentiles, according to the words
which Jesus hath spoken.

And when they shall have received this, which is expedient that they should have first, to try their faith, and if it shall so be that they shall believe these things then shall
the greater things be made manifest unto them.

And if it so be that they will not believe these things, then shall the greater things be withheld from them, unto their condemnation.

Behold, I was about to write them, all which were engraven upon the plates of Nephi, but the Lord forbade it, saying: I will try the faith of my people.

Therefore I, Mormon, do write the things which have been commanded me of the Lord. (3 Nephi 26:6-12)

Cataclysmic Events Prior to Christ's Appearance

Third Nephi 8-10 form a natural division of the American Gospel. They deal with the events which were preliminary to the dramatic appearance of the resurrected
Savior recorded in 3 Ne. 11. Third 1 Ne. 8 records the cataclysms events-tempests, earthquakes, whirlwinds, and fires-that took place at the time of the crucifixion of
the Savior. Great cities were destroyed with their inhabitants, and thick darkness reigned for the space of three days. All these events had been predicted as a sign of
the crucifixion by Samuel the Lamanite (Helaman 14:20-27). Third 1 Ne. 9 and 10 tell how the awe-inspiring voice of the Savior was heard over the face of the land by
the inhabitants who had been spared. The Savior explained the widespread disasters; he also emphasized that the law of Moses was fulfilled in him and that only a
broken and contrite heart was acceptable to God. Third 1 Ne. 10 records how, after a number of hours of silence, the voice of Jesus was heard again in the land, and
he instructed the inhabitants in words reminiscent of Matthew 23:37-38 and Luke 13:34:

O ye house of Israel whom I have spared, how oft will I gather you as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, if ye will repent and return unto me with full
purpose of heart.

But if not, O house of Israel, the places of your dwellings shall become desolate until the time of the fulfilling of the covenant to your fathers. (3 Nephi 10:6-7; see also 3
Nephi 10:4-5)

The Savior's Visit to the American Continent

Third 1 Ne. 11 begins a section-the largest in the Gospel-which properly ends with 3 Ne. 26. I say "properly ends with 3 Ne. 26," because this chapter concludes the
account of three continuous days of teaching and instruction on the part of the Savior from the time of his first personal appearance to the Nephite people. Mormon
records the following:

Therefore, I would that ye should behold that the Lord truly did teach the people, for the space of three days; and after that he did show himself unto them oft, and did
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The drama unfolded in 3 Ne. 11 is rivaled in the Book of Mormon only by 3 Ne. 17, in which the Savior is portrayed in a touching scene as healing the sick and
blessing little children, and by 3 Ne. 19, in which the baptism of the Nephite twelve, the visitation of the Holy Ghost, and an ineffable outpouring of prayer are
records the following:

Therefore, I would that ye should behold that the Lord truly did teach the people, for the space of three days; and after that he did show himself unto them oft, and did
break bread oft, and bless it, and give it unto them. (3 Ne. 26:13)

The drama unfolded in 3 Ne. 11 is rivaled in the Book of Mormon only by 3 Ne. 17, in which the Savior is portrayed in a touching scene as healing the sick and
blessing little children, and by 3 Ne. 19, in which the baptism of the Nephite twelve, the visitation of the Holy Ghost, and an ineffable outpouring of prayer are
recorded. In this chapter the first appearance of the redeemed Savior to a multitude of Nephites near the temple in the land Bountiful is graphically described:

And it came to pass, as they understood they cast their eyes up again towards heaven; and behold, they saw a Man descending out of heaven; and he was clothed in a
white robe; and he came down and stood in the midst of them; and the eyes of the whole multitude were turned upon him, and they durst not open their mouths, even
one to another, and wist not what it meant, for they thought it was an angel that had appeared unto them.

And it came to pass that he stretched forth his hand and spake unto the people, saying:

Behold, I am Jesus Christ, whom the prophets testified shall come into the world.

And behold, I am the light and life of the world; and I have drunk out of that bitter cup which the Father hath given me, and have glorified the Father in taking upon me
the sins of the world, in the which I have suffered the will of the Father in all things from the beginning.

And it came to pass that when Jesus had spoken these words the whole multitude fell to the earth; for they remembered that it had been prophesied among them that
Christ should show himself unto them after his ascension into heaven.

And it came to pass that the Lord spake unto them saying:

Arise and come forth unto me, that ye may thrust your hands into my side, and also that ye may feel the prints of the nails in my hands and in my feet, that ye may know
that I am the God of Israel, and the God of the whole earth, and have been slain for the sins of the world.

And it came to pass that the multitude went forth, and thrust their hands into his side, and did feel the prints of the nails in his hands and in his feet; and this they did do,
going forth one by one until they had all gone forth, and did see with their eyes and did feel with their hands, and did know of a surety and did bear record, that it was
he, of whom it was written by the prophets, that should come.

And when they had all gone forth and had witnessed for themselves, they did cry out with one accord, saying:

Hosanna! Blessed be the name of the Most High God! And they did fall down at the feet of Jesus, and did worship him. (3 Nephi 11:8-17)

The doctrines of baptism and repentance are then explained, and the Savior emphasizes their importance in the following words, which parallel Matt. 7:24;16:18:

Verily, verily, I say unto you, that this is my doctrine, and whoso buildeth upon this buildeth upon my rock, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against them.

And whoso shall declare more or less than this, and establish it for my doctrine, the same cometh of evil, and is not built upon my rock; but he buildeth upon a sandy
foundation, and the gates of hell stand open to receive such when the floods come and the winds beat upon them. (3 Nephi 11:39-40)

At this point it may be well to observe that Elder Parley P. Pratt wrote a poem of sixteen verses dealing with Christ's appearance on this continent and the great
destruction prior to it. Brother George Careless set it to music.

The Solid Rocks Were Rent in Twain

The solid rocks were rent in twain,
When Christ, the Lamb of God, was slain,
The sun in darkness veiled his face,
The mountains moved, and left their place.

The whole creation groaned in pain,
Till the Messiah rose again,
Then nature ceased her dreadful groan,
The sun unveiled his face and shone.

The righteous Nephites him receive,
With joy and wonder they believe,
And soon in love did they convene,
Conversing on the things they'd seen,

Which had been given for a sign,
When lo! there came a voice divine,
And as the heavenly words they heard.
The Lord of glory soon appeared.

With joy and wonder, all amazed,
The righteous Nephites on him gazed,
And wist not what the vision meant,
But thought it was an angel sent.

While in their midst he smiling stood,
Proclaimed himself the Son of God,
And said, "Come forth and feel and see,
That you may witness bear of Me."
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And when they all had felt and seen
Where once the nails and spear had been,
While in their midst he smiling stood,
Proclaimed himself the Son of God,
And said, "Come forth and feel and see,
That you may witness bear of Me."

And when they all had felt and seen
Where once the nails and spear had been,
Hosanna! rose with loud acclaim,
They blessed and praised his holy name.

It will be seen that 3 Ne. 11 is logically a little unit by itself in the large section (3 Nephi 11-26) of the American Gospel which we are considering. The next three
chapters are a compact unit in and of themselves, containing the Nephite version of the Sermon on the Mount. Here again the American Gospel parallels the Gospel of
Matthew (see Matthew 5-7).

The Book of Mormon Sermon on the Mount

The appearance of the Sermon on the Mount in the Book of Mormon is noteworthy in that its importance as a fundamental guide to the good life is emphasized anew.
We shall say no more about it here, since it forms a distinct literary problem which is discussed in chapter 15. In 3 Nephi 15-16-a self-contained unit-several
interesting miscellaneous teachings of Jesus are found. The first of these consists of the Savior's pronouncements on the law of Moses. He points out that the law given
to Moses is fulfilled, that he it was who gave the law and covenanted with his people Israel (cf. 1 Cor. 10:4). He concludes:

Behold, I am the law, and the light. Look unto me, and endure to the end, and ye shall live; for unto him that endureth to the end will I give eternal life. (3 Ne. 15:9)

The second teaching, spoken to the twelve only, gives a clear and unequivocal explanation of the statement quoted in John 10:16:

And other sheep I have, which are not of this fold: them also must I bring, and they shall hear my voice; and there shall be one fold, and one shepherd. (cf. 3 Ne. 15:17,
21; Isa. 56:8; Matt. 15:24)

Scholars have given various interpretations to this statement of Jesus; perhaps one of the most common is that the Gentiles are the "other sheep" spoken of. Indeed, the
Savior pointed out that his disciples in Jerusalem had that very concept:

And they [the disciples in Jerusalem] understood me not, for they supposed it had been the Gentiles; for they understood not that the Gentiles should be converted
through their preaching. (3 Ne. 15:22)

Jesus explained, however, that the Nephites to whom he was ministering were the "other sheep" to which he had reference, and that the Palestinian disciples had not
understood his word "because of stiffneckedness and unbelief" (3 Ne. 15:18, 21). The Nephite twelve were then informed of the existence of yet another body of
Israelites whom the Father had commanded him to visit:

And verily, verily, I say unto you that I have other sheep, which are not of this land, neither of the land of Jerusalem, neither in any parts of that land round about
whither I have been to minister.

For they of whom I speak are they who have not as yet heard my voice; neither have I at any time manifested myself unto them.

But I have received a commandment of the Father that I shall go unto them, and that they shall hear my voice, and shall be numbered among my sheep, that there may
be one fold and one shepherd; therefore I go to show myself unto them. (3 Nephi 16:1-3)

That these "other sheep" are the Ten Tribes so long lost to man there can be little doubt (see 3 Ne. 17:4).

In still other instructions, Jesus informed his disciples of the gathering of Israel in the latter days and of the blessings to be showered upon the believing Gentiles. The
Savior then declared that the words of Isaiah 52:8-10 would be fulfilled at that time (3 Nephi 16:17-20).

Third Nephi 17-23 may be classified roughly as a literary unit, though there may be those who would include 3 Ne. 15 and 16 with them. The incidents and teachings
described in this unit seem to be brought together in no special order. They may possibly be listed in chronological order with respect to each other, though many
important events took place which Mormon was forbidden to describe (3 Ne. 26:8, 11-12

As was pointed out before, 3 Ne. 17 is one of the most dramatic chapters in the Book of Mormon. Jesus healed the sick and those among the multitude afflicted with
bodily infirmities and prayed in a marvelous manner. But the episode describing his blessing of the little children will be found the most touching of all:

And when he had said these words, he wept, and the multitude bare record of it, and he took their little children, one by one, and blessed them, and prayed unto the
Father for them.

And when he had done this he wept again;

And he spake unto the multitude, and said unto them: Behold your little ones.

And as they looked to behold they cast their eyes towards heaven, and they saw the heavens open, and they saw angels descending out of heaven as it were in the
midst of fire; and they came down and encircled those little ones about, and they were encircled about with fire; and the angels did minister unto them.

And the multitude did see and hear and bear record; and they know that their record is true for they all of them did see and hear, every man for himself; and they were
in number about two thousand and five hundred souls; and they did consist of men, women, and children. (3 Nephi 17:21-25)

Third 1 Ne. 18 is important in regard to the discussion of the sacrament of the bread and wine which Jesus proceeded to institute among the Nephites. His discussion
of prayer and the delegation to the disciples of power to confer the Holy Ghost are notable. It is interesting that Jesus gave the disciples power to confer the Holy
Ghost before they were baptized (cf. 3 Ne. 18:37;19:13).

Third 1 Ne. 19 begins the account of the Savior's second appearance to the Nephites; that is to say, it deals with the events of the second day of his ministry. The first
appearance of Jesus had been noised abroad, and the morrow saw an even greater multitude gathered to behold and listen to the Master. An interesting human touch is
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Yea, and even all the night it was noised abroad concerning Jesus; and insomuch did they send forth unto the people that there were many, yea, an exceedingly great
number, did labor exceedingly all that night, that they might be on the morrow in the place where Jesus should show himself unto the multitude. (3 Ne. 19:3)
Ghost before they were baptized (cf. 3 Ne. 18:37;19:13).

Third 1 Ne. 19 begins the account of the Savior's second appearance to the Nephites; that is to say, it deals with the events of the second day of his ministry. The first
appearance of Jesus had been noised abroad, and the morrow saw an even greater multitude gathered to behold and listen to the Master. An interesting human touch is
revealed:

Yea, and even all the night it was noised abroad concerning Jesus; and insomuch did they send forth unto the people that there were many, yea, an exceedingly great
number, did labor exceedingly all that night, that they might be on the morrow in the place where Jesus should show himself unto the multitude. (3 Ne. 19:3)

The Nephite Twelve

This chapter is notable, among other things, for the fact that it gives us the names of the Nephite twelve previously chosen by Jesus to be leaders among the people. It
seems probable that they had been chosen early on the first day of the Savior's appearance (3 Ne. 11:22; cf. 12:1; Moro. 2:2). The names of the disciples, as they
were usually called, are Nephi, Timothy, Jonas, Mathoni, Mathonihah, Kumen, Kumenonhi, Jeremiah, Shemnon, Jonas, Zedekiah, and Isaiah.

The names Timothy and Jonas deserve a little special comment. Timothy is distinctly a Greek name. The name Jonas would seem to be a hellenized form of the Hebrew
Jonah (cf. Matthew 12:39-40). These names indicate the presence of Greek influence in Palestine before the Nephites left there in 600 B.C. Apparently the names,
either Greek originally or formed under Greek influence, were preserved on the brass plates and commonly used among the Nephites. That Greek influence was not
unknown in Palestine prior to 600 B.C. is attested by modern archaeological discovery.

The very interesting question arises: Were the Nephite twelve ordained apostles under the hands of Christ, or were they simply presiding high priests called in to
administer to the people as need dictated? In a strict theological sense the Church of Christ can have but one Quorum of the Twelve Apostles at a time upon the earth.
That consideration might at first seem to weigh against the Nephite twelve being apostles. However, it must be remembered that the Nephites were unknown to the
Palestinian twelve. Moreover, the people of this continent had just as much right to have apostles minister to them as did those of the Mediterranean world. And,
furthermore, the Nephite twelve were very decidedly special witnesses of Jesus Christ. We may well argue, therefore, that even though the apostles in Palestine
constituted the Quorum of the Twelve, there is no good reason for not believing that the Nephite twelve constituted a quorum of twelve apostles to administer to the
needs of the Church on this continent. That the Nephites "disciples" were apostles seems most positively attested in Moroni:

The words of Christ, which he spake unto his disciples, the twelve whom he had chosen, as he laid his hands upon them-

And he called them by name, saying: Ye shall call on the Father in my name, in mighty prayer; and after ye have done this ye shall have power that to him upon whom
ye shall lay your hands, ye shall give the Holy Ghost; and in my name shall ye give it, for thus do mine apostles. (Moroni 2:1-2)

This chapter also describes how the twelve, in a very impressive service, were baptized in water and, further, how they were baptized with fire from heaven and with
the Holy Ghost. Angels also ministered to them. Even more impressive in this chapter is the description given of an ineffable outpouring of prayer (3 Nephi 19:16-35).
In all scripture there can be found no description of a prayer service so powerful and marvelous as this. Only men with a high degree of spirituality can begin to
comprehend and appreciate it. Near the end of the service Jesus said to his disciples:

So great faith have I never seen among all the Jews; wherefore I could not show unto them so great miracles, because of their unbelief.

Verily I say unto you, there are none of them that have seen so great things as ye have seen; neither have they heard so great things as ye have heard. (3 Nephi 19:35-
36)

On account of its drama, loveliness, and high spirituality, I rank this chapter as one of the three greatest in the Book of Mormon.

Teachings in 3 Nephi

Third 1 Ne. 20 relates that Jesus again administered bread and wine, miraculously provided, to his disciples, who in turn gave to the multitude. Then he gave all present
instructions concerning the day when the Father would fulfill the covenant made with Israel and gather her sons from the four quarters of the earth. If the Gentiles did
not repent after receiving great blessings, said he, they should come under the power of Israel as Micah the prophet had foreseen (3 Nephi 20:16-19; cf. Micah 4:12-
13;5:8-9). Jesus emphasized that the sword of God's justice would hang over the Gentiles in that day; on the other hand he would establish his people Israel in this land,
which should be a New Jerusalem to them (3 Nephi 20:21-22). He cited a number of prophecies from Isaiah (52:1-3, 6-7, 9-15) and told the Nephites that they
would be fulfilled at that future time. The emphasis placed by the Savior upon Israel's gathering and future glory is notable in this part of the American Gospel. There is
no mistaking the fact that Jesus instructed Mormon to put in this Gospel those teachings of practical and vital importance to us of this generation.

Jesus continues, in 3 Ne. 21, his discussion of the Father's work in the last days. He mentions the gathering of Israel again, and points out that a free people will be set
up on this land, in order that the instructions and information in the Book of Mormon may be brought to the remnants of Israel by them. Those persons who will not
receive the gospel shall be cut off from among the Lord's covenant people. The Savior then points out anew that Israel will have power over the unrepentant Gentiles
and quotes Micah 5:8-15 to that effect. Jesus gives the promise, however, that if the Gentiles will hearken to his words and join themselves to the people of the
covenant, they shall be given the privilege of helping to build the city of the New Jerusalem on this land. Their future will be glorious in assisting the Father to gather the
dispersed of Israel from among all nations to this choice inheritance. The Master's discussion cannot fail to give the thoughtful reader a thrill as he contemplates it in
connection with the great future of America if she chooses the course prescribed by him.

Third 1 Ne. 22 is almost entirely a quotation from Isaiah. The superscription of it reads simply: "And then shall that which is written come to pass." This is, of course, an
allusion by the Savior to the teachings of 3 Ne. 21.

After quoting Isa. 54, the Lord paid tribute to the prophet:

And now, behold, I say unto you, that ye ought to search these things. Yea, a commandment I give unto you that ye search these things diligently; for great are the
words of Isaiah.

For surely he spake as touching all things concerning my people which are of the house of Israel; therefore it must needs be that he must speak also to the Gentiles.

And all things that he spake have been and shall be, even according to the words which he spake. (3 Nephi 23:1-3)

The remainder of 3 Ne. 23 is of special interest to New Testament scholars. After expounding the scriptures to which the Nephites had access, Jesus told the people
that he had other scriptures which they should write down. He directed Nephi to bring the record which had been kept. Casting his eyes upon it, the Lord noticed that
the fulfillment
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were rectified. The lesson which this act of our Lord should bring home to Latter-day Saint scholarship is this: The Savior seems to have been very anxious that proper
records, especially Church records, should be kept. That he would be any more anxious for Nephite history to be kept than that of the Church in Palestine and
surrounding territory seems highly improbable to us. Yet numerous scholars insist that Jesus had little or nothing written; some insist that even the four Gospels were not
And all things that he spake have been and shall be, even according to the words which he spake. (3 Nephi 23:1-3)

The remainder of 3 Ne. 23 is of special interest to New Testament scholars. After expounding the scriptures to which the Nephites had access, Jesus told the people
that he had other scriptures which they should write down. He directed Nephi to bring the record which had been kept. Casting his eyes upon it, the Lord noticed that
the fulfillment of some predictions of Samuel the Lamanite (Helaman 14:25-26) had not been recorded. Following the command of Jesus these omissions in the record
were rectified. The lesson which this act of our Lord should bring home to Latter-day Saint scholarship is this: The Savior seems to have been very anxious that proper
records, especially Church records, should be kept. That he would be any more anxious for Nephite history to be kept than that of the Church in Palestine and
surrounding territory seems highly improbable to us. Yet numerous scholars insist that Jesus had little or nothing written; some insist that even the four Gospels were not
written down until fifty years or more after his death. Many maintain that Jesus never organized a church; consequently there would be no point in insisting on "Church"
records during his lifetime. Teachings such as those found in the Sermon on the Mount are often assumed to be collections of oral instructions which were long kept in
the memories of the people and finally committed to writing. The American Gospel in the Book of Mormon demonstrates how unlikely some of these suppositions are.
The fact that Jesus gave the Sermon on the Mount to the Nephites substantially as it appears in Matthew 5-7, that he organized the Church, and, further, the fact that he
insisted on keeping careful records, should all put us on our guard against accepting too easily certain current theories respecting the Palestinian Church and its written
history. Third 1 Ne. 23 should be read and reread and pondered over by every scholar in the Church. Our Lord next proceeded to quote Malachi 3-4 and expounded
those chapters to the Nephites. These two chapters are given in 3 Nephi 24-25 substantially as we find them in the King James Version. Then follow the comments of
Mormon:

And now it came to pass that when Jesus had told these things he expounded them unto the multitude; and he did expound all things unto them, both great and small.

And he saith: These scriptures, which ye had not with you, the Father commanded that I should give unto you; for it was wisdom in him that they should be given unto
future generations. (3 Nephi 26:1-2)

Why were these chapters from Malachi, so important to Latter-day Saints, inserted in 3 Nephi without someone telling us how the Savior explained them? The answer,
it seems to me, is relatively simple. Mormon quoted the two chapters in full for the purpose of emphasizing their importance. However, the Savior forbade him to insert
his exposition of them because they deal with matters pertaining to the latter days, which it was the prerogative of the Prophet Joseph Smith to reveal. The second
advent of the Savior, the purification of the sons of Levi, the keys of the sealing powers, temple work, and the mission of Elijah were matters dealt with by Malachi. The
details concerning these important subjects were to be revealed by Joseph Smith at a proper time and place as the Church grew from its organization in 1830.

In 3 Ne. 26 Mormon further tells us that the Savior expounded all things to the Nephites, from the beginning until he should come in his glory, yes, and even until the
earth should pass away and all peoples stand before God to be judged. Mormon then explains that he was permitted to write only a few of the lesser things which Jesus
taught the Nephites. We are disappointed in that he relates only one incident concerning what Jesus did on the third successive day of his ministry. It concerns unusual
powers given to children:

Behold, it came to pass on the morrow that the multitude gathered themselves together, and they both saw and heard these children; yea, even babes did open their
mouths and utter marvelous things; and the things which they did utter were forbidden that there should not any man write them. (3 Ne. 26:16; cf. 14)

This chapter, as we have said, ends another logical unit in the American Gospel.

Mormon concludes the unit by pointing out that the Nephite Twelve went forth to teach and baptize the people; great and marvelous things were revealed to many.
Moreover, he records:

And they taught, and did minister one to another; and they had all things common among them, every man dealing justly, one with another.

And it came to pass that they did do all things even as Jesus had commanded them.

And they who were baptized in the name of Jesus were called the church of Christ. (3 Nephi 26:19-21)

Instructions to the Disciples

Third Nephi 27-28 form the last unit of the American Gospel. In them are set down the events that transpired in the last recorded meeting of Jesus with the Nephite
Twelve. Our Lord taught his disciples that the Church should be called after his name, for there had been disputations concerning the matter. He also emphasized
certain fundamentals of the Gospel such as repentance and baptism; no unclean thing should be permitted to enter God's kingdom. Moreover, the disciples were to be
judges of the Nephites according to the manner specified by Jesus (3 Ne. 27:27). The Savior impressed upon them again that they should write the things they had seen
and heard, for out of the books the people should be judged (3 Nephi 27:23-26). Third 1 Ne. 28 deals almost entirely with promises Jesus made to the Twelve, and
more especially with three of their number who were given the assurance that they should live to bring souls to him and behold all of the doings of the Father unto the
children of men until Christ should come in his glory. Nine of the twelve were promised that they should come into his kingdom after they were seventy-two years old.
The remaining three were promised, however, that they should have the same blessing as that granted to John the Beloved on the Eastern continent (3 Ne. 28:6; cf.
John 21:22-23; D&C 7).

Mormon tells at considerable length how the Three Nephites were caught up into heaven and saw and heard unspeakable things, how they ministered to the Nephites,
and how they were cast twice into a den of wild beasts and were delivered. Prisons could not hold them. Mormon was forbidden to write their names, but he writes
that he had seen them and they had ministered unto him. In the wisdom of God they should minister to the Gentiles, the Jews, the scattered tribes of Israel, and to all
nations. A change was wrought on their bodies so that they could not die; in this state they were to remain until the judgment day of Christ, at which time they were to
undergo a greater change and be received into the kingdom of the Father. The Evil One, Mormon points out, was to have no power over them whatever, and the
powers of the earth could not hold them.

Mormon's Editorial Concerning 3 Nephi

Thus ends the American Gospel with 3 Ne. 28. The remainder of 3 Nephi, 29-30, is not included in it, because these chapters deal with editorial remarks and warnings
from Mormon. Looking back over this Gospel, one sees that it is, in effect, a great spiritual drama with the gentle and compassionate but powerful figure of the
resurrected Savior dominating it. It is the heart and core of the Book of Mormon. In its intent, method, and content it will probably remind the reader most of the
Gospel of Matthew, but occasionally he will notice a touch of the Gospel of John. Nevertheless, it has a high originality and interest all its own. The love of God for man
permeates every page of it.

In his editorial in 3 Ne. 29 Mormon makes the following remarks, which should be taken to heart by this generation:

And now behold, I say unto you that when the Lord shall see fit, in his wisdom, that these sayings shall come unto the Gentiles according to his word, then ye may
know    that the
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fulfilled.

And ye may know that the words of the Lord, which have been spoken by the holy prophets, shall all be fulfilled; and ye need not say that the Lord delays his coming
In his editorial in 3 Ne. 29 Mormon makes the following remarks, which should be taken to heart by this generation:

And now behold, I say unto you that when the Lord shall see fit, in his wisdom, that these sayings shall come unto the Gentiles according to his word, then ye may
know that the covenant which the Father hath made with the children of Israel, concerning their restoration to the lands of their inheritance, is already beginning to be
fulfilled.

And ye may know that the words of the Lord, which have been spoken by the holy prophets, shall all be fulfilled; and ye need not say that the Lord delays his coming
unto the children of Israel.

And ye need not imagine in your hearts that the words which have been spoken are vain, for behold, the Lord will remember his covenant which he hath made unto his
people of the house of Israel.

And when ye shall see these sayings coming forth among you, then ye need not any longer spurn at the doings of the Lord, for the sword of his justice is in his right
hand; and behold, at that day, if ye shall spurn at his doings he will cause that it shall soon overtake you. (3 Nephi 29:1-4)

Analysis of 3 Nephi

The following is a plan or analysis of the American Gospel:

I. Signs of Christ's birth. Advent of the Messiah in accordance with prediction (3 Nephi 1:4-21).

II. Signs of crucifixion and death of Christ. Great tempests, earthquakes, whirlwinds, and fires as predicted by Samuel the Lamanite. Voice of Christ heard over the
land (3 Nephi 8-10).

III. Three-day ministry of resurrected Savior among Nephites (3 Nephi 11-26).

A. Dramatic personal appearance of Jesus to Nephites near temple in the land Bountiful. He teaches doctrines of repentance and of baptism by water and Holy Ghost
(3 Ne. 11).

B. Twelve disciples called and given authority to baptize. Jesus teaches same principles laid down in the Sermon on the Mount; ethical principles governing the good life
(3 Nephi 12-14).

C. Some miscellaneous teachings of the Savior (3 Nephi 15-16).

1. Law given Moses fulfilled. Jesus henceforth the law and the light (3 Nephi 15:1-10).

2. Jesus teaches the Twelve that Nephites are the sheep of another fold of which he spoke in Palestine: also that he was yet to visit other sheep (3 Nephi 15:11-16:4).

3. Blessings upon believing Gentiles of latter days. Isaiah 52:8-10 to be fulfilled at that time (3 Nephi 16:5-20).

D. The Savior heals the sick; prays to Father in marvelous manner; blesses little children (3 Ne. 17).

E. Jesus institutes sacrament of bread and wine. Teaches necessity of prayer. Disciples given power to confer Holy Ghost (3 Ne. 18).

F. Nephite Twelve baptized with water and Holy Ghost. Savior appears. Ineffable outpouring of prayer (3 Ne. 19).

G. Sacrament administered under miraculous circumstances. Gathering of remnants of Israel in latter days. According to prophet Micah, who is cited by Jesus, Israel to
have power over the Gentiles. Savior the prophet like unto Moses. The Lord to remember covenant made with his people and cites prophet Isaiah to that effect (3 Ne.
20).

H. Gathering of Israel sign of the Father's work in latter days. Glorious destiny predicted for repentant Gentiles. As predicted by prophet Micah, remnant of Jacob to
have power over unrepentant Gentiles. New Jerusalem to be built on the land (3 Ne. 21).

I. Savior cites Isa. 54 as having its fulfillment in latter days (3 Ne. 22).

J. Jesus attests importance of Isaiah's prophecies; also stresses importance of keeping Church records by commanding that omissions be supplied (3 Ne. 23).

K. Savior quotes Malachi 3-4 to Nephites (3 Nephi 24-25).

L. Jesus expounds words of Malachi and all things from beginning until he comes in glory. Children speak many marvelous things. Disciples teach and baptize among
people (3 Ne. 26).

IV. Jesus' last recorded appearance to his disciples, giving sundry items of instruction and blessing (3 Nephi 27-28).

A. Church to be named after Christ (3 Nephi 27:1-12).

B. Jesus sent into world to draw all men unto him upon conditions of faith, repentance, and baptism (3 Nephi 27:13-22).

C. Men to be judged out of things written in sacred books (3 Nephi 27:23-27).

D. Disciples to ask Father in Jesus' name for things they desire. Nephites of that generation to be saved, but most of the fourth generation to be lost (3 Nephi 27:28-
33).

E. Jesus grants each of the Twelve his heart's desire; three elect to remain upon earth until Lord's coming in glory; they are caught up into heaven and see and hear
unspeakable things (3 Nephi 28:1-13).

F. Mormon relates at length the history and state of the three disciples (3 Nephi 28:14-40).
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This originally appeared as chapter 7 on pages 77-82 of Our Book of Mormon.
unspeakable things (3 Nephi 28:1-13).

F. Mormon relates at length the history and state of the three disciples (3 Nephi 28:14-40).

This originally appeared as chapter 7 on pages 77-82 of Our Book of Mormon.

  Sidney B. Sperry, Our Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1950), 28-38.

  In our current version this verse reads: "For it sufficeth me to say that we are descendants of Joseph."

This originally appeared as chapter 8 on pages 83-101 of Our Book of Mormon.

  Hymn 331, in Hymns of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (1940 ed.).

  See pages 153-65 of this issue.

   Joseph Smith said: "This book [the Book of Mormon] also tells us that our Savior made His appearance upon this continent after His resurrection; that He planted
the Gospel here in all its fullness, and richness, and power, and blessing; that they had Apostles, Prophets, Pastors, Teachers, and Evangelists" (DHC 4:538).

Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon
Epistles Psalms Lamentations

Abstract: The Book of Mormon contains nine epistles-two pastoral, one prophetic, and six war epistles. The "Psalm of Nephi" is the only psalm in the Book of
Mormon, called such because it is a song of praise, betraying deep religious feeling. A good example of lamentation literature occurs in Morm. 6.

Following our discussion of the American Gospel in 3 Nephi, it seems appropriate to consider the epistles or letters of the Book of Mormon. There are nine epistles in
the Nephite record; others are referred to, but their text is not given. The nine may be classified as pastoral, prophetic, and war epistles. All of these are found in four
books: Alma, 3 Nephi, Ether, and Moroni.

This originally appeared as chapter 9 on pages 102-12 of Our Book of Mormon.

Epistles

The two examples of pastoral epistles are found in Moroni 8:2-30 and in Moro. 9. It will be remembered that in the New Testament three epistles of Paul are
denominated "Pastorals." They are 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus. These owe their name "Pastoral" to the general nature of their contents, which unites them and yet
separates them from the other New Testament epistles. They all deal, more or less, with the duties of the "shepherd" or presiding officer in a given branch or center of
the Christian church.

The two pastorals in question are so named because of the fact that Mormon writes them to his son Moroni, who was engaged in the ministry, giving advice, counsel,
and personal experience in much the same way that Paul writes to Timothy and Titus.

What was the situation that brought forth the first letter of Mormon to his son? It appears that Moroni had been recently called to the ministry. In fact, the superscription
of Moro. 8 reads:

An epistle of my father Mormon, written to me, Moroni; and it was written unto me soon after my calling to the ministry.

We may presume that by the "ministry" is meant missionary labor. In the course of his missionary work he seems to have encountered persons in a certain branch of the
Church who were contending that little children should be baptized. These people must have aroused much concern and unrest in the young missionary's mind. As a
result he wrote his father Mormon about the situation and doubtless asked his advice. The creeping of the false doctrine of child baptism into the Church roused
Mormon to write the letter, as the following words show:

And now, my son, I speak unto you concerning that which grieveth me exceedingly; for it grieveth me that there should disputations rise among you.

For, if I have learned the truth, there have been disputations among you concerning the baptism of your little children.

And now, my son, I desire that ye should labor diligently, that this gross error should be removed from among you; for, for this intent I have written this epistle.

For immediately after I had learned these things of you I inquired of the Lord concerning the matter. And the word of the Lord came to me by the power of the Holy
Ghost, saying:

Listen to the words of Christ, your Redeemer, your Lord and your God. Behold, I came into the world not to call the righteous but sinners to repentance; the whole
need no physician, but they that are sick; wherefore, little children are whole, for they are not capable of committing sin; wherefore the curse of Adam is taken from
them in me, that it hath no power over them; and the law of circumcision is done away in me. (Moroni 8:4-8).

The reader will notice the great concern of Mormon over the fact that heresies were creeping into the Nephite Church. He, as a great prophet and leader, wanted to
head them off. Moreover, the Lord assisted him by vouchsafing a special revelation on the subject (Moro. 8:8). The remainder of the letter through Moro. 8:26 is a
masterly and spiritual presentation of the case against child baptism. Moroni 8:27-29 throw considerable light on Mormon's personal situation. Apparently he was at a
considerable distance from his son Moroni and acting in a military capacity for his people:

Behold, my son, I will write unto you again if I go not out soon against the Lamanites. Behold, the pride of this nation, or the people of the Nephites, hath proven their
destruction except they should repent. (Moro. 8:28)

Mormon asks his son to pray for the Nephites that repentance may come to them; he plainly indicates his great concern for the future of the nation. The true greatness
of Mormon as a leader and a patriot is shown in this letter. "No nation," he seems to say between the lines, "can endure and become great except through the personal
righteousness of its members." He ends his letter by saying:
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Farewell, my son, until I shall write unto you, or shall meet you again. Amen. (Moro. 8:30)

The second letter of Mormon (Moroni 9) to Moroni must have been written a considerable time after the first, for it had been necessary for him to go out to battle
Mormon asks his son to pray for the Nephites that repentance may come to them; he plainly indicates his great concern for the future of the nation. The true greatness
of Mormon as a leader and a patriot is shown in this letter. "No nation," he seems to say between the lines, "can endure and become great except through the personal
righteousness of its members." He ends his letter by saying:

Farewell, my son, until I shall write unto you, or shall meet you again. Amen. (Moro. 8:30)

The second letter of Mormon (Moroni 9) to Moroni must have been written a considerable time after the first, for it had been necessary for him to go out to battle
against the Lamanites (cf. Moro. 8:27). The fact that Mormon had been engaged in a battle, the effects of which were still fresh on his mind, causes him to write a letter
much different from the first. This letter is not doctrinal; it deals largely with the cruelty, bestiality, and sadism of a hardhearted and unrepentant nation of Nephites.
Mormon says of them:

O the depravity of my people! They are without order and without mercy. Behold, I am but a man, and I have but the strength of a man, and I cannot any longer
enforce my commands.

And they have become strong in their perversion; and they are alike brutal, sparing none, neither old nor young; and they delight in everything save that which is good;
and the suffering of our women and our children upon all the face of this land doth exceed everything; yea, tongue cannot tell, neither can it be written. (Moroni 9:18-
19)

This letter of Mormon is heavy with his description of the wickedness of the Nephite people; nevertheless, he does not forget his ministry nor that of his son. He makes
the following noble statements, which are an index to his character:

And now, my beloved son, notwithstanding their hardness, let us labor diligently; for if we should cease to labor, we should be brought under condemnation; for we
have a labor to perform whilst in this tabernacle of clay, that we may conquer the enemy of all righteousness, and rest our souls in the kingdom of Godï¿½

My son, be faithful in Christ; and may not the things which I have written grieve thee, to weigh thee down unto death; but may Christ lift thee up, and may his sufferings
and death, and the showing his body unto our fathers, and his mercy and long suffering, and the hope of his glory and of eternal life, rest in your mind forever. (Moro.
9:6, 25)

Yes, this letter is truly pastoral despite the abominations of which Mormon writes.

When were these epistles written? An exact answer to this question cannot be given. The contents of the letters seem to indicate a time late in Nephite history when the
nation was ripe for destruction. Thus Mormon in the first letter, while commenting on the Nephites, says:

And after rejecting so great a knowledge, my son, they must perish soon, unto the fulfilling of the prophecies which were spoken by the prophets, as well as the words
of our Savior himself. (Moro. 8:29)

Moreover, the letters must have been written sometime after Mormon had reconsidered his decision not to lead the wicked Nephites into battle (Morm. 5:1; cf. 3:16),
for in the first letter to his son the great leader mentions, as we have seen, the possibility of going out against the Lamanites to battle (Moro. 8:27). The decision to lead
the Nephites once more in battle seems to have been made shortly before A.D. 380 (Mormon 5:1-6). In the second letter to his son, Mormon writes:

I trust that I may see thee soon; for I have sacred records that I would deliver up unto thee. (Moro. 9:24)

We know that by A.D. 385 Moroni already had in his possession the sacred records mentioned by his father (Morm. 6:6). All things considered, it seems quite
probable that Mormon's letters to Moroni were written sometime between A.D. 380 and A.D. 385.

Let us turn now to what we call the prophetic type of epistle. Actually there is only one example of it, that found in Ether 5. There may be those who object to calling
this chapter an epistle, but it truly is a letter, since it contains Moroni's instructions to the future translator of the Book of Mormon. We call it a prophetic epistle because
it was penned about fourteen hundred years before the advent of Joseph Smith, the prophet for whom it was intended. The great period of time which elapsed between
the penning and the reception of the letter makes it one of the most unusual epistles in existence. Imagine receiving a letter directed to oneself fourteen hundred years
after it was written!

The epistle is short, containing only six verses. The instructions in the letter to the future translator are two in number: first, he is told not to translate the plates which are
sealed; and second, he is given the privilege of showing the plates unto "those who shall assist to bring forth this work." Moroni then declares that they would in time be
shown to three witnesses by the power of God and "in the mouth of three witnesses shall these things be established" (Ether 5:4). The rest of the letter is general.
Moroni points out that the "testimony of the three, and this work" (Ether 5:4) shall stand as a testimony against the world. If the people of the world repent and come
unto the Father in the name of Jesus, they shall be received into God's kingdom. Moroni ends the letter by sharply affirming his authority to say these things.

The remaining epistles, six in number, are all war epistles. We shall not treat these in detail; it will suffice to classify them and consider the general nature of their
contents. The first two are epistles dealing with the exchange of prisoners. These are found in Alma 54:5-14 and 54:16-24, respectively. A renegade Lamanite leader
by the name of Ammoron asks one Moroni, a Nephite general, to exchange prisoners. Moroni writes the first recorded epistle of the Book of Mormon in answer to
Ammoron's proposal. It is an exceedingly sharply worded reply in which he agrees to the Lamanite request on condition that the enemy deliver up a man and his family
in exchange for each warrior in possession of the Nephites.

The second epistle contains Ammoron's reply; insolent though it is, he does agree to the Nephite proposals respecting the exchange. An interesting statement in
Ammoron's letter deserves our attention. He says:

I am Ammoron, and a descendant of Zoram, whom your fathers pressed and brought out of Jerusalem. (Alma 54:23)

Had Ammoron's letter not been originally written because of the exchange proposal of Moroni, we might well have classed it as a revenge epistle, for it bristles with
vindictive emotions.

The longest epistle in the Book of Mormon is found in Alma 56:2-58:41. It was written by Helaman, a Nephite leader and general, to the Nephite general, Moroni,
mentioned in connection with the epistles on exchange of prisoners. It is a faith-promoting letter of heroic mold, concerning certain phases of the war between the
Nephites and Lamanites during the years 66-62 B.C. The epistle should be classified as a war story concerning two thousand young warriors known affectionately as
the "sons of Helaman." These young men were sons of Lamanites (converted by Ammon, a great Nephite missionary, and his brethren) who had taken a solemn oath
never to bear weapons of war again. There arose a time, however, when the pressure of war was so great against the Nephites that the Lamanites who had taken the
oath were about to take up arms again to aid in the cause of their friends. They were dissuaded from doing so when it was shown that their sons, who had grown up
without taking
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Helaman's direction (Alma 57:19; cf. Alma 53:18). They called themselves Nephites (see Alma 53:16), and Helaman reports that their faith in God was such that after
several great battles none of them was slain, though many were wounded (Alma 56:56;57:25;58:40). What was astonishing was that though they were spared, many
others of their Nephite brethren were slain:
Nephites and Lamanites during the years 66-62 B.C. The epistle should be classified as a war story concerning two thousand young warriors known affectionately as
the "sons of Helaman." These young men were sons of Lamanites (converted by Ammon, a great Nephite missionary, and his brethren) who had taken a solemn oath
never to bear weapons of war again. There arose a time, however, when the pressure of war was so great against the Nephites that the Lamanites who had taken the
oath were about to take up arms again to aid in the cause of their friends. They were dissuaded from doing so when it was shown that their sons, who had grown up
without taking the oath, could help their Nephite brethren just as well. Two thousand and sixty was the number of these young Lamanites who took up arms under
Helaman's direction (Alma 57:19; cf. Alma 53:18). They called themselves Nephites (see Alma 53:16), and Helaman reports that their faith in God was such that after
several great battles none of them was slain, though many were wounded (Alma 56:56;57:25;58:40). What was astonishing was that though they were spared, many
others of their Nephite brethren were slain:

And it came to pass that there were two hundred, out of my two thousand and sixty, who had fainted because of the loss of blood; nevertheless, according to the
goodness of God, and to our great astonishment, and also the joy of our whole army, there was not one soul of them who did perish; yea, and neither was there one
soul among them who had not received many wounds.

And now, their preservation was astonishing to our whole army, yea, that they should be spared while there was a thousand of our brethren who were slain. And we do
justly ascribe it to the miraculous power of God, because of their exceeding faith in that which they had been taught to believe-that there was a just God, and
whosoever did not doubt, that they should be preserved by his marvelous power. (Alma 57:25-26)

The story told in this epistle is probably the best example of its kind in the Book of Mormon. Though told in the midst of war, it is distinctly religious in tone, breathing
great trust and confidence in God.

Alma 60 is an epistle of censure written by Moroni, the Nephite general, to Pahoran, chief judge and governor of the land. The letter complains of apparent neglect on
the part of the government heads who, by their failure to support the Nephite armies in the field, cause the death of thousands. Moroni threatens reprisals unless
immediate help is forthcoming to Helaman and himself. He ends his epistle as follows:

Behold, I am Moroni, your chief captain. I seek not for power, but to pull it down. I seek not for honor of the world, but for the glory of my God, and the freedom and
welfare of my country. And thus I close mine epistle. (Alma 60:36)

This verse is worthy of being quoted, particularly at the present time when the world needs men and leaders imbued with Moroni's spirit.

Moroni's epistle prompts Pahoran to write a noble and patriotic reply, conciliatory and lovely in spirit (Alma 61:2-21). Pahoran points out that he has great troubles of
his own; large numbers of Nephite dissenters have attempted to wrest the judgment seat from him and have prevented the sending of supplies to the Nephite armies in
the field. Pahoran and the freemen supporting him are at their wits' end to prevent the overthrow of the government. Moroni is requested to send relief to Pahoran in
order to put down an unjust rebellion. The spirit of Pahoran is manifested in his closing sentences:

See that ye strengthen Lehi and Teancum [other Nephite generals] in the Lord; tell them to fear not, for God will deliver them, yea, and also all those who stand fast in
that liberty wherewith God hath made them free. And now I close mine epistle to my beloved brother, Moroni. (Alma 61:21)

The last of the war epistles may be denominated an ultimatum. This epistle, found in 3 Nephi 3:2-10, was written by Giddianhi, a robber chieftain, to Lachoneus, the
Nephite governor, who ruled about A.D. 16. It demanded possession of Nephite lands, threatened the people, and spoke of avenging fancied wrongs done to the
robbers. Suffice it to say that Lachoneus did not answer the letter, but prepared his people for battle and eventually beat the robber bands.

Psalms

Let us turn now to another type of literature, namely, the psalm. There can be little doubt that the psalm is a special type of literature; in many respects it stands alone,
without parallel. Most psalms are characterized by a depth of personal religion which places them in a class of their own. Many ancient peoples other than the
Israelites-the Babylonians and Egyptians, for instance-had a body of psalm literature. Many of the psalms of these people have great beauty, and their form has
similarities to those of the Hebrew psalms.

The Book of Mormon, unlike the Old Testament in this respect, has few psalms. As a matter of fact I can report only one psalm in the entire volume. This is found in 2
Nephi 4:16-35. We justify the classification of this passage of scripture as a psalm, because it is essentially a song of praise and betrays deep religious feeling. Formally,
we may call it "The Psalm of Nephi." In 2 Nephi 4:15-16 Nephi's yearning to praise God is easily seen:

For my soul delighteth in the scriptures, and my heart pondereth them, and writeth them for the learning and the profit of my children.

Behold, my soul delighteth in the things of the Lord.

Because of considerations of space we shall not print all of the psalm here. Captions are placed over the parts chosen for purposes of illustration:

Rejoice, O My Heart

Awake, my soul! No longer droop in sin.
Rejoice, O my heart, and give place no more
for the enemy of my soul.
Do not anger again because of mine enemies.
Do not slacken my strength because of
mine afflictions.
Rejoice, O my heart, and cry unto the Lord,
and say:
O Lord, I will praise thee forever;
Yea, my soul will rejoice in thee,
My God, and the rock of my salvation. (2 Nephi 4:28-30)

O Lord, Redeem My Soul

O Lord, wilt thou redeem my soul?
Wilt thou deliver me out of the
hands of mine enemies?
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at the appearance of sin?
May the gates of hell be shut
O Lord, wilt thou redeem my soul?
Wilt thou deliver me out of the
hands of mine enemies?
Wilt thou make me that I may shake
at the appearance of sin?
May the gates of hell be shut
continually before me, because
that my heart is broken and my
spirit is contrite!
O Lord, wilt thou not shut the gates
of thy righteousness before me, that I
may walk in the path of the low
valley, that I may be strict in the
plain road!
O Lord, wilt thou encircle me around
in the robe of thy righteousness!
O Lord, wilt thou make a way for mine
escape before mine enemies!
Wilt thou make my path straight
Before me!
Wilt thou not place a stumbling block
in my way-but that thou wouldst
clear my way before me, and hedge
not up my way, but the ways of
mine enemy.
O Lord, I have trusted in thee, and
I will trust in thee forever.
I will not put my trust in the arm
of flesh; for I know that cursed
is he that putteth his trust in
the arm of flesh.
Yea, cursed is he that putteth his
trust in man
or maketh flesh his arm. (2 Nephi 4:31-34)

This is a true psalm in both form and idea. Its rhythm is comparable to the noble cadence of David's poems. It not only praises God, but lays bare to us the very depths
of Nephi's soul. A study of this psalm reveals how the scriptures delighted Nephi. The influence upon him of the books of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Lamentations, and the
Psalms is very apparent.

A good example of a type of literature which we may call the lamentation occurs in Mormon 6:17-22.

This lamentation was uttered by Mormon, the great commander-in-chief of the Nephites, after the final destruction of his people in battle. It is characterized by intense
grief over the slain of his people. A very poignant religious spirit is manifested throughout the lament:

And my soul was rent with anguish, because of the slain of my people, and I cried:

Mormon's Lamentation

O ye fair ones, how could ye
have departed from the
ways of the Lord!
O ye fair ones, how could ye
have rejected that Jesus,
who stood with open
arms to receive you!
Behold, if ye had not done this,
ye would not have fallen.
But behold, ye are fallen,
and I mourn your loss.
O ye fair sons and daughters,
ye fathers and mothers,
ye husbands and wives,
ye fair ones, how is it
that ye could have fallen!
But behold, ye are gone,
and my sorrows cannot
bring your return.

And the day soon cometh that your mortal must put on immortality, and these bodies which are now moldering in corruption must soon become incorruptible bodies;
and then ye must stand before the judgment seat of Christ, to be judged according to your works; and if it so be that ye are righteous, then are ye blessed with your
fathers who have gone before you.

O that ye had repented before
this great destruction had
come upon you.
But behold, ye are gone, and
the Father, yea,
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Father of heaven, knoweth
your state; and he doeth
with you according to his
O that ye had repented before
this great destruction had
come upon you.
But behold, ye are gone, and
the Father, yea, the Eternal
Father of heaven, knoweth
your state; and he doeth
with you according to his
justice and mercy. (Mormon 6:17-22)

The reader should observe the interesting parallelism which the poetic parts of the lamentation exhibit.

Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon:
Historical Narrative Memoir
Prophetic Discourse Oratory

Abstract: Historical narrative in the Book of Mormon is written by laymen, and is the truth as they see it. Of emphasis is the doctrine that blessings follow those who
keep the commandments; they will prosper in the land. More than autobiography, the words of the writers could be described as memoirs. Benjamin delivered a
wonderful oration which deserves detailed study, and which can be divided into three parts.

This originally appeared as chapter 10 on pages 113-24 of Our Book of Mormon.

Historical Narrative

Of the literary forms in the Book of Mormon, historical narrative is the most common. It is probable that a little over fifty per cent of the text would be classified under
this heading. The Nephite historians did not write history in the scientific, documented form that we do today. They wrote as intelligent, religious, and sincere laymen
might write, telling the truth as they saw it. Their writings often lack literary embellishment, as we have already seen, and they make few attempts at historical
interpretation in the comprehensive and thoroughgoing manner common among first-rate historians of the present time. Nevertheless, we must not forget that they stress
most emphatically the fact that what they have written is true and should be taken seriously. Observe the final words of Nephi, the first writer in the Book of Mormon.

And now, my beloved brethren, and also Jew, and all ye ends of the earth, hearken unto these words and believe in Christ; and if ye believe not in these words believe
in Christ. And if ye shall believe in Christ ye will believe in these words, for they are the words of Christ, and he hath given them unto me; and they teach all men that
they should do goodï¿½

And now, my beloved brethren, all those who are of the house of Israel, and all ye ends of the earth, I speak unto you as the voice of one crying from the dust:
Farewell until that great day shall come.

And you that will not partake of the goodness of God, and respect the words of the Jews, and also my words, and the words which shall proceed forth out of the
mouth of the Lamb of God, behold, I bid you an everlasting farewell, for these words shall condemn you at the last day. (2 Ne. 33:10, 13-14

In the same tone are some of the words of Moroni, the last writer in the Nephite record:

And I exhort you to remember these things; for the time speedily cometh that ye shall know that I lie not, for ye shall see me at the bar of God; and the Lord God will
say unto you: Did I not declare my words unto you, which were written by this man, like as one crying from the dead, yea, even as one speaking out of the dust?

I declare these things unto the fulfilling of the prophecies. And behold, they shall proceed forth out of the mouth of the everlasting God; and his word shall hiss forth
from generation to generation. (Moroni 10:27-28)

Jacob, the brother of Nephi, declared, "I have written according to the best of my knowledge" (Jacob 7:26).

The historical interpretation found in the Book of Mormon reminds one somewhat of the type found in Chronicles. The chronicler definitely attempts to show that
blessings follow those who keep the law of the Lord, and that punishment befalls the sinner. In the Book of Mormon the historians constantly emphasize and attempt to
drive home the idea that if the people keep the commandments of the Lord they will prosper in the land; otherwise they will be cut off from his presence. Second 1 Ne.
1 is almost entirely devoted to this doctrine, epitomized beautifully:

And he [the Lord] hath said that: Inasmuch as ye shall keep my commandments ye shall prosper in the land; but inasmuch as ye will not keep my commandments ye
shall be cut off from my presence. (2 Ne. 1:20)

The observant student will find the same philosophy of history in succeeding books (see Enos 1:10; Jarom 1:9; Omni 1:6; Alma 9:14;37:13;38:1;45:6-8;50:20;
Helaman 10:4-5; 4 Nephi 1:15-18, 23; Mormon 3:2-3; Ether 2:8-12). Indeed, this doctrine seems to have determined their interpretation of history.

Since the amount of historical narrative in the Book of Mormon is large, it is not difficult to point out examples. Notice the following: 1 Ne. 5, 16; Jarom 1:1-5; Omni
1:1-30; Mosiah 18:1-25:24; Alma 19:1-25:17;46:1-3:23; Helaman 1:1-4:26.

We shall reproduce here only one example of this type of literature. It is not the most interesting or, perhaps, the best written, but it may be called typical. Moreover,
the words which we have italicized indicate that the philosophy underlying the writing of it is in accordance with what has been said. The passage in question is taken
from the small book of Jarom.

And now, behold, two hundred years had passed away, and the people of Nephi had waxed strong in the land. They observed to keep the law of Moses and the
sabbath day holy unto the Lord. And they profaned not; neither did they blaspheme. And the laws of the land were exceedingly strict.

And they were scattered upon much of the face of the land, and the Lamanites also. And they were exceedingly more numerous than were they of the Nephites; and
they loved murder and would drink the blood of beasts.

And it came to pass that they came many times against us, the Nephites, to battle. But our kings and our leaders were mighty men in the faith of the Lord; and they
taught the people the ways of the Lord; wherefore, we withstood the Laminates and swept them away out of our lands, and began to fortify our cities, or whatsoever
place of our inheritance.
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And we multiplied exceedingly, and spread upon the face of the land, and became exceedingly rich in gold, and in silver, and in precious things, and in fine
workmanship of wood, in buildings, and in machinery, and also in iron and copper, and brass and steel, making all manner of tools of every kind to till the ground, and
And it came to pass that they came many times against us, the Nephites, to battle. But our kings and our leaders were mighty men in the faith of the Lord; and they
taught the people the ways of the Lord; wherefore, we withstood the Laminates and swept them away out of our lands, and began to fortify our cities, or whatsoever
place of our inheritance.

And we multiplied exceedingly, and spread upon the face of the land, and became exceedingly rich in gold, and in silver, and in precious things, and in fine
workmanship of wood, in buildings, and in machinery, and also in iron and copper, and brass and steel, making all manner of tools of every kind to till the ground, and
weapons of war-yea, the sharp pointed arrow, and the quiver, and the dart, and the javelin, and all preparations for war.

And thus being prepared to meet the Lamanites, they did not prosper against us. But the word of the Lord was verified, which he spoke unto our fathers, saying that:
Inasmuch as ye will keep my commandments ye shall prosper in the land.

And it came to pass that the prophets of the Lord did threaten the people of Nephi, according to the word of God, that if they did not keep the commandments, but
should fall into transgression, they should be destroyed from off the face of the land.

Wherefore, the prophets, and the priests, and the teachers, did labor diligently, exhorting with all long-suffering the people to diligence; teaching the law of Moses, and
the intent for which it was given; persuading them to look forward unto the Messiah, and believe in him to come as though he already was. And after this manner did
they teach them.

And it came to pass that by so doing they kept them from being destroyed upon the face of the land; for they did prick their hearts with the word, continually stirring
them up unto repentance.

And it came to pass that two hundred and thirty and eight years had passed away-after the manner of wars, and contentions, and dissensions, for the space of much of
the time.

And I, Jarom, do not write more, for the plates are small. But behold, my brethren, ye can go to the other plates of Nephi; for behold, upon them the records of our
wars are engraven, according to the writings of the kings, or those which they caused to be written. (Jarom 1:5-14)

Some very interesting historical narrative can also be found in Alma 17-20.

Memoir

One is tempted to show that autobiography is one of the literary forms in the Book of Mormon. Indeed, in the books of 1 and 2 Nephi, Enos, Mosiah, and Mormon
are writings that many readers might classify as such. Much that Nephi writes is about himself, and often we can see, as it were, the very soul of the man. The books of
Enos, Mosiah 9-10, and Mormon 1-7 contain much of the personal element and the self-revelation necessary to autobiography. Are these portions of the Book of
Mormon to be classified as true autobiography?

Autobiography, letter, journal, diary, and memoir may be grouped together as literature of personal revelation. A quick inspection of the books we have cited rules
them out as letters, journals, or diaries. Do they belong in either of the remaining classifications, autobiography or memoir?

Technically an autobiography is a connected account of the author's life, with due stress on introspection, or on the importance of his life against a communal, national,
or world background. The memoir-the term is often used as if interchangeable with autobiography-is to be properly distinguished from autobiography by the relative
emphasis placed on character and on external events. The memoir as a rule gives some prominence to personalities and actions other than the writer's own. In fact,
certain memoirs are hardly more than a recital of historical occurrences that have come under the direct purview of their recorders.

It seems to us that Nephi's writings in 1 and 2 Nephi are not autobiography in the true sense of the term. Memoir better describes these books. Let us call them
"Nephi's Memoirs." Enos gives no connected account of his life, though much of what he writes is warmly personal. His writings are too limited in amount (27 verses) to
be seriously regarded as autobiography. Memoir is a better description of the literary form. The same may be said of Zeniff's writings in Mosiah 9-10. Mormon's
personal record in Mormon 1-7 falls also in the memoir classification

Prophetic Discourse

Prophetic discourse is a form of literature common in the Book of Mormon. This type of literature is relatively simple and may be thought of as the equivalent of our
modern sermon in which description, reflection, and warning are intermingled in a fervor of appeal. Good examples of this form of literature are found in Isa. 1; Isaiah
2-4; Jeremiah 23-32; Ezek. 33:30;34, are others in the Bible. From the Book of Mormon we cite a few instances as follows: 1 Ne. 22; 2 Ne. 1, 29, 32; Jacob 6;
Mosiah 12:1-8; Alma 10:17-23;32:8-43;33:2-23;34:2-41; Helaman 7:13-29.

The example found in Mosiah follows:

Thus has the Lord commanded me saying-Abinadi, go and prophesy unto this my people, for they have hardened their hearts against my words; they have repented not
of their evil doings; therefore, I will visit them in my anger, yea, in my fierce anger will I visit them in their iniquities and abominations.

Yea, wo be unto the generation! And the Lord said unto me: Stretch forth thy hand and prophesy, saying: Thus saith the Lord, it shall come to pass that this generation,
because of their iniquities, shall be brought into bondage, and shall be smitten on the cheek; yea, and shall be driven by men, and shall be slain; and the vultures of the
air, and the dogs, yea, and the wild beasts, shall devour their flesh.

And it shall come to pass that the life of king Noah shall be valued even as a garment in a hot furnace; for he shall know that I am the Lord.

And it shall come to pass that I will smite this my people with sore afflictions, yea, with famine and with pestilence; and I will cause that they shall howl all the day long.

Yea, and I will cause that they shall have burdens lashed upon their backs; and they shall be driven before like a dumb ass.

And it shall come to pass that I will send forth hail among them, and it shall smite them; and they shall also be smitten with the east wind; and insects shall pester their
land also, and devour their grain.

And they shall be smitten with a great pestilence-and all this will I do because of their iniquities and abominations.
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them for other nations which shall possess the land; yea, even this will I do that I may discover the abominations of this people to other nations. (Mosiah 12:1-8)
land also, and devour their grain.

And they shall be smitten with a great pestilence-and all this will I do because of their iniquities and abominations.

And it shall come to pass that except they repent I will utterly destroy them from off the face of the earth; yet they shall leave a record behind them, and I will preserve
them for other nations which shall possess the land; yea, even this will I do that I may discover the abominations of this people to other nations. (Mosiah 12:1-8)

Abinadi is as vehement in his way as Isaiah is in the "great arraignment" in Isa. 1. However, as literature, Abinadi's words lack the majesty and grandeur that is Isaiah's.
Isaiah was apparently a very highly trained prophet-statesman. The reader will find it profitable to examine carefully some of the other prophetic discourses of the Book
of Mormon and compare them with examples in the Bible.

  See Richard G. Moulton, The Literary Study of the Bible, rev. ed. (Boston: Heath, 1895), 364-69.

Oratory

Oratory is one of the forms of spoken rhetoric or of the literature of address in the Book of Mormon. Only one good instance of it can be found in the Nephite record.
It is the address of King Benjamin found in Mosiah 2:9-3:27;4:4-30. The Bible offers many more examples. The four orations of Moses in Deuteronomy (1:6-4:40;5:1-
11:30;28;29:2-31:8), the speeches in Job, Elijah on Mt. Carmel (1 Kings 18:20-40), and Amos 1-2 are good illustrations. The business of a speechmaker is to do
something with his audience, to change the listeners or mold their opinions before they depart. Many techniques are used in doing this, and the true orator knows how
to employ them skillfully. He may leave the audience better informed; he may cause an emotional change; or he may change a purely indifferent attitude to one of active
interest. In any event, he must cause a change in the ideas and attitudes of his listeners, or he has failed as an orator.

It is highly improbable that Benjamin had received much instruction in the making of speeches or sermons. What ability he had in his youth had probably been improved
through long experience as a teacher of his people and as their king. Most of his speeches were doubtless of a religious nature, if we may judge the spirit of the man in
his last formal speech.

The situation which caused Benjamin to deliver the address is this: He had grown old and was desirous of conferring the kingdom upon Mosiah, his oldest son.
Moreover, he wanted to deliver to his people one last warning against sin and unrighteousness. Therefore, he called Mosiah and instructed him to make a proclamation
to the people bidding them gather on the morrow to hear his words.

For on the morrow, I shall proclaim unto this my people out of mine own mouth that thou art a king and a ruler over this people, whom the Lord our God hath given us.

And moreover, I shall give this people a name, that thereby they may be distinguished above all the people which the Lord God hath brought out of the land of
Jerusalemï¿½

And I give unto them a name that never shall be blotted out, except it be through transgression. (Mosiah 1:10-12)

Mosiah did as his father had instructed, and bade the people of Zarahemla gather themselves to the temple to hear Benjamin's address. So many people gathered that
the king could not speak to them all within the confines of the temple walls. He therefore erected a tower from which to speak, but even this did not suffice. He then
had his words written down and circulated among those who could not hear him.

The oration is remarkable in many respects. It is characterized by dignity, simplicity, sincerity, and a warm religious feeling. It seems also to have been delivered with
force and persuasiveness. The combined powers of Benjamin's religious authority and kingly office undoubtedly gave his words great prestige among the people. The
oration seems to fall in three logical divisions: (1) Mosiah 2:9-41;(2) Mosiah 3;(3) Mosiah 4:4-30.

In the first part of the first division King Benjamin enjoins upon his people the necessity of rendering service to each other and to God. In fact, "service" is the
watchword of this part of the oration. The king begins by skillfully pointing out how he labored without stint to serve his people and his God (Mosiah 2:9-18). The
rulers of all nations, not to mention the servants of the people everywhere, would do well to read Benjamin's words and take them to heart. They are part of the glory
that belongs to the Book of Mormon. Let us reproduce at this point a few verses of what he said:

I say unto you that as I have been suffered to spend my days in your service, even up to this time, and have not sought gold nor silver nor any manner of riches of you;

Neither have I suffered that ye should be confined in dungeons, nor that ye should make slaves one of another, nor that ye should murder, or plunder, or steal, or
commit adultery; nor even have I suffered that ye should commit any manner of wickedness, and have taught you that ye should keep the commandments of the Lord,
in all things which he hath commanded you-

And even I, myself, have labored with mine own hands that I might serve you, and that ye should not be laden with taxes, and that there should nothing come upon you
which was grievous to be borne-and of all these things which I have spoken, ye yourselves are witnesses this day.

Yet, my brethren, I have not done these things that I might boast, neither do I tell these things that thereby I might accuse you; but I tell you these things that ye may
know that I can answer a clear conscience before God this day.

Behold, I say unto you that because I said unto you that I had spent my days in your service, I do not desire to boast, for I have only been in the service of God. And
behold, I tell you these things that ye may learn wisdom; that ye may learn that when ye are in the service of your fellow beings ye are only in the service of your God.
(Mosiah 2:12-17)

Benjamin proceeds to remind the multitude that if he merits any thanks from them, how much more ought they to thank God, their heavenly king (Mosiah 2:19). Mosiah
2:19 is a transition. The king now points out that if his people would praise God and serve him with their whole soul they would still be unprofitable servants. Two or
three verses deserve to be quoted because of the high view taken of God:

I say unto you, my brethren, that if you should render all the thanks and praise which your whole soul has power to possess, to that God who has created you, and has
kept and preserved you, and has caused that ye should rejoice, and has granted that ye should live in peace one with another-

I say unto you that if ye should serve him who has created you from the beginning, and is preserving you from day to day, by lending you breath, that ye may live and
move and do according to your own will, and even supporting you from one moment to another-I say, if ye should serve him with all your whole souls yet ye would be
unprofitable servants.

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and he never doth vary from that which he hath said; therefore, if ye do keep his commandments he doth bless you and prosper you. (Mosiah 2:20-22)
I say unto you that if ye should serve him who has created you from the beginning, and is preserving you from day to day, by lending you breath, that ye may live and
move and do according to your own will, and even supporting you from one moment to another-I say, if ye should serve him with all your whole souls yet ye would be
unprofitable servants.

And behold, all that he requires of you is to keep his commandments; and he has promised you that if ye would keep his commandments ye should prosper in the land;
and he never doth vary from that which he hath said; therefore, if ye do keep his commandments he doth bless you and prosper you. (Mosiah 2:20-22)

In the remainder of this division Benjamin reminds the people of his age and approaching death. He proclaims to them the ascent of his son Mosiah to the throne and
bespeaks for him their loyalty and support. He also warns his people in a most solemn manner of the perils of transgressing the commandments of God. The king
wanted to make sure that the blood of no person should come upon him for lack of proper instruction (Mosiah 2:27).

Benjamin wisely reserved for the second division of his oration a revelation of the highest importance. Its effects upon the people were bound to be impressive.
Sometime before the delivery of his address an angel had appeared to Benjamin with tidings of great joy that he told the king might be shared with the people. The
message of the heavenly visitor concerned the coming of the Savior, his work in mortality, his death and resurrection, and the consequent effects upon mankind. The
angel also explained the reasons for giving the law of Moses: the power of the atoning blood of Christ in saving children who die in infancy, and the necessity of men
becoming meek, humble, patient and full of love if they are to be saved. The divine messenger concluded by pointing out that his words would stand as a bright
testimony at the judgment day, in which every man would be judged according to his works, whether good or evil. The multitude fell to the earth on hearing the angel's
words as they were delivered by King Benjamin. The sacred record says:

And they had viewed themselves in their own carnal state, even less than the dust of the earth. And they all cried aloud with one voice, saying: O have mercy, and apply
the atoning blood of Christ that we may receive forgiveness of our sins, and our hearts may be purified; for we believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God. (Mosiah 4:2)

Benjamin must have been pleased with the interruption, for he knew that the words he was delivering were having a profound effect upon his audience. And the
message of the angel was like a letter from the Christ, assuring his people that he would come in due time as the prophets had prophesied.

The third division of Benjamin's oration consists of the words that he uttered after the people of his audience had received the angel's words and a comforting and
peaceful testimony from the Spirit of the Lord. Benjamin takes advantage of the unusual opportunity afforded him by the testimony which the people had received to
drive home to them the obligation of keeping the Lord's commandments. Salvation, he points out, comes only through the Atonement of Christ. Then he says:

Believe in God; believe that he is, and that he created all things, both in heaven and in earth; believe that he has all wisdom, and all power, both in heaven and in earth;
believe that man doth not comprehend all the things which the Lord can comprehend.

And again, believe that ye must repent of your sins and forsake them, and humble yourselves before God; and ask in sincerity of heart that he would forgive you; and
now, if you believe all these things see that ye do them.

And again I say unto you as I have said before, that as ye have come to the knowledge of the glory of God, or if ye have known of his goodness and have tasted of his
love, and have received a remission of your sins, which causeth such exceeding great joy in your souls, even so I would that ye should remember, and always retain in
remembrance, the greatness of God, and your own nothingness, and his goodness and long-suffering towards you, unworthy creatures, and humble yourselves even in
the depths of humility calling on the name of the Lord daily, and standing steadfastly in the faith of that which is to come, which was spoken by the mouth of the angel.

And behold, I say unto you that if ye do this ye shall always rejoice, and be filled with the love of God, and always retain a remission of your sins; and ye shall grow in
the knowledge of the glory of him that created you, or in the knowledge of that which is just and true.

And ye will not have a mind to injure one another, but to live peaceably, and to render to every man according to that which is his due.

And ye will not suffer your children that they go hungry, or naked; neither will ye suffer that they transgress the laws of God, and fight and quarrel one with another, and
serve the devil, who is the master of sin, or who is the evil spirit which hath been spoken of by our fathers, he being an enemy to all righteousness.

But ye will teach them to walk in the ways of truth and soberness; ye will teach them to love one another, and to serve one another. (Mosiah 4:9-15)

These are the words of a great religious soul, and we believe them worthy of a high place in the scriptures. Benjamin concludes his speech by emphasizing the need of
succoring and administering to those in need. Some of his words, simple as they are, deserve to be framed and memorized. Despite our already lengthy quotations from
him we cannot refrain from calling attention to these words:

And also, ye yourselves will succor those that stand in need of your succor; ye will administer of your substance unto him that standeth in need; and ye will not suffer
that the beggar putteth up his petition to you in vain, and turn him out to perish.

Perhaps thou shalt say: The man has brought upon himself his misery; therefore I will stay my hand, and will not give unto him of my food, nor impart unto him of my
substance that he may not suffer, for his punishments are just-

But I say unto you, O man, whosoever doeth this the same hath great cause to repent; and except he repenteth of that which he hath done he perisheth forever, and
hath no interest in the kingdom of God.

For behold, are we not all beggars? Do we not all depend upon the same Being, even God, for all the substance which we have, for both food and raiment, and for
gold, and for silver, and for all the riches which we have of every kind? (Mosiah 4:16-19)

Every just and righteous person must recognize that Benjamin was a great man and that his oration, judged by religious standards, was a noble achievement. Was the
oration successful? Did it change the people in any way? Even the king was anxious to know, and he sent among them to find out. They universally cried out their belief
in the words which he had spoken (see Mosiah 5:1-5). Not only did they believe, but they consented to enter into a covenant with Christ to keep his commandments
and become his spiritual sons and daughters. Benjamin now told them that they should be called by the name of Christ (Mosiah 5:6-12). This was the name which the
king had said, prior to his oration, that he would give his people (Mosiah 1:11-12).

It is my belief that King Benjamin's oration is one of the highlights of the Book of Mormon and deserves more careful study than it has heretofore had.

Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon:
Patriarchal Blessings Symbolic Prophecy
Prophetic Narrative Prophetic Dialogue
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Abstract: The patriarchal blessings that Lehi bestows upon his children and grandchildren are filled with important doctrinal and historical details and contain many
prophetic elements. Lehi and Nephi share the vision of the tree of life, a fine example of symbolic prophecy. Perhaps the finest example of prophetic literature in the
Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon:
Patriarchal Blessings Symbolic Prophecy
Prophetic Narrative Prophetic Dialogue

Abstract: The patriarchal blessings that Lehi bestows upon his children and grandchildren are filled with important doctrinal and historical details and contain many
prophetic elements. Lehi and Nephi share the vision of the tree of life, a fine example of symbolic prophecy. Perhaps the finest example of prophetic literature in the
Book of Mormon deals with the coming of Christ. The prophetic dialogue in the Book of Mormon can be divided into five parts.

This originally appeared as chapter 11 on pages 125-33 of Our Book of Mormon.

Patriarchal Blessings

In Genesis 48:13-22;49:1-27 are to be found accounts of Jacob's blessings upon his sons (including Ephraim and Manasseh, his adopted sons; see Gen. 48:5) before
his death. These blessings have a prophetic element in them, and I believe them to be inspired. Among the Mormon people they would be called patriarchal blessings,
and will, for our purposes here, be listed as a special type of literature. A patriarchal blessing is a blessing bestowed upon a person by an inspired man holding the
patriarchal office, its purpose being to give comfort, direction, incentive, counsel, and guidance in the life of the recipient. Occasionally the patriarch, under the influence
of the Holy Ghost, may for a special purpose indicate future events or give special warnings to an individual. The lineage of a person of the house of Israel may also be
indicated.

The Book of Mormon records a number of patriarchal blessings, but they are confined mostly to 2 Nephi 1-4 and were pronounced by Lehi upon the heads of his
children and grandchildren. Lehi knew that because of his age he would soon pass away. Like Jacob of old he wished to leave a blessing for his children; and like
Isaac, the son of Abraham, he would have desired to leave his first blessing upon his oldest son (in this case, sons; see Genesis 27:1-41). However, his oldest sons,
Laman and Lemuel, had been a sore trial to him. Therefore, in blessing these two and their next oldest brother, Sam, he said:

And now my son, Laman, and also Lemuel and Sam, and also my sons who are the sons of Ishmael, behold, if ye will hearken unto the voice of Nephi ye shall not
perish. And if ye will hearken unto him I leave unto you a blessing, yea, even my first blessing.

But if ye will not hearken unto him I take away my first blessing, yea, even my blessing, and it shall rest upon him. (2 Nephi 1:28-29)

It will be observed that because of Nephi's faithfulness his father stood ready to give the first blessing to him. Sam later received a special blessing similar to that given
to Nephi (2 1 Ne. 4:11).

Zoram, the servant of Laban, was next to be blessed:

And now, Zoram, I speak unto you: Behold, thou art the servant of Laban; nevertheless, thou hast been brought out of the land of Jerusalem, and I know that thou art a
true friend unto my son, Nephi, forever.

Wherefore, because thou hast been faithful thy seed shall be blessed with his seed, that they dwell in prosperity long upon the face of this land; and nothing, save it shall
be iniquity among them, shall harm or disturb their prosperity upon the face of this land forever.

Wherefore, if ye shall keep the commandments of the Lord, the Lord hath consecrated this land for the security of thy seed with the seed of my son. (2 Nephi 1:30-32)

Lehi then proceeded to bless Jacob and Joseph, his youngest sons. These blessings, too long to reproduce here (see 2 Nephi 2-3), are filled with many important
doctrinal and historical details. Lehi's last words to Joseph were:

And now, blessed art thou, Joseph. Behold, thou art little; wherefore hearken unto the words of thy brother, Nephi, and it shall be done unto thee even according to the
words which I have spoken. Remember the words of thy dying father. Amen. (2 Ne. 3:25)

Throughout these blessings it is interesting to read the prophetic elements that are given in the form of prediction. In this respect they remind one of Gen. 49.

Lehi could not pass away without giving a blessing of a kind to the sons and daughters of Laman and Lemuel, his recreant elder sons. The merciful and loving heart of a
father is thus manifested. Here is the blessing:

Behold, my sons, and my daughters, who are the sons and the daughters of my first-born, I would that ye should give ear unto my words.

For the Lord God hath said that: Inasmuch as ye shall keep my commandments ye shall prosper in the land; and inasmuch as ye will not keep my commandments ye
shall be cut off from my presence.

But behold, my sons and my daughters, I cannot go down to my grave save I should leave a blessing upon you; for behold, I know that if ye are brought up in the way
ye should go ye will not depart from it.

Wherefore, if ye are cursed, behold, I leave my blessing upon you, that the cursing may be taken from you and be answered upon the heads of your parents.

Wherefore, because of my blessing the Lord God will not suffer that ye shall perish; wherefore, he will be merciful unto you and unto your seed forever. (2 Nephi 4:3-
7)

Symbolic Prophecy

The next type of literature that we shall consider is symbolic prophecy. A fine example of it is found in 1 Nephi 8:4-28-a dream or vision which Lehi relates to his family
and associates in the wilderness after leaving Jerusalem. Stripped to its essentials, his dream deals with a tree, a river, and a rod of iron. Led by a man in a white robe,
Lehi traversed a dark and dreary waste. After praying, he found a tree in a large and spacious field whose fruit was able to make one happy. The fruit was exceedingly
white and sweet, and it filled his soul with great joy. Wishing his family to partake of it also, Lehi looked around for them and discovered a river near the tree. At the
head thereof he beheld his wife, Sariah, and two sons, Sam and Nephi, who seemed undecided where to go. They came readily when Lehi beckoned to them, and
partook of the fruit. Finally, Lehi beheld Laman and Lemuel, his oldest sons, but they refused to come and eat of the fruit. Then Lehi noticed a rod of iron extending
along the river bank and leading to the tree where he stood. Beside the iron rod was a straight and narrow path leading to the tree. The path also led by a fountain unto
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Numberless concourses of people were attempting to press forward and gain the path leading to the tree. Mists of darkness arose, and many were lost. Others pressed
forward, caught hold of the iron rod and were led to the tree, where they partook of its fruit. Then they cast their eyes around as if ashamed. Lehi was thereby led to
head thereof he beheld his wife, Sariah, and two sons, Sam and Nephi, who seemed undecided where to go. They came readily when Lehi beckoned to them, and
partook of the fruit. Finally, Lehi beheld Laman and Lemuel, his oldest sons, but they refused to come and eat of the fruit. Then Lehi noticed a rod of iron extending
along the river bank and leading to the tree where he stood. Beside the iron rod was a straight and narrow path leading to the tree. The path also led by a fountain unto
a field, large and spacious "as if it had been a world" (1 Nephi 8:19-20).

Numberless concourses of people were attempting to press forward and gain the path leading to the tree. Mists of darkness arose, and many were lost. Others pressed
forward, caught hold of the iron rod and were led to the tree, where they partook of its fruit. Then they cast their eyes around as if ashamed. Lehi was thereby led to
notice on the other side of the river a large building high above the earth. In it were numerous finely dressed people mocking and pointing their fingers towards those
who were eating the fruit of the tree. Many of the partakers, who became ashamed, fell away into forbidden paths and were lost.

At this point Nephi drops the direct quotation of his father's words and tells the rest of the dream in his own way. He says that other multitudes pressed forward, caught
hold of the iron rod, and eventually partook of the fruit of the tree. Throngs made their way to the great and spacious building; still others were drowned in the fountain;
and many were simply lost from view, wandering in strange roads. Great were the number who entered the strange building and pointed the finger of scorn at those
who were partaking of the fruit. However, Lehi was greatly disturbed over the fact that his sons, Laman and Lemuel, partook not of the fruit.

The symbolism of this dream must not be pressed too far, but the moral and religious applications of it are fairly obvious and certain, thanks to Nephi's explicit
interpretation (see 1 Nephi 11:21-36;12:16-18;15:21-36). The dream seems to have a twofold application. First, it was given to Lehi as a warning that his oldest sons,
Laman and Lemuel, would eventually depart from the faith and ways of their father. Second, it is of such general application that all of us may profit by its spiritual
symbolism.

The man in the white robe who led Lehi through the dark and dreary waste would seem to symbolize a messenger of God who is able to guide and direct man. The
dark and dreary waste probably represents the world with its doubts, uncertainties, and errors. The tree, whose fruit was sweet and agreeable, represents the tree of
life or the love of God, which sheds itself abroad in the hearts of men. It is desirable above all things and the most joyous to the soul.

The river which Lehi saw represents the depths of hell. Nephi says that his father was so anxious about other things that he did not behold the filthiness of the water (1
Ne. 15:27). Moreover, the river represents the awful gulf which separates the wicked from the tree of life and the saints of God. The rod of iron represents the word of
God. Those who hold to it will never perish; neither can temptations and the fiery darts of the adversary overpower and blind them or lead him away to destruction.

The numberless concourses of people pressing forward toward the straight and narrow path leading to the tree seem to represent the people of the world whose
intentions and desires are good. The mist of darkness that arose after they had gained the path symbolizes the temptations of the devil, which blind the eyes and harden
the hearts of men, and lead them away into broad roads to perish. The people who attain the tree, partake of its fruit, and then cast their eyes about as if ashamed,
represent those persons who have considerable spiritual insight and ability, but who lack stability and strength of character. They allow the wicked and unscrupulous to
sway them from the plain course of duty and righteousness.

The great and spacious building on the other side of the river typifies the pride of the world. The multitudes within the building in the attitude of mocking and pointing
their fingers at those who were partaking of the fruit of the tree represent the wicked world and the folly thereof. They include, according to Nephi, the house of Israel
gathered together to fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb (1 Ne. 11:35). He also informs us that the fall of the great and spacious building represents the
destruction of all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people that shall fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb.

Lehi's dream and its symbolism are impressive. They convey important spiritual lessons to us and should be taught and appreciated more than they are. At least one
hymn has been written which is based on Lehi's dream. The words are by J. L. Townsend and the music by William Clayton:

The Iron Rod

To Nephi, seer of olden time,
A vision came from God,
Wherein the holy word sublime
Was shown an iron rod.

While on our journey here below,
Beneath temptation's pow'r,
Through mists of darkness we must go,
In peril ev'ry hour

And when temptation's pow'r is nigh,
Our pathway clouded o'er,
Upon the rod we can rely,
And heaven's aid implore.

And, hand o'er hand, the rod along,
Through each succeeding day,
With earnest prayer and hopeful song
We'll still pursue our way.

Afar we see the golden rest,
To which the rod will guide,
Where, with the angels bright and blest,
Forever we'll abide.

Chorus

Hold to the rod, the iron rod;
'Tis strong, and bright, and true;
The iron rod is the word of God;
'Twill safely guide us through.

  Hymn 274, in Hymns of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                        Page 326 / 919
Prophetic Narrative
'Twill safely guide us through.

  Hymn 274, in Hymns of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985).

Prophetic Narrative

Turning now to prophetic narrative, a number of examples are in the form of prediction. The reader's attention is called to the following references: 1 Nephi 10:2-14;
Helaman 9:21-38;13:5-15:17; Ether 13:2-12. In this type of literature the narrator, under the influence of the Spirit, speaks freely of future events or quotes the
predictions of others. The first reference is a fine example; since it refers to the coming of Christ and his work, we present it here in its entirety:

For behold, it came to pass after my father had made an end of speaking the words of his dream, and also of exhorting them to all diligence, he spake unto them
concerning the Jews-

That after they should be destroyed, even that great city Jerusalem, and many be carried away captive into Babylon, according to the own due time of the Lord, they
should return again, yea, even be brought back out of captivity; and after they should be brought back out of captivity they should possess again the land of their
inheritance.

Yea, even six hundred years from the time that my father left Jerusalem, a prophet would the Lord God raise up among the Jews-even a Messiah, or, in other words, a
Savior of the world.

And he also spake concerning the prophets, how great a number had testified of these things, concerning this Messiah, of whom he had spoken, or this Redeemer of
the world.

Wherefore, all mankind were in a lost and in a fallen state, and ever would be save they should rely on this Redeemer.

And he spake also concerning a prophet who should come before the Messiah, to prepare the way of the Lord-

Yea, even he should go forth and cry in the wilderness: Prepare ye the way of the Lord, and make his paths straight; for there standeth one among you whom ye know
not; and he is mightier than I, whose shoe's latchet I am not worthy to unloose. And much spake my father concerning this thing.

And my father said he should baptize in Bethabara, beyond Jordan; and he also said he should baptize with water; even that he should baptize the Messiah with water.

And after he had baptized the Messiah with water, he should behold and bear record that he had baptized the Lamb of God, who should take away the sins of the
world.

And it came to pass after my father had spoken these words he spake unto my brethren concerning the gospel which should be preached among the Jews, and also
concerning the dwindling of the Jews in unbelief. And after they had slain the Messiah, who should come, and after he had been slain he should rise from the dead, and
should make himself manifest, by the Holy Ghost, unto the Gentiles.

Yea, even my father spake much concerning the Gentiles, and also concerning the house of Israel, that they should be compared like unto an olive-tree, whose
branches should be broken off and should be scattered upon all the face of the earth.

Wherefore, he said it must needs be that we should be led with one accord into the land of promise, unto the fulfilling of the word of the Lord, that we should be
scattered upon all the face of the earth.

And after the house of Israel should be scattered they should be gathered together again; or, in fine, after the Gentiles had received the fulness of the Gospel, the natural
branches of the olive-tree, or the remnants of the house of Israel, should be grafted in, or come to the knowledge of the true Messiah, their Lord and their Redeemer.
(1 Nephi 10:2-14)

From the textual viewpoint 1 Ne. 10:9 has a very interesting reading and deserves comment. Nephi says, "And my father said he [Christ] should baptize in Bethabara,
beyond Jordan." Most modern editors of the Greek text of the New Testament have John 1:28 read "Bethany beyond the Jordan." As a matter of fact most of the
manuscript evidence justifies the reading "Bethany" as the editors have concluded. Even Origen (A.D. 185?-254), the most learned Christian writer before St. Jerome,
points out that in his time practically all of the manuscripts read "Bethany." Nevertheless, he says he is convinced that it is not necessary to follow the manuscripts for the
good reason that he visited Palestine and found no evidence of a Bethany except the one near Jerusalem. So Origen altered the text from Bethany to Bethabara, and
this reading seems finally to have reached our King James Version as a result. His scholarly judgment is confirmed by the above passage from our Nephite scripture.

Prophetic Dialogue

Examples of the literature which may be termed prophetic dialogue are classified under five heads: (1) with the Lord: 1 Nephi 17:7-10, 12-14; Mosiah 26:14-32;(2)
with the Holy Ghost: 1 Nephi 4:10-13;11:1-13;(3) with angels: 1 Nephi 11:14-14:27; Mosiah 27:11-17;(4) with inquirers: 1 Nephi 15:6-16:5; and (5) with the world:
Mosiah 12:25-37.

The above classification indicates the general nature of this literature. Considerations of space prevent the publication of examples under each head; it will suffice for our
purposes here to illustrate the literature with a short passage from each of the first two. Prophetic dialogue with the Lord is illustrated when Nephi receives instructions
to build a ship:

And it came to pass that after I, Nephi, had been in the land of Bountiful for the space of many days, the voice of the Lord came unto me, saying: Arise, and get thee
into the mountain. And it came to pass that I arose and went up into the mountain, and cried unto the Lord.

And it came to pass that the Lord spake unto me, saying: Thou shalt construct a ship, after the manner which I shall show thee, that I may carry thy people across these
waters.

And I said: Lord, whither shall I go that I may find ore to molten, that I may make tools to construct the ship after the manner which thou hast shown unto me?

And it came to pass that the Lord told me whither I should go to find ore, that I might make tools. (1 Nephi 17:7-10)

Prophetic
 Copyrightdialogue with the Holy
           (c) 2005-2009,        Ghost
                            Infobase   may be
                                     Media    indicated in the following passage (but see 1 Ne. 13).
                                           Corp.                                                                                                       Page 327 / 919
For it came to pass after I had desired to know the things that my father had seen, and believing that the Lord was able to make them known unto me, as I sat
pondering in mine heart I was caught away in the Spirit of the Lord, yea, into an exceeding high mountain, which I never had before seen, and upon which I never had
And I said: Lord, whither shall I go that I may find ore to molten, that I may make tools to construct the ship after the manner which thou hast shown unto me?

And it came to pass that the Lord told me whither I should go to find ore, that I might make tools. (1 Nephi 17:7-10)

Prophetic dialogue with the Holy Ghost may be indicated in the following passage (but see 1 Ne. 13).

For it came to pass after I had desired to know the things that my father had seen, and believing that the Lord was able to make them known unto me, as I sat
pondering in mine heart I was caught away in the Spirit of the Lord, yea, into an exceeding high mountain, which I never had before seen, and upon which I never had
before set my foot.

And the Spirit said unto me: Behold, what desirest thou?

And I said: I desire to behold the things which my father saw.

And the Spirit said unto me: Believest thou that thy father saw the tree of which he hath spoken?

And I said: Yea, thou knowest that I believe all the words of my father.

And when I had spoken these words, the Spirit cried with a loud voice, saying: Hosanna to the Lord, the most high God; for he is God over all the earth, yea, even
above all. And blessed art thou, Nephi, because thou believest in the Son of the most high God; wherefore, thou shalt behold the things which thou hast desired. (1
Nephi 11:1-6)

The reader will do well to study examples under each of the headings not illustrated here.

Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon:
Allegories Prayers Songs Genealogies

Abstract: The most significant allegory in the Book of Mormon is "The Allegory of the Tame and Wild Olive Tree," which appears in Jacob 5. Six different types of
prayers are found in the Book of Mormon. Perhaps the best example of a true song is "The Song of the Vineyard," actually a quotation from Isaiah. There is only one
example of an extended genealogy, that of Ether, the last Jaredite prophet.

This originally appeared as chapter 12 on pages 134-44 of Our Book of Mormon.

Allegories

An allegory, it will be remembered, is a literary form which tells a story for the purpose of presenting a truth or of enforcing a moral. The true meaning of the story is
always veiled since its characters and incidents are either figurative or typical; it is necessary for the reader to deduce the meaning of the story from its outward, or
literal, sense. Most of us are familiar with Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, an example of allegory, whose characters and incidents serve as a lure to the consideration of
what may be dull or even unpleasant truths. The story of "The Good Shepherd" (John 10:1-18) and of "The Vine" (John 15:1-8) are good examples of biblical
allegories. It is interesting to observe the use of allegory in the Gospel of John, and of parables in the synoptic Gospels, which show the different literary forms preferred
by different Gospel writers. One good example of the allegory is found in Jacob 5:2-77.

An interesting feature of this allegory is the fact that it is quoted from the brass plates, with the prophet Zenos credited as its author. Zenos was a Hebrew prophet, but
his prophecies and name are not preserved for us in our present Hebrew Old Testament. The allegory by Zenos is commonly known among us as "The Allegory of the
Tame and Wild Olive Tree."

This allegory delineates the spiritual history of Israel, including its main branches, throughout the ages until the end comes and the Lord's work is finished. The spiritual
decay of Israel in her scattered state at different periods, as well as her virtues, is represented. In Jacob 6:1-4, Jacob partly explains the allegory, especially as it applies
to our day:

And now, behold, my brethren, as I said unto you that I would prophesy, behold, this is my prophecy-that the things which this prophet Zenos spake, concerning the
house of Israel, in the which he likened them unto a tame olive-tree, must surely come to pass.

And the day that he shall set his hand again the second time to recover his people, is the day, yea, even the last time, that the servants of the Lord shall go forth in his
power, to nourish and prune his vineyard; and after that the end soon cometh.

And how blessed are they who have labored diligently in his vineyard; and how cursed are they who shall be cast out into their own place! And the world shall be
burned with fire.

And how merciful is our God unto us, for he remembereth the house of Israel, both roots and branches; and he stretches forth his hands unto them all the day long; and
they are a stiffnecked and a gainsaying people; for as many as will not harden their hearts shall be saved in the kingdom of God.

The grafting in of the branches of the wild olive tree, as related in Jacob 5:7-10, must have reference to the Gentiles of whom Paul speaks in Romans:

But if some of the branches were broken off, and you, who are a wild olive, were grafted in their place to share the richness of the olive tree, do not exult over the
branches. If you do, remember it is not you that support the root, but the root that supports you. You will say then, "Branches were broken off so that I might be
grafted in." Very well. They were broken off because of their unbelief, but you stand by faith. Do not be proud, but fear. For if God did not spare the natural branches,
neither will he spare you. (cf. Romans 11:17-21 NIV)

In connection with the study of this allegory, Rom. 11, as well as Isaiah 5:1-7 and 1 Nephi 10:12-14, should be very carefully considered. The allegory of Zenos will
amply repay the student who examines it with care.

   John Bunyan, The Pilgrim's Progress (New York: Penguin Books, 1965, 1987).

Prayers

Recorded
 Copyrightprayers and deliberately
           (c) 2005-2009,          written
                            Infobase  Mediaprayers
                                              Corp.may be regarded for our purpose here as a distinct form of literature. They are a very solemn type of writing, since
                                                                                                                                                   Page 328 / 919
they express the most intimate communings of man with his God in such varied forms as ordination, thanksgiving, supplication, confession, intercession, sorrow, and
adoration.
   John Bunyan, The Pilgrim's Progress (New York: Penguin Books, 1965, 1987).

Prayers

Recorded prayers and deliberately written prayers may be regarded for our purpose here as a distinct form of literature. They are a very solemn type of writing, since
they express the most intimate communings of man with his God in such varied forms as ordination, thanksgiving, supplication, confession, intercession, sorrow, and
adoration.

Prayers in the Book of Mormon, may, for convenience, be classified as: (1) model-The Lord's Prayer; (2) intercessory; (3) supplicatory; (4) pagan; (5) indignation,
sorrow, and comfort; and (6) ordinance prayers.

The Lord's Prayer (a model prayer) is so well known that little need be said about it. Since our Lord also delivered the Sermon on the Mount to the Nephites, this
prayer is found, as we have already seen, in "The American Gospel," the specific reference being 3 Nephi 13:9-13. The prayer is, of course, a great Christian classic. It
may be called lyric poetry, for it seems to be built upon the principles of poetic parallelism common to the Hebrew Old Testament. The prayer is remarkable for its
freedom, simplicity of manner, and trustfulness in spirit. The fine rhythm and balance of its phrasing are apparent, even in the imperfect English translation. It contains
two strophes of about equal length and a doxology at the end. The first strophe refers to great public interests, the second to the needs of the individual.

The Lord's Prayer

Our Father who art in heaven,
hallowed be thy name.
Thy will be done on earth
as it is in heaven.

And forgive us our debts,
as we forgive our debtors.
And lead us not into temptation,
but deliver us from evil.

For thine is the kingdom,
and the power,
and the glory,
forever. Amen. (3 Nephi 13:9-13)

This version differs very obviously from that in Matthew 6:9-13 in that it omits "Thy kingdom come" and "Give us this day our daily bread," and changes "which" to
"who" and "in earth" to "on earth." Interestingly, the version in the inspired revision of the Bible by Joseph Smith differs from both. The problems inherent in these
differences are treated in chapter 15, which deals with literary difficulties in the Sermon on the Mount.

A number of intercessory prayers can be found in the Book of Mormon, of which we list four: Hel. 11:4;11:10-16; 3 Nephi 19:20-23;19:28-29. In this type of prayer
the one who prays acts as a mediator or intercessor for others. Let us consider two of these. The first is by Nephi, the son of Helaman. It is a short prayer in which
Nephi asks that his people be stirred up in remembrance of the Lord by means of a famine, rather than by the sword:

O Lord, do not suffer that this people shall be destroyed by the sword; but O Lord, rather let there be a famine in the land, to stir them up in remembrance of the Lord
their God, and perhaps they will repent and turn unto thee. (Hel. 11:4)

The second is one of two prayers uttered by the Savior in behalf of the twelve whom he had chosen among the Nephites for the work of the ministry:

Father, I thank thee that thou hast given the Holy Ghost unto these whom I have chosen; and it is because of their belief in me that I have chosen them out of the world.

Father, I pray thee that thou wilt give the Holy Ghost unto all them that shall believe in their words.

Father, thou hast given them the Holy Ghost because they believe in me; and thou seest that they believe in me because thou hearest them, and they pray unto me; and
they pray unto me because I am with them.

And now Father, I pray unto thee for them, and also for all those who shall believe on their words, that they may believe in me, that I may be in them as thou, Father,
art in me, that we may be one. (3 Nephi 19:20-23)

In a supplicatory prayer one makes a humble entreaty for something much needed or desired. We may note three examples here: Ether 2:18-19;2:22; and 3:2-5. The
last one, with something of an intercessory element in it, is probably the best:

O Lord, thou hast said that we must be encompassed about by the floods. Now behold, O Lord, and do not be angry with thy servant because of his weakness before
thee; for we know that thou art holy and dwellest in the heavens, and that we are unworthy before thee; because of the fall our natures have become evil continually;
nevertheless, O Lord, thou hast given us a commandment that we must call upon thee, that from thee we may receive according to our desires.

Behold, O Lord, thou hast smitten us because of our iniquity, and hast driven us forth, and for these many years we have been in the wilderness; nevertheless, thou hast
been merciful unto us. O Lord, look upon me in pity, and turn away thine anger from this thy people, and suffer not that they shall go forth across this raging deep in
darkness; but behold these things which I have molten out of the rock.

And I know, O Lord, that thou hast all power, and can do whatsoever thou wilt for the benefit of man; therefore touch these stones, O Lord, with thy finger, and
prepare them that they may shine forth in darkness; and they shall shine forth unto us in the vessels which we have prepared, that we may have light while we shall cross
the sea.

Behold, O Lord, thou canst do this. We know that thou art able to show forth great power, which looks small unto the understanding of men. (Ether 3:2-5)

In Alma 31:15-18 is a prayer which may be denominated a pagan prayer because it came from a group of people called Zoramites, who did not believe in Christ and
whose actions were inimical to the spirit of true religion. The Zoramites were extreme dissenters from the Nephite way of life, and they caused Alma, the prophet, and
his companions much anxiety. Here is their prayer:
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Holy, holy God; we believe that thou art God, and we believe that thou art holy, and that thou wast a spirit, and that thou art a spirit, and that thou wilt be a spirit
forever.
In Alma 31:15-18 is a prayer which may be denominated a pagan prayer because it came from a group of people called Zoramites, who did not believe in Christ and
whose actions were inimical to the spirit of true religion. The Zoramites were extreme dissenters from the Nephite way of life, and they caused Alma, the prophet, and
his companions much anxiety. Here is their prayer:

Holy, holy God; we believe that thou art God, and we believe that thou art holy, and that thou wast a spirit, and that thou art a spirit, and that thou wilt be a spirit
forever.

Holy God, we believe that thou hast separated us from our brethren; and we do not believe in the tradition of our brethren, which was handed down to them by the
childishness of their fathers; but we believe that thou hast elected us to be thy holy children; and also thou hast made it known unto us that there shall be no Christ.

But thou art the same yesterday, today, and forever; and thou hast elected us that we shall be saved, whilst all around us are elected to be cast by thy wrath down to
hell; for the which holiness, O God, we thank thee; and we also thank thee that thou hast elected us, that we may not be led away after the foolish traditions of our
brethren, which doth bind them down to a belief of Christ, which doth lead their hearts to wander far from thee, our God.

And again we thank thee, O God, that we are a chosen and a holy people. Amen. (Alma 31:15-18)

Observe the difference in spirit between this prayer and Alma's, which is quoted next as an example of a further classification-the prayer of indignation, sorrow, and
comfort:

O, how long, O Lord, wilt thou suffer that my servants shall dwell here below in the flesh, to behold such gross wickedness among the children of men?

Behold, O God, they cry unto thee, and yet their hearts are swallowed up in their pride. Behold, O God, they cry unto thee with their mouths, while they are puffed up,
even to greatness, with the vain things of the world.

Behold, O my God, their costly apparel, and their ringlets, and their bracelets, and their ornaments of gold, and all their precious things which they are ornamented with;
and behold, their hearts are set upon them, and yet they cry unto thee and say-We thank thee, O God, for we are a chosen people unto thee, while others shall perish.

Yea, and they say that thou hast made it known unto them that there shall be no Christ.

O Lord God, how long wilt thou suffer that such wickedness and infidelity shall be among this people? O Lord, wilt thou give me strength, that I may bear with mine
infirmities. For I am infirm, and such wickedness among this people does pain my soul.

O Lord, my heart is exceedingly sorrowful; wilt thou comfort my soul in Christ. O Lord, wilt thou grant unto me that I may have strength, that I may sxuffer with
patience these afflictions which shall come upon me, because of the iniquity of this people.

O Lord, wilt thou comfort my soul, and give unto me success, and also my fellow laborers who are with me-yea, Ammon, and Aaron, and Omner, and also Amulek
and Zeezrom, and also my two sons-yea, even all these wilt thou comfort, O Lord. Yea, wilt thou comfort their souls in Christ.

Wilt thou grant unto them that they may have strength, that they may bear their afflictions which shall come upon them because of the iniquities of this people.

O Lord, wilt thou grant unto us that we may have success in bringing them again unto thee in Christ.

Behold, O Lord, their souls are precious, and many of them are our brethren; therefore, give unto us, O Lord, power and wisdom that we may bring these, our
brethren, again unto thee. (Alma 31:26-35)

This prayer of Alma has many noble and uplifting sentiments in it. It is a passionate dissent from the practices of the pagans referred to. We especially call attention to
Alma 31:28, in which an uplifting universal element is found. Alma particularly derides those Zoramites who say, "We thank thee, O God, for we are a chosen people
unto thee, while others shall perish." Like Amos of old (Amos 3:1-2), Alma believes that special privilege implies corresponding responsibility. Israel, indeed, was a
chosen people, but only upon the premise that it live up to the responsibility of bringing salvation to the nations of the world. Election to privilege is always a call to duty
and responsibility.

Five ordinance prayers are found in the Book of Mormon: Mosiah 18:13; 3 Ne. 11:25; Moro. 3:3;4:3; and 5:2. The last two, dealing with the set mode of
administering the bread and the wine (water with us), are so well known in the Church that we shall not reproduce them here. The first one, used by Alma when he
baptized Helam, is of great interest because of the way in which it differs from the second, a set form prescribed by the Savior:

And when he had said these words, the Spirit of the Lord was upon him, and he said: Helam, I baptize thee, having authority from the Almighty God, as a testimony
that ye have entered into a covenant to serve him until you are dead as to the mortal body; and may the Spirit of the Lord be poured out upon you; and may he grant
unto you eternal life, through the redemption of Christ, whom he has prepared from the foundation of the world. (Mosiah 18:13)

The second, which, as we have observed, is a fixed ordinance prayer, follows:

Having authority given me of Jesus Christ, I baptize you in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. (3 Ne. 11:25)

The third prayer, which seems also to be a fixed ordinance prayer, deals with the ordination of priests and teachers:

In the name of Jesus Christ I ordain you to be a priest, (or, if he be a teacher) I ordain you to be a teacher, to preach repentance and remission of sins through Jesus
Christ, by the endurance of faith on his name to the end. Amen. (Moro. 3:3)

If this ordinance prayer is a fixed one, it would appear that Nephite practice in ordaining priests and teachers varied somewhat from our own.

  See pages 153-66 of this issue.

Songs

The song is in every nation the most natural and spontaneous utterance of the higher sensibilities and emotions. In the Book of Mormon are found a few good examples
of it. Many passages can be found in which song is incipient, that is, where it is about to manifest itself, but falls just short of completing the poetic pattern necessary to
 Copyright
be            (c)song.
    called true   2005-2009,
                       ConsiderInfobase   Media Corp.
                                 Jacob's teaching in 2 Ne. 9:8, 10, 13, 19, 20, 49, as also in 2 Nephi 11:4-7. This, however, is a quotation from Isaiah, Pageand is330  / 919
                                                                                                                                                                     commonly
known as "The Song of the Vineyard." Let us reproduce the text which appears in the Book of Mormon in poetic form:
Songs

The song is in every nation the most natural and spontaneous utterance of the higher sensibilities and emotions. In the Book of Mormon are found a few good examples
of it. Many passages can be found in which song is incipient, that is, where it is about to manifest itself, but falls just short of completing the poetic pattern necessary to
be called true song. Consider Jacob's teaching in 2 Ne. 9:8, 10, 13, 19, 20, 49, as also in 2 Nephi 11:4-7. This, however, is a quotation from Isaiah, and is commonly
known as "The Song of the Vineyard." Let us reproduce the text which appears in the Book of Mormon in poetic form:

The Song of the Vineyard

And then will I sing to my
well-beloved
A song of my beloved touching
his vineyard.
My well-beloved hath a vineyard
In a very fruitful hill;
And he fenced it, and gathered out
the stones thereof,
And planted it with the choicest
vine,
And built a tower in the midst
of it,
And also made a wine-press
therein;
And he looked that it should
bring forth grapes,
And it brought forth wild
grapes.

And now, O inhabitants of
Jerusalem and men of Judah,
Judge, I pray you, betwixt me
and my vineyard.
What could have been done
more to my vineyard
That I have not done in it?
Wherefore, when I looked that it
should bring forth grapes,
It brought forth wild grapes.

And now go to; I will tell you
What I will do to my vineyard-
I will take away the hedge thereof,
And it shall be eaten up;
And I will break down the wall
thereof,
And it shall be trodden down;
And I will lay it waste;
It shall not be pruned nor digged;
But there shall come up briers
and thorns;
I will also command the clouds
That they rain no rain upon it.

For the vineyard of the Lord of
Hosts is the house of Israel,
And the men of Judah his
pleasant plant;
And he looked for judgment,
and behold, oppression;
For righteousness, but behold, a cry.
(2 Nephi 15:1-7)

Some passages in Alma 26 border on the song form, if they do not actually attain it. Consider the following excerpts from Alma:

Blessed be the name of our God;
Let us sing to his praise,
Yea, let us give thanks to his
holy name,
For he doth work righteousness
forever.
(Alma 26:8)

Therefore, let us glory,
Yea, we will glory in the Lord;
Yea, we will rejoice, for
our joy is full;
Yea, we will praise our
God   forever.(c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
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Behold, who can glory too much
in the Lord?
Yea, who can say too much
Yea, we will glory in the Lord;
Yea, we will rejoice, for
our joy is full;
Yea, we will praise our
God forever.
Behold, who can glory too much
in the Lord?
Yea, who can say too much
of his great power,
And of his mercy,
And of his long-suffering
towards the children of men?
(Alma 26:16)

Genealogies

Genealogies are common in the Bible. The Hebrew people took great interest in their family histories, and genealogies seem to have been carefully kept; the number in
the scriptures is an index to their importance. Notice those in Gen. 5, 11, 46; Num. 26; 1 Chronicles 1-9; read also the accounts in Ezra 9-10 which give an indication
of the importance of keeping family histories. The Book of Mormon, however, contains only one example of an extended genealogy, that found in Ether 1:6-32. It gives
the genealogy of Ether, the last prophet of the Jaredite people, whose lineage is traced back twenty-nine generations or more to Jared, who left the Tower of Babel
with his family at the time of the confounding of the language of the people. Aside from this example, only scattered references of genealogical interest are found. Thus
Mormon makes the following statement regarding his lineage:

And I, Mormon, being a descendant of Nephi, (and my father's name was Mormon) remembered the things which Ammaron commanded me. (Morm. 1:5)

In 1 Ne. 5:14, 16, the scribe mentions the fact that the genealogy of Lehi and Laban was found on the brass plates. In 1 Nephi 6:1-2 he records:

And now I, Nephi, do not give the genealogy of my fathers in this part of my record; neither at any time shall I give it after upon these plates which I am writing; for it is
given in the record which has been kept by my father; wherefore, I do not write it in this work.

For it sufficeth me to say that we are descendants of Joseph.

These scriptures would seem to indicate that although the Nephites were interested in their own genealogy, they kept their records upon plates other than those
translated by Joseph Smith. The problem of space must be kept in mind as a prime essential in our Nephite record.

The Book of Mormon and
the Problem of the Pentateuch

Abstract: Many critics deny that the first five books of the Old Testament were written by Moses and consider them to be childish myths. However, when Nephi and
Lehi examined the brass plates, they found them to contain "the five books of Moses." And in the Book of Mormon, the Savior himself confirms their authorship. The
book of Ether also offers confirmation of the Tower of Babel story.

The Book of Mormon contains four outstanding literary problems; these all stem from the fact that the Nephite scripture quotes certain Old and New Testament books
with resulting technical implications of interest to students of these records. We may list the problems as follows: (1) the problem of the Pentateuch, (2) the problem of
Isaiah, (3) the problem of the Sermon on the Mount, and (4) the problem of 1 Corinthians 12-13. There are additional problems of less importance involving other
books. In this chapter we shall deal with the first-named problem.

Before the relation of the Pentateuchal problem to the Book of Mormon can be understood, it will be necessary to explain the literary problem of the Pentateuch in the
Old Testament. Many scholars, particularly the followers of the great German professor Wellhausen, consider it proper to study the first six books of the Old
Testament as a unit, and refer to the problem as the problem of the Hexateuch. In this chapter we shall limit ourselves to the Pentateuch.

Critical writers for many years have denied that Moses wrote the Law, i.e., the books of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy (the Pentateuch).
Indeed, some important critics have gone so far as to affirm that a daring literary fraud attributed the origin of these books to Moses, thus creating the tradition that he
was the great Hebrew lawgiver and the founder of the religion of Israel. The critics profess to sense the presence of four perfectly distinct though closely interwoven
written sources in the books of Moses: the Yahwist (J), the Elohist (E), the Deuteronomist (D), and the Priestly Code (P). Most of these in turn are supposed to be
made up of narrative and statutory sections and to admit of further source division, or at least to give evidence of several editorial revisions. It is held that several
centuries elapsed from the time the earliest sources were written down, until the editing of the Pentateuch in substantially the form we now have it-from about 900 until
400 B.C.

These, in brief, have been the views of most so-called "liberal" scholars until comparatively recent times. Even now the number who hold such views is very great. Their
influence has been such as to convince many intelligent people that the books of Moses are a mythical and jumbled account of the origin of the people and institutions of
Israel. To be a little more specific in respect to certain views held, let me call attention to a small book by a well-known American Bible scholar (now deceased),
George R. Berry, entitled The Old Testament: A Liability or an Asset. In his first chapter, Professor Berry asserts that the historical element in the early chapters of
Genesis is very slight, "if, indeed, it is present at all." Genesis 1-11 are relegated to the realm of "myths and legends." The patriarchal narratives, Genesis 12-50, are held
to be legends. In these Professor Berry professes to detect a "thread of history." But even here he finds the history to be that "of clans and tribes, not of individuals." So
we might continue in similar vein, showing how much material in the Pentateuch belongs to the "shadowland of history," to quote Professor Berry.

Now, the question follows: What is the relationship between the so-called "liberal" criticism and the Book of Mormon? This we shall attempt to show. The reader
should bear in mind (1) that the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch has been, and is now, widely denied, and (2) that much of the narrative element in the Pentateuch,
particularly in the book of Genesis, is held to be unhistorical and of limited value.

To these assertions we may add a third. Many of the critics deny the reality of any supernatural intervention in the origin and development of the religion and institutions
of Israel, holding that her history follows the pattern laid down by naturalistic evolution.

Even a cursory examination of the Book of Mormon will reveal clearly to the student the great esteem in which Moses and his work were held by the Nephites. It
appears that the Nephites had access to the Pentateuch, which was found written upon the brass plates brought from Jerusalem about 600 B.C. When Father Lehi
examined these plates, it is recorded that:
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He beheld that they did contain the five books of Moses , which gave an account of the creation of the world, and also of Adam and Eve, who were our first parents.
(1 Ne. 5:11)
Even a cursory examination of the Book of Mormon will reveal clearly to the student the great esteem in which Moses and his work were held by the Nephites. It
appears that the Nephites had access to the Pentateuch, which was found written upon the brass plates brought from Jerusalem about 600 B.C. When Father Lehi
examined these plates, it is recorded that:

He beheld that they did contain the five books of Moses , which gave an account of the creation of the world, and also of Adam and Eve, who were our first parents.
(1 Ne. 5:11)

The Book of Mormon thus confirms the age-old tradition that Moses wrote, or caused to be written, five books. Moreover, the allusions made by the Book of
Mormon to the Pentateuch imply that the latter had been written and edited, and were in common use long before 600 B.C. A prophecy, the substance of which is
found in Deut. 18:15, 18-19 is quoted by both the Savior and Nephi, son of Lehi, as coming from Moses and is approved by our Lord as having its fulfillment in him.
These are the words of the Savior:

Behold, I am he of whom Moses spake, saying: A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you of your brethren, like unto me; him shall ye hear in all things
whatsoever he shall say unto you. And it shall come to pass that every soul who will not hear that prophet shall be cut off from among the people. (3 Ne. 20:23; cf. 3
Ne. 21:11; 1 Nephi 22:20-21; Acts 3:22-23)

This passage is presented, not only because the book of Deuteronomy is regarded by scholars as a late product, representing the final result of a number of editorial
expansions (of an important collection of Hebrew law; Deuteronomy 12-26) beginning in 621 B.C. and ending about 400 B.C., but also because most modern Bible
scholars reject prophetic prediction of future events. In this particular instance the Savior himself places his divine sanction and approval upon the words accredited to
Moses.

From what has already been said, it is evident that the Book of Mormon is almost at complete loggerheads with that influential branch of biblical criticism which holds
that Moses did not write the Pentateuch or have it composed; it seems also out of harmony with the view that the Pentateuch reached its final form about 400 B.C. Let
us emphasize again the fact that Nephi and his father seemed to view "the five books of Moses" (1 Ne. 5:11) as a well-known religious production when they examined
the brass plates about 600 B.C. Nor should we miss the implications inherent in the statement made by Nephi about Laban, the keeper of the brass plates:

And Laban also was a descendant of Joseph, wherefore he and his fathers had kept the records. (1 Ne. 5:16)

Since the records of Moses dealt with "the creation of the world, and also of Adam and Eve" (1 Ne. 5:11), they were probably the oldest records on the brass plates
and had doubtless been kept for generations in Laban's family (see 1 Nephi 5:11-16).

Let us now probe a little into the Book of Mormon views which have a bearing upon the historicity of the Mosaic account, particularly that of Genesis.

In Alma 13:14-19 is found a discourse upon Melchizedek, the great high priest mentioned in Gen. 14. Not only is Melchizedek accepted as an individual to whom
Abraham paid tithes (cf. Gen. 14:20), but he is accepted as one of the greatest spiritual characters who ever lived. Details are given of him which are not found in our
present Old Testament.

This view of Melchizedek is a far cry from that taken by Dr. Pfeiffer of Harvard University, who looks upon the Melchizedek episode (Genesis 14:18-20) as a "late"
production whose purpose was to glorify the priesthood of Jerusalem.

We call attention also to the serious use made by Lehi of the Creation narratives in Genesis (2 Nephi 2:15-25). This use by Lehi is also to be contrasted with the views
of our modern critics, including Dr. Pfeiffer, who says that the Creation narratives are in the class of rather primitive and childish myths and legends.

Since he, along with many of the other critics, relegates the Tower of Babel narrative into the same class, let us see the implications such a view, if true, would have
upon an important book in the Nephite scripture-the book of Ether.

The book of Ether is a fifteen-chapter abridgment of the twenty-four plates found by the people of Limhi in the days of King Mosiah. It gives an outline history of a
people who were led to this continent from the Tower of Babel and became a great nation. These people, called Jaredites, had a national history of possibly sixteen
centuries or more. The Tower of Babel record is the factual basis of the book of Ether. The Lord did not confound the Jaredite language, but guided his people and
made of them a great nation. Ether, the last great prophet and historian of this people, gives his own genealogy, covering twenty-nine generations or more back to
Jared, who lived at the time of the Tower of Babel episode. If, now, the tower episode is unhistorical and in the realm of childish myth, it requires no great thought to
determine the embarrassing position of the Book of Mormon; the book of Ether must be an extension of a childish myth! In short, the Book of Mormon is at extreme
odds with modern critical views respecting the historicity of the Tower of Babel narrative.

Enough has been pointed out to give a fair understanding of the implications the Pentateuchal problem raises in modern Book of Mormon study. In general we may
conclude that the Nephite record supports the ancient traditions of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch and sustains the historicity of its narratives where it touches
them in any way.

These conclusions have disturbed some of my good friends, who have been strongly attracted to the modern views of the Pentateuch as set forth in standard textbooks
on the Bible. These textbooks by well-known scholars in the field give what seem to be reasonable and convincing solutions to the difficulties posed by Bible narratives
such as the Creation, the Flood, the Tower of Babel, and so forth. If the narratives are assumed to be primitive and childish myths, such as might be expected in the
childhood of a race of people like the Hebrews, then most intellectual difficulties disappear. Hence the popularity of modern views. These friends say to me, "Sperry,
the Nephites were Hebrews, and had all the traditions of the Hebrews. Why, then, does the Book of Mormon present any hindrance to the acceptance of modern
critical views on the Pentateuch? Take your book of Ether problem, for instance; the Nephites believed in the Tower of Babel story like their Hebrew contemporaries
in Palestine. Couldn't one expect them to write narratives based on the myth such as the book of Ether? We do not impugn their motives in writing them. Even if the
tower story is a myth-looking at it from the modern view-the book of Ether does not condemn the Book of Mormon or brand it as a fabrication." I hope that I do no
one an injustice when I say I cannot believe that my friends have given the problem the critical study and thought necessary to understand it completely. Let us notice
some inconsistencies in the view that one can accept at the same time the Book of Mormon and the modern critical position respecting the Pentateuch.

First, the Book of Mormon accepts and develops the view that the gospel was in the world from the beginning. Indeed, the Nephite scripture teaches that Christianity
was taught to Adam and his descendants from earliest times. Read Lehi's sermon in 2 Ne. 2, in which Adam and Eve's experiences in the Garden of Eden are
connected with the atoning sacrifice of the Messiah who was to come. Observe in the very next chapter Lehi's remarks concerning Joseph who was sold into Egypt
and the prediction that a "choice seer" should be raised up in the latter days, like unto him. This seer, we believe, was Joseph Smith. What modern critical scholar of the
Old Testament is willing to accept these doctrines? Not one. Not even the most conservative scholars outside our own faith hold these beliefs.

Second, we must point out that the evidence in the Book of Mormon decidedly opposes the modern contention that the Pentateuch was canonized about 400 B.C.
 Copyright
First Nephi (c) 2005-2009,
            5:11-16   seems toInfobase  Media
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                                            not only was the Pentateuch canonized and in common use long before 600 B.C., but also some of the prophetic
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including part of the writings of Jeremiah.

Third, let us revert back to the problem raised about the book of Ether. The Book of Mormon makes plain that a representative of the Jaredite people actually lived to
Old Testament is willing to accept these doctrines? Not one. Not even the most conservative scholars outside our own faith hold these beliefs.

Second, we must point out that the evidence in the Book of Mormon decidedly opposes the modern contention that the Pentateuch was canonized about 400 B.C.
First Nephi 5:11-16 seems to imply that not only was the Pentateuch canonized and in common use long before 600 B.C., but also some of the prophetic books,
including part of the writings of Jeremiah.

Third, let us revert back to the problem raised about the book of Ether. The Book of Mormon makes plain that a representative of the Jaredite people actually lived to
see a people from Palestine inherit this land. The representative in question was none other than Coriantumr, the last Jaredite king. The book of Omni records the
following:

And it came to pass in the days of Mosiah, there was a large stone brought unto him with engravings on it; and he did interpret the engravings by the gift and power of
God.

And they gave an account of one Coriantumr, and the slain of his people. And Coriantumr was discovered by the people of Zarahemla; and he dwelt with them for the
space of nine moons.

It also spake a few words concerning his fathers. And his first parents came out from the tower, at the time the Lord confounded the language of the people; and the
severity of the Lord fell upon them according to his judgments, which are just; and their bones lay scattered in the land northward. (Omni 1:20-22; cf. Ether 13:21)

This passage is absolutely fatal for the belief that the Tower of Babel narrative and the narratives in the book of Ether are myths without a basis of historical fact. The
fact that Coriantumr was seen by the Mulekites makes it plain that the book of Ether was not based on myth. The fact also that the twenty-four plates of Limhi were
actually in possession of the Nephites will require some real explaining. Did the Nephites manufacture these plates for the express purpose of perpetuating a Tower of
Babel myth? Common sense says, "No."

Aside from these considerations there is a stronger one still; it lies in the moral realm. What conception of God must one have to believe that he would approve the
extension or propagation of a "childish" Tower of Babel myth and declare it to be "true and translated correctly"? My friends, I am sure, do not desire to hold a
questionable concept of God.

I am convinced that Mormon scholars cannot be consistent and logical if they maintain that belief in the "critical" hypotheses respecting the Pentateuch is not
incompatible with the Book of Mormon view of it. Most of us, I am sure, have no desire for watertight intellectual compartments in our religious teaching-one
compartment in which we have the most up-do-date critical theories of the Old Testament; another for the New Testament; and still others for the Book of Mormon,
the Doctrine and Covenants, the Pearl of Great Price, and so forth. Hence the need in the Church for more careful scrutiny of hypotheses and theories which have to
do with the scriptures. We ought to be well informed not only on what the theories are, but on their implications on all of our scriptures. In the present chapter we have
seen that the Book of Mormon is not very complimentary to critical theories respecting the Pentateuch, and vice versa.

In conclusion it should be emphasized that a goodly number of great scholars through the years have opposed the Pentateuchal theories or variations of them now so
common. It isn't necessary to invoke the aid of the Book of Mormon or any Church works in order to make out an excellent case for the conservative position. This
position has been explained by Dr. Robert D. Wilson of Princeton University as follows:

The Pentateuch as it stands is historical and from the time of Moses; and Moses was its real author, though it may have been revised and edited by later redactors, the
additions being just as much inspired and true as the rest.

This chapter has been written solely because the critical position is so widely held and taught at the present time. For the benefit of those who may desire to investigate
the problem on its own merits, we are adding a brief bibliography herewith.

Conservative Views

Gerhard C. Aalders. Recent Trends in Old Testament Criticism. London: Inter-Varsity Fellowship of Evangelical Unions, 1939.

A small pamphlet by a professor in the Free University of Amsterdam.

Oswald T. Allis. The Five Books of Moses. Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing, 1943.

With the resources of modern scholarship at his command, Allis could have done a better job than he did; nevertheless, he delivers some telling blows against the
critical position.

Joseph Coppens. The Old Testament and the Critics. Paterson, NJ: St. Anthony Guild, 1942.

A very temperate and valuable work by a great Catholic scholar from the University of Louvain.

William H. Green. The Higher Criticism of the Pentateuch. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1895.

William H. Green, The Unity of the Book of Genesis. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1895.

Two able books by one of the greatest of American Hebraists.

James Orr. The Problem of the Old Testament. New York, Scribner's Sons, 1895.

One of the most able books ever published on the subject.

Harold M. Wiener. Essays in Pentateuchal Criticism. Oberlin: Bibliotheca Sacra, 1909.

By an able Jewish lawyer.

Robert D. Wilson. A Scientific Investigation of the Old Testament. Philadelphia: Sunday School Times, 1926.

By a professor at Princeton University, who was an outstanding foe of the critical position.
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Critical Views
Robert D. Wilson. A Scientific Investigation of the Old Testament. Philadelphia: Sunday School Times, 1926.

By a professor at Princeton University, who was an outstanding foe of the critical position.

Critical Views

George R. Berry. The Old Testament: A Liability or an Asset. Hamilton, NY: Republican Press, 1941.

George R. Berry, Higher Criticism and the Old Testament. Hamilton, NY: Republican Press, 1937.

Two small books by a well-known American scholar.

Joseph E. Carpenter and George Harford. The Composition of the Hexateuch. London: Oxford University Press, 1902.

A standard work.

Samuel R. Driver. An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, new ed., rev. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1913.

By a great English scholar whose views still have immense popularity.

Robert H. Pfeiffer. Introduction to the Old Testament. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1941.

By a Harvard University expert whose views are given at considerable length; see especially pages 129-270.

David C. Simpson. Pentateuchal Criticism. London: Oxford University Press, 1924.

The modern views are marshaled with great skill in this text.

This originally appeared as chapter 13 on pages 145-54 of Our Book of Mormon.

  George R. Berry, The Old Testament: A Liability or an Asset (Hamilton, NY: Republican Press, 1941).

  Robert H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1941), 161.

  Ibid.

  Robert D. Wilson, A Scientific Investigation of the Old Testament (Philadelphia: Sunday School Times, 1926), 11, slightly adapted.

  Editor's note: See Isaac M. Kikawada and Arthur Quinn, Before Abraham Was: The Unity of Genesis 1-11 (Nashville: Abingdon, 1985), and Umberto Cassuto, A
Commentary on the Book of Genesis , trans. Israel Abrahams, 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1978-84), for more recent works on the same subject.

The "Isaiah Problem" in
the Book of Mormon

Abstract: Doubts as to the literary unity of the book of Isaiah are fairly recent. The late nineteenth century saw a division of Isaiah into three parts by critics, who
categorized only 262 of the 1292 verses as the genuine product of Isaiah. These critics deny the prediction element of prophecy and highlight different literary forms
and theological ideas. The Book of Mormon attributes two of these three sections to Isaiah by quotation; ancient scriptures as well give no hint of a division. Christ and
the apostles themselves attribute the book to Isaiah. Internal evidences of the unity of the book include imagery, repetition, expressions peculiar to Isaiah, and song.
Changes in style can be attributed to mood. The differences between the Book of Mormon and the King James Version support the authenticity and literary unity of
Isaiah.

The Book of Mormon quotes twenty-one entire chapters of Isaiah and parts of others. In the light of modern biblical criticism, these quotations raise problems that have
a serious bearing on the integrity of the Nephite record as a whole. It is believed, therefore, that a presentation of the literary problem of Isaiah and its bearing on the
Book of Mormon will be of general interest.

This has been published in the Improvement Era 42 (September 1939): 524-25, 564-69; (October 1939): 594, 634, 636-37, and as chapter 14 on pages 155-77 of
Our Book of Mormon; in The Book of Mormon Testifies (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft 1952), 384-406; Answers to Book of Mormon Questions (Salt Lake City:
Bookcraft, 1970), 73-97; Book of Mormon Compendium (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1968; 1970), 493-512.

Literary Unity of the Book of Isaiah

As Professor Andrew B. Davidson pointed out many years ago, for nearly twenty-five centuries no one dreamt of doubting that Isaiah, the son of Amoz, who lived in
the eighth century B.C., was the author of the whole book that goes under his name. That is to say, the literary unity of Isaiah was not doubted until comparatively
recent times. There is no evidence that the ancients who lived a few hundred years after Isaiah's time knew of any problem in connection with the great prophet's
writings. The Greek translator of Isaiah, whose work is part of the Greek Bible (Septuagint), probably made his translation about 200 B.C., but it betrays no sign that
the sixty-six chapters of the book are not all Isaiah's work. Jesus Ben-Sirach (see the Apocrypha, Ecclesiasticus 48:20-25), who wrote about 180 B.C., cited Isaiah as
one of the great characters of Hebrew antiquity and quoted enough from the prophecy to indicate that by the beginning of the second century B.C., it had reached the
form in which we now know it.

The first doubt concerning Isaiah's unity seems to have been expressed by Ibn Ezra, who lived in the twelfth century A.D., and not again until the eighteenth century,
when the critical disintegration of the book began. Johann B. Koppe in the year 1780 expressed doubt as to the genuineness of Isa. 50. In 1789, Johann C.
Dï¿½derlein threw suspicion on the Isaianic origin of Isaiah 40-66. Then Karl W. Justi, and after him Johann G. Eichhorn, Heinrich E. G. Paulus, and Leonhard
Bertholdt enhanced the suspicion that it was not genuine.

The results attained by these scholars cast doubt upon the authorship of the first part of Isaiah. Ernst F. K. Rosenmuller, who, as Professor Franz Delitzsch points out,
isCopyright
   everywhere
            (c)very much dependent
                2005-2009,   Infobaseon  his predecessors,
                                       Media   Corp.       was the first to deny to Isaiah the prophecy against Babylon in Isaiah 13:1-14:23. In this judgment Justi and
Paulus concurred.
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At the beginning of the last century Eichhorn denied the genuineness of the prophecy against Tyre in Isa. 23, and together with the great Hebraists, Wilhelm Gesenius
Bertholdt enhanced the suspicion that it was not genuine.

The results attained by these scholars cast doubt upon the authorship of the first part of Isaiah. Ernst F. K. Rosenmuller, who, as Professor Franz Delitzsch points out,
is everywhere very much dependent on his predecessors, was the first to deny to Isaiah the prophecy against Babylon in Isaiah 13:1-14:23. In this judgment Justi and
Paulus concurred.

At the beginning of the last century Eichhorn denied the genuineness of the prophecy against Tyre in Isa. 23, and together with the great Hebraists, Wilhelm Gesenius
and Heinrich Ewald, denied that Isaiah was the author of Isaiah 24-27. Eichhorn's excuse for denying the genuineness of the latter four chapters was that they contained
plays upon words unworthy of Isaiah; Gesenius found in them an allegorical proclamation of the fall of Babel. Ewald transferred them to the time of Cambyses (ca. 525
B.C.).

Gesenius also ascribed Isaiah 15-16 to some unknown prophet. Rosenmuller then quickly disposed of Isaiah 34-35 because of their relationship to Isaiah 40-66. In
1840 Ewald questioned Isa. 12 and 33. It will thus be seen that by the middle of the nineteenth century some thirty-seven or thirty-eight chapters of Isaiah were
rejected as being no part of that great prophet's actual writings.

In 1879-80 the famous Leipzig professor, Delitzsch, who for many years had vigorously defended the Isaianic origin of the whole book, yielded to the modern critical
position. But he did so "with many hesitations and reserves" in a manner unsatisfactory to the divisionists, "unbiased, and indeed unaffected, by critical considerations."
   Shortly after this time (1888-90), Samuel R. Driver and George Adam Smith did much to popularize the new critical position in Great Britain.

Since the year 1890 the divisive criticism has become more vigorous and microscopic than ever. The work of such prominent scholars as Carl H. Cornill, Karl Marti,
Bernhard Stade, Hermann Guthe, Heinrich F. Hackmann, and Bernhard Duhm on the continent, and of Thomas K. Cheyne, George B. Gray, and others in Great
Britain and America, has still further served to throw doubt in some quarters on the unity of Isaiah. Fifty years ago Isaiah 40-66 were admitted to be a unity, though not
from Isaiah. They were designated as "Deutero-Isaiah" or better, "Second Isaiah," the unique product of some wise but anonymous sage who lived in Babylonia.

But in the hands of the critics the unity of "Second Isaiah" was also doomed to vanish. Deutero-Isaiah was limited to Isaiah 40-55 and a new division, "Trito-Isaiah,"
comprising Isaiah 56-66 was invented.

More recently Dr. Charles C. Torrey has written of the partition of Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 40-66) in the following words:

The result has been to make a great change, in successive stages, in the critical view of the Second Isaiah, affecting the extent and form, and therefore of necessity the
general estimate, of the prophecy. In the hands of those scholars who now hold the foremost place in the interpretation of Isaiah, the series of Isaiah beginning with 40
and ending with 66 has become an indescribable chaos. The once great "Prophet of the Exile" has dwindled to a very small figure, and is all but buried in a mass of
jumbled fragments. The valuation of his prophecy has fallen accordingly; partly because a brief outburst, with a narrow range of themes, can never make a like
impression with a sustained effort covering a variety of subjects; and partly because the same considerations which governed the analysis of the book have necessitated
a lower estimate of each of its parts.

After giving a brief history of the disintegration of Isaiah 40-66 in his book, The Second Isaiah , which all interested in the subject should read, Dr. Torrey continues:

The necessity of making the division into "Deutero-Isaiah" (chapters 40-55) and "Trito-Isaiah" (56-66), with all that it involves, would of itself be a sufficiently great
misfortune. That it is not possible to take this step without going still farther, the recent history of exegesis has clearly shown. The subsequent dissection of "III Isaiah" is
a certainty, while that of the curtailed "II Isaiah" is not likely to be long delayed. We have here a good example of that which has happened not a few times, in the
history of literary criticism, where scholars have felt obliged to pare down a writing to make it fit a mistaken theory. The paring process, begun with a penknife, is
continued with a hatchet, until the book has been chopped into hopeless chunks.

Torrey accordingly proceeds to show in a very scholarly way that Isaiah 34-35 and 40-66 of Isaiah are a unity.

Those scholars who in times past have denied the unity of the book of Isaiah may be divided into two groups, moderates and radicals. For convenience, as well as for
its inherent interest, I present herewith a list of chapters and verses in Isaiah rejected by the moderates as coming from the pen of that prophet. The scholars
represented in this group are Driver, Smith, John Skinner, Alexander F. Kirkpatrick, Eduard Kï¿½nig, Davidson, and Owen C. Whitehouse. They throw out 11:10-16;
12:1-6; 13:1-14:23; 15:1-16:12; 21:1-10; 24-27; 34-35; 36-39; 40-66. Of a total of 66 chapters they believe some 44 were not written by Isaiah. If we look over the
results of the radical wing of the critical school we find it more convenient to list the verses they believe were genuinely Isaiah's. The radicals are represented by such
men as Cheyne, Duhm, Hackmann, Guthe, and Marti. They accept 1:2-26, 29-31; 2:6-19; 3:1, 5, 8-9, 12-17, 24; 4:1; 5:1-14, 17-29; 6:1-13; 7:1 to 8:22; 9:8-10:9;
10:13-14, 27-32; 14:24-32; 17:1-14; 18:1-6; 20:1-6; 22:1-22; 28:1-4, 7-22; 29:1-6, 9-10, 13-15; 30:1-17; 31:1-4. Only about 262 verses of a total of 1292 in
Isaiah are considered to be the genuine product of Isaiah. The above-named scholars were by no means the only ones who helped to dismember Isaiah, but they were
probably the most influential.

  See translator's statement in the third edition of Franz J. Delitzsch, Biblical Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah , trans. James Denney, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (New
York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1891-92).

  Charles C. Torrey, The Second Isaiah: A New Interpretation (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1928), 4-5.

  Ibid., 13.

  Torrey is one of the greatest scholars of our day. There is food for thought in the fact that his views are so out of harmony with other radical critics who partition
"Second" Isaiah.

Summary of Critical Views on the Authorship of Isaiah

Having now indicated the course and amount of the dissection of Isaiah, it will be well to point out some of the reasons why the critics have dismembered the work of
the great prophet.

No attempt will be made to be exhaustive because the literature is too vast.

1. A twofold postulate is made to the effect that a prophet always spoke out of a definite historical situation to the present needs of the people among whom he lived,
and that a definite historical situation shall be pointed out for each prophecy.

One scholar has said: "It is a first principle that the historical horizon of a prophet belongs to his own time. He takes his stand in his own generation and looks onward
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from it." Put into plain English, this scholar meant that a prophet cannot see beyond the horizon of his own times. With some exceptions, the criticsPage       336 / 919
                                                                                                                                                         who dismember
Isaiah openly or tacitly deny the predictive element in prophecy. In the third edition of his commentary mentioned above, Professor Delitzsch says:
1. A twofold postulate is made to the effect that a prophet always spoke out of a definite historical situation to the present needs of the people among whom he lived,
and that a definite historical situation shall be pointed out for each prophecy.

One scholar has said: "It is a first principle that the historical horizon of a prophet belongs to his own time. He takes his stand in his own generation and looks onward
from it." Put into plain English, this scholar meant that a prophet cannot see beyond the horizon of his own times. With some exceptions, the critics who dismember
Isaiah openly or tacitly deny the predictive element in prophecy. In the third edition of his commentary mentioned above, Professor Delitzsch says:

The newer criticism bans all who still venture to maintain Isaiah's authorship as devoid of science, and indeed of conscience as well. To it, that authorship is as
impossible as any miracle in the domain of nature, history, and spirit. In its eyes only those prophecies find favor of which a naturalistic explanation can be given. It
knows exactly how far a prophet can see, and where he must stand in order to see so far.

According to such views, it would be impossible for Isaiah, living about 700 B.C., to speak of Cyrus by name, who lived about 540 B.C. Consequently those sections
of Isaiah connected in any way with Cyrus (44:28; 45:1) are dated late, i.e., during or after the Persian king's lifetime. And in general, since Isaiah 40-66 appear to the
critics to have the exile as their standpoint, with a change in place, time, and situation, they cannot possibly have come from the pen of Isaiah. Therefore "The Great
Unknown" is invented to take his place. As we have already pointed out, even he has subsequently to share his glory with other unknowns as ingenious and plausible
theories were invented to explain the biblical text.

2. The literary style of those chapters held not to be from Isaiah is very different from those which are admitted to be that prophet's.

Professor Driver explains the significance of this point as follows:

Isaiah shows strongly marked individualities of style: he is fond of particular images and phrases, many of which are used by no other writer of the Old Testament.
Now, in the chapters which contain evident allusions to the age of Isaiah himself, these expressions occur repeatedly; in the chapters which are without such allusions,
and which thus authorize prima facie the inference that they belong to a different age, they are absent, and new images and phrases appear instead. This coincidence
cannot be accidental. The subject of Isaiah 40-66 is not so different from that of Isaiah's prophecies (e.g.) against the Assyrians, as to necessitate a new phraseology
and theoretical form: the differences can only be reasonably explained by the supposition of a change of author.

3. The theological ideas of the non-Isaianic portions of the prophecy differ from those of Isaiah. To quote Driver again:

The theological ideas of Isaiah 40-66 (insofar as they are not of that fundamental kind common to the prophets generally) differ remarkably from those which appear,
from Isaiah 1-39, to be distinctive of Isaiah. Thus, on the nature of God generally, the ideas expressed are much larger and fuller. Isaiah, for instance, depicts the
majesty of Jehovah: in Isaiah 40-66 the prophet emphasizes His infinitude; He is the Creator, the Sustainer of the universe, the Life-Giver, the Author of history (41:4),
the First and the Last, the Incomparable One. This is the real differenceï¿½Again, the doctrine of the preservation from judgment of a faithful remnant is characteristic of
Isaiah. It appears both in his first prophecy and in his last (6:13; 65:8f); in Isaiah 40-66, if it is present once or twice by implication (59:20; 65:8f), it is no distinctive
element in the author's teachingï¿½The relation of Israel to Jehovah-its choice by Him, its destiny, the purpose of its call-is developed in different terms and under
different conceptions from those used by Isaiah.

4. Some other governing criteria which lead certain critics to reject various portions of Isaiah as subsequent to the prophet's own age are summed up by Dr. George L.
Robinson as follows:

(1) To one critic "the conversion of the heathen" lay quite beyond the horizon of any eighth century prophet and consequently Isaiah 2:2-4 and all similar passages
should be relegated to a subsequent age. (2) To another "the picture of universal peace" in Isaiah 11:1-9 is a symptom of a late date, and therefore the section must be
deleted. (3) To another the thought of universal judgment upon "the whole earth" in chapter 14:26 quite transcends Isaiah's range of thought. (4) To still another the
apocalyptic character of Isaiah 24-27 represents a phase of Hebrew thought which prevailed in Israel only after Ezekiel. (5) Even to those who are considered
moderate the poetic character of a passage like chapter 12 and the reference to a return from captivity as in 11:11-16, and the promises and consolations such as are
found in chapter 33, are cited as grounds for assigning these and kindred passages to a much later date. Radicals deny in toto the existence of Messianic passages in
Isaiah's own prophecies.

Now how do the above "critical" views of the authorship of the book of Isaiah create a problem in connection with the Book of Mormon? This we shall briefly point
out.

  Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah , 2:62.

   Samuel R. Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1922), 238.

  Ibid., 242.

  George L. Robinson, The Book of Isaiah in Fifteen Studies, rev ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1954), 61-62.

Book of Mormon Support for the Unity of Isaiah

The Book of Mormon quotes from the following chapters of Isaiah: 2-14 (2 Nephi 12-24); 29 (2 Ne. 27) 48-49 (1 Nephi 20-21); 50-51 (2 Nephi 7-8); 52 (3 Ne.
20) 53 (Mosiah 14) 54 (3 Ne. 22) 55 (2 Ne. 26:25). If the reader will take the trouble to compare this list with the references given above, which indicate the portions
of the book of Isaiah not generally accepted by the critics as being the genuine work of the great eighth-century B.C. prophet, he will at once discover a sharp conflict.
The Book of Mormon not only quotes extensively from those chapters (40-55) called "Deutero-Isaiah," but also from portions of "First" Isaiah which are regarded by
the critics as late and not the genuine product of the son of Amoz. The Nephite record accepts all of its Isaiah chapters as the authentic words of that great prophet.
If the critics are right, the Book of Mormon quotes extensive portions of the sayings of unknown prophets who lived sixty years or more after the Nephites were
supposed to have left Jerusalem, and mistakenly attributes them to Isaiah. This is the intellectual jam students of the Book of Mormon are supposed to find themselves
in and constitutes the main problem of Isaiah in that record. A lesser problem, but one that should be thoughtfully considered, is that of explaining why most of the text
of Isaiah in the Nephite scripture is in the language of the King James Version.

Is it possible for a sincere and honest believer in the Book of Mormon to give a satisfactory answer to the problems centering around its text of Isaiah? I believe so.
The Germans have a very convenient word that I may use at this point. It is Weltanschauung, which means conception of the world or world-philosophy. If one's
Weltanschauung rigidly embraces the ideas that there are no men who under divine inspiration can foretell the future and that purely naturalistic explanations of
phenomena in this world are the only acceptable ones-then my attempts to solve the problem of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon will not be wholly satisfactory. If (and
this is stating the conditions positively), on the other hand, one's Weltanschauung is such that he may concede the possibility of "the supernatural reality of prophecy"
and acknowledge the possibility of the Book of Mormon being a true record translated by divine aid-then I can give a reasonable answer to the Isaiah problem as
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stated above. On this basis let us proceed to the task.

  Note especially the words of Christ in 3 Nephi 23:1-3.
Weltanschauung rigidly embraces the ideas that there are no men who under divine inspiration can foretell the future and that purely naturalistic explanations of
phenomena in this world are the only acceptable ones-then my attempts to solve the problem of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon will not be wholly satisfactory. If (and
this is stating the conditions positively), on the other hand, one's Weltanschauung is such that he may concede the possibility of "the supernatural reality of prophecy"
and acknowledge the possibility of the Book of Mormon being a true record translated by divine aid-then I can give a reasonable answer to the Isaiah problem as
stated above. On this basis let us proceed to the task.

  Note especially the words of Christ in 3 Nephi 23:1-3.

Scholars Advocating the Unity of Isaiah

In the first part of this article I confined myself to the problems of tracing the history of the critical dismemberment of Isaiah and of indicating the degree thereof. No
attempt was made to present at length the views of scholars who opposed the critical dissection of the book of Isaiah. Now the first part of my answer to the Isaiah
problem in the Book of Mormon is this: Many great scholars through the years have held that the book of Isaiah is a unity, and have shown that the "critical" hypothesis
is far from being proved. Unless criticism can prove beyond reasonable doubt that Isaiah is not a unity, Latter-day Saints are justified in assuming that the traditional
views held by the Book of Mormon with respect to its authorship are on the whole correct.

The Isaianic authorship of the book has been maintained by Ernst W. Hengstenberg, Heinrich A. C. Havernick, Ewald R. Stier, Carl F. Keil, Max R. H. Lohr, Kurt
Himpel, Edward Strachey, William Urwick, Carl W. E. Nï¿½gelsbach, Albert Barnes, George C. M. Douglas, William H. Green, William H. Cobb, Delitzsch (who
half-heartedly departed from his original convictions late in life). James W. Thirtle, William Kay, Michael Rosenthal, John J. Lias, Richard R. Ottley, Robinson, and
Mrs. Letitia D. Jeffreys. Erich Klostermann and Conrad J. Bredenkamp took a middle course in the criticism. These scholars held that Isaiah 40-66 arose in exilic
times, but consisted in a considerable measure of ancient prophecies of Isaiah, which were reproduced by an author of Isaiah's school living in the exilian period,
because the events of the day were bringing the fulfillment of the prophecies.

The above-named scholars form impressive opposition to the divisive criticism of Isaiah. Many other names might be added to the list.

It may be of interest to quote two or three representative conclusions of these scholars in relation to the problem, before proceeding to specify in detail reasons why
their school of thought holds to the unity of Isaiah.

Dr. Green, one of the finest Hebraists America ever produced, observed that a noted critic, Dr. Herbert E. Ryle, had concluded Isaiah 1-39 were compiled a short
time before the period of Nehemiah (444 B.C.), but that Isaiah 40-66, though not of so late a date as some of the preceding chapters, could only have been added a
century and a half later, "when the recollection of the authorship of this section having been forgotten, it could, not unnaturally, be appended to the writings of Isaiah."
Dr. Green in answer said:

So the critics first dissect Isaiah, and then find it impossible to get the disjointed pieces together again without putting the collection of the canon at a date at variance
with historical testimony and every reliable indication bearing on the subject. It is, indeed, a puzzling question which the critics have to solve, and to which no
satisfactory answer can be given, how it came to pass that this prince of prophets, living, as we are told, near the end of the exile, whose predictions of the coming
deliverance and the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple were so strikingly fulfilled, and who must have stirred the souls of the exiles to an unwonted degree with his
own glowing enthusiasm, could be so utterly unknown, and not only his name, but his very existence so entirely forgotten, that his prophecies were attributed to another,
who lived at a different period of time, and under entirely different circumstances. But if the exigencies of the critical hypotheses demand a long interval to account for
this complete oblivion, does it follow that the recognition of the divine authority of this magnificent prophecy was delayed?

Dr. Ottley, the famous English biblical critic, in the notes of his valuable work, The Book of Isaiah According to the Septuagint, briefly reviews the critical position in
reference to Isaiah and then continues:

These views are probably held, in one form or another, by a majority of the authorities and students of the present day. It is perhaps therefore proper for the writer of
these notes to state that he is not convinced by them, but holds that, substantially, the whole of the "Book of Isaiah" is the work of that prophet, and that the work of the
modern "critics," while of immense value as a contribution to knowledge of details, is a failure as to the broad issues involved.

Dr. Robinson, one of the greatest of living American Hebraists, sums up his attitude toward the critical problem as follows:

More and more the writer is persuaded that broad facts must decide the unity or collective character of Isaiah's book. Verbal exegesis may do more harm than good.
Greater regard must be paid to the structure of the book, which is no mere anthology, or collection of independent discourses by different writers belonging to different
periods. There is an obvious, though it may be to some extent an editorial, unity to Isaiah's prophecies. To regard them as a heterogeneous mass of miscellaneous
oracles which were written at widely separated times and under varied circumstances from Isaiah's times down to the Maccabean age, and revised and freely
interpolated throughout the intervening centuries, is to lose sight of the great historic realities and perspective of the prophet.

Not in the spirit of an antiquated apologist, therefore, but rather as a contribution to historical criticism, the writer feels constrained to say, that to him chapter 2:2-4 is
the key to Isaiah's horizon; that Isaiah 40-66 are in germ wrapped up in the vision and commission of the prophet's inaugural call (chapter 6); and that the whole
problem of how much or how little Isaiah wrote would become immensely simplified if critics would only divest themselves of a mass of unwarranted presuppositions
and arbitrary restrictions which fix hard and fast what each century can think and say.

Accordingly, the writer's attitude is that of those who, while welcoming all ascertained results of investigation, decline to accept any mere conjecture or theories as final
conclusions. And while he acknowledges his very great debt to critics of all latitudes, he nevertheless believes that the book of Isaiah, practically as we have it, may
have been, and probably was, all written by Isaiah, the son of Amoz, in the later half of the eighth century B.C. To what extent the editors revised and supplemented the
prophet's discourses can never be definitely determined.

Let us now proceed to indicate in greater detail the reasons why so many scholars have held that the book as we have it is essentially Isaiah's.

1. The Jewish and the Christian churches (apart from the gently hinted doubts of Ibn Ezra in the twelfth century A.D.) have, until the last one hundred and fifty years,
unhesitatingly assigned the whole to Isaiah the son of Amoz. Such a strong and persistent tradition cannot honestly be set aside without positive and compelling
historical evidence. Such is missing. Subjective analysis of the text of Isaiah, the results of which are disputed, cannot be accounted sufficient grounds upon which to put
aside the ancient tradition.

2. The Septuagint and other ancient versions of scripture give absolutely no hint of the multiple authorship of Isaiah. It is a most surprising fact that the Septuagint
(Greek) translation of Isaiah, which was made from the Hebrew about 200 B.C., does not give us the name of a single one of the ten or more "prophets" that are
assumed by various critics to have contributed to Isaiah's book. "Singularï¿½that history should have lost all knowledge of this Isaianic series of prophets.
Singularï¿½that it should be these prophets whose names had the common fortune of being forgotten, although in point of time they all stood nearer to the collector than
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the old prophet who was their model, and after whom they had formed themselves."

3. Christ and his apostles assigned the book to Isaiah. The New Testament quotes from thirty-two chapters of Isaiah. Many of these chapters are quoted from several
2. The Septuagint and other ancient versions of scripture give absolutely no hint of the multiple authorship of Isaiah. It is a most surprising fact that the Septuagint
(Greek) translation of Isaiah, which was made from the Hebrew about 200 B.C., does not give us the name of a single one of the ten or more "prophets" that are
assumed by various critics to have contributed to Isaiah's book. "Singularï¿½that history should have lost all knowledge of this Isaianic series of prophets.
Singularï¿½that it should be these prophets whose names had the common fortune of being forgotten, although in point of time they all stood nearer to the collector than
the old prophet who was their model, and after whom they had formed themselves."

3. Christ and his apostles assigned the book to Isaiah. The New Testament quotes from thirty-two chapters of Isaiah. Many of these chapters are quoted from several
times. Fourteen chapters from 1-35 are represented and eighteen chapters from 40-66. There is not the slightest hint anywhere in the New Testament that any other
prophet than Isaiah the son of Amoz was the author of the quoted passages. In fact the emphasis is the other way. Note that Christ quotes Isaiah 61:1-2 and expressly
declares that it was fulfilled at that time (see Luke 4:18-21). Luke (a capable historian) definitely states that Christ was given "the book of the prophet Isaiah" (Luke
4:17), from which he quoted the fulfilled prophecy. Note also that the learned and critical Paul who quotes Isaiah so often and from so many different places (see
especially Romans) knows of no equivalent to "Deutero" or "Trito" Isaiah.

In fact, it seems passing strange that three minds so penetrating and spiritual as Christ's, Paul's, and Luke's could not see just a little of what modern critics see-even
presuming the latter were correct. Most critics will concede the great powers of mind and heart of Christ, Paul, and Luke even when denying them any supernatural
powers of inspiration or revelation. Nor are these three the only ones who quote Isaiah in the New Testament.

4. Jesus Ben-Sirach, about 180 B.C., when recounting of Hezekiah's day, recorded that Isaiah the prophet

saw by an excellent spirit what should come to pass at the last; And he comforted them that mourned in Zion. He showed the things that should be to the end of time,
And the hidden things or ever they came. (Ecclesiasticus 48:24-25, Revised Version)

Ben-Sirach thus also reveals that in ancient times Isaiah was regarded as the sole author and that he prophesied concerning the future.

5. Josephus expressly points out that Cyrus the king was especially impressed by a prophecy of Isaiah to the effect that God had chosen him (Cyrus) to send Israel
back to their own land and to build the temple. There then follows a rather extended description of how Cyrus helped the Jews to go to their native land and begin the
reconstruction of their temple. Josephus also makes the following interesting statement concerning Isaiah:

Now as to this prophet, he was by the confession of all a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and out of the assurance that he had never written what was false,
he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him in books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the events by posterity.

Even after discounting Josephus for his weaknesses as a historian, it is hard to believe that he would deliberately manufacture letters purporting to be from Cyrus that
confirm Isaiah's prophecies made nearly two hundred years before the Persian king's time. We can be certain, however, that Jews in the days of Josephus believed the
book of Isaiah to be a unity and that the prophet could see into the future.

Thus we see that all of the external evidence is in favor of the unity of the book of Isaiah. Now let us proceed to a consideration of some of the internal evidence.

The following striking characteristics common to the entire book plead strongly for its unity:

6. The very marked detachment of Isaiah's personality from his prophecies. Only once (Isa. 6) does Isaiah relate a vision and tell the circumstances under which his
prophecy was delivered. Contrast this usage with such books as Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel.

7. Every chapter in the book-yes, nearly every verse-is characterized by the majestic imagery in which the writer revels, the poetic elevation of style and the love of
nature. Even the limited Isaiah of the critics has no monopoly on these qualities. The style of the book throughout is unique in literature.

8. The tendency to repetition. Note the use of "woe," in Isa. 5, as an instance. It reappears in Isa. 45, which is ascribed to "Second" Isaiah. In "Second" Isaiah
repetition often assumes such forms as "Awake, awake," "Cast ye up," for the sake of emphasis.

9. The tendency of the prophet to quote his own words. This habit is not quite peculiar to Isaiah but much more common with him than any other prophet. Note Isaiah
11:6-9 and compare 65:25.

10. The abundant use of paronomasia or the repetition of the same sound. It is necessary to resort to the Hebrew text, of course, to illustrate such usage. Paronomasia
is occasionally found in other books, but in Isaiah it stamps the whole book as one written by a man who has the ear as well as the mind and heart of a poet.

11. Expressions peculiar to Isaiah. The most remarkable of these is "the Holy One of Israel." Dr. Robinson states:

The divine name, "the Holy One of Israel," which Isaiah ascribes to Jehovah, and which occurs twenty-five times in his book and only six times elsewhere in the entire
Old Testament, interlocks inseparably all the various portions with one another and stamps them with the personal imprimatur of him who saw the vision of the Majestic
God seated upon his throne high and lifted up, and heard the angelic choirs singing, "Holy, holy, holy, is Jehovah of hosts: the whole earth is full of his glory" (Isa. 6).
The presence of this divine name in all the different portions of the book is of more value in identifying Isaiah as the author of these prophecies than as though his name
had been inscribed at the beginning of every chapter."

Note other expressions such as "Lord of Hosts," "Mighty God of Jacob" or "Israel," "The Mouth of the Lord hath spoken it," "Set up an ensign," etc.

12. The tendency to break suddenly into song. This feature is common to all the portions of the book and altogether peculiar to Isaiah. Note Isaiah 5:1-7;12:1-6;26:1-
4;35:1-10;36:10-20;44:23;48:20;51:11;54:1, etc.

13. The piling up of ideas or imagery is a peculiarly Isaianic feature-the building up of ideas, sometimes of a similar and sometimes of a contrary nature, with a most
powerful effect. The reader may consult Isaiah 2:10-17;24:2;65:13-14, for instance, from undisputed Isaiah, from the "fragments," and from "Second" Isaiah
respectively. Shorter passages of a similar kind occur very frequently throughout Isaiah. No writer but Isaiah supplies us with such examples.

It is seen that the later portions of Isaiah are by no means devoid of literary characteristics found in other parts of the book. Even so, I am willing to admit a somewhat
different style in Isaiah 40-66 as contrasted with most of what precedes. There is a note of triumph in these chapters not so apparent in other sections of the book.
There is a brighter and more comforting tone throughout. But all of the supposed differences do not necessarily argue for a different author. A writer may vary his style
from one time to another as he writes under different conditions and on different subjects.

In Isaiah 40-66, Isaiah deals with the great theme of Israel's redemption. This accounts for the difference in style (or should we say mood) between them and most
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                                                     eye, Isaiah saw the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, the atoning sacrifice of the Christ, the339  / 919of
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scattered Israel in the latter days, the eventual glorification of Zion and the Millennial era-yes, and even "new heavens and a new earth." No wonder the poet-prophet
strikes a triumphant note and comforts his people with his wondrous message. Only those who approach his book with a strongly naturalistic bias can fail to see the
from one time to another as he writes under different conditions and on different subjects.

In Isaiah 40-66, Isaiah deals with the great theme of Israel's redemption. This accounts for the difference in style (or should we say mood) between them and most
other chapters in the book. With clear prophetic eye, Isaiah saw the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, the atoning sacrifice of the Christ, the gathering of
scattered Israel in the latter days, the eventual glorification of Zion and the Millennial era-yes, and even "new heavens and a new earth." No wonder the poet-prophet
strikes a triumphant note and comforts his people with his wondrous message. Only those who approach his book with a strongly naturalistic bias can fail to see the
reason for the poet's change in style (or mood).

14. In "Second" Isaiah and in "Trito" Isaiah there is no real difference in the prophet's theology as compared with other chapters-what we find is rather an extension or
more complete expression of his theology. What Professor Driver and other writers of his class fail to see is that a writer may not exhaust his theological ideas on a
given theme in thirty-nine chapters-some may be left for Isaiah 40-66. Authors usually claim the privilege of emphasizing different doctrines and topics as occasion
requires.

The internal evidence, therefore, is strongly in favor of the unity of Isaiah. Certain it is that the critics' arguments for the division of Isaiah are far from being compelling
and conclusive. Lacking that, their case must be labeled "not proved." The most serious problem in connection with the text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon therefore
disappears.

  Herbert E. Ryle, The Canon of the Old Testament: An Essay on the Gradual Growth and Formation of the Hebrew Canon of Scripture (London: Macmillan, 1892).

   11. William H. Green, General Introduction to the Old Testament (New York City: Scribner's Sons, 1906), 104.

   12. See Richard R. Ottley, The Book of Isaiah According to the Septuagint, 2 vols. (London: Cambridge University Press, 1906-1909), 2:297.

   13. Robinson, The Book of Isaiah , 62-63.

   14. Delitzsch, Biblical Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah , 1:13, emphasis added.

   15. Flavius Josephus, Antiquities XI, 1-2.

   16. Ibid., X, 2.

   17. In the discussion from points 6-13 I have freely adopted much from an article by Rev. John J. Lias, "The Unity of Isaiah," Journal of the Transactions of the
Victoria Institute 48 (1916): 65-84.

   18. Robinson, The Book of Isaiah , 14.

The Book of Mormon Isaiah As An Ancient Text

The second part of my answer to the Isaiah problem in the Book of Mormon arises from the results of a careful examination of the Isaiah chapters in that record. The
text of Isaiah in the Nephite scripture reasonably well fulfills the technical requirements of one presumed to be really ancient.

An expert might venture such questions and comments as these:

1. Is the text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon word for word the same as that of the King James Version? If it is, the claims made that the original on the gold plates
harks back to the time of Isaiah can be denied. In other words, the Book of Mormon should be thrown out of court as a witness to the original text of Isaiah. This
would be a reasonable action because every biblical scholar knows that the Hebrew text of Isaiah upon which the King James Version mainly depends has been
somewhat corrupted in the course of transmission through the centuries. If the Book of Mormon reproduced all these corruptions there would be plain evidence that
Joseph Smith did not translate from a really ancient text of Isaiah.

2. What is the witness of the ancient Greek, Syriac, and Latin versions of Isaiah to that of the Book of Mormon? These versions have also become corrupted in the
course of transmission through the ages, but by the laws of chance they ought to agree in some instances with the readings of the Book of Mormon where the latter
differs from the Hebrew. That is to say, each occasionally preserves a true reading of Isaiah where the Hebrew fails us, and in such places where the true text of Isaiah
appears the Book of Mormon should agree. In general we should be prepared to admit that the science of textual criticism will throw great light on the question of the
genuineness of the claims that the Book of Mormon text of Isaiah has high antiquity. Textual critical tests can be most subtle and powerful in probing for slips on the
part of unlearned impostors who offer amended biblical texts for the examination of the public.

Now let us consider the Isaiah text of the Nephite record in the light of these questions and observations.

1. The text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon is not word for word the same as that of the King James Version. There are 433 verses of Isaiah in the Nephite record.
Of these, 234 verses were changed or modified by the Prophet Joseph Smith so that they do not conform with the King James Version. Some of the changes made
were slight, others were radical. However, 199 verses are word for word the same as the old English version. We therefore freely admit that Joseph Smith used the
King James Version when he came to the text of Isaiah on the gold plates. As long as the familiar version substantially agreed with the text on the gold plates record he
let it pass; when it differed too much, he translated the Nephite version and dictated the necessary changes.

2. In 2 Ne. 12:16 (cf. Isa. 2:16) there is prefixed a whole clause to the reading of the King James Version. The clause reads: "And upon all the ships of the sea." The
ancient Septuagint (Greek) substantially agrees with this clause by rendering: And upon every ship of the sea."

Second 1 Ne. 13:9 (cf. Isa. 3:9) reads in part "and they cannot hide it" as against the Hebrew and King James reading "they hide it not." The Syriac reading is in
agreement with the Nephite reading and even the Septuagint clearly supplies the "and."

Second 1 Ne. 13:14 (cf. Isa. 3:14), "And the spoil of the poor in your houses," as against the Hebrew and King James Version "the spoil of the poor is in your houses."
The Book of Mormon "and" is clearly supported by the Syriac and apparently by the Septuagint.

Second 1 Ne. 23:11 (cf. Isa. 13:11), "I will cause the arrogancy," etc., for the "and I will cause the arrogancy" of the King James and Hebrew versions.

Here the Syriac supports the Book of Mormon reading by omitting "and."
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Second 1 Ne. 7:2 (cf. Isa. 50:2), "Behold, at my rebuke I dry up the sea, I make their rivers a wilderness and their fish to stink because the waters are dried up, and
they die because of thirst." This reading is really remarkable from the angle of textual criticism. The King James and Hebrew versions read: "Behold, at my rebuke I dry
Second 1 Ne. 23:11 (cf. Isa. 13:11), "I will cause the arrogancy," etc., for the "and I will cause the arrogancy" of the King James and Hebrew versions.

Here the Syriac supports the Book of Mormon reading by omitting "and."

Second 1 Ne. 7:2 (cf. Isa. 50:2), "Behold, at my rebuke I dry up the sea, I make their rivers a wilderness and their fish to stink because the waters are dried up, and
they die because of thirst." This reading is really remarkable from the angle of textual criticism. The King James and Hebrew versions read: "Behold, at my rebuke I dry
up the sea. I make the rivers a wilderness: their fish stinketh because there is no water, and dieth for thirst."

The Book of Mormon reads "their rivers" as against "rivers." This is readily explained on the basis that the letter mem ("their") which was attached originally to "rivers"
accidentally dropped out of the Hebrew text because the very next word ("wilderness") begins with the same letter. Such accidents are well-known to textual critics.
Furthermore, in the next clause the reading is "their fish," which argues well for the correctness of "their rivers."

The ancient Greek reads: "And their fish shall be dried up because there is no water, and shall die for thirst." It will be noted that the Hebrew omits dried up while the
Greek on the other hand omits stinketh. The Book of Mormon retains both, indicating that the Hebrew and Greek each lack elements that were in the original text of
Isaiah. On the basis of the Book of Mormon reading the textual critic can reconstruct what happened to the original text. By a most peculiar coincidence the words
stinketh and dried up in this Hebrew context have nearly the same sound and look very much alike. Transliterated they read tivï¿½ash and tivash respectively. The
accidental dropping of one of these verbs from the original text, or a misreading of either, would occasion considerable difficulty and cause scribes to reconstruct the
text in different ways. The present Greek and Hebrew readings illustrate the processes of reconstruction. The Book of Mormon reading is so reasonable on the basis of
the Greek and Hebrew texts as to appeal to the reason of every thinking person.

In 2 Ne. 13:12 (cf. Isa. 3:12) the reading "And my people" occurs in contrast to the King James Version "as for my people." The present Hebrew reads simply "my
people" as the italics of the English version suggest. We think it very significant that the last letter of the Hebrew of Isa. 3:11 if placed in front of the first word of Isa.
3:12 gives the Book of Mormon reading "and my people." The word division of the Isaiah text on the gold plates before the Prophet Joseph Smith differed somewhat
at this point from the traditional word division preserved in our present Hebrew Bible. Anciently the words in the Hebrew text were all run together without any formal
indication as to where each began and left off. When scribes later divided the words they occasionally made errors. If it be pointed out that my suggestion destroys Isa.
3:11, the answer is that the present text of Isa. 3:10-12 is corrupt. Let the reader consult the obviously better readings of the Nephite record.

One more illustration will suffice. In 2 Ne. 19:3 (cf. Isa. 9:3), the text reads: "Thou hast multiplied the nation, and increased the joy-they joy before thee according to."
The King James Version reads: "Thou has multiplied the nation, and not increased the joy: they joy before thee according to" (emphasis added). Commentators would
agree almost one hundred percent that the Book of Mormon reading is superior to that of the King James Version and hence of the Hebrew. There are two Hebrew
words, loï¿½ and lo, respectively, which sound alike but have different meanings. The present Hebrew text reads loï¿½ ("not") but should read lo ("to it"). Sometime in
the history of the Hebrew text the wrong word intruded into the text in a way easily explained by the textual critic. But the Prophet Joseph Smith caught the error which
passed into the King James Version.

The text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon is thoroughly discussed in a master's thesis prepared under my general direction at Brigham Young University by Principal H.
Grant Vest of the Vernal Seminary and entitled "The Problem of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon."

We are now able to extend greatly, thanks to Grant Vest's thesis, the number of verses that definitely reveal translation phenomena in the Book of Mormon text of
Isaiah, and that together give relative indications of its age. That is to say, these verses, when studied in connection with ancient versions of Isaiah, give substantial
evidence that the translator of the Book of Mormon had before him a version of Isaiah more ancient than any now in existence, and that he actually translated.
Following is a list of references that we offer for the examination of textual critics: 2 Ne. 12:16, 20;13:9, 12, 14;14:3;15:5, 7, 11;16:9;19:3;23:3, 11, 14;24:3-4;27:6,
19; 1 Ne. 20:5, 13-14 2 Ne. 7:2;8:5, 15, 18, 21; Mosiah 14:6 (others might be added).

The version of Isaiah in the Nephite scripture hews an independent course for itself, as might be expected of a truly ancient and authentic record. It makes additions to
the present text in some places, omits material in others, transposes, makes grammatical changes, finds support at times for its unusual readings in the ancient Greek,
Syriac, and Latin versions, and at other times no support at all. In general, it presents phenomena that will be found of great interest to critics in many fields.

Author's Note: I am aware of the fact that I have not exhaustively met every phase of every argument that might be advanced or that has already been advanced in
defense of the critical division of Isaiah. In a relatively short article that could not be expected; I am appending some references for the benefit of critical readers who
want to follow the pros and cons of the question in still further detail.

   19. H. Grant Vest, "The Problem of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon" (master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1938).

  The following references appeared in the Improvement Era version but not in Our Book of Mormon.

References

In Favor of the Unity of Isaiah

Franz Delitzsch. Biblical Commentary on the Prophecies of Isaiah , trans. James Denney, 2 vols. New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1829.

George C. M. Douglas. Isaiah One and His Book One. London: Nisbet, 1895.

Letitia D. Jeffreys. The Unity of the Book of Isaiah. Cambridge: Deighton Bell, 1899. This is one of the most useful books on the subject. The linguistic evidence is
carefully treated and Dr. Driver's position is examined in some detail.

William Kay. In "Introduction" to Isaiah in The Speaker's Commentary, 10 vols. New York: Scribner, 1873-81.

John J. Lias. "The Unity of Isaiah ," Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute 48 (1916): 65-84. The author gives a fuller treatment of this subject in
Bibliotheca Sacra 72 (October 1915): 560-91.

David S. Margoliouth. Lines of Defence of the Biblical Revelation. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1900, chapter 3.

Carl W. E. Nï¿½gelsbach. "Isaiah," in Johann P. Lange. A Commentary on the Holy Scriptures: Critical, Doctrinal, and Homiletical. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1866.

George L. Robinson. The Book of Isaiah: A New Interpretation. New York: Young Men's Christian Association, 1910.
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William Urwick. The Servant of Jehova: A Commentary Grammatical and Critical, upon Isaiah 52:13-53. Edinburgh: Clark, 1877.

In Favor of the Critical Division of Isaiah
Carl W. E. Nï¿½gelsbach. "Isaiah," in Johann P. Lange. A Commentary on the Holy Scriptures: Critical, Doctrinal, and Homiletical. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1866.

George L. Robinson. The Book of Isaiah: A New Interpretation. New York: Young Men's Christian Association, 1910.

William Urwick. The Servant of Jehova: A Commentary Grammatical and Critical, upon Isaiah 52:13-53. Edinburgh: Clark, 1877.

In Favor of the Critical Division of Isaiah

Samuel R. Driver. An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, new ed. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1960, 204-46.

Samuel R. Driver. Isaiah: His Life and Times and the Writings Which Bear His Name. London: Nisbet, 1888, 185-212; where the arguments on both sides are
carefully stated.

George B. Gray. A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1913, 178-88.

John E. McFadyen. Introduction to the Old Testament, new ed., rev. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1932, 127-62.

William O. E. Oesterley and Theodore H. Robinson. An Introduction to the Books of the Old Testament. New York: Macmillan, 1934, 233-87.

Charles C. Torrey. The Second Isaiah. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1928. This book while "critical" holds vigorously to the unity of Isaiah, 34-35, 40-66.

Bibliography

Johann C. Dï¿½derlein, Esaias. Altorfi: Schupfelian, 1775.

Johann G. Eichhorn, Die hebrï¿½ischen Propheten, 3 vols. Gï¿½ttingen: Vandenhoek and Ruprecht, 1816-1819.

Heinrich Ewald, Die Propheten des Alten Bundes erklï¿½rt. Stuttgart: Krabbe, 1804-41.

Wilhelm Gesenius, Der Prophet Jesaia, 3 vols. in 4. Leipzig: Vogel, 1821-1829.

Heinrich E. G. Paulus, Philologischer Clavis ï¿½ber das Alte Testament. Jena: Cuno's Erben, 1793.

Ernst F. K. Rosenmuller, The Targum and the Peshitta Version of the Book of Isaiah. Leipzig: Barth, 1821.

George Adam Smith, The Book of Isaiah, 2 vols. New York: Armstrong, 1902.

The Book of Mormon and the Problem
of the Sermon on the Mount

Abstract: The Sermon on the Mount in 3 Nephi parallels the accounts in Matthew and Luke, although it is closer to Matthew. The sermon was addressed partly to a
general audience and partly to the twelve disciples exclusively, although the crowd heard it. In many cases the account in 3 Nephi clarifies the New Testament
accounts; in particular, the Joseph Smith Translation and Book of Mormon explain the Lord's Prayer.

In this chapter we shall consider a literary problem of the Book of Mormon which involves the New Testament. It concerns the presence and character of the Sermon
on the Mount in 3 Nephi.

This originally appeared as chapter 15 on pages 178-90 of Our Book of Mormon.

Textual Variants

The sermon is found in 3 Nephi 12-14, which corresponds to Matthew 5-7. When the resurrected, glorified Savior appeared to the Nephite people, one of the first
things he did after appointing twelve disciples was to deliver this important address on the essentials of the good life. Its form in 3 Nephi closely parallels the greater
part of the familiar English text found in the King James Version of the Bible. However, a number of very interesting textual variations are to be seen.

One of the first facts in the sermon in 3 Nephi that interests the scholar is that it follows the text found in Matthew and not that in Luke 6:20-49. The question has often
been asked, "Do Matthew and Luke record the same discourse?" Some authorities have asserted that the two discourses are entirely distinct in respect to time, place,
circumstances, and audience. They claim that the time of delivery of the two addresses appears to be different; that the place is different, because one is a mountain
(Matt. 5:1) and the other is a plain (Luke 6:17) and moreover, that the audience is different, not to mention the radical difference in contents between the sermons.

Other authorities have claimed that the two sermons are distinct, but spoken on the same day, and near together. This theory has had few followers.

Still other experts have held to the opinion that the sermon in Matthew is not a single discourse but a collection of discourses delivered on different occasions and to
various audiences, woven together and placed in the present position. Luke's account is held to be but one of the discourses used by Matthew.

The consensus of many able authorities at the present time is that both Matthew and Luke give substantially similar accounts of the same discourse. The one reported
by Luke differs from that in Matthew almost entirely in omitting a large part of what is given in Matthew. The order of topics common to the two is almost identical.

Professors Kirsopp Lake and Silva Lake, write, "Not only the contents, but the ordering of the subject matter and often the phraseology render it clear that Matthew
and Luke have a common tradition, but quite differently arranged." Professor A. T. Robertson writes, "The omissions and additions in each case suit the specific
purpose of the writer. The apparent contradictions, when studied carefully, blend into a harmonious whole. Hence we seem to be justified in maintaining the identity of
the discourses recorded by Matthew and Luke."

It seems clear from the report of the sermon in 3 Nephi that Matthew's version must be regarded as nearer the original than that in Luke. Moreover, the circumstances
surrounding the Savior's delivery of the address to the Nephites must cause us to throw out the theory already mentioned that it is not a single discourse, but a collection
of discourses delivered on various occasions and to various audiences. The fact that the delivery of the whole sermon was only a small part of his first day's ministry
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Another problem that concerns the sermon as reported by Matthew is the question of the audience. Did the Savior deliver his address to his apostles only, or was it
given to a mixed audience of apostles and multitude? In Matt. 5:1 we read, "And seeing the crowds he went up on the mountain, and when he had seated himself his
It seems clear from the report of the sermon in 3 Nephi that Matthew's version must be regarded as nearer the original than that in Luke. Moreover, the circumstances
surrounding the Savior's delivery of the address to the Nephites must cause us to throw out the theory already mentioned that it is not a single discourse, but a collection
of discourses delivered on various occasions and to various audiences. The fact that the delivery of the whole sermon was only a small part of his first day's ministry
among the Nephites points strongly in that direction. The likelihood that Jesus would throw several small discourses into one like that in Matthew seems remote.

Another problem that concerns the sermon as reported by Matthew is the question of the audience. Did the Savior deliver his address to his apostles only, or was it
given to a mixed audience of apostles and multitude? In Matt. 5:1 we read, "And seeing the crowds he went up on the mountain, and when he had seated himself his
disciples came to him"; on the other hand we read at the end of the sermon the following: "When Jesus had ended these sayings, the crowds were astonished at his
teaching" (Matt. 7:28). With these quotations may be compared Luke 6:17:

And having gone down with them [the apostles], he took his stand on a level place, and a crowd of his disciples, and a great throng of the people from all Judea and
Jerusalem and the sea coast of Tyre and Sidon, who came to hear him and to be healed of their diseases.

Everything considered, it would appear that Jesus spoke both to his apostles and the multitude.

From the Prophet Joseph Smith's inspired revision of the text of Matthew it would appear that Jesus addressed his remarks more particularly to the disciples, but the
multitude round about also heard him. The text in Matt. 6 is prefaced by these words, not found in the usual version: "And it came to pass that, as Jesus taught his
disciples." The following words are found at the head of Matthew 7: "Now these are the words which Jesus taught his disciples that they should say unto the people."
At the end of the sermon the revision reads, "And it came to pass when Jesus had ended these sayings with his disciples, the people were astonished at his
doctrine" (Matt. 7:36 JST) The account of the sermon in 3 Nephi 12-14 clearly indicates that the multitude as well as the newly appointed twelve heard all of the
address. One section of it, however, was directed to the twelve disciples and did not apply to the masses of the people. This is the part beginning with the words,
"Therefore I say unto you, take no thought for your life, what ye shall eat," and ending with "Sufficient is the day unto the evil thereof." (3 Nephi 13:25-34. cf. Matthew
6:25-34.) There is no suggestion in the text of Matthew that this section was addressed to Jesus' apostles only. The wisdom of the Book of Mormon version is very
evident. What would happen to the world if people took no thought for the morrow, or failed to look forward to their supply of food and raiment? Almost utter chaos
would ensue. On the other hand, we can readily understand the application of the section to the chosen twelve, whose labors and thoughts were to be in the ministry.
God would see to it that their needs were taken care of.

Now, let us examine in some detail the differences in text between the sermon as found in Matthew and that in 3 Nephi. First of all, we call attention to the two opening
verses of 3 Ne. 12, which read as follows:

And it came to pass that when Jesus had spoken these words unto Nephi, and to those who had been called, (now the number of them who had been called, and
received power and authority to baptize, was twelve) and behold, he stretched forth his hand unto the multitude, and cried unto them, saying: Blessed are ye if ye shall
give heed unto the words of these twelve whom I have chosen from among you to minister unto you, and to be your servants; and unto them I have given power that
they may baptize you with water; and after that ye are baptized with water, behold, I will baptize you with fire and with the Holy Ghost; therefore blessed are ye if ye
shall believe in me and be baptized, after that ye have seen me and know that I am.

And again, more blessed are they who shall believe in your words because that ye shall testify that ye have seen me, and that ye know that I am. Yea, blessed are they
who shall believe in your words, and come down into the depths of humility and be baptized, for they shall be visited with fire and with the Holy Ghost, and shall
receive a remission of their sins. (3 Nephi 1-2)

It does not necessarily follow that the opening verses of Matt. 5 should read exactly the same as this Nephite text. However, the inspired revision of Matthew 5:2-4 is
quoted herewith for its great interest:

And he opened his mouth, and taught them, saying,

Blessed are they who shall believe on me; and again, more blessed are they who shall believe on your words, when ye shall testify that ye have seen me and that I am.

Yea, blessed are they who shall believe on your words, and come down into the depth of humility, and be baptized in my name; for they shall be visited with fire and
the Holy Ghost, and shall receive a remission of their sins. (Matthew 5:2-4 JST)

The Nephite text we quoted is valuable in that it gives us confidence in the belief that the sermon in Palestine was delivered in the hearing of both the apostles and "the
people."

   1. Kirsopp and Silva Lake, Introduction to the New Testament (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1937), 44.

   2. A. T. Robertson, Harmony of the Gospels (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950), 276.

The Beatitudes

The Nephite parallel to the Beatitudes (3 Nephi 12:3-12; cf. Matthew 5:3-12) contains several readings which diverge sharply from the text of Matthew. We present
these below in a form which clearly reveals the differences:

Matthew 5:3-12 3 Nephi 12:3-12 Blessed are the poor in spirit for Yea, blessed are the poor in spirit
theirs is the kingdom of heaven. who come unto me, for theirs is
the kingdom of heaven.

Blessed are they that mourn: for And again, blessed are all they that
they shall be comforted. mourn, for they shall be comforted.

Blessed are the meek: for they And blessed are the meek, for they
shall inherit the earth. shall inherit the earth.

Blessed are they which do hunger And blessed are all they who do
and thirst after righteousness: hunger and thirst after righteousness, for
for they shall be filled. they shall be filled with the Holy Ghost.

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they shall obtain mercy. shall obtain mercy.
Blessed are they which do hunger And blessed are all they who do
and thirst after righteousness: hunger and thirst after righteousness, for
for they shall be filled. they shall be filled with the Holy Ghost.

Blessed are the merciful: for And blessed are the merciful, for they
they shall obtain mercy. shall obtain mercy.

Blessed are the pure in heart, for And blessed are all the pure in heart,
they shall see God. for they shall see God.

Blessed are the peacemakers: for And blessed are all the peacemakers,
they shall be called the children for they shall be called the children
of God. of God.

Blessed are they which are And blessed are all they who are
persecuted for righteousness' persecuted for my name's sake, for
sake: for theirs is the kingdom of theirs is the kingdom of heaven.
heaven.

Blessed are ye, when men shall And blessed are ye when men shall
revile you, and persecute you, revile you and persecute, and shall say all
and shall say all manner of evil manner of evil against you falsely,
against you falsely, for my sake. for my sake;

Rejoice and be exceeding glad: For ye shall have great joy and be
for great is your reward in heaven: exceeding glad, for great shall be your
for so persecuted they the prophets reward in heaven; for so persecuted
which were before you. they the prophets who were before you.

The divergent readings of the Nephite text are all interesting and thought-provoking, but lack the confirmation of practically all ancient Greek manuscripts of the New
Testament. Nor do the ancient versions lend much support, a fact which might well be expected. This is in great contrast to the surprising amount of support given by
the ancient versions to many unusual readings of Isaiah in the text of the Book of Mormon. However, we call attention to the reading of Isa. 61:2, last clause, which
reads, "to comfort all that mourn" (emphasis added). This should be compared with 3 Ne. 12:4 above, in which the Nephite reading contains the word all. A distinct
possibility exists that Jesus had the text of Isaiah in mind when he delivered the beatitude in question. Other readings of lesser value might be pointed out, but their
application might not be immediately apparent to the reader.

Fulfillment of the Law

The remainder of 3 Ne. 12 differs in a marked degree from the parallel readings in Matt. 5. It is significant also that Joseph Smith's inspired revision differs in many
respects from both. This fact indicates that through the spirit of revelation the prophet found that the traditional text of Matt. 5 needed considerable correcting;
moreover, it indicates that the text delivered to the Nephites did not in all respects follow that given in Palestine. It is impractical here to exhibit the differences that exist
between the remainder of the Nephite text and that of Matthew in the same way that we did for the Beatitudes. We also point out here that the Greek manuscripts of
the Gospels, as well as other ancient versions, offer little support to the divergent Nephite readings. Nevertheless, one should notice the smoothness and consistency of
the renderings in the Book of Mormon.

Writers have pointed out the inconsistency of Matthew 5:17-20 with the general tenor of the sermon. The verses in question read:

Think not that I am come to destroy the law, or the prophets: I am not come to destroy, but to fulfil.

For verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass, one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass from the law, till all be fulfilled.

Whosoever therefore shall break one of these least commandments, and shall teach men so, he shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven: but whosoever shall
do and teach them, the same shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven.

For I say unto you, That except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven.

The International Critical Commentary on Matthew says of these words:

The meaning of these words is clear. Christ did not come to overthrow the authority of the Mosaic law, which was to be eternally binding upon the hearts and
consciences of men. So long as the world lasted its authority was to be permanent. If any of his disciples taught men to disobey any of its commandments, he would be
placed in an inferior position in the coming Kingdom. If he was a faithful servant of the law, and upheld its authority before men, he would receive high rank in the
Kingdom. Commentators have exhausted their ingenuity in attempts to explain away this passage, but its meaning is too clear to be misunderstood. Christ is here
represented as speaking in the spirit of Alexanderine and Rabbinical Judaism. The attitude to the law here described is inconsistent with the general tenor of the
Sermon.

The Book of Mormon makes a genuine contribution to the question of the meaning of these verses, for in 3 Nephi we have the following reading:

For verily I say unto you, one jot nor one tittle hath not passed away from the law, but in me it hath all been fulfilled. (3 Ne. 12:18)

How far the commentator in the International Critical Commentary misses the point the reader must judge for himself. In all fairness to him we must recognize that he
did not have before him a text as helpful as that in the Book of Mormon. It is our desire only to indicate how the Nephite text helps clear up an apparent inconsistency
in the sermon. It may be also pointed out that in 3 Ne. 15 the Savior refers again to the law of Moses in the following words:

Behold, I say unto you that the law is fulfilled that was given unto Moses.

Behold, I am he that gave the law, and I am he who covenanted with my people Israel; therefore, the law in me is fulfilled, for I have come to fulfil the law; therefore it
hath an end. (3 Nephi 15:4-5)
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The Book of Mormon position with reference to the meaning of Matthew 5:17-20 is clear.
Behold, I say unto you that the law is fulfilled that was given unto Moses.

Behold, I am he that gave the law, and I am he who covenanted with my people Israel; therefore, the law in me is fulfilled, for I have come to fulfil the law; therefore it
hath an end. (3 Nephi 15:4-5)

The Book of Mormon position with reference to the meaning of Matthew 5:17-20 is clear.

Turning now to 3 Ne. 13, we find that this chapter differs less from its parallel in Matt. 6 than 3 Ne. 12 does from Matt. 5. Earlier in the chapter we discussed the
contribution that 3 Ne. 13:25 makes to the question of Jesus' audience in Palestine when he spoke the words about taking no thought for the morrow (see Matthew
6:25-34; cf. 3 Nephi 13:25-34).

The Lord's Prayer

One other important problem dealing with the differences of text between Matt. 6 and 3 Ne. 13 should be discussed. It relates to the variations in the wording of the
Lord's Prayer. The Nephite version is notable for its brevity:

The Lord's Prayer

Our Father who art in heaven,
hallowed be thy name.
Thy will be done on earth
as it is in heaven.

And forgive us our debts,
as we forgive our debtors.
And lead us not into temptation,
but deliver us from evil.

For thine is the kingdom,
and the power, and the glory,
forever, Amen.

For convenience in comparison we present the ordinary version of the prayer according to Matthew 6:9-13:

Our Father which art in heaven,
Hallowed be thy name,
Thy kingdom come,
Thy will be done,
In Earth, as it is in heaven.

Give us this day
Our daily bread.
And forgive us our debts,
As we forgive our debtors.
And lead us not into temptation,
But deliver us from evil.

For thine is the kingdom,
And the power,
And the glory,
Forever, Amen.

The omissions in the Nephite text of the prayer are obvious. The reasons for them, however, are not always so obvious. Why, for example, does it omit "Thy kingdom
come"? Perhaps we ought not to expect the Savior to deliver the prayer exactly the same as Matthew's version. Certain differences might well be expected from a great
creative mind. On the other hand, why does Jesus pray, "And lead us not into temptation"? This is a difficult question for a thoughtful person to answer with respect to
either version of the prayer. Surely God does not lead men into temptation. Most of us like to believe that that is a function reserved for the Archtempter and his legions
and not for God. Before dealing with this problem at greater length, let us consider another difficulty. Immediately following the prayer the following words occur in
both versions:

For, if ye forgive men their trespasses your heavenly Father will also forgive you;

But if ye forgive not men their trespasses neither will your Father forgive your trespasses. (3 Nephi 13:14-15; cf. Matthew 6:14-15)

Now, as a matter of fact, neither version of the prayer says anything about trespassing. The above words strike us, therefore, as being out of place, since they seem to
assume that Jesus did say something about it.

The exact answer to this problem and the one before it may be difficult to find, but an interesting solution is offered by Joseph Smith in the inspired revision of the Bible.
There the prayer reads:

Our Father who art in heaven,
Hallowed be thy name,
Thy kingdom come.
Thy will be done
On earth, as it is done in heaven.

Give us this day,
Our daily bread.
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As we forgive those who
trespass against us.
On earth, as it is done in heaven.

Give us this day,
Our daily bread.
And forgive us our trespasses,
As we forgive those who
trespass against us.
And suffer us not to be led
into temptation,
But deliver us from evil.

For thine is the kingdom,
And the power,
And the glory,
Forever and ever, Amen. (Matthew 6:10-15 JST)

It will be observed in this version of the prayer that Jesus invokes our Father not to suffer us to be led into temptation. This is a far more reassuring reading than that in
the version of 3 Nephi or in the common rendering of Matthew. Why isn't such a reading found in 3 Nephi 13? The prophet's revision seems so reasonable that most of
us find it hard to doubt its inspiration. Nevertheless, he never saw fit to change the Book of Mormon reading at this point in any of the editions that appeared during his
lifetime. We shall have to accept the present rendering in good grace.

The inspired revision also suggests that Jesus did ask God in the prayer to forgive men their trespasses as they forgive those who trespass against them. This would
answer the difficulty we have mentioned concerning the Savior's remarks about trespasses immediately following the prayer. But, again, why does not the version of the
prayer in 3 Nephi contain the same satisfying words about trespassing as does the inspired revision of the Bible? Third Nephi 13:14-15 almost demands their presence,
so it seems to me. Perhaps the solution of this problem may be found by translating 3 Ne. 13:11 (so Matt. 6:12), "And forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors"
as follows: "And forgive us our sins [trespasses], as we forgive those who sin [trespass] against us." The original Aramaic words which underlie the Greek words debt
and debtor mean also "sin" and "one who has sinned against another," respectively. The Aramaic renderings are therefore in harmony with Matthew 6:14-15 and 3
Nephi 13:14-15.

The differences in text exhibited by 3 Ne. 13 in relation to its parallel in Matthew have little or no confirmation from the ancient manuscripts and versions.

Jesus' Audience

An examination of the last chapter of the Nephite version of the Savior's sermon (3 Ne. 14) shows that it differs comparatively little from Matt. 7. However, the
opening words of the chapter deserve a little comment. They are as follows:

And now it came to pass that when Jesus had spoken these words he turned again to the multitude, and did open his mouth unto them again, saying: Verily, verily, I say
unto you, Judge not, that ye be not judged. (3 Ne. 14:1)

These words indicate that Jesus intended all of the last chapters of his sermon to apply to the multitude. It will be recalled that the part of the address immediately
preceding (3 Nephi 13:25-34; cf. Matthew 6:25-34) he applied only to his chosen twelve.

   3. See pages 155-57 above for further information on Jesus' audience.

Similarities in the Sermons

There only remains one more problem of popular interest concerning the two versions of the sermon. That has to do not with the differences between them, but the
likenesses. The intelligent non-Mormon student of the text of the sermon in 3 Nephi 12-14 is bound to ask this question, "Granting that there are many interesting
differences between the text of the sermon as it appears in 3 Nephi and that in Matthew, how, on the premise that the Book of Mormon is a translation, do you
Mormons account for the fact that a great proportion of the text is precisely that of the King James version?"

This problem is much like the one considered in the chapter on the "Isaiah Problem" in the Book of Mormon. The answer given will be similar in most respects. We
recognize the fact that no two independent translators would be likely to translate a large portion of the sermon word for word the same. That Joseph Smith used the
King James Version when he came to familiar scripture on the gold plates we shall not deny. As long as the sermon in the familiar rendering of Matthew 5-7 agreed
substantially with the Nephite version, the prophet used it word for word; otherwise he corrected it to conform with the text before him on the metal plates. In this
respect Joseph Smith did only what many translators would have done.

What we have said about the sermon will introduce the reader to the basic literary problems inherent in 3 Nephi 12-14.

  See pages 129-52 in this issue.

Literary Problems in the Book of Mormon
Involving 1 Cor. 12 13 and
Other New Testament Books

Abstract: The literary problem caused by the parallels between Moroni 7-10 and 1 Corinthians 12-13 can be explained if one realizes that Moroni had access to the
same teachings of Christ as Paul, and that both received revelation, so that the Lord himself might be the author of both dissertations. Different prophets might have had
similar inspiration in dealing with the same topics.

This originally appeared as chapter 16 on pages 191-98 of Our Book of Mormon.

The Gifts of the Spirit

Moroni 7-10 contain teachings which so closely parallel passages in 1 Corinthians 12-13 that they constitute a literary problem. Let us focus our attention first on
Moroni 10:8-17 and its parallel in 1 Corinthians 12:4-11. These scriptures deal with the gifts of the Spirit which are bestowed on man in various forms. The passage in
Moroni reads as follows:
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And again, I exhort you, my brethren, that ye deny not the gifts of God, for they are many; and they come from the same God. And there are different ways that these
gifts are administered; but it is the same God who worketh all in all; and they are given by the manifestations of the Spirit of God unto men, to profit them.
Moroni 7-10 contain teachings which so closely parallel passages in 1 Corinthians 12-13 that they constitute a literary problem. Let us focus our attention first on
Moroni 10:8-17 and its parallel in 1 Corinthians 12:4-11. These scriptures deal with the gifts of the Spirit which are bestowed on man in various forms. The passage in
Moroni reads as follows:

And again, I exhort you, my brethren, that ye deny not the gifts of God, for they are many; and they come from the same God. And there are different ways that these
gifts are administered; but it is the same God who worketh all in all; and they are given by the manifestations of the Spirit of God unto men, to profit them.

For behold, to one is given by the Spirit of God, that he may teach the word of wisdom;

And to another, that he may teach the word of knowledge by the same Spirit;

And to another, exceeding great faith; and to another, the gifts of healing by the same Spirit;

And again, to another, that he may work mighty miracles;

And again, to another, that he may prophesy concerning all things;

And again, to another, the beholding of angels and ministering spirits;

And again, to another, all kinds of tongues;

And again, to another, the interpretation of languages and divers kinds of tongues.

And all these gifts come by the Spirit of Christ; and they come unto every man severally, according as he will. (Moroni 10:8-17)

For the sake of convenience in comparison we also quote herewith the passage in 1 Corinthians:

Now there are diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit.

And there are differences of administrations, but the same Lord.

And there are diversities of operations, but it is the same God which worketh all in all.

But the manifestation of the Spirit is given to every man to profit withal.

For to one is given by the Spirit the word of wisdom; to another the word of knowledge by the same Spirit;

To another faith by the same Spirit; to another the gifts of healing by the same Spirit;

To another the working of miracles; to another prophecy; to another discerning of spirits; to another divers kinds of tongues; to another the interpretation of tongues:

But all these worketh that one and the selfsame Spirit, dividing to every man severally as he will. (1 Corinthians 12:4-11)

That more than a casual connection exists between these two scriptures is apparent to everyone. To be sure, great differences can be found between the two texts, but
great likenesses also exist. It is only natural that critics of the Book of Mormon should call our attention to these facts, and explain them by saying that Joseph Smith
simply "lifted" the ideas from the New Testament and used them to suit himself. The concept that Moroni, living on this continent about A.D. 421 (Moro. 10:1), and far
removed from copies of the New Testament, would have access to Paul's writings seems unworthy of their serious consideration.

We grant readily enough the existence of a problem, and we shall attempt a reasonable explanation of it. Critics of the Book of Mormon should remember that one of
its premises is that the resurrected Christ came to the ancient Nephites, taught them the gospel in person, and established his Church among them. It is inconceivable
that he would fail to instruct them concerning the gifts of the Spirit. To be sure, the Savior makes no mention of spiritual gifts in his reported sermons in 3 Nephi 11-28.
But it should be kept in mind that 3 Nephi reports only "the lesser part of the things which he taught the people" (3 Ne. 26:8). Any mention of the gifts of the Spirit by
the Savior might have been withheld for good and sufficient reasons (see 3 Ne. 26:12). That our Lord did emphasize these gifts would seem to be indicated by the
following statement of Mormon:

Yea, woe unto him that shall deny the revelations of the Lord, and that shall say the Lord no longer worketh by revelation, or by prophecy, or by gifts, or by tongues,
or by healings, or by the power of the Holy Ghost! (3 Ne. 29:6)

Moreover, Moroni exhorts us that "every good gift cometh of Christ" (Moro. 10:18). We make these points clear in order to drive home another: Moroni doubtless
had immediate access to the Savior's teachings concerning the gifts of the Spirit and used them in the manner found in Moroni 10:8-17. The critic may admit that our
explanation of the appearance of these teachings in this scripture is reasonable and logical enough, looking at it purely from the Book of Mormon standpoint. That is to
say, the Book of Mormon is consistent within itself. However, most critics do not agree with the Book of Mormon contention that Christ did appear in person and
teach on this continent. What then? We cannot, of course, force men to believe anything, whether fact or fancy. But we can point to the strong possibility that Paul was
not the exclusive author of the ideas contained in 1 Corinthians 12:4-11 concerning spiritual gifts. Isn't it reasonable to believe that the great apostle adapted an
important body of teachings common to the early Christian Church to suit his needs in dealing with the Corinthians? It would seem to me that Jesus was far more likely
to have been the original author of the doctrines concerning spiritual gifts than was Paul. According to this view the latter simply drew on the teachings of Jesus in much
the same way that Moroni did. Paul and Moroni were expositors and teachers of a gospel common to both. Moroni, like Paul, might well have said, "Be ye followers
of me, even as I also am of Christ" (1 Cor. 11:1).

It should be emphasized that we are attempting here to give only a reasonable answer to the problem raised; absolute proof is wanting. We cannot prove beyond doubt
that Jesus preached a sermon on spiritual gifts either to the Nephites or to his Palestinian followers, records of which could be drawn on by Moroni and Paul. However,
it is a very attractive and reasonable presumption that he did. In saying this we are entirely aware that many scholars in recent years have based discussions of the origin
of Christianity upon the teachings of the apostle Paul. To such critics we point out that even if Paul did not have a discourse on spiritual gifts by Jesus on which to draw,
there is left the possibility that he received a revelation on the subject. Notice Paul's words:

Now, brethren, if I come unto you speaking with tongues, what shall I profit you, except I shall speak to you either by revelation, or by knowledge, or by prophesying,
or by doctrine?
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Revelation was not unknown to Paul. He may well have received a revelation on spiritual gifts as did Joseph Smith on one occasion. The latter's revelation is recorded
in Doctrine and Covenants 46:8-27 and is strikingly original, differing in many respects from 1 Corinthians 12:4-11 and Moroni 10:8-17, though its spirit is the same. I
there is left the possibility that he received a revelation on the subject. Notice Paul's words:

Now, brethren, if I come unto you speaking with tongues, what shall I profit you, except I shall speak to you either by revelation, or by knowledge, or by prophesying,
or by doctrine? (1 Cor. 14:6)

Revelation was not unknown to Paul. He may well have received a revelation on spiritual gifts as did Joseph Smith on one occasion. The latter's revelation is recorded
in Doctrine and Covenants 46:8-27 and is strikingly original, differing in many respects from 1 Corinthians 12:4-11 and Moroni 10:8-17, though its spirit is the same. I
recognize the possibility that Moroni and Paul may have received their knowledge of spiritual gifts by revelation; perhaps they received instructions both from leaders of
the Church and from scriptures which gave the very words of Jesus on the subject.

Sermon on Faith Hope and Charity

Now, let us turn to the literary problem raised by the presence of extracts from 1 Cor. 13 in Moroni 7:45-47. Nearly all of Moro. 7 is presented as a sermon by
Moroni's father, Mormon, as he taught in a synagogue. The sermon deals with faith, hope, and charity. Most persons, we are sure, would be willing to admit that the
bulk of it is as original as one could reasonably expect of a preacher dealing with a familiar subject. However, Moroni 7:45-46 parallel 1 Corinthians 13:4-8 so closely
in some respects that they must be accounted for. The Book of Mormon text is quoted here:

And charity suffereth long, and is kind, and envieth not, and is not puffed up, seeketh not her own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, and rejoiceth not in iniquity
but rejoiceth in the truth, beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things.

Wherefore, my beloved brethren, if ye have not charity, ye are nothing, for charity never faileth. Wherefore, cleave unto charity, which is the greatest of all, for all things
must fail. (Moroni 7:45-46)

With this may be compared the parallel in 1 Corinthians:

Charity suffereth long, and is kind; charity envieth not; charity vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up,

Doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil;

Rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth;

Beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things.

Charity never faileth: but whether there be prophecies, they shall fail; whether there be tongues, they shall cease; whether there be knowledge, it shall vanish away. (1
Corinthians 13:4-8)

The reader must notice several obvious differences as well as the likenesses in these texts. The word "and" appears several times in the Nephite text, whereas it is
absent in Corinthians. The clauses "charity vaunteth not itself" and "doth not behave itself unseemly" are conspicuously absent from Mormon's version. With all due
respect to the readings in 1 Corinthians, it must be admitted that the Book of Mormon text has a certain freshness in its presentation that merits consideration.
Nevertheless, many phrases are word for word the same as in the King James Version. Here I frankly admit the possibility that Joseph Smith used the familiar version
as he translated Mormon's words; whenever the two versions differed substantially he inserted the Nephite reading. And, again, we point to the probability that Paul
and a Nephite prophet had access to a common body of teaching. Christ was the original author of the great teachings on faith and charity; Mormon and the great
apostle to the Gentiles simply adapted the teachings of our Lord common to the Nephites and Jews as seemed good to them. Many sincere persons may be shocked at
the suggestion that Paul was not the author of the great ideas underlying 1 Cor. 13. I recognize that Paul may be credited with a certain originality in presenting them but
believe that much, even of the exact phraseology, is due to our Lord who taught the same great doctrines in America and Palestine.

Nephite Parallels With the New Testament

We turn now to examples of other Nephite scriptures which have fairly close parallels in the New Testament. The average reader will probably be most interested in
examples which may be drawn from Nephite records antedating the coming of Christ. Two or three will suffice for our purposes here. The first is taken from 2 Nephi:

I also have charity for the Gentiles. But behold, for none of these can I hope except they shall be reconciled unto Christ, and enter into the narrow gate, and walk in the
straight path which leads to life, and continue in the path until the end of the day of probation. (2 Ne. 33:9)

A parallel to this passage is found in Matthew 7:13-14:

Enter ye in at the strait gate: for wide is the gate, and broad is the way, that leadeth to destruction, and many there be which go in thereat:

Because strait is the gate, and narrow is the way, which leadeth unto life, and few there be that find it.

A second example is found in Mosiah 5 where, in speaking of Christ, King Benjamin says:

There is no other name given whereby salvation cometh; therefore, I would that ye should take upon you the name of Christ. (Mosiah 5:8)

This scripture has a parallel in Acts 4:

Neither is there salvation in any other; for there is none other name under heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved. (Acts 4:12)

For a third and last example we offer the following from Mosiah 16:

And if Christ had not risen from the dead, or have broken the bands of death that the grave should have no victory, and that death should have no sting, there could
have been no resurrection.

But there is a resurrection, therefore the grave hath no victory, and the sting of death is swallowed up in Christ. (Mosiah 16:7-8)

The parallel to this teaching is, of course, the familiar passage in 1 Corinthians 15:
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So when this corruptible shall have put on incorruption, and this mortal shall have put on immortality, then shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is
swallowed up in victory.
But there is a resurrection, therefore the grave hath no victory, and the sting of death is swallowed up in Christ. (Mosiah 16:7-8)

The parallel to this teaching is, of course, the familiar passage in 1 Corinthians 15:

So when this corruptible shall have put on incorruption, and this mortal shall have put on immortality, then shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is
swallowed up in victory.

O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy victory? (1 Corinthians 15:54-55)

Common Christians Teachings Through the Ages

The citations from the Book of Mormon are sufficiently like their New Testament parallels to excite comment. It should be observed that each of the citations given has
some connection either with Christ or a common Christian teaching. The Nephite prophets before the Savior's advent all looked forward to his coming and understood
the spirit of his teachings. Thus Jacob, one of them, says:

For, for this intent have we written these things, that they may know that we knew of Christ, and we had a hope of his glory many hundred years before his coming; and
not only we ourselves had a hope of his glory, but also all the holy prophets which were before us.

Behold, they believed in Christ and worshiped the Father in his name, and also we worship the Father in his name. And for this intent we keep the law of Moses, it
pointing our souls to him; and for this cause it is sanctified unto us for righteousness, even as it was accounted unto Abraham in the wilderness to be obedient unto the
commands of God in offering up his son Isaac, which is a similitude of God and his Only Begotten Son.

Wherefore, we search the prophets, and we have many revelations and the spirit of prophecy; and having all these witnesses we obtain a hope, and our faith becometh
unshaken, insomuch that we truly can command in the name of Jesus and the very trees obey us, or the mountains, or the waves of the sea. (Jacob 4:4-6)

This quotation emphasizes a common Latter-day Saint teaching to the effect that the doctrines of Jesus were given to men from the earliest ages. Christianity was in the
world from the beginning. Consequently, many of the teachings of inspired men were bound to be similar to those of Christ in the New Testament. Certain early
scriptures containing Christian teachings, which we do not at present have, were apparently available to Paul. In the citation from 1 Cor. 15:54 (see above) it will be
noticed that he says, "Then shall be brought to pass the saying that is written." The "word" or "saying" then follows. No single passage of scripture in our possession
contains all of this saying. I am aware that most scholars attribute it to Paul's combining Isa. 25:8 and Hosea 13:14. However, the possibility exists that Isaiah and
Hosea were both quoting from a still earlier prophecy unknown to us which had the saying substantially as quoted by the apostle. Even if this supposition is incorrect,
we can point to the fact that both the Nephite prophets and Paul agree in their use of Isaiah and Hosea.

We emphasize here the fact that different prophets may have somewhat similar inspiration in dealing with a given subject. This inspiration may be expressed in very
similar language. In considering the Book of Mormon we have to take the translator into account. When the Prophet Joseph Smith came to a passage which contained
statements that reminded him of similar ones in the New Testament, he was doubtless influenced by their wording and used them whenever it was possible to do so.

The Book of Mormon and
Textual Criticism

Abstract: The text of the Book of Mormon contributes to the understanding of the Pentateuch and to a confirmation that Moses was indeed its author. The Book of
Mormon also helps confirm that Isaiah was the author of the book of Isaiah. The Isaiah chapters quoted in the Book of Mormon are a better translation than the King
James Version, as they are undoubtedly from an older version. Micah and Malachi are quoted with clarification, and selected New Testament scriptures are
augmented.

Brothers and sisters, I am surprised at the great number of you that have turned out to this meeting; I am agreeably surprised. The title of my address is "The Book of
Mormon and Textual Criticism." It is a fascinating topic. However, the brethren who assigned me the topic said I might depart from it somewhat. While I shall discuss
textual criticism to a degree, I also discuss some higher criticism. Textual criticism, or lower criticism, concerns itself with the investigation of the alterations which may
have occurred in the text of a document, with the object of restoring it to its original form. For example, we have between four and five thousand different New
Testament documents varying one from another in certain respects. The problem facing textual critics is to attempt to classify the variants in this great number of
documents and give us a text of the New Testament which is as near to the original as possible.

Indeed, as applied to the books of the Bible, the object of textual criticism is to classify the numerous variants recorded in a given manuscript tradition and to choose
the one which most probably represents the original reading. Textual criticism is generally a difficult task, but of great importance because it is the very foundation of
exegesis or the interpretation of a text.

In a doctrinal sense, if you are not sure of the text that you are using, what conclusions can you arrive at accurately? You see how important it is that we get a good
text.

In this lecture we are not concerned with the condition of the text of the Book of Mormon itself-although I think it could be bettered in a place or two, and if I have time
I may indicate to you some of those places. Rather, we are interested in the ways in which the text of the Book of Mormon contributes to an understanding of the text
and meaning of other books, especially those in the Bible.

The contributions of the Book of Mormon to the text of the Old Testament are more prominently confined to the Pentateuch, or books of Moses, involving Genesis,
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. Of these, we are more specifically concerned with Genesis, Exodus, and Deuteronomy in the Book of Mormon. The
Book of Mormon text backs up the traditional claims that Moses wrote or had written the Pentateuch.

This lecture was originally published by Extension Publications of Provo in 1959, after having been presented at Brigham Young University.

The Authorship of the Pentateuch

Now I do not have time to go into this tremendous problem, which is perhaps the greatest literary problem of the Old Testament, but the Book of Mormon backs up
the traditional doctrine that the five books, composing the Pentateuch, were written by Moses or under his direction. It certainly does not support the so-called
"documentary theory," which holds substantially that the Pentateuch did not come from Moses, but that it is the end result of the work of groups of editors from about
the eighth century B.C. to about 400 B.C. When I say that, I say that as an historical critic-that is, I am speaking of the realm of higher criticism.

Let me give(c)
Copyright   you2005-2009,
                a few references here.Media
                           Infobase    First ofCorp.
                                                all, notice 1 Nephi 5:10-14. Let me read there just for a moment and show you the position of the Book of Mormon.
                                                                                                                                                 Page 349 / 919
When Nephi and his brethren brought back the brass plates from Jerusalem to their father, we have this account:

And after they had given thanks unto the God of Israel, my father, Lehi, took the records which were engraven upon the plates of brass, and he did search them from
the traditional doctrine that the five books, composing the Pentateuch, were written by Moses or under his direction. It certainly does not support the so-called
"documentary theory," which holds substantially that the Pentateuch did not come from Moses, but that it is the end result of the work of groups of editors from about
the eighth century B.C. to about 400 B.C. When I say that, I say that as an historical critic-that is, I am speaking of the realm of higher criticism.

Let me give you a few references here. First of all, notice 1 Nephi 5:10-14. Let me read there just for a moment and show you the position of the Book of Mormon.
When Nephi and his brethren brought back the brass plates from Jerusalem to their father, we have this account:

And after they had given thanks unto the God of Israel, my father, Lehi, took the records which were engraven upon the plates of brass, and he did search them from
the beginning.

And he beheld that they did contain the five books of Moses, which gave an account of the creation of the world, and also of Adam and Eve, who were our first
parents;

And also a record of the Jews from the beginning, even down to the commencement of the reign of Zedekiah, king of Judah;

And also the prophecies of the holy prophets, from the beginning, even down to the commencement of the reign of Zedekiah; and also many prophecies which have
been spoken by the mouth of Jeremiah. (1 Nephi 5:10-13)

That will be far enough to show that the brass plates indicate that there were five books of Moses.

Now I do not have time to fully document my point that from the point of view of the Book of Mormon we cannot escape from the traditional conclusion that-despite
the statements today of higher critics-the so-called five books of Moses were written by Moses.

Another point may be made from Mosiah 12:33-36. Here the courageous Abinadi points out certain passages that he includes under the law of Moses. In chapter
13:12-24, in which he quotes a part of Ex. 20, he certainly implies that Moses had to do with that writing. Then a point even more interesting to us is found in 3 Ne.
20:23, with which you may compare Deut. 18:15, 18, and 19. Now critical scholars in the Old Testament field emphasize that the book of Deuteronomy was not
written under the direction of Moses. However, let me read this statement made by the Savior himself, in which he says:

Behold, I am he of whom Moses spake, saying: A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you of your brethren, like unto me; him shall ye hear in all things
whatsoever he shall say unto you. And it shall come to pass that every soul who will not hear that prophet shall be cut off from among the people. (3 Ne. 23:23)

You notice that the Savior himself attributes this particular passage in Deuteronomy to Moses. As critics we can scarcely escape the implication that the book of
Deuteronomy was also written by Moses or under his direction.

   1. See "The Book of Mormon and the Problem of the Pentateuch," on pages 119-28 in this issue.

Isaiah

Another book of interest to Book of Mormon scholars in the Old Testament is the text of Isaiah. Many years ago, as most of you know, I undertook a very careful
textual examination of the quotations in the Book of Mormon of the prophet Isaiah. Now at least twenty-one full chapters of Isaiah are quoted in the Book of Mormon,
and allusions are made to numerous other chapters, including parts of Isaiah which our present-day scholars say did not come from Isaiah. For example, notice 3 Ne.
22, in which the Savior quotes Isa. 54 verbatim. The Savior attributes that text to Isaiah, not only in 3 Ne. 22, but also in 3 Ne. 23. In 3 Ne. 23:1 he says, "Great are
the words of Isaiah" and advises the Nephites to read that prophet. There is no question that the Book of Mormon, again contrary to modern historical criticism, implies
that Isaiah did write substantially all the text of his entire book. We as Latter-day Saints just have to throw out many of the assertions of higher criticism concerning
Isaiah. I have gone over this problem a great many years, and I still hold that Isaiah wrote the whole text, substantially as we have it.

In the Book of Mormon text of Isaiah we have some very interesting readings. I am going to cite you a couple, to show you that when the Prophet Joseph Smith came
to a known text, in this case Isaiah, he did not just quote it verbatim. I call your attention to 2 Ne. 12:16, which corresponds to Isa. 2:16. First, let me read the King
James rendering of the text. The King James Version, as well as the Hebrew text, has only two clauses:

And upon all the ships of Tarshish, and upon all pleasant pictures. (Isa. 2:16)

Now in the Book of Mormon parallel we find three clauses. The first one is found neither in the King James Version nor in the Hebrew text. The text reads:

And upon all the ships of the sea, and upon all the ships of Tarshish, and upon all pleasant pictures. (2 Ne. 12:16)

That the Prophet was actually translating independently is shown by the first clause, which is missing in the familiar versions. The scholar will say, "That's very
interesting, but is there any evidence of a scientific nature that will bear out the Prophet's rendering of the first line?"

I have brought with me this morning a translation of the Greek Septuagint. It was made many years ago by a noted Englishman, and any of you are free to examine it. I
will not translate the Greek parallel of Isaiah but will let this translation tell the story:

And upon every ship of the sea, and upon every display of fine ships.

Notice just two clauses; the first one agrees with the first clause in the Book of Mormon. Here we have ancient evidence supporting the Nephite text. Observe also that
each clause of the Isaiah text in the Book of Mormon begins with the words, "And upon all." When scribes are copying such a text it is easy to drop out a line by a slip
of the eye. I have tested that fact many times on my own secretaries. Here is a case where Nephi had copied the three clauses of Isaiah's original correctly. When the
Septuagint text of Isaiah was made-that is, when the Hebrew text was translated into Greek-it is obvious that the first clause in the Book of Mormon was present in the
Hebrew text. As time went on, one clause of the Greek text fell out, and the third clause was corrupted. In the Hebrew text the first clause fell out after Septuagint
times, but the last two clauses were retained correctly. The Book of Mormon has preserved all three. There is good reason, as I have shown, to believe that the
Nephite text has preserved correctly Isaiah's text of this verse.

Now let me cite another text with a somewhat different problem. Turn to Isa. 9:3. The Book of Mormon parallel is in 2 Ne. 19:3. I shall turn first of all to the King
James Version and read it to you. It is a fairly good translation of the Hebrew.

Thou hast multiplied the nation, and not increased the joy: they joy before thee according to the joy in harvest, and as men rejoice when they divide the spoil. (Isa. 9:3)

Copyright
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                                      this reading:                                                                                                    Page 350 / 919

Thou hast multiplied the nation, and increased the joy [the not is left out]-they joy before thee according to the joy in harvest, and as men rejoice when they divide the
James Version and read it to you. It is a fairly good translation of the Hebrew.

Thou hast multiplied the nation, and not increased the joy: they joy before thee according to the joy in harvest, and as men rejoice when they divide the spoil. (Isa. 9:3)

Take the Book of Mormon, and we find this reading:

Thou hast multiplied the nation, and increased the joy [the not is left out]-they joy before thee according to the joy in harvest, and as men rejoice when they divide the
spoil. (2 Ne. 19:3)

Of interest here-if you were close enough you could see an asterisk in my Hebrew text. You men here in front can see it, and it refers to the qere, or what is to be read
as given in a footnote. The ancient Hebrew scribes felt that the text as traditionally handed down was wrong, that the loï¿½, which means "not," should be supplanted
by a lo, which would then give the reading as found in the Book of Mormon. In short, a word with the same sound has been improperly substituted for the right one.
The Prophet caught the error, and most scholars today would agree in substance with the Nephite reading as one can substantiate with the International Critical
Commentary on Isaiah.

Time permitting, I could give many more illustrations of the Prophet's translations of the text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon. Let me say just this: The Book of
Mormon disavows the conclusions of many higher critics concerning the text of Isaiah. The Nephite text shows that Joseph Smith was translating, and from a text older
than our traditional Hebrew text. I might point out to those of you interested in the Dead Sea Scrolls that the Dead Sea Scrolls add relatively little to our knowledge of
the text of Isaiah. Actually the two manuscripts of Isaiah found in 1947 are quite inferior to our traditional printed text of Isaiah. That the traditional text of Isaiah is
better is borne out by the Book of Mormon, which agrees with scholars in this respect.

Micah and Malachi

Another text I should point out to you in the Book of Mormon is one where the Savior quotes and comments on Micah 5. See 3 Nephi 21:12-21 and also some verses
in chapter 23. Time does not permit me to enter into the literary problem here. I have not as yet, despite all the years that have gone by, had the time to probe into this
text of Micah in the Book of Mormon as I should have liked, but I mention the matter to you.

The next Old Testament text I would call your attention to in the Book of Mormon is that of Mal. 3 and 4. These are quoted, substantially as found in our present King
James Version, in 3 Nephi 24-25. The Book of Mormon affirms that these two chapters of Malachi have come down to us in a relatively pure state, textually speaking.
But one very interesting passage in the Book of Mormon version gives a lot of joy to textual critics. Here it is:

But unto you that fear my name, shall the Son of Righteousness arise with healing in his wings; and ye shall go forth and grow up as calves in the stall. (3 Ne. 25:2)

Notice the reading "Son of Righteousness" instead of the familiar "Sun of Righteousness." The reading of the original Hebrew is "Sun of Righteousness." Here, again, we
have homonyms-two words of similar sound but differing in meaning from each other. That is, they are homonyms in English. Now which reading is correct, the reading
of the Book of Mormon or that as given in the King James Version? Despite the fact that the Book of Mormon reads "Son of Righteousness," this is a case where I
think the text ought to be changed. Now I do not know whether or not the Church authorities would approve the change, but let me show you the compelling evidence
that it should be changed. This is the way a textual critic would go at the problem. In Hebrew, "the Son of Righteousness" would be ben tsedhakah, where ben is "Son
of." But the original Hebrew reads, shemesh tsedhakah, where shemesh is "Sun of." Now by no stretch of the imagination could one question the great difference
between the sound of ben and shemesh. Shemesh, "Sun of," may be masculine or feminine in gender. And notice this literal translation of the Hebrew of Malachi in
question:

But unto you that fear my name, shall the Sun of Righteousness arise with healing in her wings. [And you Hebrew scholars in the audience can see the third feminine
suffix here.]

This shows that shemesh, "Sun of," must have been the original reading, because ben, "Son of," could not possibly be feminine. We are driven inevitably to the view that
"Sun of Righteousness" is the correct reading.

Now, what happened? Well, I do not know at this particular point to whom the Prophet was dictating his translation, but let us assume that it was Oliver Cowdery.
When the Prophet dictated to him, "shall the Sun of Righteousness arise with healing in his wings," Oliver, or whoever it was, wrote down "Son," a quite natural error.
This same reading occurs in three different places. The meaning is not changed at all, because most conservative scholars through the centuries have agreed that "Son of
Righteousness" refers to the Savior.

New Testament Examples

Let us go to the New Testament for a moment. The first New Testament text I refer to is John 1:28, in which we find the reading "Bethabara" in the King James
Version. John was baptizing in Bethabara. This reading does not agree with the views of modern critical scholars, who prefer the reading "Bethany" as found in certain
Greek texts. The question is, which is correct, "Bethabara" or "Bethany"? I have brought along a copy of Nestle's critical Greek text, and he adopts the reading of
"Bethany" and cites the textual evidence at the bottom of the page. Keep in mind that both readings have some justification, but which is correct?

Now in the Book of Mormon I cite 1 Ne. 10:9, where we have this reading:

And my father said he [that is, John the Baptist] should baptize in Bethabara, beyond Jordan. (1 Ne. 10:9)

The inspired Book of Mormon, you see, says that "Bethabara" is the correct reading and that our modern scholars are wrong in choosing the reading "Bethany."
Origen, the early Christian New Testament critic, said that he went down to Palestine and could not find a Bethany near Jordan. He was aware that even then there
were documents having the reading of "Bethany." But "Bethabara" is the correct reading, according to the Book of Mormon.

Another text is Matthew 5-7, which you will recognize as the Sermon on the Mount, the parallel to which we find in 3 Nephi 12-14. In 3 Ne. 12 we find some
important changes in readings in the Beatitudes. Notice this one:

And blessed are all they who do hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall be filled with the Holy Ghost. (3 Ne. 12:6)

As you can see, the Book of Mormon adds the phrase filled with the Holy Ghost, a real contribution.

A Latter-day Saint textual critic would be thrilled to find Greek manuscripts of the New Testament with readings like some of those in the Book of Mormon. And who
knows but someday some will be found!
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Let us suppose that a number of Greek manuscripts of the whole New Testament had been found in the Egyptian desert, all having variant readings. And let us further
suppose that one set of the manuscripts contained a text whose readings in most respects were those set down by the original authors. How would I as a Latter-day
As you can see, the Book of Mormon adds the phrase filled with the Holy Ghost, a real contribution.

A Latter-day Saint textual critic would be thrilled to find Greek manuscripts of the New Testament with readings like some of those in the Book of Mormon. And who
knows but someday some will be found!

Let us suppose that a number of Greek manuscripts of the whole New Testament had been found in the Egyptian desert, all having variant readings. And let us further
suppose that one set of the manuscripts contained a text whose readings in most respects were those set down by the original authors. How would I as a Latter-day
Saint critic pick it out from all the rest? Having real faith in Joseph Smith as a prophet, I would select a number of readings from the Book of Mormon (such as 3 Ne.
12:3, 6;13:34) and from the inspired revision (cf. Matthew 4:1-2; Luke 3:4-11; John 1:1; 1 Cor. 15:40 JST, etc.), and look for them in the newly found manuscripts.
We would locate the correct manuscript without too much trouble.

Last of all, let us look at 1 Corinthians 13:4-6. It has a parallel in Moroni 7:45-46, in which Moroni is quoting his father Mormon on faith, hope, and charity:

And charity suffereth long, and is kind, and envieth not, and is not puffed up, seeketh not her own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil, and rejoiceth not in iniquity
but rejoiceth in the truth, beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth all things. (Moro. 7:45)

Now he says:

Wherefore, my beloved brethren, if ye have not charity, ye are nothing, for charity never faileth. Wherefore, cleave unto charity, which is the greatest of all, for all things
must fail-

But charity is the pure love of Christ, and it endureth forever; and whoso is found possessed of it at the last day, it shall be well with him. (Moroni 7:46-47)

Mormon's definition of charity is better than the "love" usually given by translators. Critics will say that Mormon's words were simply hijacked by Joseph Smith from
Paul's words in the New Testament. It is true that the text in verse 45 is almost word for word the same as its parallel in 1 Corinthians. Now I am going to speak as a
higher critic. I do not believe that Paul was the original author of the words in question. I think that the original author was the Savior. Paul had access to them and used
our Lord's words to suit himself when writing to the Corinthians. In his time he would not be accused of plagiarism. When our Lord came to this continent as a
resurrected, glorified person, he gave the same sermon on faith, hope, and charity. Mormon had access to that sermon just as Paul did and used it as he pleased. He
was unaware that Paul had used the sermon on the other continent at an earlier time. We cannot accuse the Prophet Joseph Smith of being stupid, whatever else we
may accuse him of. He told the truth and made an interesting contribution to our knowledge of Paul and his famous sermon.

Some Problems of Interest Relating
to the Brass Plates

Abstract: Most contemporary Old Testament scholars question whether Moses wrote the Pentateuch, but the Book of Mormon affirms Moses' authorship. Questions
arise as to how Jeremiah's prophecies appeared on the brass plates and what the nature of the Book of the Law was. According to the brass plates Laban and Lehi
were descendants of Manasseh. How then did they come to be living in Jerusalem? The brass plates, on which may be found lost scripture, may have been the official
scripture of the ten tribes.

The Book of Mormon relates that when Nephi and his brethren returned from Jerusalem with the brass plates, their father Lehi proceeded to give the records a
thorough examination (1 Ne. 5:10). It is a well-established fact that writing on metal plates was not an uncommon practice in the ancient world. In his search of the
brass plates, Lehi discovered that they contained the "five books of Moses" as well as a record of the Jews from the beginning down to Zedekiah's reign; many of
Jeremiah's prophecies were also found engraven on the sacred plates. Let us quote Nephi's exact words:

And after they had given thanks unto the God of Israel, my father, Lehi, took the records which were engraven upon the plates of brass, and he did search them from
the beginning.

And he beheld that they did contain the five books of Moses, which gave an account of the creation of the world, and also of Adam and Eve, who were our first
parents;

And also a record of the Jews from the beginning, even down to the commencement of the reign of Zedekiah, king of Judah;

And also the prophecies of the holy prophets, from the beginning, even down to the commencement of the reign of Zedekiah; and also many prophecies which have
been spoken by the mouth of Jeremiah.

And it came to pass that my father, Lehi, also found upon the plates of brass a genealogy of his fathers; wherefore he knew that he was a descendant of Joseph; yea,
even that Joseph who was the son of Jacob, who was sold into Egypt, and who was preserved by the hand of the Lord, that he might preserve his father, Jacob, and all
his household from perishing with famine. (1 Nephi 5:10-14)

I wish to call special attention to the words "prophecies which have been spoken by the mouth of Jeremiah," which occur in the paragraph. "By the mouth of" is
assuredly not common English usage. We are not accustomed in our ordinary speech to say that we intend to consult prophecies spoken "by the mouth of" Isaiah,
Jeremiah, or any other prophet. But the expression is a perfectly good Hebrew idiom and seems to have been translated literally by Joseph Smith. The fact that it
occurs in 2 Chronicles 36:21-22 and Ezra 1:1 does not necessarily mean that Joseph copied it from our common English version.

Lehi also discovered the genealogy of his fathers upon the brass records; he therefore knew that he was a descendant of Joseph who was sold into Egypt, through his
son Manasseh (1 Ne. 5:14; Alma 10:3).

This article was originally published in the Improvement Era 54 (September 1951): 638-39, 670-71; and Answers to Book of Mormon Questions (Salt Lake City:
Bookcraft, 1967), 39-45.

  1. The expression brass plates is never used in the Nephite record; good Palestinian idiom dictates plates of brass.

   2. See photograph of records of Darius in gold and silver at the beginning of my Ancient Records Testify in Papyrus and Stone (Salt Lake City: General Boards of
MIA of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1938); 1 Maccabees 8:21-22; Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert; The World of the Jaredites; There Were
Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 105-7; Ariel L. Crowley, "Metal Record Plates in
Ancient Times," in Statement of Beliefs of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Idaho City, ID: Deseret News Press, 1961), 122-45, has also published an
interesting account concerning the ancient use of metal plates for writing purposes.
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The Pentateuch
MIA of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1938); 1 Maccabees 8:21-22; Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert; The World of the Jaredites; There Were
Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 105-7; Ariel L. Crowley, "Metal Record Plates in
Ancient Times," in Statement of Beliefs of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Idaho City, ID: Deseret News Press, 1961), 122-45, has also published an
interesting account concerning the ancient use of metal plates for writing purposes.

The Pentateuch

The statements of Nephi regarding the contents of the brass plates are extremely important to us because of present-day critical views respecting the Old Testament.
Most contemporary Old Testament scholars severely question or deny completely that Moses wrote, or had written, the first five books of our Bible. But the Book of
Mormon affirms the truth of the old Hebrew tradition that Moses wrote the first five books of the Old Testament, or the Pentateuch as we call it (1 Ne. 5:11; 2 Nephi
2:15-19;3:4-10; Moses 1:40-41). The Nephite record (together with the book of Moses) shatters-for Latter-day Saints at least-current "critical" views regarding the
date, authorship, and composition of the Pentateuch. Even the book of Deuteronomy, which many critics especially contend was written in the days of Josiah (ca. 621
B.C.), is of Mosaic origin, according to the Book of Mormon (see 1 Nephi 22:20-21; 3 Ne. 20:23; cf. Deut. 18:15, 18-19

Jeremiah's Prophecies

Many other interesting problems arise as a result of Nephi's words concerning the brass plates. One wonders how Jeremiah's prophecies found their place on the brass
plates, since Laban, their former keeper, was a thoroughly unrighteous man. How did Jeremiah, or his scribe Baruch (Jer. 36:4), or some other representative of the
prophet gain access to the plates in Laban's treasury, in view of the difficulties which Nephi and his brothers had in getting at them? Were they aided and abetted by
Zoram, the servant of Laban? We shall have to wait for more light before these questions can be answered.

The Book of the Law

Another problem arises because of the discovery of the Book of the Law, which was found in the temple in the days of Josiah, the king of Judah. Here is the biblical
account of the discovery:

And it came to pass in the eighteenth year of king Josiah [ca. 621 B.C.], that the king sent Shaphan the son of Azaliah the son of Meshullam the scribe to the house of
the Lord, saying;

"Go up to Hilkiah the high priest, that he may sum the money which is brought into the house of the Lord, which the keepers of the door have gathered of the people
and let them deliver it into the hand of the workmen that have the oversight of the house of the Lord and let them give it to the workmen that are in the house of the
Lord, to repair the breaches of the house unto the carpenters and to the builders and to the masons and for buying timber and hewn stone to repair the house"

-Howbeit there was no reckoning made with them of the money that was delivered into their hands: for they dealt faithfully. And Hilkiah the high priest said unto
Shaphan the scribe: "I have found the book of the Law in the house of the Lord." And Hilkiah delivered the book to Shaphan and read it. And Shaphan the scribe
came to the king and brought back word unto the king and said: "Thy servants have poured out the money that was found in the house and have delivered it into the
hand of the workmen that have the oversight of the house of the Lord." And Shaphan the scribe told the king saying "Hilkiah the priest hath delivered me a book." And
Shaphan read it before the king. And it came to pass when the king had heard the words of the book of the Law he rent his clothes. And the king commanded Hilkiah
the priest and Achbor the son of Shaphan and Achbor the son of Micaiah, and Shaphan the scribe, and Asahiah the king's servant saying: "Go ye inquire of the Lord
for me and the people, and for all Judah, concerning the words of this book that is found: for great is the wrath of the Lord that is kindled against us because our fathers
have not hearkened unto the words of this book, to do according unto all that which is written concerning us." (2 Kings 22:3-13, translation of Jewish Publication
Society of America)

As a result of finding this book, King Josiah instituted a great reform (see 2 Kings 23:23-25). Now the question arises, what was the nature of the Book of the Law,
which Josiah and his fathers had failed to heed? Many conservative scholars have held that it included the entire Pentateuch, while most of the critical scholars have held
it to be the book of Deuteronomy. In view of the fact that King Josiah's reforms included in their scope a wider legislation than that found in Deuteronomy, it would
seem probable that the book found in the temple included not only Deuteronomy but others, if not all, of the books of the Pentateuch.

As students of the Book of Mormon we ask ourselves, how does it happen that the Jews in the days of Josiah-at least up to 621 B.C.-were without the Book of the
Law, inasmuch as the brass plates containing it were in the hands of Laban or one of his predecessors? Are we to suppose that the keepers of the brass plates
deliberately withheld the Book of the Law from the Jews? They must have known they were without it. Such an action would seem strange because certain individuals
were allowed access to the plates in order to write the prophecies of Jeremiah. Perhaps the Book of the Law was some other book than we have supposed, but that
seems quite unlikely. At present, we are unable to answer, with any certainty, the questions I have asked. But they are interesting questions, and someday we shall
probably obtain the answers to them.

The Brass Plates

Nephi makes another statement about the brass plates that arrests our attention. He says, "And Laban also was a descendant of Joseph, wherefore he and his fathers
had kept the records" (1 Ne. 5:16). These words seem to indicate that the recording of the Hebrew scriptures on the brass plates had begun many generations before
Laban's time, how many we know not. Furthermore, it would be kept in the senior tribe of Israel, that is to say, in the tribe of Ephraim (see Gen. 48:5, 13-20 1
Chronicles 5:1-2). Laban may well have been a descendant of Joseph through Ephraim. We may properly ask ourselves how it happened that Laban-and Lehi's family,
for that matter, inasmuch as they were descendants of Joseph through Manasseh-happened to be living in Jerusalem. The tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh, as the
reader is well aware, had been allied generations before with the northern kingdom of Israel, not with Judah in the south. A reasonable answer to our question would be
this: The northern kingdom of Israel fell to the Assyrians when its capital of Samaria capitulated to Sargon II in 721 B.C. The forebears of Laban may well have fled to
Jerusalem to prevent the sacred records from falling into alien hands. Lehi's grandfather or great-grandfather may have left his northern home for Jerusalem in order to
prevent his children from intermarrying or making religious compromises with the foreigners brought into the land by the Assyrians. Such a course would not be
unreasonable on the part of many devout families.

If the brass plates had been kept by Laban's ancestors in the tribe of Ephraim as early as the united kingdom under Saul, David, and Solomon, it would be of great
interest to know their history and that of any other sacred records subsequent to the division which took place after Solomon's death; it will be remembered that the
northern confederation of tribes followed Jeroboam, and the southern kingdom of Judah remained under Rehoboam (1 Kgs. 11:29;12:24). What happened to the
keeping of sacred records when the Israelites became sharply divided on political grounds-so much so that the two nations were enemies? We remember the religious
effects of the American Civil War upon the North and South when we ask the question. The prophets in both nations probably paid little attention to the political lines
of division, but it is improbable that all of them had their words recorded in the scriptures of both nations. From the time of the division until the fall of the northern
kingdom in 721 B.C., the brass plates may well have been the official scripture of the ten tribes. It is probable that some prophets wrote on these plates whose writings
may not have been recorded on the records kept in Judah. Were Zenos, Zenock, Neum, and Ezias (1 Ne. 19:10; Hel. 8:20) among them? They were all Hebrew
prophets   known to the Nephites, but their names do not appear in our current Old Testament.
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It is also possible that the writings of some prophets in Judah were not placed on the brass plates during the period under consideration, but of this we have no way of
knowing. But after the fall of Samaria, in 721 B.C., it is very probable that most Jewish prophetical writings were engraved on the brass plates, assuming, of course,
of division, but it is improbable that all of them had their words recorded in the scriptures of both nations. From the time of the division until the fall of the northern
kingdom in 721 B.C., the brass plates may well have been the official scripture of the ten tribes. It is probable that some prophets wrote on these plates whose writings
may not have been recorded on the records kept in Judah. Were Zenos, Zenock, Neum, and Ezias (1 Ne. 19:10; Hel. 8:20) among them? They were all Hebrew
prophets known to the Nephites, but their names do not appear in our current Old Testament.

It is also possible that the writings of some prophets in Judah were not placed on the brass plates during the period under consideration, but of this we have no way of
knowing. But after the fall of Samaria, in 721 B.C., it is very probable that most Jewish prophetical writings were engraved on the brass plates, assuming, of course,
that Laban's immediate forebears came to Jerusalem as we have already conjectured. It is a fact of considerable importance in biblical studies that the Book of
Mormon indicates the presence on the brass plates of more scripture than that contained in our entire Bible (1 Nephi 13:23-26). Considering the fact that these plates
recorded Hebrew scripture written only before the year 600 B.C., we have ample testimony to the loss of much scripture between that date and the present time.

When Lehi had searched the brass plates, he was filled with the Spirit and began to prophesy to the effect that the day would come when they should be made known
unto all kindreds, tongues, and people who were of his seed (1 Nephi 5:17-18). Moreover, he prophesied that the brass plates should never perish or be dimmed by
time (1 Ne. 5:19). We know, therefore, that many unknown or hitherto corrupted texts of Hebrew scripture will be restored to the world in correct form. To those of
us who are interested in the study of the Bible, this is a comforting and even a thrilling prospect.

The Isaiah Quotation:
2 Nephi 12-24

Abstract: Nephi quotes from the book of Isaiah because of its relevance to his people and to all men. He highlights the message of Christ's appearance and Atonement.
The latter-day prophecies, both those which have been fulfilled and those that are yet to be fulfilled, are cited and explained. Israel will be restored in the latter days, but
warnings accompany this glorious prophecy. The enemies of Zion will be confounded.

In this lecture I shall consider the longest single quotation of scripture in the Book of Mormon. It is found in 2 Nephi 12-24, paralleling chapters 2-14 in the book of
Isaiah. The book of 2 Nephi is probably the most difficult book of the Book of Mormon, and chapters 12-24, dealing with Isaiah, are in turn the most difficult to
understand in that book. Few people in our day understand the words of Isaiah, and the prophet Nephi himself testified that his people also found them difficult.

Now I, Nephi, do speak somewhat concerning the words which I have written, which have been spoken by the mouth of Isaiah. For behold, Isaiah spake many things
which were hard for many of my people to understand; for they know not concerning the manner of prophesying among the Jews. (2 Ne. 25:1)

This previously unpublished lecture has been offered as a FARMS paper since 1984.

Why Quote Isaiah?

In our discussion of Nephi's long quotation from the prophecies of Isaiah, let us first try to understand his reasons for quoting the great Hebrew prophet of the eighth
century B.C. After quoting a sermon of his brother Jacob in which prophecies of Isaiah are discussed, Nephi says:

And now I, Nephi, write more of the words of Isaiah, for my soul delighteth in his words. For I will liken his words unto my people, and I will send them forth unto all
my children, for he verily saw my Redeemer, even as I have seen him. (2 Ne. 11:2)

What does Nephi mean by the words "I will liken his words unto my people" as translated by Joseph Smith? As far as I can determine, the word liken means to
"apply" (cf. 1 Nephi 19:23-24; 2 Ne. 11:8). In other words, Nephi means to apply the lessons of Isaiah's prophecies to his own people "and unto all men" (2 Ne.
11:8), even though they were originally directed to the Jews. We must constantly bear this fact in mind. Apparently Nephi was interested in emphasizing the following
points, among others, in the great Hebrew prophet's teachings: (1) The coming of Christ and the power of his Atonement.

Behold, my soul delighteth in proving unto my people the truth of the coming of Christ;ï¿½

ï¿½my soul delighteth in his grace, and in his justice, and power, and mercy in the great and eternal plan of deliverance from death.

And my soul delighteth in proving unto my people that save Christ should come all men must perish. (2 Nephi 11:4-6)

(2) Predictions of special interest to Nephi's people and the house of Israel concerning the latter days (2 Ne. 25:8, 15-18 the Lord to do "a marvelous work and a
wonder." (3) The Lord in the last days will redeem his people Israel and be in their midst (2 Ne. 22). (4) The judgments of God upon the nations.

Second 1 Ne. 12

Now, let us glance at significant and interesting passages in these chapters from Isaiah. Let us notice first 2 Ne. 12. Latter-day Saints believe that this passage of
scripture refers to our day and is even now in the process of complete fulfillment.

And it shall come to pass in the last days, when the mountains of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills,
and all nations shall flow unto it.

And many people shall go and say, Come ye, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob; and he will teach us of his ways, and we
will walk in his paths; for out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem.

And he shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people: and they shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks-nation shall
not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. (2 Nephi 12:2-4)

Then Isaiah appeals to his people, "the house of Jacob" (2 Ne. 12:5), to mend their ways and walk in the "light of the Lord." In the remainder of the chapter (e.g., 2
Ne. 12:12, 19, 21), Isaiah suggests that in the latter days the judgments of God will shake all nations and that a wicked man will even "go into the clefts of the rocks,
and into the tops of the ragged rocks, for the fear of the Lord shall come upon them and the majesty of his glory shall smite them" (2 Ne. 12:21). Here we have an
impressive picture of God's retribution upon the wicked, not only of Israel, but of all nations of the earth.

Second 1 Ne. 13

In 2 Ne. 13 Isaiah explains that God will take responsible government away from Judah and Jerusalem. Competent leaders in society and state will be replaced by
incompetent  weaklings.
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For Jerusalem is ruined, and Judah is fallen, because their tongues and their doings have been against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory. (2 Ne. 13:8)
Second 1 Ne. 13

In 2 Ne. 13 Isaiah explains that God will take responsible government away from Judah and Jerusalem. Competent leaders in society and state will be replaced by
incompetent weaklings. Why?

For Jerusalem is ruined, and Judah is fallen, because their tongues and their doings have been against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory. (2 Ne. 13:8)

And the Lord accuses Judah's leaders of eating up the vineyards and keeping the spoil of the poor in their houses. They "beat my people to pieces, and grind the faces
of the poor, saith the Lord God of Hosts" (2 Nephi 13:14-15).

Then in 2 Nephi 13:16-24, the Lord delivers a scathing rebuke upon the women of Judah, "the daughters of Zion." Not only are the men of Judah guilty of wrongdoing,
but the women are also. This will, through the centuries, cause the Lord to punish Judah for her backsliding:

Thy men shall fall by the sword and thy mighty in the war.

And her gates shall lament and mourn; and she shall be desolate, and shall sit upon the ground. (2 Nephi 13:25-26)

And, indeed, Isaiah's prophecy has been fulfilled, as history attests.

Second 1 Ne. 14

Second 1 Ne. 14 is a picture of some of the things that are to happen in the latter days, the age in which we live. As a result of the judgments of God, Isaiah sees a day
when the escaped of Israel, the remnant that have survived the destruction of the wicked, shall experience glorious times. So great will be the destruction of men, that
the prophet predicts many women will request one man to be their husband:

And in that day, seven women shall take hold of one man, saying: We will eat our own bread, and wear our own apparel; only let us be called by thy name to take
away our reproach. (2 Ne. 14:1)

Concerning that day, which is even yet mostly future, the prophet exclaims:

In that day shall the branch of the Lord be beautiful and glorious; the fruit of the earth excellent and comely to them that are escaped of Israel.

And it shall come to pass, they that are left in Zion and remain in Jerusalem shall be called holy, every one that is written among the living in Jerusalem-ï¿½

And the Lord will create upon every dwelling-place of mount Zion, and upon her assemblies, a cloud and smoke by day and the shining of a flaming fire by night; for
upon all the glory of Zion shall be a defence.

And there shall be a tabernacle for a shadow in the daytime from the heat, and for a place of refuge, and a covert from storm and from rain. (2 Nephi 14:2-3, 5-6)

Second 1 Ne. 15

Second 1 Ne. 15 begins with the famous parable of the vineyard (2 Nephi 15:1-6), in which by effective imagery Isaiah drives home to his people that they have repaid
God's loving kindness with base ingratitude and wickedness. For this God threatens dire retribution. In a series of six woes (2 Nephi 15:8-23), Isaiah indicts the rulers
of his people for land-grabbing, for drunkenness, for challenging God to hasten his work, for calling evil good and good evil, for their arrogance, and for taking away
the righteousness of the righteous. Those upon whom the six woes are pronounced shall be punished; nevertheless, the Lord's hand is still stretched out to his people in
the hope that they will return to him:

Therefore, as the fire devoureth the stubble, and the flame consumeth the chaff, their root shall be rottenness, and their blossoms shall go up as dust; because they have
cast away the law of the Lord of Hosts, and despised the word of the Holy One of Israel.

Therefore, is the anger of the Lord kindled against his people, and he hath stretched forth his hand against them, and hath smitten them; and the hills did tremble, and
their carcasses were torn in the midst of the streets. For all this his anger is not turned away, but his hand is stretched out still. (2 Nephi 15:24-25)

In 2 Nephi 15:25-30, the prophet continues his description of the future glorious age of Israel's final restoration. The gospel ensign will be lifted up to the world, and the
Lord will "hiss" his word to the ends of the earth. When Israel responds, she shall come with power, and her enemies shall not be able to deliver themselves.

Second 1 Ne. 16

We need not spend much time in considering 2 Ne. 16. It concerns Isaiah's call to the ministry by the Lord, whom the prophet sees upon a throne in the temple, high
and lifted up. This event took place in the year that King Uzziah died, about 740 B.C. The Lord charges Isaiah to preach to a people who are spiritually defective,
whose hearts are fat, their ears heavy, and their eyes shut.

Second 1 Ne. 17

Second 1 Ne. 17 is one in which the Lord charges Isaiah, together with his son Shearjashub (meaning "a remnant shall return"), to go meet King Ahaz of Judah and
deliver to him a message of assurance and a sharp warning for his unbelief and godlessness. One verse arrests our attention. This is 2 Ne. 17:14, in which the Lord
through Isaiah gives Ahaz a sign, the significance and interpretation of which have been much disputed.

Therefore, the Lord himself shall give you a sign-Behold, a virgin shall conceive, and shall bear a son, and shall call his name Immanuel. (2 Ne. 17:14)

The Gospel of Matthew sees in this verse a prediction of the birth of Jesus Christ, and we shall follow it.

Now all this was done, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet, saying:

Behold, a virgin shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which being interpreted is, God with us. (Matthew 1:22-23)

Doubtless
CopyrightNephi  also interpreted
          (c) 2005-2009,         this scripture
                            Infobase            as a prediction of Christ's coming in the flesh.
                                       Media Corp.                                                                                                     Page 355 / 919
Second 1 Ne. 18
Now all this was done, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet, saying:

Behold, a virgin shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which being interpreted is, God with us. (Matthew 1:22-23)

Doubtless Nephi also interpreted this scripture as a prediction of Christ's coming in the flesh.

Second 1 Ne. 18

In 2 Nephi 18:1-8 Isaiah tells in symbolic language of the forthcoming invasions by Assyria. The prophet's newborn son, Maher-shalal-hash-baz (meaning "the spoil
speedeth, the prey hasteth"), was to symbolize the fall of Damascus and Samaria (2 Nephi 18:1-4), and 2 Nephi 18:5-8 refer to the Assyrian invasion of Judah.

Second Nephi 18:9-15 seem designed to show that the evil and conspiring designs of nations against Israel will be frustrated. "For God is with us," says the prophet.
With God on Israel's side there can be no good reason to fear (see 2 Nephi 18:11-13).

Many in Israel and Judah-doubtless the wicked, the prophet goes on to point out-will find the Lord a "stone of stumbling," and a "gin and a snare." They will "fall, and
be broken, and be snared, and be taken" (2 Nephi 18:14-15).

Because of the fact that the prophet's message is not received, he indicates that his testimony is to be bound up and sealed for his disciples' future use (2 Nephi 18:16-
18). The people are advised in the future not to seek advice from God through improper spiritual sources. "To the law and to the testimony; and if they speak not
according to this word, it is because there is no light in them" (2 Ne. 18:20).

Second 1 Ne. 19

In spite of coming gloom, Isaiah indicates that glorious tidings shall eventually flash forth. In 2 Nephi 19:1-2, Isaiah is speaking about the Christ as attested by Matthew
4:12-16.

Nevertheless, the dimness shall not be such as was in her vexation, when at first he lightly afflicted the land of Zebulun, and the land of Naphtali, and afterwards did
more grievously afflict by the way of the Red Sea beyond Jordan in Galilee of the nations.

The people that walked in darkness have seen a great light; they that dwell in the land of the shadow of death, upon them hath the light shined. (2 Nephi 19:1-2)

Now when Jesus had heard that John was cast into prison, he departed into Galilee;

And leaving Nazareth, he came and dwelt in Capernaum, which is upon the sea coast, in the borders of Zabulon and Nephthalim:

That it might be fulfilled which was spoken by Esaias the prophet, saying,

The land of Zabulon, and the land of Nephthalim, by the way of the sea, beyond Jordan, Galilee of the Gentiles;

The people which sat in darkness saw great light; and to them which sat in the region and shadow of death light is sprung up. (Matthew 4:12-16)

Isaiah again predicts the coming of Christ in this wonderful passage:

For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given;
And the government shall be upon his shoulder;
And his name shall be called Wonderful, Counselor,
The Mighty God, The Everlasting Father,
The Prince of Peace. (2 Ne. 19:6)

That Isaiah was looking forward to Christ's coming, there is no doubt in the minds of Latter-day Saints.

Through 2 Ne. 19:8 to 20:4, Isaiah expresses the Lord's pent-up wrath against northern Israel. This takes the form of a fine poem composed of four strophes. The
prophet tells of calamities sent by the Lord in time past by way of warning against Israel because of her wickedness. Moreover, he predicts others yet to come. Each
strophe of the poem ends with the solemn and impressive refrain, "for all this his anger is not turned away, but his hand is stretched out still" (2 Ne. 19:12, 17, 21;20:4;
cf. Isa. 5:25). Isaiah recalls in succession foreign invasions and lost territory, losses and suffering in battle, men not sparing each other during internal strife, and, finally,
wicked decrees and social unrighteousness. With captivity and judgment facing them, the people still persist in their wicked course. God's warnings have failed; only
divine judgment remains.

Second 1 Ne. 20

Isaiah 20:5-34 is devoted mainly to a consideration of Assyria as an instrument or "rod" in the chastisement of the Lord's people. The prophet seems to indicate that it
is not in reality the military power of Assyria that conquers Israel, but rather the indignation of God. The Assyrians are simply the whip used by him to accomplish the
purpose desired. Unfortunately, Assyria does not recognize the true nature of the divine commission which she has been given and proceeds to act in sheer self-interest
and lust of conquest.

In 2 Nephi 20:20-23, however, it seems to me that Isaiah has reference again to the final escape of the remnant of Israel in the latter days from all her enemies, and of
her eventual dependence upon the Lord, the Holy One of Israel:

And it shall come to pass in that day, that the remnant of Israel, and such as are escaped of the House of Jacob, shall no more again stay upon him that smote them, but
shall stay upon the Lord, the Holy One of Israel, in truth.

The remnant shall return, yea, even the remnant of Jacob, unto the mighty God.

For though thy people Israel be as the sand of the sea, yet a remnant of them shall return; the consumption decreed shall overflow with righteousness.

For the Lord God of Hosts shall make a consumption, even determined in all the land. (2 Nephi 20:20-23)
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Second 1 Ne. 21

We come now to a consideration of the glorious eleventh chapter of Isaiah (2 1 Ne. 21 in the Book of Mormon). This chapter is famous in the annals of the Church, as
For though thy people Israel be as the sand of the sea, yet a remnant of them shall return; the consumption decreed shall overflow with righteousness.

For the Lord God of Hosts shall make a consumption, even determined in all the land. (2 Nephi 20:20-23)

Second 1 Ne. 21

We come now to a consideration of the glorious eleventh chapter of Isaiah (2 1 Ne. 21 in the Book of Mormon). This chapter is famous in the annals of the Church, as
well it might be. The reader of Isaiah cannot help but observe how often the prophet returns to the theme of Israel's gathering and the glory of the redeemed latter-day
Zion. We believe that the Lord revealed to Isaiah the great events associated with the rise and development of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Isaiah
saw these events with such clarity and understanding, that when the Angel Moroni appeared to Joseph Smith on the evening of September 21, 1823, he quoted Isa. 11
in its entirety to the young prophet. In the Documentary History of the Church, Joseph Smith tells us that Moroni quoted many passages of scripture and offered many
explanations. Among other things, Joseph Smith says, "In addition to these [Malachi 3-4], he quoted the eleventh chapter of Isaiah, saying that it was about to be
fulfilled" (Joseph Smith-History 1:40). Few Old Testament scholars could believe this, but as Latter-day Saints we say it is true. We believe that Isaiah was a greater
prophet than Bible scholars will admit, and even they pay great tribute to him. What is the message of Isaiah 11? What is in this chapter which is of such great moment
to mankind?

The chapter divides into three logical parts: (1) Isaiah 11:1-5, (2) Isaiah 11:6-9, and (3) Isaiah 11:10-16. Now let us examine each of these parts in sufficient detail to
realize its importance.

Isa. 11:1 is intriguing. It reads:

And there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse, And a Branch shall grow out of his roots.

What does this verse mean? Commentators give various explanations, but one gets the feeling that they are groping in the dark. Many non-Jewish writers, however, do
believe that it has Messianic connotations. The Prophet Joseph Smith gives a straight-from-the-shoulder answer to most of it. In D&C 113 we find answers to certain
questions on scripture. Here are the parts that concern us most at this point:

Who is the Stem of Jesse spoken of in the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th verses of the 11th chapter of Isaiah?

Verily thus saith the Lord: It is Christ.

What is the rod spoken of in the first verse of the 11th chapter of Isaiah, that should come of the Stem of Jesse?

Behold, thus saith the Lord: It is a servant in the hands of Christ, who is partly a descendant of Jesse as well as of Ephraim, or of the house of Joseph, on whom there is
laid much power. (D&C 113:1-4)

The "Stem of Jesse" is Christ. That is not hard to believe in view of the language of Isaiah 11:

And the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him,
The spirit of wisdom and understanding,
The spirit of counsel and might,
The spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the Lord,

And shall make him of quick understanding in the fear
of the Lord;
And he shall not judge after the sight of his eyes,
Neither reprove after the hearing of his ears.

But with righteousness shall he judge the poor,
And reprove with equity for the meek of the earth;
And he shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth,
And with the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked.

And righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins,
and faithfulness the girdle of his reins. (Isaiah 11:2-5)

The Book of Mormon gives an interesting sidelight on the interpretation of Isaiah 11:4-5 that we should not miss. Nephi refers to them as follows:

For the time speedily cometh that the Lord God shall cause a great division among the people, and the wicked will he destroy; and he will spare his people, yea, even if
it so be that he must destroy the wicked by fire.

And righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins, and faithfulness the girdle of his reins. (2 Nephi 30:10-11)

Nephi's next verse indicates that the "great division" spoken of shall precede the great millennial era of peace and righteousness spoken of in Isaiah 11:6-9.

We have clearly seen that the "Stem of Jesse" is Christ, but we are still not clear as to the identity of the "rod," despite the explanation in the Doctrine and Covenants.
To be sure, the scripture tells us that "it is a servant in the hands of Christ," etc., but an express name is not given. May I suggest that the "servant" or "rod" referred to is
none other than the Prophet Joseph Smith himself. For this suggestion I am solely and alone responsible. But let the Latter-day Saint reader glance a little beyond D&C
113:4:

What is the root of Jesse spoken of in the 10th verse of the 11th chapter (i.e., of Isaiah)?

Behold, thus saith the Lord, it is a descendant of Jesse, as well as of Joseph, unto whom rightly belongs the priesthood, and the keys of the kingdom, for an ensign, and
for the gathering of my people in the last days. (D&C 113:5-6)

I identify the individual of D&C 113:4 with the one in D&C 113:6. Who holds the keys of the priesthood in this dispensation? Joseph Smith. Who holds the keys of the
gathering in this dispensation? Joseph Smith. Therefore the "rod" of Isa. 11:1 is Joseph Smith. That is one of the reasons why Moroni quoted the chapter to the modern
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prophet   and(c)  2005-2009,
              doubtless       Infobase
                         explained to himMedia  Corp.saw his coming as a choice seer to this dispensation.
                                          that Isaiah                                                                                             Page 357 / 919

The verses in Isaiah 11:6-9 constitute the ancient prophet's view of the eventual reality of that glorious day looked forward to by poets and prophets for ages-the day
for the gathering of my people in the last days. (D&C 113:5-6)

I identify the individual of D&C 113:4 with the one in D&C 113:6. Who holds the keys of the priesthood in this dispensation? Joseph Smith. Who holds the keys of the
gathering in this dispensation? Joseph Smith. Therefore the "rod" of Isa. 11:1 is Joseph Smith. That is one of the reasons why Moroni quoted the chapter to the modern
prophet and doubtless explained to him that Isaiah saw his coming as a choice seer to this dispensation.

The verses in Isaiah 11:6-9 constitute the ancient prophet's view of the eventual reality of that glorious day looked forward to by poets and prophets for ages-the day
when man and beast shall live together in peace and rest. Latter-day Saints believe that Isaiah was speaking of the great Millennial Era referred to in the Doctrine and
Covenants, in which the Lord reveals that he will come and "dwell with men on earth a thousand years, and the wicked shall not stand" (D&C 29:11). Moreover, he
reveals the following:

And in that day the enmity of man, and the enmity of beasts, yea, the enmity of all flesh, shall cease from before my face.

And in that day whatsoever any man shall ask, it shall be given unto him.

And in that day Satan shall not have power to tempt any man.

And there shall be no sorrow because there is no death.

In that day an infant shall not die until he is old; and his life shall be as the age of a tree;

And when he dies he shall not sleep, that is to say in the earth, but shall be changed in the twinkling of an eye, and shall be caught up, and his rest shall be glorious.

Yea, verily I say unto you, in that day when the Lord shall come, he shall reveal all things-

Things which have passed, and hidden things which no man knew, things of the earth, by which it was made, and the purpose and the end thereof-

Things most precious, things that are above, and things that are beneath, things that are in the earth, and upon the earth, and in heaven. (D&C 101:26-34; cf. Isa.
65:22)

It is clear that Joseph Smith, our modern prophet, elaborates on and explains the event in greater detail than does Isaiah. Now let us quote the ancient prophet's
beautiful description of that day of peace, yet future:

The wolf also shall dwell with the lamb,
And the leopard shall lie down with the kid;
And the calf and the young lion and the fatling together;

And a little child shall lead them.
And the cow and the bear shall feed:
Their young ones shall lie down together:
And the lion shall eat straw like the ox.

And the sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp,
And the weaned child shall put his hand on the
cockatrice' den.
They shall not hurt nor destroy in all my holy mountain:

For the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the
Lord,
As the waters cover the sea. (Isaiah 11:6-9)

Is it to be wondered at that Isaiah has been loved and admired for centuries? But even more should Latter-day Saints love his prophecies, because we have been given
greater opportunities to understand his message than the world at large.

Isa. 11:10 fittingly opens the division dealing with the recovery of the remnant of Israel. We have already indicated our belief that the "root of Jesse" in this verse refers
to Joseph Smith, the great prophet of this dispensation, and the one to whom the Lord entrusted the keys of the gathering of Israel. Here is the verse:

And it shall come to pass in that day,
That the root of Jesse, that standeth for an ensign of the
peoples,
Unto him shall the nations seek;
And his resting-place shall be glorious.
(Isaiah 11:10, author's translation)

The above translation is a little clearer for our purposes than that of the King James Version. Joseph Smith stands for an ensign of the peoples because he holds aloft
the gospel principles to the world. The restored gospel in this age is indeed the "ensign" or standard held forth by the modern prophet. The nations have sought and will
continue to seek him. The Mormon people have no hesitation in proclaiming Joseph Smith's greatness and the importance of his message.

Isaiah perceived that when the gospel was restored the Lord would proceed to gather scattered Israel from the four corners of the earth:

And it shall come to pass in that day
That the Lord will set His hand again the second time
to recover the remnant of His people,
That shall remain from Assyria, and from Egypt,
And from Pathros, and from Cush, and from Elam,
And from Shinar, and from Hamath,
And from the islands of the sea.
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And He will set up an ensign for the nations,
And will assemble the dispersed of Israel,
And gather together the scattered of Judah
That shall remain from Assyria, and from Egypt,
And from Pathros, and from Cush, and from Elam,
And from Shinar, and from Hamath,
And from the islands of the sea.

And He will set up an ensign for the nations,
And will assemble the dispersed of Israel,
And gather together the scattered of Judah
From the four corners of the earth.
(Isaiah 11:11-12, author's translation)

Isaiah refers to nations well known in his day, because his people would not recognize the names of modern nations from whence parts of scattered Israel have been
gathered to the West. Nor can it be doubted that scattered Judah is being gathered to her predicted home. The people of the world seem not to recognize the gradual
fulfillment of Isaiah's prophecy, though it is taking place under their very eyes.

In Isa. 11:14, Isaiah states that the Gentiles (under the appellation Philistines) will help his people in the gathering, and Israel's enemies (represented by their ancient
names of Edom, Moab and Ammon) shall no longer have any power over them. Rather the shoe will be on the other foot: Israel will have power over her enemies if
any remain. Finally the Lord will perform as great a miracle as he did anciently when Israel came up out of Egypt, by providing a highway for the remnant of his people
(Isaiah 11:15-16; cf. Isaiah 35:8-10;51:9-11; D&C 113:27). Not much has been revealed to us concerning the nature of this great manifestation still to come.

Second 1 Ne. 22

Having seen a glorious consummation to the predicted gathering of Israel's remnant, Isaiah records a beautiful hymn by the redeemed Zion, personified as a single
person (2 Ne. 22; cf. Isa. 12). Actually the hymn seems to be composed of two short hymns (Isaiah 12:1-3 and 4-6), but for our purposes it may be considered as a
single poem of two strophes, each of three verses. The Lord's wrath has been appeased, and he now comforts Zion. The restored friendship gives confidence in future
trials and will prove a source of abundant blessings. Zion called upon the redeemed to give thanks to the Lord and proclaim his deeds among the nations. The Lord has
delivered his people and now once more dwells in the midst of them. The reader's attention is especially called to the lovely expression, "therefore with joy shall ye
draw water out of the wells of salvation" (Isa. 12:3). Here is the hymn in full:

And in that day thou shalt say:
"I will give thanks unto Thee, O Lord;
For though Thou wast angry with me,
Thine anger is turned away, and Thou comfortest me.
Behold, God is my salvation;
I will trust, and will not be afraid;
For God the Lord is my strength and song;
And He is become my salvation."
Therefore with joy shall ye draw water
out of the wells of salvation.

And in that day shall ye say:
"Give thanks unto the Lord, proclaim His name,
Declare His doings among the peoples,
Make mention that His name is exalted.
Sing unto the Lord; for He hath done gloriously;
This is made known in all the earth.
Cry aloud and shout, thou inhabitant of Zion;
For great is the Holy One of Israel in the midst of thee."
(Isaiah 12:1-6, author's translation)

Second 1 Ne. 23

Now let us notice briefly 2 Ne. 23 (Isa. 13). Though most authorities hold that all of Isa. 13 is directed against ancient Babylon, I cannot escape the belief that in Isaiah
13:1-13 (division point uncertain) Isaiah is still dealing with the events of the latter days. As I view it, these verses are directed against the spiritual Babylon prevalent in
the world of the day when Israel is being gathered and redeemed. It is the Babylon referred to in the Lord's preface to the Doctrine and Covenants (see D&C 1:16). In
the remainder of Isa. 13, Isaiah deals with an event nearer his own times, the end of the wicked Babylonian Empire. The terrible destruction of Babylon is vividly
described.

Second 1 Ne. 24

In 2 Nephi 24:1-3 (Isa. 14), Isaiah now looks again to the day when Israel will be chosen by the Lord, and when she will rest from her travail and hard service.

Isaiah's famous taunt-song over fallen Babylon, personified as a king, follows in 2 Nephi 24:4-21. In 2 Nephi 24:12-15 the king of Babylon is personified as Lucifer,
the son of the morning. The figure will be recognized by Latter-day Saints as an allusion to Lucifer's fall in the great war in heaven during our preexistent state. An
epilogue follows in 2 Nephi 24:22-23.

The remainder of 2 Ne. 24 (24-32) is mostly devoted to a discussion of the destruction of the Assyrians who shall enter Judah, with a similar fate promised for other
nations whose designs are evil (2 Nephi 24:24-27), and to a message of doom against Palestine, meaning Philistia (2 Nephi 24:29-31). In the last verse Isaiah implies
that God, who destroys the enemies of his people, will take care of his own:

What shall then answer the messengers of the nations? That the Lord hath founded Zion, And the poor of His people shall trust in it. (2 Ne. 24:32)

And, indeed, in our day the Lord has been building up Zion and preparing her for her great role in dealing with the remnants of Israel.

The Book of Mormon As Translation English

Abstract: The Book of Mormon is a translation, containing details of the original language in which it is written. Very few of the writers would have had a working
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
knowledge of Egyptian; the writing would more likely be a Hebraized Egyptian. The Book of Mormon contains many passages from Isaiah, morePage        correctly359  / 919
                                                                                                                                                               translated
than in the King James Version. Various examples of the Hebrew construct state are evident in Joseph Smith's translation, together with direct translations of Hebrew
idioms.
The Book of Mormon As Translation English

Abstract: The Book of Mormon is a translation, containing details of the original language in which it is written. Very few of the writers would have had a working
knowledge of Egyptian; the writing would more likely be a Hebraized Egyptian. The Book of Mormon contains many passages from Isaiah, more correctly translated
than in the King James Version. Various examples of the Hebrew construct state are evident in Joseph Smith's translation, together with direct translations of Hebrew
idioms.

Some years ago one of my teachers, a brilliant and very able man, wrote a challenging book on the problems of the New Testament. That book contains the following
statement:

The imitation of biblical dictation is one of the commonest of literary phenomena. Most old-fashioned prayers were of that description. Many English hymns exhibit the
same quality. Much alleged undergraduate humor takes that form. The chief modern example is the Book of Mormon, which none of us I suppose acknowledges as a
translation at all. The biblical style of John Bunyan cited by Moulton (Grammar, II, 8) is a happier illustration. And generally speaking, it is the people who are least
acquainted with Semitic languages who are most fascinated with composing in this half-Semitic English.

The above statement ought to rouse from complacency every Latter-day Saint who is interested in the fundamental and peculiar beliefs of the Church. Insofar as the
limited space permits, I shall present evidence to show that the Book of Mormon is a translation. In fact, the nature of the English of the Book of Mormon warrants the
statement that it is translation English.

This article was previously published in the Improvement Era 38 (March 1935): 141, 187-88.

The Book of Mormon on Itself

Let us examine for a moment what the Book of Mormon says about certain linguistic matters that concern itself. Nephi, the first writer in the book, and who, according
to the record, must have left Jerusalem about 600 B.C., asserts: "I make a record in the language of my father, which consists of the learning of the Jews and the
language of the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 1:2). Nearly a thousand years later, when the Nephite nation had been destroyed, a survivor, Moroni, writes:

And now, behold, we have written this record according to our knowledge, in the characters which are called among us the reformed Egyptian, being handed down
and altered by us, according to our manner of speech.

And if our plates had been sufficiently large, we should have written in Hebrew; but the Hebrew hath been altered by us also; and if we could have written in Hebrew,
behold, ye would have had no imperfection in our record.

But the Lord knoweth the things which we have written, and also that none other people knoweth our language. (Mormon 9:32-34)

Assuming that the migrations mentioned in the sacred record actually took place, most philologists would probably acknowledge on the face of the matter that the
statements relative to language are fair and quite plausible. Another important observation: when the Nephites left Jerusalem they may have had an active speaking
knowledge of Egyptian, and so far as their knowledge of Hebrew was concerned, it was that of Palestinian natives. But a thousand years later their descendants,
Mormon and Moroni, can scarcely be expected to have had an active speaking knowledge of Egyptian. Their knowledge of Egyptian would probably be limited to a
passive reading knowledge of the same. Assuming they could write a species of Egyptian, it would be heavily Hebraized because Hebrew was their native language. In
my opinion, within a few generations following the days of Nephi and Lehi, a knowledge of Egyptian would have been limited to comparatively few of their
descendants-mainly scribes and men of good education. It would seem highly probable that "reformed" Egyptian was a species of shorthand, and was made directly
from Egyptian in much the same manner as demotic developed from hieratic, or by combining certain features of both the Egyptian and Hebrew alphabets. Others to
the contrary, I see few resemblances to either ancient Egyptian or ancient Hebrew characters in the few lines of hieroglyphics copied from the plates and left us by the
Prophet Joseph Smith. "None other people knoweth our language" (Morm. 9:34). Hence, the need for an inspired translator.

The problem of the Book of Mormon is fundamentally a literary one. If biologists, geologists, and scientists, generally speaking, who examine certain phases of the
Book of Mormon record would keep this fact in mind, much trouble and misapprehension would be averted; the geological, biological, and other phases of Book of
Mormon study are purely secondary to the literary one, namely: Did Joseph Smith translate?

Evidence of Translation: Comparison With Ancient Versions

Now let us proceed to the evidence of translation in the Book of Mormon. First of all let us examine some texts of Isaiah quoted in the record. The Nephites brought
with them from Jerusalem the Hebrew scriptures of 600 B.C., including the prophecies of Isaiah, the son of Amoz. The sacred record recognizes no Second or Trito-
Isaiah. The Nephites delighted in Isaiah and quoted extensively from him. When Joseph Smith came to these quotations he very wisely followed the King James
Version except in points where the record before him differed sufficiently, whereupon he made the appropriate changes to conform to the ancient version. The fact that
he made changes is in itself quite remarkable. No real evidence exists that he had at that time been expertly taught about textual criticism and the history of the Bible
text. My own experience has been that very few intelligent people in the Church even today recognize fully the implications that follow from the presence of Isaiah texts
in the Book of Mormon. Any Bible scholar knows the text followed by the King James Version contained corruptions. The text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon
ought, presumably, to reveal a practically uncorrupted text, dating back to at least 600 B.C., in which case we can scientifically check it, at least in part, by means of
the ancient manuscript versions. Incidentally we ought to discover earmarks of real translation on the part of the Prophet.

Let us examine two texts in 2 Ne. 8 in comparison with verses in Isa. 51. Second 1 Ne. 8:15 reads: "But I am the Lord thy God, whose waves roared; the Lord of
Hosts is my name." On comparing this rendition with that of the King James Version (Isa. 51:15), it will be noticed that it omits a whole clause, that divided the sea, and
that it had my name for his name. Why should the Prophet omit a whole clause? Simply because he had a version before him that differed from our present Hebrew,
Septuagint (Greek), and King James versions. And again, when the Prophet writes my name for his name he flies in the face of the Hebrew and King James versions,
but the context and the Septuagint version agree with him. Textual criticism easily explains why the Hebrew reads as it does because of two letters easily confused. The
Book of Mormon here hews an independent path as one would expect a really ancient and genuine version to do.

The second text we shall examine is 2 Ne. 8:21. It is an especially interesting one. The Book of Mormon reads: "Therefore hear now this, thou afflicted, and drunken,
and not with wine." The King James Version has the better rendering in question: "Therefore hear now this, thou afflicted, and drunken, but not with wine" (Isa. 51:21).
But what is of great interest is that the prophet has translated too literally the equivalent of our present Hebrew text. The Hebrew literally reads: "And not from (or with)
wine."

Now to examine a few texts of Isaiah in other chapters. In 2 Ne. 12:16 (cf. Isa. 2:16) the Prophet prefixes a whole phrase not contained in either the King James
Version or the Hebrew text. The phrase in questions is and upon all the ships of the sea. With this phrase the Septuagint agrees, and it is perfectly easy to explain, on
 Copyright
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                 Book of Mormon         Media
                                    reading's   Corp.
                                              being  the original, why our present Hebrew text only has two phrases. According to the Book of Mormon   Page    360 / 919
                                                                                                                                                           the original had
three phrases all beginning with the words and upon all. But-a perfectly natural error-some scribe's eye inadvertently hit upon the second and upon all, and the first
phrase was omitted. It is interesting to note that the Septuagint version has preserved the first phrase of this verse correctly, has omitted one phrase, and has corrupted
wine."

Now to examine a few texts of Isaiah in other chapters. In 2 Ne. 12:16 (cf. Isa. 2:16) the Prophet prefixes a whole phrase not contained in either the King James
Version or the Hebrew text. The phrase in questions is and upon all the ships of the sea. With this phrase the Septuagint agrees, and it is perfectly easy to explain, on
the basis of the Book of Mormon reading's being the original, why our present Hebrew text only has two phrases. According to the Book of Mormon the original had
three phrases all beginning with the words and upon all. But-a perfectly natural error-some scribe's eye inadvertently hit upon the second and upon all, and the first
phrase was omitted. It is interesting to note that the Septuagint version has preserved the first phrase of this verse correctly, has omitted one phrase, and has corrupted
another. The Hebrew has preserved the last two phrases correctly, but the Book of Mormon has preserved all three.

Compare 2 Ne. 13:9 with Isa. 3:9. In this rather remarkable illustration we shall deal only with the first sentence. The King James Version reads, "The shew of their
countenance doth witness against them; and they declare their sin as Sodom, they hide it not." Contrast this with the Book of Mormon, which reads, "The show of their
countenance doth witness against them, and doth declare their sin to be even as Sodom, and they cannot hide it." The Nephite version has a change in meaning. The
ancient Syriac version agrees exactly with the rendering of the clause and they cannot hide it in the Book of Mormon. Furthermore, in our present Hebrew text, it is
possible by shifting the last letter of the second verb before the following word, to get precisely the reading of the Nephite scripture for the part of the verse in question.
It is possible, too, that a letter of the Hebrew text has dropped out as some scholars may insist. At any rate who can deny the strong evidence of translation at this point
in the Nephite text? Few will be likely to deny that the Nephite version has an attractive meaning.

Compare 2 Ne. 13:12 with Isa. 3:12. Here the King James Version has a reading As for my people as against the Book of Mormon And my people. If the last letter of
the Hebrew text of Isa. 3:11 is placed in front of the first word in Isa. 3:12, we have precisely the Book of Mormon reading, as in the previous case. Here is another
sample of wrong word division, which the Prophet Joseph Smith corrected; only a translator could reasonably do this. If it be argued that by moving the last letter of the
Hebrew of Isa. 3:11 we thereby leave a mutilated text, we simply point out that the Book of Mormon makes clear that the verse is corrupt. So also Isa. 3:10. Let the
scholar compare the Nephite renderings of these verses and compare them with the present Hebrew texts or the King James Version. The comparison is not likely to
make us blush for the Book of Mormon.

Perhaps enough examples of Isaiah texts corrected by the Book of Mormon have been cited. We may say in passing that the Nephite text has unmistakable likenesses
in many instances to either the ancient Greek, Syriac, or Latin versions where it differs from the Hebrew. This is a curious fact, but one easily explained on the basis of
our contention that Joseph Smith was translating an ancient text of Isaiah. In a forthcoming master's thesis, being worked out under my direction, Principal H. Grant
Vest of the Vernal Seminary will make a rather full presentation of the facts pertaining to the text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon.

   1. H. Grant Vest, "The Problem of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon," master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1938.

Internal Evidences of Translation

Now we turn to parts of the Book of Mormon that cannot be checked by the ancient versions for evidence of translation. When I say the English of the Book of
Mormon is translation English, I simply mean it is not English freely composed but is rather that type of English that would be produced by a translator who frequently
follows the original too closely, the syntax of which is thus made plain in the English dress. In other words I hold that the English of the Book of Mormon often betrays a
too-literal adherence to an apparent Hebrew original. Let us call it Hebrew-English. Hebrew idioms in the Book of Mormon have been noted by others, notably
Thomas Brookbank, but apparently the full significance of them has been missed.

Hearken, O ye house of Israel, and hear the words of me a Prophet of the Lord. (Jacob 5:2)

The second clause is apparently a too-literal translation of a Hebrew noun in the plural with a possessive suffix that would better be translated "and hear my words."
The Prophet Joseph Smith had the correct idea but was unaccustomed to translation, coupled with a lack of formal training in English.

The Book of Mormon follows generally the Hebrew custom of stringing out numerals. "And it came to pass that two hundred and thirty and eight years had passed
away" (Jarom 1:13), "and it came to pass that two hundred and seventy and six years had passed away" (Omni 1:3), "and it came to pass that two hundred and forty
and four years had passed away" (4 Ne. 1:40). Consult Gen. 5 where the same constructions can be noticed.

  2. Thomas Brookbank, "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies in the Book of Mormon" (series), Improvement Era 13 (December 1909-April 1910): 117-21, 234-39,
336-42, 418-20, 538-43; 17-18 (January 1914-December 1915): 189-92, 366-70, 471-75, 623-27, 881-84, 972-75, 1061-63, 1147-51, 136-43.

The Construct State

The construct state as described in Hebrew grammar seems apparent in Book of Mormon syntax.

The construct relation corresponds most nearly to the relations expressed by of in English, in all its many senses: e.g., the palace of the king, the son of the father, a ring
of goldï¿½ This relation, though usually, is not invariably expressed by of: The point is that theï¿½words together make up one idea.

Book of Mormon examples include: 1 Ne. 4:25, "the plates of brass" rather than "the brass plates"; Mosiah 21:27, "the plates of ore"; and Alma 37:2, "plates of
Nephi." In Mosiah 20:15 we have "the daughters of my people."

In Mosiah 12:33 we have "the mount of Sinai" where we should expect "Mount Sinai" if the Prophet were following the King James Version. The Prophet puts the
expression in the construct state (and correctly enough) whereas the King James Version never does. Second Nephi 4:32-33 says "the gates of thy righteousness," and
"the robe of thy righteousness." It is true that many expressions in the construct state in the Book of Mormon are found exactly the same or nearly so in the Bible. This
of course in no way vitiates my general argument. The latter is bound to be cumulative throughout, for no single exhibition of Hebrew usage in the Book of Mormon is
something other than "prayer book" or "half-Semitic." In 1 Ne. 17:51 we have the too-literal translation, "how is it that he cannot instruct me, that I should build a ship?"
Other examples are found in 1 Ne. 1:11;2:2;3:24;8:8, 13;14:28;17:36; 3 Ne. 29:16; Alma 11:2, etc.

   3. Andrew B. Davidson, An Introductory Hebrew Grammar, with Progressive Exercises in Reading, Writing, and Poetry, revised by John E. McFadyen, 20th ed.
(Edinburgh: Clark, 1916), 58-59.

Typical Hebrew Expressions

We conclude this article by pointing out several expressions noted by Thomas Brookbank that seem typical of Hebrew usage in the Book of Mormon.

And it came to pass that on the morrow, after we had prepared all things, much fruits and meat from the wilderness. (1 Ne. 18:6)
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Here "all things" must mean "sufficient" as in Gen. 33:11, where the King James Version reads, "and because I have had enough." The Hebrew reads literally, "and
because I have all [things]" (see also 2 Ne. 6:3; Mosiah 26:38; Hel. 8:24).
We conclude this article by pointing out several expressions noted by Thomas Brookbank that seem typical of Hebrew usage in the Book of Mormon.

And it came to pass that on the morrow, after we had prepared all things, much fruits and meat from the wilderness. (1 Ne. 18:6)

Here "all things" must mean "sufficient" as in Gen. 33:11, where the King James Version reads, "and because I have had enough." The Hebrew reads literally, "and
because I have all [things]" (see also 2 Ne. 6:3; Mosiah 26:38; Hel. 8:24).

The Hebrew "a man of words" equals "eloquent man" (see Ex. 4:10, Hebrew text). Compare Mosiah 27:8: "And he was a man of many words, and did speak much
flattery to the people." Translate "and he was an eloquent man," etc. (see Hel. 2:4).

In Hebrew "steal the heart of" equals "deceive," "dupe," or "win over" in the intellectual sense (see Gen. 31:20, Hebrew text; 2 Sam. 15:6).

Compare Mosiah 27:9: "And he became a great hinderment to the prosperity of the church of God; stealing away the hearts of the people." Translate "deceiving the
people," etc. (see also Alma 39:4: "yea, she did steal away the hearts of many").

In presenting the case for the Book of Mormon as translation English we have presented only a few of the high points in its favor. From these, however, it is apparent
that a far stronger case can be made out for the Book of Mormon as translation English than can be made for the four Gospels as translation Greek as seen in the work
of certain scholars such as C. C. Torrey of Yale University. It is my hope that non-Mormon scholars will attack the problem without undue prejudice and help or
stimulate Latter-day Saints to greater efforts in the study of the Nephite record. A critical commentary on the Book of Mormon is sadly needed. Perhaps the
Department of Religion of the Brigham Young University can some day supply one. But much study and research will be necessary before this can be done.

   4. Brookbank, "Hebrew Idioms and Analogies."

   5. Charles C. Torrey, Our Translated Gospels: Some of the Evidence (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936).

Hebrew Idioms in the Book of Mormon

Abstract: Literal translations of Hebrew idioms are prevalent in the Book of Mormon, as are literal renditions of compound Hebrew prepositions. Parallels can be
found in the Old and New Testaments, especially in the Hebrew translation of the Old Testament.

The English of the Book of Mormon contains idioms that are immediately recognizable by students of the ancient Near East as originating in that area. Notice this clause
which says that Melchizedek "did reign under his father" (Alma 13:18). The average reader, if he does not pass it by completely, seldom asks himself the meaning of the
clause. It is quite unlikely that it means that Melchizedek reigned under the direction of his father, but if it does not mean that, what does it mean? More likely is the view
that it is a Hebrew idiom (the Nephites wrote and spoke Hebrew) translated very literally by the Prophet Joseph Smith. The Hebrew Bible gives us every reason to
believe that this view is the correct one. Here are some good examples:

And Bela died, and Jobab, the son of Zera of Bozrah reigned in his stead. (italics literally "under him" in Hebrew; Gen. 36:33; similarly in Genesis 36:34-39)

And Hiram king of Tyre sent his servants unto Solomon; for he had heard that they had anointed him king in the room of his father. (italics literally "under"; 1 Kgs. 5:1)

And all the people of Judah took Azariah, which was sixteen years old, and made him king instead of his father Amaziah. (italics literally "under"; 2 Kgs. 14:21)

Thus, according to common Hebrew usage, for a man to reign "under" someone else is simply to reign in his stead. We may therefore assume with some confidence
that when Melchizedek "did reign under his father" the text simply means that the great high priest "did reign in his father's stead" (see also Jacob 1:11; Mosiah 10:6).
Joseph Smith usually translated the idiom in the conventional manner, but in this particular instance (Alma 13:18) he translated literally-to our interest and profit.

The use of compound Hebrew prepositions, rendered literally by Joseph Smith, is very noticeable in the Book of Mormon. The use of b_yadh "by the hand of,"
indicating agency or instrumentality, occurs forty-seven times in the Nephite record. This use has been noted before, either by myself or others, but let me give a few
new examples:

Josephï¿½who was preserved by the hand of the Lord. (italics meaning "by" the Lord; 1 Ne. 5:14)

And after they go forth by the hand of the twelve apostles of the Lamb. (1 Ne. 13:26)

And they shall be afflicted by the hand of their enemies. (Mosiah 11:21)

Similar cases are found in the Old Testament in Gen. 38:20 and Ex. 4:13.

The use of this compound in the plural should be noted here. Bï¿½dhï¿½, "by the hands of," occurs in the Book of Mormon eight times. These are examples:

They were brought into bondage by the hands of the Lamanites [italics meaning "by" or "through"],ï¿½even by the hands of their own brethren? (Alma 9:10)

There is one fairly clear instance of this usage in the Old Testament, but it will be necessary to translate it literally in order to illustrate it:

Their judges have been thrown down by the hands of [i.e., by means of] the crag. (see Ps. 141:6, author's translation)

The verse is obscure, but the idiom is there nevertheless. Another instance may arise in Lam. 1:14, but the interpretation is too much in doubt.

Still another compound preposition is mipp_nï¿½, "from" (literally "from before"). In the Book of Mormon it very often receives a literal translation. Notice a few
illustrations:

And they fled from before my presence. (1 Ne. 4:28)

For he had gone from before my presence. (1 Ne. 11:12)

Insomuch that they did fall back from before them. (3 Ne. 4:12; see also Mosiah 17:4; Alma 44:12; Morm. 4:20)
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In the Old Testament part of the King James Version we find the idiom translated from (1 Sam. 19:8; Isa. 31:8), "out of the presence of" (1 Sam. Page           362 /the
                                                                                                                                                        19:10), "from  919
presence of" (Gen. 3:8), "because of" (Gen. 7:7), "from the face of" (Ex. 2:15), by way of illustration, but it is also translated the same way as in the Book of Mormon:
For he had gone from before my presence. (1 Ne. 11:12)

Insomuch that they did fall back from before them. (3 Ne. 4:12; see also Mosiah 17:4; Alma 44:12; Morm. 4:20)

In the Old Testament part of the King James Version we find the idiom translated from (1 Sam. 19:8; Isa. 31:8), "out of the presence of" (1 Sam. 19:10), "from the
presence of" (Gen. 3:8), "because of" (Gen. 7:7), "from the face of" (Ex. 2:15), by way of illustration, but it is also translated the same way as in the Book of Mormon:

And Moses fled from before it. (Ex. 4:3)

The Lord God of Israel hath dispossessed the Amorites from before his people Israel. (Judg. 11:23; see also 1 Chr. 11:13; Zech. 14:5)

The compound baï¿½aï¿½bhï¿½r, "on account of," occurs a number of times in the Book of Mormon (Alma 13:4;15:3;19:16), but because of the regular use of the
translated compound (phrasal preposition) in English, it is difficult to make any special point of it other than the fact that it does occur. Numerous examples occur in the
Old Testament though the usual translations may make it difficult for the average reader to spot them (Gen. 12:13, 16; 1 Sam. 23:10).

The idiom bephï¿½, "by the mouth of," occurs in the Nephite record about fifteen times. Here are some illustrations:

And also that we may preserve unto them the words which have been spoken by the mouth of all the holy prophets. (1 Ne. 3:20)

And also many prophecies which have been spoken by the mouth of Jeremiah. (1 Ne. 5:13)

Now I, Nephi, do speak somewhat concerning the words which I have written, which have been spoken by the mouth of Isaiah. (2 Ne. 25:1)

This idiom is certainly foreign to our manner of speaking, but it is typically Nephite, that is to say, Hebrew. Notice these illustrations from the Old Testament:

To fulfil the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiahï¿½Now in the first year of Cyrus king of Persia, that the word of the Lord spoken by the mouth of Jeremiah
might be accomplished. (2 Chronicles 36:21-22)

Another similar compound, mippï¿½, "from the mouth of," will be found in the Book of Mormon six times. Three illustrations follow:

Thou hast beheld that the book proceeded forth from the mouth of a Jew; and when it proceeded forth from the mouth of a Jew it contained the plainness of the gospel
of the Lord. (1 Ne. 13:24)

And now Limhi was again filled with joy in learning from the mouth of Ammon that king Mosiah had a gift from God. (Mosiah 21:28)

Here are some Old Testament examples:

And Baruch wrote from the mouth of Jeremiah all the words of the Lord. (Jer. 36:4; see also Jer. 36:32)

And hearkened not unto the words of Necho from the mouth of God. (2 Chr. 35:22)

The common Hebraic idiom "to open the mouth" appears in the Book of Mormon. Notice these occurrences:

And king Benjamin again opened his mouth and began to speak unto them. (Mosiah 4:4)

King Lamoni did open his mouth, and said unto him. (Alma 18:18)

This manner of writing is somewhat foreign to us, but occurs in the Old Testament as these examples attest:

After this opened Job his mouth and cursed his day. (Job 3:1)

Behold, now I have opened my mouth, my tongue hath spoken in my mouth. (Job 33:2)

Then I opened my mouth, and spake. (Dan. 10:16)

The Hebrew idiom, "multiply exceedingly," which is not as strange to present English usage as the foregoing, may be illustrated by these three examples from the
Nephite record:

And we multiplied exceedingly, and spread upon the face of the land. (Jarom 1:8)

For they had multiplied exceedingly and waxed great in the land. (Mosiah 2:2)

And this church did multiply exceedingly because of iniquity. (4 Ne. 1:28)

The Hebrew idiom "to stiffen the neck" occurs a number of times in the Nephite record. These illustrations will suffice:

And after they have hardened their hearts and stiffened their necks against the Holy One of Israel. (2 Ne. 6:10)

But because of priestcrafts and iniquities, they at Jerusalem will stiffen their necks against him. (2 Ne. 10:5; see also 25:12; 28:14; Jacob 2:13; Jarom 1:3; Hel. 9:21)

The parallels in the King James Version of the Old Testament usually have the rendering "hard of neck," but some are rendered similar to the examples in the Book of
Mormon:

Who had made him swear by God: but he stiffened his neck (2 Chr. 36:13)

But made their neck stiff, that they might not hear. (Jer. 17:23)

Hebrew   has(c)
 Copyright   an 2005-2009,
                idiom, "to liftInfobase
                                up the face,"
                                         Mediaor "distinguish
                                                 Corp.        the face," that is used to convey meaning with respect to or showing partiality to a person.Page
                                                                                                                                                           For example
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                                                                                                                                                                         Lev.
19:15 we find the following in the Hebrew text: "Thou shalt not lift up the faces of the poor." This expression is rendered by the King James Version: "Thou shalt not
respect the person of the poor" (Lev. 19:15). The meaning of this is shown by the next clause "nor honour the person of the mighty," that is to say, no partiality was to
be shown.
Who had made him swear by God: but he stiffened his neck (2 Chr. 36:13)

But made their neck stiff, that they might not hear. (Jer. 17:23)

Hebrew has an idiom, "to lift up the face," or "distinguish the face," that is used to convey meaning with respect to or showing partiality to a person. For example in Lev.
19:15 we find the following in the Hebrew text: "Thou shalt not lift up the faces of the poor." This expression is rendered by the King James Version: "Thou shalt not
respect the person of the poor" (Lev. 19:15). The meaning of this is shown by the next clause "nor honour the person of the mighty," that is to say, no partiality was to
be shown.

Notice this in the Hebrew text of Deut. 1:17: "Ye shall not distinguish [discern] faces in judgment." This is rendered by the King James Version: "Ye shall not respect
persons in judgment"; here again no partiality was to be shown.

That the Nephites understood this idiom may be reasonably deduced from these references:

They did not send away any who were naked, or that were hungry,ï¿½whether out of the church or in the church having no respect ["lifting up" or "distinguishing"] to
persons ["faces"], continually. (Alma 1:30)

If not so, God is a partial ["lifter up of faces"] God, and also a changeable God, and a respecter of persons. (Moro. 8:12; cf. Acts 10:34)

One of my friends has noticed in the Book of Mormon an apparent Hebrew idiom, "to give up the ghost," which is used to express the death of a person. Let us look at
it for a moment. The expression occurs three times in the Book of Mormon:

And it came to pass that when he had said these words he could say no more, and he gave up the ghost. As he was about to give up the ghost, they were astonished
exceedingly. (Jacob 7:20-21)

Yea at the time that he [Christ] shall yield up the ghost there shall be thunderings. (Hel. 14:21)

As is well known, parallels to these are found in both the Old and New Testaments. Let us examine two or three examples from the Old Testament:

She hath given up the ghost; her sun is gone down. (Jer. 15:9)

In this example the Hebrew of the words in italics reads literally: "She has breathed [or blown] out her soul [nephesh]." The same essential words (not used
grammatically the same) will be found in Job 11:20.

However, a different usage of the Hebrew can be found in other examples in the Old Testament:

Then Abraham gave up the ghost, and died in a good old age. (Gen. 25:8)

Here the Hebrew original of the words in italics, wayyigwa, is completely different from those in Jer. 15:9 given above. In contrast to the King James Version, this may
be translated: "Then Abraham expired, and died in a good old age."

It is highly probable that the Nephites used both Hebrew expressions "breathe out the soul" and "expired" in referring to the death of a person. To "give up the ghost" in
old English simply means to "give up the spirit [gast]," that is, to die.

This article presents only a few of the Hebrew idioms observed in the Book of Mormon. At a later time others may be described.

It may be appropriate at this point to make a few observations concerning the old problem of the original language of the Nephite record. These studies support the
idea that the Book of Mormon was originally written in Hebrew. Most of the idioms in the book appear to be typically Hebrew; there appear to be few which could be
called Egyptian. To be sure Egyptian names are found in the Nephite record, and other evidences point to the fact that the Nephite historians were acquainted with the
language and customs of Egypt, but the text proper shows the strong influence of Hebrew.

This article was previously published in the Improvement Era 57 (October 1954): 703, 728-29.

Some Universals in the Book of Mormon

Abstract: A universal element is a succinct concept with comprehensive spiritual appeal to humanity; the Book of Mormon is itself a universal element. Among
universals found in the Book of Mormon are concepts (1) that truth is given of God to all peoples; (2) of faith, in which good and evil are clearly defined in terms of
opposition; (3) of the purpose of man's existence in mortality; and (4) of the importance of service given to men and God.

A universal element is a salient piece of wisdom or teaching that has a comprehensive spiritual appeal to humanity at large. The golden rule of the Master is an unusually
good illustration of this. The examples found in the Book of Mormon are of very high merit.

This article was previously published in the Improvement Era 49 (April 1946): 712-13, 240, 242; The Book of Mormon Compendium (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft,
1968, 1970), 567-74; and Our Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1970), 260-68.

The Universality of the Book of Mormon

At the outset we note that the title page of the Book of Mormon declares that this scripture was written in part "to the convincing of the Jew and Gentile that Jesus is the
Christ, the Eternal God, manifesting himself to all nations." There is no narrowness or particularism here. The message and doctrines of the book are and were intended
for persons of every church, creed, and race, whether Jew or Gentile, Mormon or Methodist, black, brown, red, or white. The Fatherhood of God for all mankind
pervades the book from beginning to end. The spirit of humility, faith, trust in God, sincerity, and love for man are inherent throughout. In fact, the good of man is the
center and whole aim of it.

Agency and Democracy

The reader will find a profound opposition to sin and oppression throughout the volume. In these days when we hear so much about the soul-destroying political
doctrines of mankind and of the attempts being made to shackle and regiment mankind by devious and sundry techniques, it is wholesome and soul-satisfying to note
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the spirit of free agency and democracy in the Book of Mormon:

Therefore they relinquished their desires for a king, and became exceedingly anxious that every man should have an equal chance throughout all the land; yea, and every
Agency and Democracy

The reader will find a profound opposition to sin and oppression throughout the volume. In these days when we hear so much about the soul-destroying political
doctrines of mankind and of the attempts being made to shackle and regiment mankind by devious and sundry techniques, it is wholesome and soul-satisfying to note
the spirit of free agency and democracy in the Book of Mormon:

Therefore they relinquished their desires for a king, and became exceedingly anxious that every man should have an equal chance throughout all the land; yea, and every
man expressed a willingness to answer for his own sins.

Therefore, it came to pass that they assembled themselves together in bodies throughout the land, to cast in their voices concerning who should be their judges, to judge
them according to the law which had been given them; and they were exceedingly rejoiced because of the liberty which had been granted unto them.

And they did wax strong in love towards Mosiah; yea, they did esteem him more than any other man; for they did not look upon him as a tyrant who was seeking for
gain, yea, for that lucre which doth corrupt the soul; for he had not exacted riches of them, neither had he delighted in the shedding of blood; but he had established
peace in the land, and he had granted unto his people that they should be delivered from all manner of bondage; therefore they did esteem him, yea, exceedingly,
beyond measure.

And it came to pass that they did appoint judges to rule over them, or to judge them according to the law; and this they did throughout all the land. (Mosiah 29:38-41)

In this connection note another great passage:

Wherefore, men are free according to the flesh; and all things are given them which are expedient unto man. And they are free to choose liberty and eternal life, through
the great Mediator of all men, or to choose captivity and death, according to the captivity and power of the devil; for he seeketh that all men might be miserable like
unto himself. (2 Ne. 2:27)

Among the greatest of the universals to be found in the Book of Mormon is the one which sets forth the common position of all mankind before God. In 1 Ne. 17 we
find Nephi instructing his brethren concerning the reasons why God permitted the Israelites to conquer the inhabitants of Palestine after crossing the Jordan. Nephi says:

And now, do ye suppose that the children of this land, who were in the land of promise, who were driven out by our fathers, do ye suppose that they were righteous?
Behold, I say unto you, Nay.

Do ye suppose that our fathers would have been more choice than they if they had been righteous? I say unto you, Nay.

Behold, the Lord esteemeth all flesh in one; he that is righteous is favored of God. (1 Nephi 17:33-35)

Here is courageously expressed the principle that, everything else being equal, all mankind stands in the same relation to God. There is no favoritism. The only thing that
can change that relationship is sin and unrighteousness; God definitely favors the righteous. One is reminded here of the stirring words of the prophet Amos when he
said:

Are ye not as children of Ethiopians unto me, O children of Israel? saith the Lord. Have not I brought up Israel out of the land of Egypt? and the Philistines from
Caphtor, and the Syrians from Kir? (Amos 9:7)

The same principle is again expressed in different words by Nephi in a beautiful passage, which we quote:

He [the Lord] doeth nothing save it be plain unto the children of men; and he inviteth them all to come unto him and partake of his goodness; and he denieth none that
come unto him, black and white, bond and free, male and female; and he remembereth the heathen; and all are alike unto God, both Jew and Gentile. (2 Ne. 26:33)

It is my considered belief that doctrines such as expressed above will "prove" the Book of Mormon to the world more than anything we can do or say in its defense.

The Teaching of Truth

Another very interesting universal in the Book of Mormon has reference to the teaching of God's word among the nations. While the Lord would like to lift up and exalt
all of his children, he knows, as all teachers know, that men and women are of unequal intellectual and spiritual capacity. Some individuals understand and receive truth
with great facility and yield fruit an hundred fold; others receive it less readily and yield fruit tenfold or twofold; and still others find it hard to see the truth at all save in its
barest outlines. Yet our Father views all of his children with love and compassion, and he does not desire those of little capacity to be held responsible for truth in the
same degree as those of large capacity. What we have said of individuals, the Book of Mormon seems to apply to nations in the following words:

For behold, the Lord doth grant unto all nations, of their own nation and tongue, to teach his word, yea, in wisdom, all that he seeth fit that they should have; therefore
we see that the Lord doth counsel in wisdom, according to that which is just and true. (Alma 29:8)

If I understand this scripture correctly, it seems that the sentiments expressed therein account for the fact that among most of the world's various literatures there are
expressed certain basic gospel truths. In other words, God permits all peoples to have as much of his truth as they can assimilate and understand. I know from actual
experience how very difficult it is to explain to Arabs the fundamental principles of the gospel. Up to a certain point they comprehend and understand; beyond that they
seem to be lost. If the Book of Mormon is correct, it would seem to be no accident that great leaders like Confucius, Buddha, Zoroaster, Mohammed, and others have
been raised up among various peoples of the world. These men have, in a measure, taught "his word, yea, in wisdom, all that he seeth fit that they [the people] should
have" (Alma 29:8). I have no disposition to oversimplify the problem, but it has always seemed to me a remarkable fact, having great philosophical import, that only a
small fraction of the world's peoples have any considerable insight into Christianity even when taught by capable individuals. Whether one agrees entirely or in part with
the Book of Mormon teaching here expressed, the fact remains that it has universal insight worthy of consideration.

Faith and Validity of Religious Teaching

The thirty-second chapter of Alma contains a great discourse on faith and how it may be acquired and made a practical instrument in spiritual life. Alma seems to have
such confidence in these religious truths that he is willing to have his words subjected to experimental trial. He preached to his hearers as follows:

But behold, if ye will awake and arouse your faculties, even to an experiment upon my words , and exercise a particle of faith, yea, even if ye can no more than desire
to believe, let this desire work in you, even until ye believe in a manner that ye can give place for a portion of my words. (Alma 32:27)

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may the world have been spared had it recognized this principle. Moreover, it has the backing and blessing of no less a figure than Jesus of Nazareth, who declared:
But behold, if ye will awake and arouse your faculties, even to an experiment upon my words , and exercise a particle of faith, yea, even if ye can no more than desire
to believe, let this desire work in you, even until ye believe in a manner that ye can give place for a portion of my words. (Alma 32:27)

The recognition that many teachings in the spiritual realm may be, and should be, tested by experiment is of universal interest and validity. What trouble and sadness
may the world have been spared had it recognized this principle. Moreover, it has the backing and blessing of no less a figure than Jesus of Nazareth, who declared:

If any man will do his will, he shall know of the doctrine [teaching], whether it be of God, or whether I speak of myself. (John 7:17)

A feeling of confidence, trust, and respect is aroused in an individual when he is invited to experiment upon or test the validity of a religious principle. The Book of
Mormon tells us that another prophet by the name of Amulek, a friend and comrade of Alma, emulated the example of the latter by exhorting his brethren to "plant the
word in your hearts, that ye may try the experiment of its goodness" (Alma 34:4).

The Book of Mormon doctrine of experimentation or of testing the validity of religious teaching is interestingly applied by the last Nephite prophet, Moroni. Before
sealing up the sacred gold plates of which he was the custodian, this great individual urged the future readers of the Book of Mormon to test the validity of its claims
with a sincere experiment:

And when ye shall receive these things, I would exhort you that ye would ask God, the Eternal Father, in the name of Christ, if these things are not true; and if ye shall
ask with a sincere heart, with real intent, having faith in Christ, he will manifest the truth of it unto you, by the power of the Holy Ghost. (Moro. 10:4)

This great experiment in the spiritual realm is urged upon all mankind without distinction; if honestly and sincerely performed, any person may have the truth manifested
concerning the claims of the Nephite scripture by means of the Holy Ghost.

Before passing from Alma's sermon, let us notice another teaching of his that has universal elements in it. It concerns the principle of faith. After pointing out that faith
and knowledge are two entirely different concepts, and, furthermore, that a person who knows the will of God is in a more responsible position before him than one
who only believes, the prophet records:

And now as I said concerning faith-faith is not to have a perfect knowledge of things; therefore if ye have faith ye hope for things which are not seen, which are true.
(Alma 32:21)

This Book of Mormon prophet has his feet on the ground-when a person has faith he hopes for things which are not seen, which are true. This is clearer and in many
respects a more satisfactory statement about faith than the one in Hebrews:

Now faith is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen. (Heb. 11:1)

Alma takes faith out of the realm of mere credulity-i.e., readiness to believe on slight evidence. A note in his statement rings true to the critical mind. Too many persons
in every generation, including our own, hope for things-fantastic things-in the name of faith and religion, but give little thought as to whether or not they are based on
truth.

Doctrine of Opposition

The ancient problem of good and evil is of universal interest. The ancestors of the Nephites, the Hebrews, had no philosophic tradition in the Greek sense of the term.
Moreover the earliest Nephites seem, according to their own accounts at least, to have been simple, honest folk with few or no profound speculative interests.
Consequently, the religion of the Nephites was simple, and they handled the problem of good and evil accordingly. Nowhere does the Book of Mormon make an
attempt to solve it in the manner of the book of Job. To the Nephite teachers all that is good comes from God, and evil comes from the devil:

For I say unto you that whatsoever is good cometh from God, and whatsoever is evil cometh from the devil. (Alma 5:40)

Note also the teaching of Mormon:

Wherefore, all things which are good cometh of God; and that which is evil cometh of the devil; for the devil is an enemy unto God, and fighteth against him continually,
and inviteth and enticeth to sin, and to do that which is evil continually. (Moro. 7:12)

In the instructions of Lehi to his son Jacob is found an interesting variation in the Nephite solution of the problem of good and evil. We may call it the doctrine of
opposition-in-all-things. In terms of modern philosophy it might be denominated the theory of contrast-effect. Lehi says:

For it must needs be, that there is an opposition in all things. If not soï¿½righteousness could not be brought to pass, neither wickedness, neither holiness nor misery,
neither good nor badï¿½

ï¿½It must needs be that there was an opposition; even the forbidden fruit in opposition to the tree of life; the one being sweet and the other bitter.

Wherefore, the Lord God gave unto man that he should act for himself. (2 Ne. 2:11, 15-16

The universal elements in this teaching are acceptable even to some modern philosophers, though the latter might point out that there is entirely too much evil in the
world for the purpose of contrast to good. While Lehi was probably not attempting to be philosophical, his sermon to his son is to me the most philosophical of any in
the Book of Mormon.

Before concluding, we call attention to two other passages in the Book of Mormon having distinct universal implications. The first, which is very commonly quoted,
throws light on the purposes leading to man's existence in mortality. It therefore refers to all mankind without exception. The passage reads:

Adam fell that men might be; and men are, that they might have joy. (2 Ne. 2:25)

All mankind, whether American, English, Russian, French, German, Japanese, Italian, Hottentot, or Burmese, were placed on this earth for the purpose of having joy.
The word joy as used by Lehi in this scripture has no narrow connotations. The word, of course, has the usual dictionary meanings such as "the emotion excited by the
acquisition or expectation of good," "gladness," "delight," "bliss," "gaiety," but far and beyond these Lehi seems to mean a way of life that will lead to eternal life in God's
presence. As the Nephite prophet further declares:

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Lehi's words have a nobility that all must admire whether or not they agree with his theology. He reaches out for all people and encompasses them in the arms of love
The word joy as used by Lehi in this scripture has no narrow connotations. The word, of course, has the usual dictionary meanings such as "the emotion excited by the
acquisition or expectation of good," "gladness," "delight," "bliss," "gaiety," but far and beyond these Lehi seems to mean a way of life that will lead to eternal life in God's
presence. As the Nephite prophet further declares:

I have none other object save it be the everlasting welfare of your souls. (2 Ne. 2:30)

Lehi's words have a nobility that all must admire whether or not they agree with his theology. He reaches out for all people and encompasses them in the arms of love
and understanding. The chaotic and war-ridden world in which we find ourselves desperately needs such men.

Service

The second passage of scripture appropriately connects the service which men and women give each other with their service of God. A great Nephite king, Benjamin
by name, in his old age gave a last sermon to his people. In it he said:

Behold, I say unto you that because I said unto you that I had spent my days in your service, I do not desire to boast, for I have only been in the service of God.

And behold I tell you these things that ye may learn wisdom; that ye may learn that when ye are in the service of your fellow beings ye are only in the service of your
God.

Behold, ye have called me your king; and if I, whom ye call your king, do labor to serve you, then ought not ye to labor to serve one another? (Mosiah 2:16-18)

Few finer sentiments than these can be found in all scripture. When ye are in the service of your fellow beings, ye are only in the service of your God. One need only
find and serve his neighbor in order to find himself in the service of God. The only true self-service is to be found in this course.

The universal element in such teachings as Benjamin's justifies the assertion made about the Book of Mormon that "the good of man is the center and whole aim of it."

Did Father Lehi Have Daughters Who Married the Sons of Ishmael?

Abstract: Although the beginning of Nephi's record only mentions sons, Joseph Smith says the record of Lehi in the 116 missing manuscript pages refers to at least two
of Ishmael's sons marrying Lehi's daughters. Nephi himself mentions his sisters at the end of his record. As no mention is made of further births to Lehi and Sariah after
Jacob and Joseph, the assumption can be made that these sisters are the daughters who married Ishmael's sons.

The question asked by the title of this article is one which, in my opinion, should be answered in the affirmative. Most readers of the Book of Mormon seem to be
unaware-and not without reason-that Lehi had daughters as well as sons. In the italicized superscription of the First Book of Nephi, Lehi's son Nephi writes:

An account of Lehi and his wife Sariah, and his four sons, being called (beginning at the eldest) Laman, Lemuel, Sam, and Nephi.

This text indicates that perhaps no daughters existed in the family of Lehi. Moreover, when the family began its exodus through the wilderness after leaving Jerusalem,
only sons seem to have been born to Lehi and his wife. These were Jacob and Joseph (1 1 Ne. 18:7).

When Lehi was in the wilderness near the Red Sea, the Lord counseled him that his sons should obtain wives and raise up seed unto him in the promised land (1 Ne.
7:1). Nephi and his brethren again were commanded to make the long and difficult journey to Jerusalem (they had previously obtained the brass plates) in order to
recruit Ishmael and his family. We know little concerning Ishmael except that his family, in addition to his wife, consisted of two married sons, with their households, and
five daughters (1 Ne. 7:6). The tradition in the Church that Ishmael was an Ephraimite is based on a discourse delivered by Apostle Erastus Snow, in Logan, Utah, 6
May 1882. Elder Snow said:

The Prophet Joseph Smith informed us that the record of Lehi was contained on the 116 pages that were first translated and subsequently stolen, and of which an
abridgment is given us in the First Book of Nephi, which is the record of Nephi individually, he himself being of the lineage of Manasseh; but that Ishmael was of the
lineage of Ephraim, and that his sons married into Lehi's family, and Lehi's sons married Ishmael's daughters.

This statement not only implies that Ishmael was an Ephraimite, but in connection with Nephi's statement (1 Ne. 7:6), strongly points to the fact that Father Lehi had
daughters-at least two-who had married the sons of Ishmael. In other words, Lehi was the father-in-law of Ishmael's sons. This fact would clearly account for the
casual and taken-for-granted attitude of Nephi (clearly Oriental) when he mentions Ishmael and his family:

And it came to pass that the Lord commanded him [Lehi] that I, Nephi, and my brethren, should again return unto the land of Jerusalem and bring down Ishmael and
his family into the wilderness. (1 Ne. 7:2)

Notice that no explanation is given regarding the identity of Ishmael. The reader might well expect an explanation from Nephi concerning Ishmael's identity, particularly
if Ishmael had no close family relationship to Lehi. None is forthcoming, which fact points strongly in favor of Joseph Smith's explanation as delivered by Elder Snow.
Some words of Dr. Hugh Nibley are very appropriate on this point:

Lehi, faced with the prospect of a long journey in the wilderness, sent back for Ishmael, who promptly followed into the desert with a large party; this means that he
must have been hardly less adept at moving about than Lehi himself. The interesting thing is that Nephi takes Ishmael (unlike Zoram) completely for granted, never
explaining who he is or how he fits into the picture-the act of sending for him seems to be the most natural thing in the world, as does the marriage of his daughters with
Lehi's sons. Since it has ever been the custom among the desert people for a man to marry the daughter of his paternal uncle [bint ï¿½ammi], it is hard to avoid the
impression that Lehi and Ishmael were related.

The thesis of my article is reinforced and practically secured by a seldom-noticed and almost-forgotten statement of Nephi in describing the final separation of his
followers from the dissident elements among the Nephites:

Wherefore, it came to pass that I, Nephi, did take my family, and also Zoram and his family, and Sam, mine elder brother and his family, and Jacob and Joseph my
younger brethren, and also my sisters, and all those who would go with me. (2 Ne. 5:6)

For the first time, Nephi mentions having sisters. To be sure, he does not refer to his sisters as the wives of Ishmael's two sons, but that they were is almost certain in
view of the fact that no mention is made of Lehi's having other children following the birth of Jacob and Joseph. What is remarkable is that these daughters of Lehi
were willing to leave their husbands, the sons of Ishmael, if they were still living, and follow Nephi after having rebelled against him during the trip from Jerusalem into
the wilderness (1 Ne. 7:6). Doubtless the details of this story will, in time, be made fully known to us.
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This article was previously published in the Improvement Era 55 (September 1952): 642, 694; and Answers to Book of Mormon Questions (Salt Lake City:
Bookcraft, 1967), 9-11.
For the first time, Nephi mentions having sisters. To be sure, he does not refer to his sisters as the wives of Ishmael's two sons, but that they were is almost certain in
view of the fact that no mention is made of Lehi's having other children following the birth of Jacob and Joseph. What is remarkable is that these daughters of Lehi
were willing to leave their husbands, the sons of Ishmael, if they were still living, and follow Nephi after having rebelled against him during the trip from Jerusalem into
the wilderness (1 Ne. 7:6). Doubtless the details of this story will, in time, be made fully known to us.

This article was previously published in the Improvement Era 55 (September 1952): 642, 694; and Answers to Book of Mormon Questions (Salt Lake City:
Bookcraft, 1967), 9-11.

  JD 23:184, emphasis added.

  Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert; The World of the Jaredites; There Were Jaredites, vol. 5 in The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and FARMS, 1988), 40.

   It must be recognized, of course, that the remote possibility exists that the "sisters" mentioned by Nephi were born to Lehi on this continent and were not the wives of
Ishmael's sons. That the birth of the girls is not mentioned agrees with good Oriental custom. That Lehi had at least four daughters is a possibility that must be
recognized by all students of the Book of Mormon. However, I repeat that it is a remote possibility, particularly in light of 2 Ne. 3:1, in which Joseph is referred to as
Lehi's "last-born." But to Orientals the terms first-born and last-born are applied mostly to sons.

The Book of Mormon's Message on Brotherhood

Abstract: The Book of Mormon exhibits the intimate relationship between God and his people. The brother of Jared's experience is a fine example. The driving force of
the prophets was moral and religious, rather than economic and political. Social injustice was condemned by Nephi, Jacob, Alma, and Captain Moroni. Although little
is said about the status of the family, respect for women and family affection are standard. Workers were well treated and friendship was promoted between Nephites
and Lamanites. The Book of Mormon displays a high caliber of personal religion and brotherhood.

This article was previously published in the Ensign 3 (March 1973): 56-59.

God's Covenant Relationship With His People

One of the conspicuous religious characteristics found in the Book of Mormon is the warm personal relationship existing between God and his people. To the Nephite
branch of Israel, God was not a remote being, shut off from men by an impenetrable veil and acting only through secondary causes and impersonal laws. He was a
living, personal, dynamic being who entered into a covenant relationship with these people even as with the ancient Hebrews.

The idea of a covenant between God and his people is expressed more than 115 times in the Nephite record. The close relationship existing between the Nephites and
God enabled them to understand more completely the conduct that God required of them. Therefore, we should not underrate or deprecate the significance of this
sacred book as a means to the solution of many of our own religious problems.

To be sure, Nephite society, even in its period of full flower, must have been relatively simple and primitive compared with our own vast, complex, and highly organized
social structure. Nevertheless, we can use much of the religious teaching of the Nephites just as it stands, because it expresses eternal principles of righteousness that
through generations of time remain immutably the same.

One of the finest examples of the intimate relationship that exists between God and his people is detailed in the book of Ether. In this account, a great prophet known
only as the brother of Jared went up on a high mountain and prayed that the Lord would touch sixteen small stones so that they would give off light. These stones were
to illuminate eight ships in which the prophet's people were to cross the sea to a new continent. The Lord did as he was asked and touched the stones one by one with
his finger. The veil was lifted from the eyes of the brother of Jared, and he saw the finger of the Lord; yet he feared and fell down before him. The Lord knew the great
faith of the man before him and revealed himself to the prophet. The premortal Savior then said:

Behold, I am he who was prepared from the foundation of the world to redeem my people. Behold, I am Jesus Christï¿½In me shall all mankind have life, and that
eternally, even they who shall believe on my name; and they shall become my sons and daughters.

And never have I showed myself unto man whom I have created, for never has man believed in me as thou hast. Seest thou that ye are created after mine own image?
Yea, even all men were created in the beginning after mine own image.

Behold, this body, which ye now behold, is the body of my spirit, and man have I created after the body of my spirit; and even as I appear unto thee to be in the spirit
will I appear unto my people in the flesh. (Ether 3:14-16)

Social Issues in the Book of Mormon

Students of religion are interested in discovering the attitude of Book of Mormon prophets toward injustice, poverty, wealth, cruelty, luxury, slavery, and other social
questions.

We know that Nephi, as a prophet-king, ruled with justice, equity, and righteousness. But we know little or nothing about the attitudes of the kings who succeeded him,
at least until the days of the elder Mosiah (Omni 1:12), with regard to such social issues. However, judging from the prophetic writings of Jacob, Enos, Jarom, and
Amaleki, we can justly assume the existence of a great deal of social injustice during their time.

Jacob bitterly attacked the illicit marriage practices of Nephites who took unto themselves many wives and concubines, and excoriated the men who were guilty of
breaking the hearts of their legitimate wives and children. Jacob chastised his erring brethren in this manner:

And the hand of providence hath smiled upon you most pleasingly, that you have obtained many riches; and because some of you have obtained more abundantly than
that of your brethren ye are lifted up in the pride of your hearts, and wear stiff necks and high heads because of the costliness of your apparel, and persecute your
brethren because ye suppose that ye are better than they.

And now, my brethren, do ye suppose that God justifieth you in this thing? Behold, I say unto you, Nay. But he condemneth you, and if ye persist in these things his
judgments must speedily come unto you.

Think of your brethren like unto yourselves, and be familiar with all and free with your substance, that they may be rich like unto you. But before ye seek for riches,
seek ye for the kingdom of God. (Jacob 2:13-14, 17-18)
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The prophet Alma shows concern for brotherhood among the Nephites by denouncing those who mock and persecute their fellowmen; moreover, he takes to task
lovers of luxury and riches who think they are better than their less fortunate brethren:
judgments must speedily come unto you.

Think of your brethren like unto yourselves, and be familiar with all and free with your substance, that they may be rich like unto you. But before ye seek for riches,
seek ye for the kingdom of God. (Jacob 2:13-14, 17-18)

The prophet Alma shows concern for brotherhood among the Nephites by denouncing those who mock and persecute their fellowmen; moreover, he takes to task
lovers of luxury and riches who think they are better than their less fortunate brethren:

Is there one among you that doth make a mock of his brother, or that heapeth upon him persecutions?

Wo unto such an oneï¿½

ï¿½yea, will ye still persist in the wearing of costly apparel and setting your hearts upon the vain things of the world, upon your riches?

Yea, will ye persist in supposing that ye are better one than another? (Alma 5:30-31, 53-54)

Careful study reveals that the Nephites had highly enlightened views on the use of riches and also on pride, power, inequality, authority, and "the vain things of the
world" (see 3 Nephi 6:12-15).

It is a curious fact that the Book of Mormon uses the word injustice only twice (Alma 42:1, 55:19) but the word justice is used about sixty times. The word cruelty is
used only once and cruel twice; yet, the Nephite record uses mercy about eighty-four times, merciful forty-six times, and compassion twelve times.

The Nephite position on slavery (used only once) may be judged from the following passage, which refers to Moroni, a great general:

And Moroni was a strong and a mighty man; he was a man of a perfect understanding; yea, a man that did not delight in bloodshed; a man whose soul did joy in the
liberty and the freedom of his country, and his brethren from bondage and slavery. (Alma 48:11)

Moreover, in all periods of Nephite history, a great antipathy to bondage is expressed.

When the Nephite people reached the acme of their social and religious development after the coming of Christ, they lived in a state that the world today might well
envy: The Book of Mormon records that:

The people were all converted unto the Lord, upon all the face of the land, both Nephites and Lamanites, and there were no contentions and disputations among them,
and every man did deal justly with one another.

And they had all things common among them; therefore there were not rich and poor, bond and free, but they were all made free, and partakers of the heavenly gift. (4
Nephi 1:2-3)

Throughout the Book of Mormon it is evident that the driving force of the prophets was moral and religious, rather than economic and political. The prophets did not
attack social and economic distinctions as such among their people, but seem to have regarded equal economic opportunity and social station as the ideal. Their main
concern was with right and wrong, with justice and oppression, with mercy and man's inhumanity to man.

It should not be inferred from their frequent concern with the rich and riches that the Nephites were socialists. Riches and the rich were denounced only when
fundamental human rights and well-being were violated.

The constant humanitarianism of the prophets of the Book of Mormon, their drive against iniquity and all forms of oppression, and their passionate concern for the
happiness and welfare of their people confer on their teachings a perennial value and everlasting validity.

Perhaps because the Book of Mormon is only an abridgment, we find little said about the status of the family. However, enough is said to give us a fair idea of the
relations existing between husbands and wives and children and parents. We can assume that the early Nephites and Jaredites had family customs very similar to those
of other normal Mideast peoples of their times. Ordinarily, Mideast society was a man's society. That is the reason relatively little is said in the Old Testament about
women. Possibly the same reasoning would also apply to the Book of Mormon.

It must not be supposed that women and children were not loved and respected. But the man's place in society was emphasized more than is the custom today. That it
was the ideal of Nephite husbands to love their wives is shown by the Book of Mormon in many ways. The prophets, too, believed in happy families (see Jacob 2:31-
32;3:5-7, 10).

Members of Nephite families had normal affection for each other, as is noted in a descriptive passage that describes a situation following defeat in battle:

And now there was a great mourning and lamentation among the people of Limhi, the widow mourning for her husband, the son and the daughter mourning for their
father, and the brothers for their brethren. (Mosiah 21:9)

In another place we read that:

The Nephites were inspired by a better cause, for they were not fighting for monarchy nor power but they were fighting for their homes and their liberties, their wives
and their children, and their allï¿½

And again, the Lord has said that: Ye shall defend your families even unto bloodshed. (Alma 43:45, 47)

Little is said in the Book of Mormon about the status of hired servants. No mention is made of workers' guilds or the equivalent of our modern unions. Reference is
often made to skilled workmanship in various fields of endeavor, but the social state of workers and the conditions under which they worked are rarely dealt with.
Since in normal times the Nephites and Jaredites were spiritually enlightened peoples, it is likely that the status of the hired servant and worker was reasonably good.

The Nephites and Jaredites, like most peoples, practiced the art of friendship. Though no stories of warm personal relationships such as those of David and Jonathan or
Ruth and Naomi of the Old Testament are recorded in the Nephite scripture, we do find instances of friendship that must have been unusually fine (see 2 Nephi 1:30-
31; Alma 17:1-3;31:6).

That the Nephites
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Book of Mormon (see Mosiah 28:1-8).

The Nephite attitude toward borrowing from one's neighbor is beautifully expressed in the following words:
The Nephites and Jaredites, like most peoples, practiced the art of friendship. Though no stories of warm personal relationships such as those of David and Jonathan or
Ruth and Naomi of the Old Testament are recorded in the Nephite scripture, we do find instances of friendship that must have been unusually fine (see 2 Nephi 1:30-
31; Alma 17:1-3;31:6).

That the Nephites did attempt to promote friendly relations between themselves and their traditional enemies, the Lamanites, is pointed out a number of times in the
Book of Mormon (see Mosiah 28:1-8).

The Nephite attitude toward borrowing from one's neighbor is beautifully expressed in the following words:

And I would that ye should remember, that whosoever among you borroweth of his neighbor should return the thing that he borroweth, according as he doth agree, or
else thou shalt commit sin; and perhaps thou shalt cause thy neighbor to commit sin also. (Mosiah 4:28)

A strong humanitarian strain runs through the entire Book of Mormon, sufficient to conclude that the principles of personal religion and brotherhood as taught in that
book are of a surprisingly high caliber.

The Lamanites Portrayed in the Book of Mormon

Abstract: The Lamanites in the Book of Mormon are descendants of the Nephite, Mulekite, and Lamanite peoples. They were a scourge to the Nephites to keep them
faithful to the Lord. They survived because they observed the Lord's commandments regarding marriage. When the elder Mosiah and his followers left, the remaining
body of Nephites were probably either destroyed or became Lamanites. Once the Lamanites understood the Lord's word, they were very faithful and renounced their
previous living style. Out of this milieu came Samuel, the Lamanite prophet.

This article was previously published in the Improvement Era 51 (December 1948): 792-93, 826-27.

Lamanite Ancestry

One of our hymns, written by William W. Phelps, expresses in part the Mormon belief concerning the ancestry of the Indians. It is entitled,"O Stop and Tell Me, Red
Man," the first two verses of which read as follows:

O stop and tell me Red Man,
Who are you, why you roam,
And how you get your living;
Have you no God, no home?
With stature straight and portly,
And decked in native pride,
With feathers, paints and brooches.
He willingly replied:

I once was pleasant Ephraim,
When Jacob for me prayed:
But oh, how blessings vanish,
When man from God has strayed!
Before your nation knew us,
Some thousand moons ago,
Our fathers fell in darkness.
And wandered to and fro.

It should be emphasized that the Indian of our day is a remnant of a mixed group of peoples who were spared from the terrible destructions which took place on this
continent after the Savior's death (3 Nephi 8-10). The reader of the Book of Mormon will recall that in these destructions only the more righteous part of the Lamanites
and Nephites were spared:

And it was the more righteous part of the people who were saved, and it was they who received the prophets and stoned them not. (3 Ne. 10:12; see also 3 Ne. 9:13)

In 3 Ne. 10, Mormon makes another statement which proves that Lamanites as well as Nephites were preserved:

And it came to pass that in the ending of the thirty and fourth year, behold, I will show unto you that the people of Nephi who were spared, and also those who had
been called Lamanites, who had been spared, did have great favors shown unto them. (3 Ne. 10:18)

Following the glorious ministry of the resurrected Savior among these peoples, they became united into one people, as 4 Nephi tells us:

And it came to pass in the thirty and sixth year, the people were all converted unto the Lord, upon all the face of the land, both Nephites and Lamanites, and there were
no contentions and disputations among them, and every man did deal justly one with anotherï¿½

There were no robbers, nor murderers, neither were there any Lamanites, nor any manner of-ites; but they were in one, the children of Christ, and heirs to the kingdom
of God. (4 Ne. 1:2, 17)

I have made these explanations to keep us reminded of the fact that our present-day Indians are descendants of the people who were united during the Golden Era of
Nephite history, rather than direct descendants of Laman and Lemuel and their immediate followers. The rift in the Nephite church which produced the ancestors of our
American Indians took place about A.D. 195. Mormon tells about it when writing of Amos the record keeper:

And he kept it [the record] eighty and four years, and there was still peace in the land, save it were a small part of the people who had revolted from the church and
taken upon them the name of Lamanites; therefore there began to be Lamanites again in the land. (4 Ne. 1:20)

Latter-day Saints have concluded too readily that the Lamanites are direct descendants of Laman and Lemuel. Actually much Nephite blood flows in their veins, not to
mention the blood of the Mulekites. In respect to the latter, it should be recalled that in the days of the younger Mosiah more of his people were Mulekites than
Nephites. Notice the following:
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Now there were not so many of the children of Nephi, or so many of those who were descendants of Nephi, as there were of the people of Zarahemla, who was a
Latter-day Saints have concluded too readily that the Lamanites are direct descendants of Laman and Lemuel. Actually much Nephite blood flows in their veins, not to
mention the blood of the Mulekites. In respect to the latter, it should be recalled that in the days of the younger Mosiah more of his people were Mulekites than
Nephites. Notice the following:

And now king Mosiah caused that all the people should be gathered together.

Now there were not so many of the children of Nephi, or so many of those who were descendants of Nephi, as there were of the people of Zarahemla, who was a
descendant of Mulek, and those who came with him into the wilderness. (Mosiah 25:1-2)

From this statement we are probably justified in concluding that the "Nephites" of the period following Christ's appearance on this continent had more Mulekite blood
flowing in their veins than Nephite blood. From the viewpoint of the Book of Mormon, then, our Indians are descendants of several peoples-Nephites and Mulekites,
with some Lamanite influence thrown in for good measure. That Mormon seemed to recognize the fact that the Indians of our day would be his own people is shown by
some of his last prophetic words:

And now, behold, I would speak somewhat unto the remnant of this people who are spared, if it so be that God may give unto them my words, that they may know of
the things of their fathers.

Know ye that ye must come to the knowledge of your fathers, and repent of all your sins and iniquities, and believe in Jesus Christ. (Morm. 7:1, 5; see also 2 Ne.
26:15)

It may be well to point out that the simon-pure Lamanites of the Book of Mormon, if we may call them such, are dealt with in the Nephite record between 2 Ne. 5 and
Omni 1:12. The first-named chapter records the great break between the followers of Nephi on the one hand and the followers of Laman and Lemuel on the other. In it
we are told that the Lamanites were cut off from the "presence of the Lord" because they would not hearken to Nephi's words (2 1 Ne. 5:20). Moreover, they were
cursed because of their iniquities with a "sore cursing." In order that they would not be enticing to the Nephites, the Lord caused a "skin of blackness" to come upon
them (2 Ne. 5:21). The sacred account continues:

And thus saith the Lord God: I will cause that they shall be loathsome unto thy [Nephi's] people, save they shall repent of their iniquities.

And cursed shall be the seed of him that mixeth with their seed; for they shall be cursed even with the same cursing. And the Lord spake it, and it was done. (2 Nephi
5:22-23)

Nephi says that the Lamanites then became an "idle people, full of mischief and subtlety, and did seek in the wilderness for beasts of prey" (2 Ne. 5:24). The Lord
made use of them as a scourge to the Nephites, to stir them up in remembrance of him. The promise was made that if the Nephites did not remember the Lord, they
should be scourged by the Lamanites unto destruction (2 Ne. 5:25).

Little more is said about the Lamanites until we come to the book of Jacob. Jacob distinguishes between Lamanites and Nephites by saying:

I shall call them Lamanites that seek to destroy the people of Nephi, and those who are friendly to Nephi I shall call Nephites, or the people of Nephi. (Jacob 1:14)

When Jacob chastised his menfolk from the temple precincts for their unchastity and lack of humility, he made some interesting comparisons between the Nephites and
Lamanites. He pointed out that the Nephites were more iniquitous than the Lamanites. They had broken the hearts of their wives and had lost the confidence of their
children (Jacob 2:35). "The Lamanites" he said, "whom ye hate because of their filthiness and the cursing which hath come upon your skins, are more righteous than
you" (Jacob 3:5).

  Hymn 292, in Hymns of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Kirtland, OH: n.p., 1835).

Lamanites and Marriage Covenants

They were more righteous than the Nephites because they kept the marriage laws which God had given his people in the beginning. A man was to have only one wife
and no concubines. Jacob declared that because of their adherence to this commandment the Lord would not destroy them, but would be merciful to them, and some
day they should be a blessed people (see also 2 Nephi 30:3-6). This promise has been partly fulfilled in our American Indians, and we may expect more of it to be
realized in the not-too-distant future. One remark of Jacob is of special interest to us. He said:

Behold, their [the Lamanites'] husbands love their wives, and their wives love their husbands; and their husbands and their wives love their children; and their unbelief
and their hatred towards you is because of the iniquity of their fathers; wherefore, how much better are you than they, in the sight of your great Creator?

O my brethren, I fear that unless ye shall repent of your sins that their skins will be whiter than yours, when ye shall be brought with them before the throne of God.
(Jacob 3:7-8)

It is worthy of more than passing notice to observe that the Lamanites were eventually to triumph over the Nephites. Despite the fact that the Nephites were given the
choice position before God, with revelations, visions, and prophets to guide them, the Lamanites seem finally to have won out over the Nephites because they kept
God's law respecting marriage. As Jacob predicted, "because of this observance, in keeping this commandment, the Lord God will not destroy them" (Jacob 3:6)

The people who broke away from the Nephite church about A.D. 195 and who became known as Lamanites must have continued the old marriage customs praised
by Jacob hundreds of years before. Therefore, their descendants were permitted to continue on this land after the destruction of the Nephites.

Did Nephites Join the Lamanites?

I have called attention elsewhere to the historical importance of the book of Omni. Beginning with verse 12, it relates that the elder Mosiah and a group of followers
broke away from the main body of Nephites and fled into the wilderness, where they joined the Mulekites. The united band of Nephites and Mulekites, together with
their descendants, is the central interest of Book of Mormon history. But what became of the main body of Nephites from whence the elder Mosiah fled? The Nephite
record is silent. Very probably these wicked Nephites later joined the Lamanites or were destroyed, so that their history became merged with that of the latter. The
predictions of Jacob may give the clue to their sudden disappearance:

The Lamanitesï¿½shall scourge you even unto destruction.

And the time speedily cometh, that except ye [Nephites] repent they [the Lamanites] shall possess the land of your inheritance, and the Lord God will lead away the
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The "righteous" who were to be "led away" may well have been the elder Mosiah and his followers. If the main body of Nephites eventually joined the Lamanites, we
The Lamanitesï¿½shall scourge you even unto destruction.

And the time speedily cometh, that except ye [Nephites] repent they [the Lamanites] shall possess the land of your inheritance, and the Lord God will lead away the
righteous out from among you. (Jacob 3:3-4)

The "righteous" who were to be "led away" may well have been the elder Mosiah and his followers. If the main body of Nephites eventually joined the Lamanites, we
have a fact of capital importance in Lamanite history. It would then be quite understandable why the Lamanites so overwhelmingly outnumbered the Nephites, as
Mosiah 25:3 points out. If the main body of Nephites joined the Lamanites as has been suggested, it must have been sometime between the days of the elder Mosiah
and the days of Zeniff, who led Nephites from Zarahemla to the land of their forefathers. Zeniff makes no mention of finding descendants of the main body of Nephites
after arriving at the place of their inheritance (see Mosiah 9:3-8).

The Faithfulness of Converted Lamanites

The Lamanites at their worst are described in the Book of Mormon as having an evil nature and as being wild, ferocious, bloodthirsty, idolatrous, and filthy, dwelling in
tents, and feeding upon beasts of prey (Enos 1:20). They went about with short skin girdles around their loins, and their heads were shaven (Enos 1:20). At their best
many Lamanites were converted by the Nephites and became model members of the Nephite church.

A good example of such conversion is found in Alma 23. Here it is recounted that the king of the Lamanites sent forth a proclamation prohibiting anyone from laying
hands upon the four missionary sons of King Mosiah or in any way preventing them from carrying out their ministry. Thousands of Lamanites were brought to a
knowledge of the truth. The sacred record testifies:

And as sure as the Lord liveth, so sure as many as believed, or as many as were brought to the knowledge of the truth, through the preaching of Ammon and his
brethren, according to the spirit of revelation and of prophecy, and the power of God working miracles in them-yea, I say unto you, as the Lord liveth, as many of the
Lamanites as believed in their preaching, and were converted unto the Lord, never did fall away.

For they became a righteous people; they did lay down the weapons of their rebellion, that they did not fight against God any more, neither against any of their brethren.
(Alma 23:6-7)

This is a wonderful testimony to the faithfulness of the converted Lamanites.

The greatest war story in the Book of Mormon concerns the faith and valor of the two thousand "sons of Helaman," actually the sons of Lamanites who had renounced
war and killing forever (see Alma 24;53:10-22;56-58). Nor should we forget Samuel, the great Lamanite prophet who foretold the signs of Christ's birth and death
(Hel. 14). The resurrected Savior held Samuel in such great favor that he commanded that the Nephite records be amended to record the fulfillment of his prophecies
(3 Nephi 23:9-13).

When the Lamanites fully understood the word of God, they were extremely faithful, and in many instances the curse of a dark skin was taken from them (see 3 Nephi
2:11-16). Furthermore, they were quite capable of preaching to the Nephites. Samuel the Lamanite is an illustrious example of this fact.

Summary

Let us summarize this brief account of the Lamanites:

1. The Lamanites as portrayed in the Book of Mormon are descendants of the combined Nephite, Mulekite, and Lamanite peoples who were spared on this continent
at the time of the Savior's crucifixion.

2. The Lamanites were a scourge to the Nephites to keep them faithful to the Lord.

3. The Lamanite people survived the Nephites because they observed the Lord's commandments respecting marriage as predicted by the prophet Jacob (Jacob 3:6).

4. The main body of Nephites from which the elder Mosiah and his followers departed (Omni 1:12-13) were probably either destroyed or lost their identity by joining
the Lamanites.

5. When the Lamanites understood the Lord's word, they were very faithful and renounced their filth and their crude methods of living. Samuel the Lamanite was one of
the greatest prophets of the Book of Mormon.

6. The promise of the Lord to the Lamanite remnant, our Indians, is that they shall yet receive the gospel and become a white and delightsome people.

Moroni the Lonely:
the Story of the Writing of the Title Page to the Book of Mormon

Abstract: Moroni wandered alone for sixteen years before adding to the abridged record of his father. When he did make his additions, he also wrote the title page of
the Book of Mormon, but in two stages, each stage necessitating a return to the Hill Cumorah. The second paragraph clearly follows his decision to abridge the book
of Ether.

A dramatic but tragic story lies behind the writing of the title page to the Book of Mormon which has apparently been missed by most of our people. Before the last
great battle ensued between the Nephite and Lamanite armies at Cumorah in the year A.D. 385, Mormon entrusted the plates containing his abridgment of the plates of
Nephi to his son, Moroni (Mormon 6:6). Nevertheless, after the battle-in which he was wounded-Mormon again obtained the plates and added some final words
found in Mormon 6-7. All of the other records of his people he had previously hid up in the Hill Cumorah (Morm. 6:6).

It seems almost incredible, but the apparent fact remains that Moroni wandered alone over the face of this land for sixteen years (Morm. 8:6; cf. Morm. 6:5)        before
adding anything to the abridged record as commanded by his father. Let the plates tell their own story:

Behold I, Moroni, do finish the record of my father, Mormon. Behold I have but few things to write, which things I have been commanded by my father.

And now it came to pass that after the great and tremendous battle at Cumorah, behold, the Nephites who had escaped into the country southward were hunted by the
Lamanites, until they were all destroyed.
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And my father also was killed by them, and I even remain alone to write the sad tale of the destruction of my people. But behold, they are gone, and I fulfil the
commandment of my father. And whether they will slay me, I know not.
Behold I, Moroni, do finish the record of my father, Mormon. Behold I have but few things to write, which things I have been commanded by my father.

And now it came to pass that after the great and tremendous battle at Cumorah, behold, the Nephites who had escaped into the country southward were hunted by the
Lamanites, until they were all destroyed.

And my father also was killed by them, and I even remain alone to write the sad tale of the destruction of my people. But behold, they are gone, and I fulfil the
commandment of my father. And whether they will slay me, I know not.

Therefore I will write and hide up the records in the earth; and whither I go it mattereth not.

Behold, my father hath made this record and he hath written the intent thereof. And behold, I would write it also if I had room upon the plates, but I have not; and ore I
have none, for I am alone. My father hath been slain in battle, and all my kinsfolk, and I have not friends nor whither to go; and how long the Lord will suffer that I may
live I know not.

Behold, four hundred years have passed away since the coming of our Lord and Savior. (Mormon 8:1-6)

What was Moroni doing those sixteen years alone? Where did he go? What adventures befell him in enemy country? These and a host of other questions we may ask
ourselves, but all to no avail. The record is silent. But what would we not give for a day-by-day account from the pen of Moroni himself! At any rate, it was probably
the memory of his father's command that led him to retrace his steps to Cumorah, there to write a "few things" and "hide up the records in the earth" (Morm. 8:1, 4).
"few things" he did write at that time, for as we read along to Mormon 8:12-13, he suddenly breaks off his account by recording:

Behold, I am Moroni; and were it possible, I would make all things known unto you.

Behold, I make an end of speaking concerning this people. I am the son of Mormon, and my father was a descendant of Nephi.

In my opinion this statement was Moroni's original farewell. A careful study of what precedes and what follows these words must lead one to realize the possibility of
this being so. Morm. 8:13 is a logical point for a chapter division.

It is quite likely that at this point Moroni wrote the first paragraph (as we now have it) of the title page of the Book of Mormon:

Wherefore, it is an abridgment of the record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites-Written to the Lamanites, who are a remnant of the house of Israel; and
also to Jew and Gentile-Written by way of commandment, and also by the spirit of prophecy and of revelation-Written and sealed up, and hid up unto the Lord, that
they might not be destroyed-To come forth by the gift and power of God unto the interpretation thereof-Sealed by the hand of Moroni, and hid up unto the Lord, to
come forth in due time by way of the Gentile-The interpretation thereof by the gift of God.

He did not write the second paragraph of the title page at this time for the very good and sufficient reason that he had not yet abridged the book of Ether which is
mentioned therein.

Having finished the first paragraph of the title page, it is not unreasonable to presume that Moroni hid up the plates entrusted to him in the side of the Hill Cumorah, in
the stone box built for the purpose. He then departed, feeling that his work was finished, his father's commands having been carried out. How long Moroni wandered
over the face of the land-whether to be reckoned in years, months, or days-we do not know. But sometime between the years A.D. 401 and 421, he again saw fit to
come back to the Hill Cumorah (Morm. 8:6; cf. Moro. 10:1). Taking up the sacred record from its resting place in the stone box, he began to write at the point he had
formally left off.

And I am the same who hideth up this record unto the Lord.

Thus begins Morm. 8:14. It is quite natural for Moroni to identify himself again though we already know (Morm. 8:4) that he was going to hide up the record. He writes
steadily and in a somewhat different mood from what we have already observed in Mormon 8:1-13. Thus he continues until he finishes the book that is now known to
us as Mormon. He ends it prayerfully and formally:

And may God the Father remember the covenant which he hath made with the house of Israel; and may he bless them forever, through faith on the name of Jesus
Christ. Amen. (Morm. 9:37)

There may be those who will prefer to believe that this is the point at which Moroni wrote the first paragraph of the title page, rather than at Morm. 8:13 as I have
advocated. But no matter-Moroni finds that he still has space left on the plates upon which he may write something of value. He ponders the matter and finally decides
on making an abridgment of the book of Ether for the benefit of future generations.

And I take mine account from the twenty and four plates which were found by the people of Limhi, which is called the Book of Ether. (Ether 1:2)

If we take this statement literally, that is, if Moroni determined to get at the gold originals rather than use Mosiah's translation (Mosiah 28:17) of them (a copy of which
could have been in his possession), it would be necessary for him to tunnel into the library of records hidden in the Hill Cumorah by his father. How Moroni
accomplished this without being detected by the Lamanites must of course be left to our imaginations.

Having finished his task of abridgment (if he had used the original "twenty and four plates" he would first have had the great task of translating them by means of the
Urim and Thummim), Moroni then proceeded to add another paragraph to his title page. This was a logical necessity. Thus we read:

An abridgment taken from the Book of Ether also, which is a record of the people of Jared, who were scattered at the time the Lord confounded the language of the
people, when they were building a tower to get to heaven-Which is to show unto the remnant of the House of Israel what great things the Lord hath done for their
fathers; and that they may know the covenants of the Lord, that they are not cast off forever-And also to the convincing of the Jew and Gentile that jesus is the christ,
the eternal god, manifesting himself unto all nations-And now, if there are faults they are the mistakes of men; wherefore condemn not the things of God, that ye may be
found spotless at the judgment-seat of Christ.

Having done this Moroni makes a statement that is throbbing with human interest and pathos:

Now I, Moroni, after having made an end of abridging the account of the people of Jared, I had supposed not to have written more, but I have not as yet perished; and
I make not myself known to the Lamanites lest they should destroy me. (Moro. 1:1)

There  is a note
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             (c) 2005-2009,        in the statement,
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inspired to return to the hill. It is passing strange that he did not add a third paragraph to the title page of the Book of Mormon after finishing the final statements found
in Moro. 10. By the time that chapter was written, Moroni had wandered alone some thirty-six years (from A.D. 385 to 421). And therein lies an epic for some clever
novelist or dramatist to exploit.
Now I, Moroni, after having made an end of abridging the account of the people of Jared, I had supposed not to have written more, but I have not as yet perished; and
I make not myself known to the Lamanites lest they should destroy me. (Moro. 1:1)

There is a note of grim humor in the statement, "I have not as yet perished." So he continued to write, we may presume, at various times and occasions as he felt
inspired to return to the hill. It is passing strange that he did not add a third paragraph to the title page of the Book of Mormon after finishing the final statements found
in Moro. 10. By the time that chapter was written, Moroni had wandered alone some thirty-six years (from A.D. 385 to 421). And therein lies an epic for some clever
novelist or dramatist to exploit.

This article was previously published in the Improvement Era 47 (Febuary 1944): 83, 116, 118, and then reprinted in the Improvement Era (November 1970), 110-
11.

  From the date of the last great battle until a.d. 401, when Moroni began to write, there elapsed a total of sixteen years.

   Note the similar farewells of Amaleki (Omni 1:30) and Zeniff (Mosiah 10:22) in relation to making "an end of speaking." The formality of Moroni's farewell is
especially noticeable.

Were There Two Cumorahs?

Abstract: No one doubts that the hill where Joseph Smith received the plates is known as Cumorah, but is the hill where the final battles between the Nephites and
Lamanites took place another Cumorah? The book of Ether tells us that Omer traveled to this place of the last battles of the Nephites, and that the relatively short
duration of this journey would not account for the three thousand miles from Middle America to New York. A similar journey was undertaken by Limhi's men, of
equally short duration. The description of the geographical features around the final battle site is also at odds with the topography of present-day Cumorah.

It is not our intention in this book to embark on the sea of Book of Mormon geography, that is, to consider the numerous problems connected with it. Others have
written on the subject. But it is advisable, because of its interest and importance, to consider here the question of whether or not there were two hills known as
Cumorah. It should be kept in mind that no Latter-day Saint students of the Book of Mormon doubt for a moment that the hill in New York from whence the Prophet
Joseph Smith received the plates of the Book of Mormon has been known as Cumorah from the earliest days of the Church. But a number of such students, for many
years now, have held that the Cumorah of the Book of Mormon, the one in which Mormon originally hid the records of his people (Morm. 6:6), and the one around
which the final battles between the Nephites and the Lamanites took place (Mormon 6:8-15), was located somewhere in the area of Mexico, not in New York.

In 1937 Jesse A. Washburn and Jesse N. Washburn hinted, in the final pages of their book From Babel to Cumorah, that the last great battles of the Nephites and
the Lamanites took place near the lands of their early settlements. And in 1939 they more strongly affirmed that fact in their book An Approach to the Study of Book
of Mormon Geography. In other words, they were convinced that the Cumorah of which the Book of Mormon speaks was somewhere in Middle America. In 1947
Elder Thomas Stuart Ferguson, a lawyer, in his Cumorah-Where? rather objectively reviewed the case made by those who hold that the only Cumorah is in New
York, and in the same objective vein reviewed the evidence supporting the contention that the Cumorah of the Book of Mormon is in Middle America. He himself
was, and is, converted to the Middle-American view. Brother Fletcher B. Hammond, also a lawyer, vigorously contends in his Geography of the Book of Mormon that
the evidence in the Book of Mormon upholds the view that the Cumorah of the last great battles is in Middle America.

The friendly controversy still goes on, the one camp holding that the only Cumorah in or out of the Book of Mormon is the traditional one in New York State, the other
supporting the view that the Cumorah in New York has been named after the one in Middle America, but is not the one around which the last great battles of the
Nephites and the Lamanites took place.

Now which of these two points of view is correct? It would be desirable, if possible, to come to a unity in the matter. Truth should never be on the defensive, but
sometimes it is hard to decide just where it is. Perhaps most people of the Church hold to the traditional view of Cumorah, and, indeed, I have defended that view in
some of my writings. But in recent years we have again gone over the Book of Mormon evidence very carefully and are prepared to present what we feel are the
elements of the strongest case that can be made for a Cumorah in Middle America. Let us present it fairly and objectively as a historical question, letting the chips, so to
speak, fall where they may.

This previously unpublished handout was used in a Religion 622 class on 31 March 1964.

  This handout was apparently planned initially as a section in Sperry's Book of Mormon Compendium (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1968); cf. 447-51.

  See, e.g., Fletcher B. Hammond, Geography of the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Utah Printing, 1959; revised 1964), and Jesse A. and Jesse N. Washburn,
An Approach to the Study of the Book of Mormon Geography (Provo: New Era, 1939).

  Jesse A. Washburn and Jesse N. Washburn, From Babel to Cumorah (Provo, UT: New Era Publishing, 1937).

  Thomas S. Ferguson, Cumorah-Where? (Independence, MO: Zion's, 1947).

  For example, Sidney B. Sperry, The Book of Mormon Testifies (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1952), 335-36.

Omer a Jaredite King

Most of the Book of Mormon evidence will be taken from the books of Ether, Mormon, Mosiah, and Omni. The first piece of evidence concerns Omer, a righteous
Jaredite king, who was warned by the Lord to flee out of his land in order to save his life. In the words of Moroni:

And the Lord warned Omer in a dream that he should depart out of the land; wherefore Omer departed out of the land with his family, and traveled many days, and
came over and passed by the hill of Shim, and came over by the place where the Nephites were destroyed, and from thence eastward, and came to a place which was
called Ablom, by the seashore. (Ether 9:3)

We are concerned more especially with the words in italics. Notice that Omer and his party passed by the hill Shim, a place recognized by all Book of Mormon
students as being the hill in the land Antum where Ammoron hid the sacred records of his people (Morm. 1:3;4:23). No one would question the fact that this hill and
Antum were in turn in the larger territory of Desolation (see Morm. 4:19; cf. 4:23), somewhere in or about Middle America.

Next we observe (notice the casual language employed) that Omer came "by the place where the Nephites were destroyed." Moroni must certainly mean the place of
the last destruction
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                              Infobase     Cumorah in New York was the place, then Omer and family traveled at least 3,000 miles away from the hill
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view of the casual language employed, does such a long journey seem reasonable? If the party traveled an average of twenty miles per day by primitive means for
"many days," let's say an improbable sixty, they would cover only 1,200 miles. How very improbable it is that Omer traversed the distance to Cumorah in New York is
reinforced by Ether 9:9 in which a certain Nimrah "gathered together a small number of men, and fled out of the land from which Omer had fled, and came over and
Antum were in turn in the larger territory of Desolation (see Morm. 4:19; cf. 4:23), somewhere in or about Middle America.

Next we observe (notice the casual language employed) that Omer came "by the place where the Nephites were destroyed." Moroni must certainly mean the place of
the last destruction of his people. If the Cumorah in New York was the place, then Omer and family traveled at least 3,000 miles away from the hill Shim to reach it. In
view of the casual language employed, does such a long journey seem reasonable? If the party traveled an average of twenty miles per day by primitive means for
"many days," let's say an improbable sixty, they would cover only 1,200 miles. How very improbable it is that Omer traversed the distance to Cumorah in New York is
reinforced by Ether 9:9 in which a certain Nimrah "gathered together a small number of men, and fled out of the land from which Omer had fled, and came over and
dwelt with Omer." Notice that Nimrah knew where to find Omer and "came over" to him. Not the slightest hint is given that would lead us to believe a three-thousand-
mile journey was attempted. It may reasonably be assumed that "Ablom, by the seashore," where Omer temporarily dwelt, was on the Gulf of Mexico side, not too far
from "the place where the Nephites were destroyed" (Ether 9:3).

Omer was restored eventually to his kingdom (Ether 9:13), but not the slightest hint is given that he had to retrace his steps a great distance to get to it. So if we are
correct in presuming that in Ether 9:3 Moroni was referring to the place of his people's final destruction, the evidence thus far would seem to favor the view that it was
somewhere in Middle America.

Jaredite Battles

No matter to what land Omer went in exile, the fact is clear that he returned to, and his successors dwelt in, the traditional southern home of the Jaredites. This is made
very clear by such statements as "their flocks began to flee before the poisonous serpents, towards the land southward, which was called by the Nephites
Zarahemla" (Ether 9:31), and "they built a great city by the narrow neck of land, by the place where the sea divides the land" (Ether 10:20).

Now let us examine the evidence presented by Moroni relative to the territory in which the last great Jaredite battles took place. In Ether 14:5-6 we are informed
that a certain brother of Shared came up against the army of King Coriantumr, "and he came forth to the land of Moron, and placed himself upon the throne of
Coriantumr." Where was the land of Moron? Its location is clearly indicated in an earlier chapter of Ether.

Now the land of Moron, where the king dwelt, was near the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites. (Ether 7:6)

Thus we see that Moron, early seat of government of the Jaredites, was in the south land, near territory known by the Nephites as Desolation. Notice Coriantumr
comes to "the seashore" of the land of Moron (Ether 14:13). This might possibly mean a Pacific Ocean border of Moron.

In the remainder of Ether 14, it is made clear that Lib was slain and his brother Shiz continued the sanguinary struggle with Coriantumr. In the course of events we are
told that

Shiz did pursue Coriantumr eastward, even to the borders of the seashore, and there he gave battle unto Shiz for the space of three days. (Ether 14:26)

Where was the seashore mentioned here? The geography isn't altogether clear, but let us assume in all fairness that it was on the Gulf of Mexico side, in deference to
the word "eastward."

Could it be in a spot on the seashore somewhere on the eastern border of New York? The difficulties involved in such an assumption are enormous. Keep in mind that
the battles in Ether 14:6-13 are in Moron by the narrow neck of land (cf. Ether 7:6; Alma 63:5). Are we to assume a few battles later that the armies involved are on
the eastern border of New York, some three thousand miles distant? Are we to admit that armies composed of men, women, and children (see Ether 14:22) on both
sides had the physical strength (not to mention the logistical facilities) to cover three thousand miles in a relatively short time and engage in their final destruction? No
army men of my acquaintance would believe it possible. Let us notice that the very last battles were fought near a hill called by the Jaredites Ramah.

And it came to pass that the army of Coriantumr did pitch their tents by the hill Ramah; and it was that same hill [i.e., Cumorah] where my father Mormon did hide up
the records unto the Lord, which were sacred. (Ether 15:11; cf. Mormon 6:4-6)

Notice that Moroni does not add that Ramah or Cumorah was the hill where he should yet hide up the plates that his father Mormon left to him (see Morm. 6:6). This
omission seems strange if the Ramah mentioned was the Nephite hill Cumorah in New York.

Another important fact should be observed in connection with our problem: Notice that in coming to the hill Ramah, Coriantumr and his armies were pursuing the
armies of Shiz southward, not northward as we should expect if they were coming up from southern Mexico or Central America.

And it came to pass that the armies of Coriantumr did press upon the armies of Shiz that they beat them, that they caused them to flee before them; and they did flee
southward, and did pitch their tents in a place which was called Ogath. (Ether 15:10)

   We do this because the book of Ether makes clear that the very last battle of the Jaredites took place near the same hill where the "Nephites were destroyed" (Ether
9:3;15:11).

Final Evidence

Now let us gather up some final evidence having a bearing on the problem. It will be remembered that when King Limhi, whose people were living in the early lands of
their fathers' first inheritance (Lehi-Nephi, Shilom; see Mosiah 7:21;9:1, 6), wanted to get them back to the land of Zarahemla, he sent out forty-three men to search for
it (Mosiah 8:7). What happened?

They were lost in the wilderness for the space of many days, yet they were diligent, and found not the land of Zarahemla but returned to this land, having traveled in a
land among many waters, having discovered a land which was covered with bones of men, and of beasts, and was also covered with ruins of buildings of every kind,
having discovered a land which had been peopled with a people who were as numerous as the hosts of Israel.

And for a testimony that the things that they had said are true they have brought twenty-four plates which are filled with engravings, and they are of pure gold.

And behold, also, they have brought breastplates, which are large, and they are of brass and of copper, and are perfectly sound. And again, they have brought swords,
the hilts thereof have perished, and the blades thereof were cankered with rust. (Mosiah 8:8-11)

Since the king was speaking of a people whose destruction was hitherto unknown to the Nephites and, furthermore, since his men had also found twenty-four plates
written in an unknown language (Mosiah 8:11), we may presume that the people destroyed were the Jaredites. And indeed, we know that the twenty-four plates were
Ether's record
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                                                  hidden them in such a way that Limhi's people found them (Ether 16:33; see also Mosiah 28:11-17). Now the lands of
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Lehi-Nephi and Shilom, the territory where Limhi's people dwelt, were presumably in Central America. No Book of Mormon student would doubt that they were in
"the land southward." But is it reasonable to believe that Limhi's men would travel over three thousand miles to find the site of the last great Jaredite battles and the
Jaredite records, assuming they were at or near a hill Ramah in our state of New York? Is it reasonable to believe this in view of the fact that Limhi's men would
the hilts thereof have perished, and the blades thereof were cankered with rust. (Mosiah 8:8-11)

Since the king was speaking of a people whose destruction was hitherto unknown to the Nephites and, furthermore, since his men had also found twenty-four plates
written in an unknown language (Mosiah 8:11), we may presume that the people destroyed were the Jaredites. And indeed, we know that the twenty-four plates were
Ether's record of the Jaredites and that he had hidden them in such a way that Limhi's people found them (Ether 16:33; see also Mosiah 28:11-17). Now the lands of
Lehi-Nephi and Shilom, the territory where Limhi's people dwelt, were presumably in Central America. No Book of Mormon student would doubt that they were in
"the land southward." But is it reasonable to believe that Limhi's men would travel over three thousand miles to find the site of the last great Jaredite battles and the
Jaredite records, assuming they were at or near a hill Ramah in our state of New York? Is it reasonable to believe this in view of the fact that Limhi's men would
unquestionably know that their fathers had traveled but a moderate distance from Zarahemla to Lehi-Nephi and Shilom? (cf. Mosiah 21:25-26 and note the
implications). Would a party travel, for example, three thousand miles in order to find a place they knew could not be over three hundred miles away? Notice the story
of the return of Limhi's people from Shilom to Zarahemla (Mosiah 22:11-13). Even though they traveled "many days," they ended up in Zarahemla, undoubtedly
located in Middle America. Observe also the fact that the elder Alma's branch of Limhi's people arrived in Zarahemla after twelve days' journey (Mosiah 24:25) from
the valley of Alma, a place we assume was some distance from Lehi-Nephi (it was eight days from the waters of Mormon to the land of Helam-Mosiah 23:3, and a
one-day flight from there to the valley of Alma- Mosiah 24:20). Zarahemla, in all probability, was not more than three hundred miles from Lehi-Nephi.

Those of the one-Cumorah (New York) persuasion may with some logic argue that Mosiah 8:8-11 does not specifically say that the forty-three men of Limhi found the
last battlefields of the Jaredites, and that the passage does not disprove the possibility that the prophet Ether could have brought his records from the region of Ramah
in New York to Central America, where they could be found. But such arguments seem somewhat forced, and especially so when it is pointed out that the people of
Zarahemla, the Mulekites, found Coriantumr, the last ruler of the Jaredites (Omni 1:21). Moreover, he "dwelt with them for the space of nine moons." Just how
reasonable is it to believe that he departed from a Ramah in New York after his last great battle and wandered three thousand miles south into Middle America, where
he was found? Isn't it more likely that the finding of Coriantumr fits better into the overall pattern presented by the book of Mosiah and the chapters cited above in the
book of Ether? Coriantumr apparently wandered a few hundred miles southward from Ramah (Cumorah) in Middle America to, or around, the land of Zarahemla,
where he was found. Isn't such a view the more reasonable one to believe? In fact, all the Book of Mormon evidence points to the same general conclusion, that
Ramah-Cumorah was somewhere in or near Middle America.

One more piece of evidence needs to be presented which concerns that nature of the territory in which the hill Cumorah was located. Mormon says that the hill "was in
a land of many waters, rivers, and fountains; and here we had hopes to gain advantage over the Lamanites" (Morm. 6:4). Assuming Limhi's men, in their search for the
land of Zarahemla, found the last great battlefields of the Jaredites, it will be observed that they are described as being "in a land among many waters" (Mosiah 8:8).
These descriptions are in general accord with Moroni's "waters of Ripliancum" (Ether 15:8), near which the last great battles of the Jaredites were fought. It is true that
the site of Ramah-Cumorah in New York is in a region of great bodies of water, the Finger Lakes and the Great Lakes, into which pour many streams. But is one to
assume with any logic that a Ramah-Cumorah in or around Central America could not be similarly endowed? As a matter of fact, geographers and Latter-day Saint
travelers know full well that there are great waters there. Moreover, certain geographical features in Middle America fit in rather fully with the overall physical
geography in the Book of Mormon.

Now we have covered materials that have been set forth in greater detail by Washburn, Ferguson, Hammond, and others like them, who all agree that the Book of
Mormon Ramah-Cumorah, the hill around which the last great battles of the Jaredites and Nephites took place, was in Middle America. Our emphasis on the Book of
Mormon evidence, independently evaluated, has been different in a number of respects.

Now, if it is agreed that the Book of Mormon evidence points inevitably to a Ramah-Cumorah in Middle America, the question then arises as to how the hill in New
York from which the Prophet Joseph Smith received the sacred Nephite records came to be called Cumorah. No details are afforded us as to either how or when the
hill was so named. But certainly no adherent of the Middle-American view of Ramah-Cumorah would object to the suggestion that Moroni himself may have called the
hill Cumorah in honor of the one in Middle America. He may even have told the Prophet Joseph Smith about it, but of this we have no proof. We do know, however,
that the name Cumorah has been applied to the hill from Joseph Smith's day to this.

Finally, it should be pointed out that if the great records hidden up by Mormon in a Middle-American Ramah-Cumorah (Morm. 6:6) were transported eventually to the
Cumorah in New York, the Book of Mormon gives no account of it. If the Lord wanted that done after the last great battles between the Nephites and Lamanites, he
would have provided a way through his almighty power. But that is not the problem of this chapter.

  See, e.g., Milton R. Hunter and Thomas S. Ferguson, Ancient America and the Book of Mormon (Oakland, CA: Kolob, 1950), 139. Those who do not have this
book can read the significant part concerning rivers and lakes as quoted in Hammond, Geography of the Book of Mormon , 91.

Moroni Expounds Old Testament Scriptures

Abstract: The prophecies given by Moroni to Joseph Smith come from Malachi, Isaiah, and Joel. The Malachi prophecies deal with the rise and restoration of the
Church, the preparation for the Millennium, and the significance of the sons of Levi. The Isaiah prophecies, explained in the Doctrine and Covenants, give a direct
explanation of the Millennium and Joseph's own role in the preparation for it. The Joel prophecies have to do with the events just prior to the "great and terrible day of
the Lord."

When the angel Moroni appeared to the Prophet Joseph Smith on that eventful evening of 21 September 1823, he quoted, among others, numerous Old Testament
scriptures and proceeded to expound upon them. The Prophet did not make known the names and chapters of the various books quoted to him, with the exception of
three. These consisted of part of Mal. 3 and all of Mal. 4, Isa. 11, and Joel 2:28-32.

It seems to me that these three scriptures have not had-at least in certain respects-the detailed exposition that their importance merits. In this section, we shall treat
Malachi 3-4.

This previously unpublished lecture eas presented at Brigham Young University around 1956.

Malachi 3-4

The Prophet Joseph Smith declared that Moroni quoted only part of Mal. 3, but he did not stipulate which part. We therefore ask the interesting question, which verses
of this chapter did Moroni quote? I am convinced that he quoted Malachi 3:1-3 and perhaps Mal. 3:4. What reasons may be given for this opinion? In the first place, if
one examines Mal. 3, it will be found that 5-18 could not have been of first-rate importance to Moroni at the time he was speaking to the Prophet Joseph Smith, but
Malachi 3:1-4 were, inasmuch as they had to do with events of the latter days. Again, Malachi 3:5-18 seem in great part to deal with infractions of the moral and
religious code of Malachi's own time. For these reasons, and others that will appear, we are confident that Moroni quoted at least the first three verses of this important
chapter which read as follows:

Behold, I will send my messenger, and he shall prepare the way before me: and the Lord, whom ye seek, shall suddenly come to his temple, even the messenger of the
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covenant, whom ye delight in: behold, he shall come, saith the Lord of hosts.

But who may abide the day of his coming? and who shall stand when he appeareth? for he is like a refiner's fire, and like fuller's soap:
chapter which read as follows:

Behold, I will send my messenger, and he shall prepare the way before me: and the Lord, whom ye seek, shall suddenly come to his temple, even the messenger of the
covenant, whom ye delight in: behold, he shall come, saith the Lord of hosts.

But who may abide the day of his coming? and who shall stand when he appeareth? for he is like a refiner's fire, and like fuller's soap:

And he shall sit as a refiner and purifier of silver; and he shall purify the sons of Levi, and purge them as gold and silver, that they may offer unto the Lord an offering in
righteousness. (Malachi 3:1-3)

Now what interpretation are we to place upon these passages? At the outset, we can agree that Moroni would not quote to the Prophet any other scriptures than those
of tremendous import. We can also be assured that he appeared to the Prophet for the express purpose of explaining to him the significant events relative to the
restoration and rise of the Church of Jesus Christ in the last dispensation, and more particularly the part that Joseph Smith himself was to play in these events. The
above verses would, therefore, receive careful attention on the part of the angelic visitor. They refer to three or four striking events. In the first place, a messenger was
to come and prepare the way before the Lord. Secondly, the Lord was to appear suddenly. Thirdly, his coming was to be one of purification and judgment. And lastly,
he was to "purify the sons of Levi, and purge them as gold and silver, that they may offer unto the Lord an offering in righteousness." Let us deal with these in the order
given.

Who was the messenger to prepare the way before the Lord? Many commentators have held that this messenger was John the Baptist who fulfilled the scriptures by
preparing the way before the Lord's first coming as testified of in the Gospels. We have no fault to find with this explanation, except that John's first appearance only
partly fulfilled the scriptures. At this point we shall quote John 1:20-26, as contained in the so-called inspired revision of the Bible. The reader is urged to compare
these parallels in the King James Version.

John 1:19-25 KJV John 1:20-26 JST

This is the record of John, when And this is the record of John,
the Jews sent priests and Levites when the Jews sent priests and
from Jerusalem to ask him; Who art Levites from Jerusalem, to ask him;
thou? Who art thou?

And he confessed, and denied not; And he confessed, and denied not
but confessed, I am not the Christ that he was Elias; but confessed,
saying; I am not the Christ.

And they asked him, What then? And they asked him, saying: How
Art thou Elias? And he saith, I then art thou Elias? And he said; I
am not. Art thou that prophet? am not that Elias who was to
And he answered, No. restore all things. And they asked
him, saying, Art thou that prophet?
And he answered, No.

Then said they unto him, Who art Then said they unto him,
thou? that we may give an answer to Who art thou? that we may give an
them that sent us. What sayest thou answer to them that sent us. What
of thyself? sayest thou of thyself?

He said, I am the voice of one He said, I am the voice of one
crying in the wilderness, Make crying in the wilderness,
straight the way of the Lord, as Make straight the way of the Lord,
said the prophet Esaias. as saith the prophet Esaias.

And they which were sent And they who were sent
were of the Pharisees. were of the Pharisees.

And they asked him, and said unto And they asked him, and said unto
him; Why baptizest thou then, if him; Why baptizest thou then, if
thou be not that Christ, nor Elias, thou be not the Christ, nor Elias
neither that prophet? who was to restore all things,
neither that prophet?

It will be noted in the above that John the Baptist did not deny that he was an Elias, but he explicitly denied that he was the Elias who was to come and restore all
things. It should also be noted (John 1:24 JST) that he quoted Isa. 40:3, and affirmed himself to be the "voice" crying in the wilderness as mentioned in that prophecy. If
one examines this verse and its context, it is found that many of the events recorded therein could be fulfilled only in the latter days.

Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith the Lord.

Speak ye comfortably to Jerusalem, and cry unto her, that her warfare is accomplished, that her iniquity is pardoned: for she hath received of the Lord's hand double
for all her sins.

The voice of him that crieth in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make straight in the desert a highway for our God.

Every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low: and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain:

And the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together: for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it. (Isaiah 40:1-5)

We should carefully observe in respect to the above that the warfare of Jerusalem is not yet accomplished, nor is her iniquity pardoned. Likewise the valleys have not
yet been exalted,
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therefore, that John's mission was only partly fulfilled in Christ's day and could be fulfilled only at a later time. It is probable that Moroni carefully explained all of this to
the young Prophet Joseph Smith and pointed out to him that he would yet receive the keys of the Aaronic priesthood from the resurrected John the Baptist, who would
come in due time and fulfill the second part of his mission in preparing the way before the Lord. Moroni would then reveal to Joseph the imminent advent of our Lord
And the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together: for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it. (Isaiah 40:1-5)

We should carefully observe in respect to the above that the warfare of Jerusalem is not yet accomplished, nor is her iniquity pardoned. Likewise the valleys have not
yet been exalted, nor the mountains and hills made low. Neither has the glory of the Lord been revealed, and certainly all flesh has not seen it together. It is apparent,
therefore, that John's mission was only partly fulfilled in Christ's day and could be fulfilled only at a later time. It is probable that Moroni carefully explained all of this to
the young Prophet Joseph Smith and pointed out to him that he would yet receive the keys of the Aaronic priesthood from the resurrected John the Baptist, who would
come in due time and fulfill the second part of his mission in preparing the way before the Lord. Moroni would then reveal to Joseph the imminent advent of our Lord
and Savior Jesus Christ. He was to come in his glory and rule for a thousand years over his saints, but before that day came, there should be great judgments in the
earth, and more especially at his appearance; consequently, he would be as the scriptures say, "refiner's fire, and like fuller's soap" (Mal. 3:2). Here was a good
opportunity to impress the Prophet with the importance of having the righteous people in the earth warned and prepared for the judgments to come.

And who were the sons of Levi mentioned in Mal. 3:3 who were to be purged as gold and silver that they might offer unto the Lord an offering in righteousness?
Moroni undoubtedly explained who they were to the Prophet Joseph Smith. In D&C 128:24 we apparently have the answer. When the Prophet wrote down this
section of the Doctrine and Covenants, he was in a very exalted mood, as anyone can see by reading the whole section, especially Doctrine and Covenants 128:19-25.
But to the verse in question.

Behold, the great day of the Lord is at hand; and who can abide the day of his coming, and who can stand when he appeareth? For he is like a refiner's fire, and like
fuller's soap; and he shall sit as a refiner and purifier of silver, and he shall purify the sons of Levi, and purge them as gold and silver, that they may offer unto the Lord
an offering in righteousness. Let us, therefore, as a church and a people, and as Latter-day Saints, offer unto the Lord an offering in righteousness; and let us present in
his holy temple, when it is finished, a book containing the records of our dead, which shall be worthy of all acceptation. (D&C 128:24)

The Latter-day Saints as a Church and a people seem to be the ones who are to offer up an offering in righteousness in the temple in the form of a book containing the
records of our dead. They are, therefore, the sons of Levi who are to be purged as gold and silver. When John the Baptist did come at a later time (15 May 1829) to
Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery, and conferred upon them the keys of the Aaronic Priesthood, he made special mention of the fact that, "This [the Aaronic
Priesthood] shall never again be taken from the earth, until the sons of Levi do offer again an offering unto the Lord in righteousness" (D&C 13:1). John seems to have
been especially concerned with the sons of Levi. Again in Doctrine and Covenants 84:31-34, we find material pertinent to Malachi's prophecy:

Therefore, as I said concerning the sons of Moses-for the sons of Moses and also the sons of Aaron shall offer an acceptable offering and sacrifice in the house of the
Lord, which house shall be built unto the Lord in this generation, upon the consecrated spot as I have appointed-

And the sons of Moses and of Aaron shall be filled with the glory of the Lord, upon Mount Zion in the Lord's house, whose sons are ye; and also many whom I have
called and sent forth to build up my church.

For whoso is faithful unto the obtaining these two priesthoods of which I have spoken, and the magnifying their calling, are sanctified by the Spirit unto the renewing of
their bodies.

They become the sons of Aaron and the seed of Abraham, and the church and kingdom, and the elect of God. (D&C 84:31-34)

In these verses it is again to be noted that the sons of Moses and of Aaron are to offer an acceptable offering and sacrifice in the house of the Lord. Those who hold
the Aaronic and Melchizedek priesthoods are indeed the sons of Levi and are the ones whom Malachi apparently had in mind when he gave his great prophecy. In
making this statement, we do not wish to exclude any of the literal descendants of Levi who may later come in the Church and perform temple work. It is apparent then
that Moroni began his explanation of temple work and of salvation for the dead in connection with Mal. 3, rather than with Mal. 4, as so many in the Church commonly
suppose.

As indicated above, after Moroni quoted the three verses in Malachi and explained them, it would not be out of the way for him to quote Mal. 3:4, to the effect that
"then shall the offering of Judea and Jerusalem be pleasant unto the Lord, as in the days of old." In Mal. 4, Malachi made it plain, as doubtless Moroni explained, that
the day would come that should burn as an oven and all who do wickedly should be stubble-speaking after the manner of the Lord. Here again, Moroni would naturally
give words of warning relative to the impending judgments of God in the then near future. As the Prophet Joseph Smith states, Moroni quoted Malachi 4:5-6 somewhat
differently than as found in our present Bible.

Behold, he will reveal unto you the Priesthood, by the hand of Elijah the prophet, before the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lordï¿½

ï¿½And he shall plant in the hearts of the children the promises made to the fathers, and the hearts of the children shall turn to their fathers. If it were not so, the whole
earth would be utterly wasted at his coming. (Joseph Smith-History 1:38-39)

We are not to suppose, necessarily, that Moroni was quoting these verses of Malachi in the original, but rather that he was paraphrasing them in order to make it easier
for the Prophet Joseph Smith to understand their significance. Otherwise, we should find it difficult to explain why the Savior in his appearance to the Nephites quoted
them exactly as they are found in the King James Version. They point to the fact that Elijah, the last great prophet in ancient times to hold the keys of the sealing
powers, should come to the earth and restore them so that it would be possible for the "sons of Levi," whose sons we are, to have the privilege of entering into the
temples and doing work for both the living and the dead.

It will not be necessary for us to expound in much further detail Mal. 4 as quoted by Moroni, because its significance is already well known to our people. Perhaps an
explanation should be forthcoming as to the reasons why the earth should be smitten with a curse if Elijah did not come and restore the keys of his priesthood. We feel
that the answer is relatively simple. This earth was intended to provide an opportunity for the fullest possible progression of our Father's children. The dead could not
be saved without the gospel ordinances being performed for them on the same basis as for the living. Without these saving ordinances, they could not enter into the
Celestial Kingdom. The earth, therefore, could not be a heaven and fulfill her entire mission for her children as the Lord intended. We recall at this point the Savior's
statement that "the meek shall inherit the earth" (3 Ne. 12:5; cf. Matt. 5:5). Elijah, as Moroni doubtless declared to the Prophet Joseph Smith, was to come as a
messenger to earth to prevent this tragedy and Joseph was to be the favored individual to receive his all-important keys.

Isa. 11

It is a tribute to the importance of the book of Isaiah that Moroni quoted the whole of the prophecy in Isa. 11 to the Prophet Joseph Smith. He then informed him that it
was soon to be fulfilled. This is important for us as a Church and people to know and understand.

The chapter (so it seems to us) falls into three natural divisions. They are as follows: (1) Isaiah 11:1-5;(2)6-10; and (3) 11-16. Of these three divisions, the last two are
more appreciated by our people than the first. Because of its extreme importance and also because it has not yet been adequately treated, we shall quote the first
division in its entirety.
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And there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse, and a Branch shall grow out of his roots:
The chapter (so it seems to us) falls into three natural divisions. They are as follows: (1) Isaiah 11:1-5;(2)6-10; and (3) 11-16. Of these three divisions, the last two are
more appreciated by our people than the first. Because of its extreme importance and also because it has not yet been adequately treated, we shall quote the first
division in its entirety.

And there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse, and a Branch shall grow out of his roots:

And the spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and of the fear of the
Lord;

And shall make him of quick understanding in the fear of the Lord: and he shall not judge after the sight of his eyes, neither reprove after the hearing of his ears:

But with righteousness shall he judge the poor, and reprove with equity for the meek of the earth: and he shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the
breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked.

And righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins, and faithfulness the girdle of his reins. (Isaiah 11:1-5)

This section is hard for the average person to understand. Certainly it was necessary for Moroni to explain it to the young Prophet Joseph Smith. The explanation must
have filled Joseph with surprise, because, in part, the prophecy refers directly to him.

The rod (Isa. 11:1) that should come out of the stem of Jesse is none other, in my opinion, than Joseph Smith. The stem of Jesse spoken of is Christ. Isa. 11:2 has
reference to the spirit that should rest upon the Christ, to his wisdom, understanding, knowledge-let us say in general, his character. He is also spoken of as a judge
(Isaiah 11:3-4), who should judge the poor with righteousness and who should, furthermore, smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips
slay the wicked. In this respect, Isaiah, as Moroni would explain to the Prophet, antedated the predictions of Malachi in respect to judgments that should come upon
this earth before, and at, the coming of our Lord in glory. In the judgments that were to be poured out upon the earth, righteousness should be the girdle of Christ's loins
and faithfulness the girdle of his reins (Isa. 11:5).

Now it may be asked by the inquiring reader, How do we know that the explanation just given is correct? We answer that the Lord has not left us without some
statement of the important thoughts expressed in this passage of scripture, and this further confirms our opinion of its importance.

In D&C 113, which is given in the form of questions and answers, we find the following:

Who is the Stem of Jesse spoken of in the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th verses of the 11th chapter of Isaiah?

Verily thus sayeth the Lord: It is Christ.

What is the rod spoken of in the first verse of the 11th chapter of Isaiah, that should come of the Stem of Jesse?

Behold, thus saith the Lord: It is a servant in the hands of Christ, who is partly a descendant of Jesse as well as of Ephraim, or of the house of Joseph, on whom there is
laid much power. (D&C 113:1-4)

It will be noted in these verses that, whereas the stem of Jesse spoken of is mentioned directly as the Christ, the rod spoken of is not identified by name, but a
description is given, and it is left for the reader to discern the meaning. It is to be observed that the "rod" is an individual who is to serve in the hands of Christ and on
whom much power is laid. We believe, as indicated above, that this servant is the Prophet Joseph Smith. The point is made much more certain by Doctrine and
Covenants 113:5-6, which refer to Isa. 11:10:

What is the root of Jesse spoken of in the 10th verse of the 11th chapter?

Behold, thus saith the Lord, it is a descendant of Jesse, as well as of Joseph, unto whom rightly belongs the priesthood, and the keys of the kingdom, for an ensign, and
for the gathering of my people in the last days.

If we read all of these verses carefully, it will be noted that the rod spoken of in Isa. 11:1 is the same as the root of Jesse spoken of in Isa. 11:10. Let us ask ourselves
the question, Who in this last dispensation rightly held the priesthood and the keys of the kingdom for an ensign and for the gathering of Israel in the last days? Can
there be any question but that this individual who is partly a descendant of Jesse as well as of Ephraim better describes the person of the Prophet Joseph Smith than any
other? It is quite natural for us to suppose that the Prophet Joseph would not mention his own name directly in D&C 113:4, 6. To our mind it seems strange that these
important facts have not been widely expounded in the Church. The Old Testament abounds in great nuggets of wisdom and knowledge that deserve more attention on
the part of our people.

The second section of Isa. 11 has become famous because it has typified through the ages that golden era lying in the future, in which all men and the brute creation will
be at peace. It gives in beautiful poetic form an epitome of the state of the earth during the Millennial era, when contention and strife will be done away with, and when
man will learn to arbitrate his differences and to wage war no more. In explaining this section to Joseph Smith, Moroni would of course repeat some things that he had
said before, and point out that the work of the Church and of its elders should be directed to preparing the way for that ideal period when, under the leadership of the
Christ, men will govern themselves and bring about the Lord's purposes on the earth. When that golden era comes, we can imagine Moroni saying, "Revelations from
the Lord will make the earth as full of his knowledge as the waters cover the sea."

In this day of war and bloodshed, it is comforting to us as Latter-day Saints to know that Moroni explained and affirmed Isaiah's prediction, impossible as it seems of
fulfillment at the present time.

In Isa. 11:10, as already pointed out, "the root of Jesse," which is none other than Joseph Smith, was to be an ensign to the righteous people of the world. Him should
the Gentiles seek out. We can appreciate the book of Isaiah all the more when it is realized that the mission of the great prophet of the latter days was foreseen in vision
at least seven hundred years before the coming of Christ in the flesh.

The third section, Isaiah 11:11-16, deals with a subject that was once more widely taught in the Church than at present. It concerns the gathering of Israel. This section
has reference to the second gathering of Israel; the first having taken place in the days of Moses, who was the last prophet to hold the keys of gathering. Moroni would
naturally point out to the Prophet Joseph Smith that Israel must be gathered again in order to be rightly taught, in order that the missionaries might be sent into the
world, and also for the purpose of doing temple work. The part that Moses would play in restoring the keys of gathering would also be discussed. Without the
gathering, it would be practically impossible for the Lord to carry on his work.
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It may be of interest to Bible students to note the peculiar way in which Isaiah speaks of the gathering of Israel. He points out that Israel should be gathered "from
Assyria, and from Egypt, and from Pathros, and from Cush, and from Elam, and from Shinar, and from Hamath, and from the islands of the sea" (Isa. 11:11). This
statement has left many of our people in a state of bewilderment because, as they point out, Israel in general has not come from the countries mentioned by Isaiah, but
has reference to the second gathering of Israel; the first having taken place in the days of Moses, who was the last prophet to hold the keys of gathering. Moroni would
naturally point out to the Prophet Joseph Smith that Israel must be gathered again in order to be rightly taught, in order that the missionaries might be sent into the
world, and also for the purpose of doing temple work. The part that Moses would play in restoring the keys of gathering would also be discussed. Without the
gathering, it would be practically impossible for the Lord to carry on his work.

It may be of interest to Bible students to note the peculiar way in which Isaiah speaks of the gathering of Israel. He points out that Israel should be gathered "from
Assyria, and from Egypt, and from Pathros, and from Cush, and from Elam, and from Shinar, and from Hamath, and from the islands of the sea" (Isa. 11:11). This
statement has left many of our people in a state of bewilderment because, as they point out, Israel in general has not come from the countries mentioned by Isaiah, but
from England, Scotland, Wales, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and other European countries, as well as from the United States and the islands of the sea. But let us
suppose that Isaiah had mentioned these latter countries, would it have meant more to his people? They did not know the complete geography of the world, and such
names would have been meaningless to them, whereas the names that Isaiah gave were well known, and the idea could quite as well be conveyed by the use of them,
as by means of modern geographical names.

It is important to remember in the study of prophecy that very often-in fact nearly always-a prophet speaks in terms that will be readily understood by the people of his
own day. Therefore, the countries mentioned by Isaiah are symbolic of the countries of the latter days from which Israel was, or will be, gathered.

We can say that Moroni summarized for the Prophet Joseph Smith the main teachings of this chapter, which deal with the personal mission of Joseph Smith; the
character and work of Jesus Christ, whose advent was to be in the near future; and with the restoration of the keys of the gathering of Israel, which should prepare the
way for the great millennial era, when Christ will reign over the earth as King of Kings and Lord of Lords.

   The reader may at first be tempted to say that this verse refers to Joseph Smith. However, a careful reading of what follows, especially Isa. 11:4, will show such an
interpretation to be impossible, since judgment belongs to Christ.

Joel

The third Old Testament scripture quoted by Moroni to the Prophet Joseph Smith was part of the book of Joel. The Prophet makes the following statement about it:
"He [Moroni] also quoted the second chapter of Joel, from the twenty-eighth verse to the last. He also said that this was not yet fulfilled, but was soon to be." These
verses read as follows:

And it shall come to pass afterward, that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh; and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams,
your young men shall see visions:

And also upon the servants and upon the handmaids in those days will I pour out my spirit.

And I will shew wonders in the heavens and in the earth, blood, and fire, and pillars of smoke.

The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood, before the great and the terrible day of the Lord come.

And it shall come to pass, that whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be delivered: for in mount Zion and in Jerusalem shall be deliverance, as the Lord hath
said, and in the remnant whom the Lord shall call. (Joel 2:28-32)

It is an interesting fact that in the Hebrew Bible the verses quoted by Moroni form a separate chapter by themselves, as the book of Joel is there divided into four
chapters, rather than three, as in the King James Version. Moroni's statement to the Prophet that these verses were not yet fulfilled is of more than passing interest to
us, because they were also quoted by Peter on the day of Pentecost to the multitude round about, and interpreted in terms of the unusual situation confronting him.
Referring to the speaking in tongues that took place then, Peter said, "But this is that which was spoken by the prophet Joel" (Acts 2:16). We are at a loss to
understand whether Peter meant Joel's prophecy was fulfilled on that occasion, or whether the situation was similar to that spoken of by Joel. If Peter actually meant
that Joel's prophecy was fulfilled on the day of Pentecost, we shall have to differ with him because Moroni, the divine Messenger, expressly declared to the Prophet
Joseph Smith that "this was not yet fulfilled, but was soon to be" (Joseph Smith-History 1:41).

It has always been surprising to me that after one hundred and ten [one hundred and sixty-five] years of Church history, our people have made few, if any, serious
attempts to expound the book of Joel and determine its full meaning. It stands to reason that the prophecy must be of great importance, or Moroni would not have
quoted parts of it to the young prophet.

I believe that the gist or general meaning of the prophecy can easily be determined by reason of Moroni's words to Joseph. Let us postulate eight points with respect to
the prophecy and discuss them.

1. In general, the book of Joel refers to the events that are to take place prior to the second advent of our Lord and to the peaceful condition of Israel thereafter.

2. The locust plague and other events mentioned in Joel 1 represent general destruction and mourning on the earth prior to "the day of the Lord" mentioned in Joel 1:15.

3. Joel 2:1-11. Further judgments. Note the reference to the "day of the Lord is great and very terrible" in Joel 2:11.

4. Joel 2:12-17. This constitutes a plea to the Lord's people for repentance and reform.

5. Joel 2:17-27. The Lord is to take pity on his people and bless them.

6. Joel 2:28-32. These verses, which were quoted by Moroni, indicate that great signs and wonders are to be given preceding the "great and terrible day of the Lord"
mentioned in Joel 2:31. They also indicate that great spiritual blessings are to be given to the Lord's people in that day. We can assume that a great part of this scripture
yet awaits fulfillment.

7. Joel 3:1-15, 19. Israel is to be gathered and retribution is to come upon her enemies by the judgments of God.

8. Joel 3:16-18, 20-21. The blessed state of Israel's redeemed.

I am of the firm opinion that most of the book of Joel has reference to the latter days and has little or nothing to do with events of Joel's own day, as so many scholars
have assumed. In order to grasp the full spirit of the book, it is necessary to read it many times and ponder over it-that is the best way to acquire a testimony of its
importance and to understand why Moroni used it in teaching the Prophet Joseph Smith the part he was to play in the world. It should be remembered that Joel was a
 Copyright
Hebrew    and(c)
              that2005-2009,
                   one ought toInfobase   Media
                                 find in his     Corp.idioms and allusions peculiar to his own day, even when he was referring to the future. Thus in Joel
                                             prophecy                                                                                                   Page     380 / 919
                                                                                                                                                             1, and
particularly Joel 1:4, an allusion is made to a locust plague. Most scholars assume that it has reference to an event in the land of Palestine of Joel's day, because that
land is ravaged periodically by the locusts. If the reader is interested, he should obtain a copy of the National Geographic Magazine for December 1915. There Mr.
I am of the firm opinion that most of the book of Joel has reference to the latter days and has little or nothing to do with events of Joel's own day, as so many scholars
have assumed. In order to grasp the full spirit of the book, it is necessary to read it many times and ponder over it-that is the best way to acquire a testimony of its
importance and to understand why Moroni used it in teaching the Prophet Joseph Smith the part he was to play in the world. It should be remembered that Joel was a
Hebrew and that one ought to find in his prophecy idioms and allusions peculiar to his own day, even when he was referring to the future. Thus in Joel 1, and
particularly Joel 1:4, an allusion is made to a locust plague. Most scholars assume that it has reference to an event in the land of Palestine of Joel's day, because that
land is ravaged periodically by the locusts. If the reader is interested, he should obtain a copy of the National Geographic Magazine for December 1915. There Mr.
John D. Whiting gives a very vivid description of Jerusalem's locust plague of that year. Other plagues are known to have overtaken portions of Palestine also in the
years 1845, 1892, 1899, and 1904. In view of these facts, it is quite natural for scholars to give a literal interpretation of Joel's prophecy in the sense that it had
reference to Joel's own people and time. The reader will notice allusions also to "priests," to "the new wine," "the oil," "the virgin girded with sackcloth," etc.

However, in our opinion, such allusions are to be expected, even when a prophet is referring to events that are to occur in other lands, and to a time far removed from
his own. As pointed out in the previous section, a prophet almost always speaks in terms of events and customs of his own day to describe events that belong to the
future. In general this must be so, because he is a part of his own times. In light of this, I would ask the reader to go carefully over Joel 1 and note the unusual severity
of the great destructions and difficulties that are spoken of there. Surely these do not refer to events that took place in Joel's day (note especially Joel 1:18-20).
Furthermore, we call the reader's attention to Joel 1:15 where it speaks of "the day of the Lord" which should come as "a destruction from the Almighty." This
expression must refer to the same event as "the terrible day of the Lord" mentioned in Joel 2:31, as quoted to Joseph Smith by Moroni. Since this day had not yet
come, as Moroni indicated to the Prophet, is it not reasonable to suppose that it has reference to the second advent of our Lord which is even yet future?

That this interpretation is correct is made doubly sure by the fact that in discussing Mal. 3, Moroni made clear to the Prophet Joseph Smith that the expression "who
may abide the day of his coming?" had reference to the coming of our Lord in power and great glory. Consequently, we can do no other than conclude that Joel 1 also
has reference to the great destructions that are to take place prior to our Lord's coming.

A careful examination of Joel 2:1-27 will reveal again the same mournful note and message of alarm that is indicated in Joel 1. Note Joel's pleas (Joel 2:12-17) for the
repentance of God's people at that future day, for the "day of the Lord is great and very terrible; and who can abide it?" (Joel 2:11). It will also be noted (Joel 2:17-27)
that if the Lord's people will repent,

the floors shall be full of wheat, and the fats [vats] shall overflow with wine and oil.

And [he] will restore to you the years that the locusts hath eaten, the cankerworm, and the caterpiller, and the palmerworm, my great army which I sent among you.

And ye shall eat in plenty, and be satisfied, and praise the name of the Lord your god that hath dealt wondrously with you: and my people shall never be ashamed. (Joel
2:24-26)

All of these things were doubtless explained by Moroni to his young listener, and one can easily see, in the light of the interpretation given, the place and importance of
the book of Joel to our people. It is interesting to note the allusion made by the Prophet Joseph Smith to the prophecy of Joel:

But behold, I say unto you that before this great day [the second advent of Christ] shall come the sun shall be darkened, and the moon shall be turned into blood, and
the stars shall fall from heaven, and there shall be greater signs in heaven above and in the earth beneath. (D&C 29:14)

Note also Doctrine and Covenants 29:15-21 and the following:

And it shall come to pass that he that feareth me shall be looking forth for the great day of the Lord to come, even for the signs of the coming of the Son of Man.

And they shall see signs and wonders, for they shall be shown forth in the heavens above, and in the earth beneath.

And they shall behold blood, and fire, and vapors of smoke.

And before the day of the Lord shall come, the sun shall be darkened, and the moon be turned into blood, and the stars fall from heaven.

And the remnant shall be gathered unto this place;

And then they shall look for me, and, behold, I will come; and they shall see me in the clouds of heaven, clothed with power and great glory, with the holy angels; and
he that watches not for me shall be cut off. (D&C 45:39-44)

It will also be instructive to read Doctrine and Covenants 43:24-39. These references in the Doctrine and Covenants, so it seems to us, further affirm the interpretations
so far given of the book of Joel.

The third and last chapter of the prophecy makes reference to the latter days when Israel is to be gathered. Reference is also made to the Gentile nations who shall be
judged because they have scattered Israel and "parted my land and have cast lots for my people" (Joel 3:2-3). Retribution shall come upon all of Israel's enemies and
the judgments of the Lord will aid in the redemption of his people. Then, in similar vein to Isaiah 11:6-10, shall come a time of peace and rejoicing and prosperity when
"the mountains shall drop down new wine, and the hills shall flow with milk, and all the rivers of Judah shall flow with waters, and a fountain shall come forth of the
house of the Lord" (Joel 3:18), and Judah is to "dwell forever," and Jerusalem from "generation to generation" (Joel 3:20).

Let us summarize by saying that the book of Joel, much like the other Old Testament prophecies quoted by Moroni, has reference to coming judgments upon the
nations, to the blessings that are to come to the Lord's people if they will repent, to the signs and wonders that are to be shown in the earth and in the heavens, to the
glorious advent of our Lord, and to the blessed state of Israel thereafter. As a people, we ought to appreciate more fully this Old Testament prophecy at the present
time, because the signs seem to point to the fact that the Lord's hand is upon the nations, and, unless they repent, the inevitable end is near.

  See above, pages 269-74.

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Sidney B. Sperry

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"The Mission of Moses: Out of Bondage." Ensign 4 (October 1973): 30-35.

"Modern Translations of the Bible." Instructor 80 (February 1945): 70-73. Millennial Star 108 (April 1946): 109-11.

"Moroni Expounds Old Testament Scriptures." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4/1 (Spring 1995): 269-85.

"Moroni the Lonely: The Story of the Writing of the Title-Page to the Book of Mormon." Improvement Era 47 (February 1944): 83, 116, 118. Reprinted in
Improvement Era 73 (November 1970): 110-11.

"New Light on the Great Apostasy." Improvement Era 53 (September 1950): 710-11, 744, 746-51.

"A Note on Psalm 8:4-6." Ensign 2 (February 1972): 21.

"The Old Testament in Retrospect." Instructor 79 (November 1944): 525-27.

The Old Testament Prophets. Salt Lake City: Deseret Sunday School Union, 1965.

Our Book of Mormon . Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1947; 1950.

1. An Epic Story of Moroni
2. The Urim and Thummim
3. Language and Script of the Book of Mormon
4-6. What the Book of Mormon Is
7. The Book of Mormon as Literature
8. Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon: "The American Gospel"
9. Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon: Epistles, Psalms, Lamentations
10. Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon: Historical Narrative,
Memoir, Prophetic Discourse, Oratory
11. Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon: Patriarchal Blessings,
Symbolic Prophecy, Prophetic Narrative, Prophetic Dialogue
12. Types of Literature in the Book of Mormon: Allegories, Prayers,
Songs, Genealogies
13. The Book of Mormon and the Problem of the Pentateuch
14. The "Isaiah Problem" in the Book of Mormon
15. The Book of Mormon and the Problem of the Sermon on the Mount
16. Literary Problems in the Book of Mormon involving 1 Corinthians
12, 13 and Other New Testament Books
17. The Church among Book of Mormon Peoples
18. The Concept of God in the Book of Mormon
19. Personal Religion and Brotherhood in the Book of Mormon
20. The Teaching Concerning Death and the Hereafter in the Book of Mormon
21. Some Universals in the Book of Mormon

"Our Debt to Moses." Instructor 79 (February 1944): 69-70.

Paul's Life and Letters. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1955; 1968.

"Paul's Whole-Souled Devotion." Instructor 95 (May 1960): 146-47.

"Prepared for the Course on Doctrine and Covenants." YMMIA, Lion House, February 1949. 8 pages.
 Copyright
"The       (c) of
     Problem   2005-2009,    Infobase
                  Job." Instructor      Media
                                   79 (June   Corp.
                                            1944): 279-82.                                                                                 Page 384 / 919

"The Problem of the 'Rod' and the 'Root of Jesse' in Isa. 11." Improvement Era 69 (October 1966): 868-69, 914-17.
"Paul's Whole-Souled Devotion." Instructor 95 (May 1960): 146-47.

"Prepared for the Course on Doctrine and Covenants." YMMIA, Lion House, February 1949. 8 pages.

"The Problem of Job." Instructor 79 (June 1944): 279-82.

"The Problem of the 'Rod' and the 'Root of Jesse' in Isa. 11." Improvement Era 69 (October 1966): 868-69, 914-17.

Problems of the Book of Mormon . Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1964. Revised and published as Answers to Book of Mormon Questions. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft,
1967.

"The Prophet Habakkuk." Instructor 79 (September 1944): 431-33.

"The Psalms-A Method of Studying Them." Instructor 79 (May 1944): 227-30.

Review of Joseph Smith's Revision of the Bible, by Robert J. Matthews. BYU Studies 10 (Summer 1970): 496-98.

Review of The Third Thousand Years, by W. Cleon Skousen. BYU Studies 6 (1964-65): 189.

The Romance of the Book of Mormon, by Josiah E. Hickman, edited by Sidney B. Sperry. Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1937.

"Sacred Scripture-How Preserved and Handed Down." Instructor 87 (November 1952): 332, 335.

"Scholars and Prophets." Dialogue 2 (Spring 1967): 74-85.

"The Scholia of Bar Hebraeus to the Books of Kings." Ph.D. thesis. University of Chicago, 1931.

"The Sensational Discovery of the Jerusalem Scrolls." Improvement Era 52 (October 1949): 636-37, 675-76.

"Solomon the Wise." Instructor 79 (April 1944): 173-75.

"Some Problems of Interest Relating to the Brass Plates." Improvement Era 54 (September 1951): 638-39, 670-71.

"Some Thoughts Concerning Ancient Temples and Their Functions." Improvement Era 58 (November 1955): 814-16, 826-27. Reprinted as "Ancient Temples and
Their Functions." Ensign 2 (January 1972): 67-72.

"Some Universals in the Book of Mormon." Improvement Era 49 (April 1946): 712-13, 240, 242.

The Spirit of the Old Testament. Salt Lake City: LDS Department of Education, 1940; 2nd ed., revised and enlarged. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1980.

"The Story of Research on the Pearl of Great Price." Pearl of Great Price Conference. Provo: Extension Publications, 1960.

"The Teachings of Hosea." Instructor 79 (August 1944): 386-87, 394.

Teaching the Gospel to the Jewish People, with Eldin Ricks, Daniel H. Ludlow, and Ellis Rasmussen. Mimeographed manual with a cover letter, addressed to the
Church Missionary Committee, 18 March 1960.

"The Text of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon." M.A. thesis. University of Chicago Divinity School, 1926.

Themes of the Restored Gospel: A Series of Gospel Discourses as Contained in the Sermons and the Articles of Sidney B. Sperry. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1950.

"The Three Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of the King James Version of the Bible." Improvement Era 64 (July 1961): 498-99, 546-50.

"Three Outstanding Messages of the Book of Mormon to This Generation." Millennial Star 113 (September 1951): 202-3, 222; (October 1951): 225-27, 239, 245;
(November 1951): 256-58, 265.

The Voice of Israel's Prophets: A Latter-day Saint Interpretation of the Major and Minor Prophets of the Old Testament. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1952; 1965.

"Were There Two Cumorahs?" (Religion 622 handout, 31 March 1964); cf. 447-51 of Compendium. In Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4/1 (Spring 1995): 260-
68.

"What Is the Meaning of Urim and Thummin? And How Did the Instrument Function?" Improvement Era 43 (November 1940): 657, 690, 692-93.

Book of Mormon Studies Fall 1995
Foundation for Ancient Research & Mormon Studies
Provo, Utah

To Our Readers:

The Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormons Studies (FARMS) encourages and supports research about the Book of Mormon, Another Testament of Jesus
Christ, and other ancient scriptures.

FARMS is a nonprofit educational foundation, independent of all other organizations. Its main research interests include ancient history, language, literature, culture,
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interesting questions about the scriptures.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                       Page 385 / 919
It is hoped that this information will help all interested people to "come unto Christ" (Jacob 1:7) and to understand and take more seriously these ancient witnesses of
the atonement of Jesus Christ, the Son of God.
FARMS is a nonprofit educational foundation, independent of all other organizations. Its main research interests include ancient history, language, literature, culture,
geography, politics, and law relevant to the scriptures. Although such subjects are of secondary importance when compared with the spiritual and eternal messages of
the scriptures, solid research and academic perspectives alone can supply certain kinds of useful information, even if only tentatively, concerning many significant and
interesting questions about the scriptures.

It is hoped that this information will help all interested people to "come unto Christ" (Jacob 1:7) and to understand and take more seriously these ancient witnesses of
the atonement of Jesus Christ, the Son of God.

The Journal of Book of Mormon Studies is dedicated to the serious and faithful study of the text of the Book of Mormon and its historical, cultural, and theological
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Criteria for Identifying and Evaluating the Presence of Chiasmus

John W. Welch

Abstract: This article defines fifteen criteria one can use to measure the strength or weakness of a proposed chiastic pattern in a given text. The need for rigor in such
studies depends primarily on how the results of the proposed structural analyses will be used. Ultimately, analysts may not know with certainty whether an author
created inverted parallel structures intentionally or not; but by examining a text from various angles, one may assess the likelihood that an author consciously employed
chiasmus to achieve specific literary purposes.

In recent decades, numerous passages in the Bible and elsewhere have been analyzed by commentators who find those texts to be chiastic. Some of the suggested
inverted structures are convincing and illuminating; others seem quite marginal. Some texts are strongly and precisely chiastic, while in other cases it may only be
possible to speak of a general presence of balance or framing. From these studies it is apparent that all possible chiasms were not created equal and that in order to be
clear in discussing chiasmus it is necessary for commentators to recognize that "degrees of chiasticity" exist from one text to the next.

Some attempts have been made in the past to define chiasmus. Lund, for example, proposes seven "laws" of chiastic structures: (1) the center is always the turning
point, (2) a change in the trend of thought or antithetical idea is often introduced at the center, (3) identical ideas are often distributed in the extremes and at the center
of the system and nowhere else in the system, (4) ideas will shift in many cases from the center of one system to the extremes of a corresponding system, (5) certain
terms definitely tend to gravitate toward particular positions in a given system, (6) larger units are frequently introduced by frame-passages, and (7) chiastic and
alternating lines frequently occur within a single unit. Obviously, Lund's "laws" are more descriptive than they are definitive; they describe features that are common to
many chiastic passages, but they start from the assumption that the passages are recognizably chiastic. Furthermore, Lund's "laws" are riddled with subjective words
like "often," "frequently," and "many," leaving unfinished the task of identifying the factors that are characteristic of strongly chiastic texts or that describe the point at
which it is appropriate to denominate a passage as chiastic. Accordingly, this paper proposes a set of criteria a person may use to evaluate the degree to which
chiasmus is present in a given passage.

The need for criteria to identify chiasms was addressed in the book Chiasmus in Antiquity. There I explained how the identification of chiastic passages involves both
objective and subjective criteria. Objectively, the reader must be able to identify significant, balanced repetitions in an inverted parallel order with a focus or shift at the
center.

If any aspect of chiastic analysis is to produce rigorous and verifiable results, the inverted parallel orders, which create the chiasms upon which that analysis is based,
must be evidenced in the text itself and not imposed upon the text by Procrustean design or artifice of the reader.

Defining literary units and determining their beginning and end, however, often involve subjective judgment, as does deciding which terms form significant matches in the
two portions. Passages may vary in the strength of their chiastic structure, for chiasmus lends itself to a variety of applications and arrangements. Analysts must be
cautious, for "where the inversion is less than perfect,ï¿½the analysis becomes much more complex and, depending to a large extent on what is to be proved thereby,
may become controversial."

It is hoped that further thinking about criteria for identifying the presence of chiasmus will assist scholarly analysis and exegesis of scripture in several ways. First, it
should promote meaningful discussion about texts. A burden of persuasion rests on any person describing a passage as chiastic. It is not sufficient merely to affix the
label "chiastic." Applying this term to a given passage must be justifiable; it should be possible for a listener to discern whether a commentator has used the term
properly or improperly, aptly or inaptly. Factors discussed below give a framework upon which such a judgment may be made. Second, this effort to identify criteria
should assist in evaluating the degree of a proposed chiasm. Whether one passage is more or less chiastic than another can be judged most securely on the basis of
specific criteria. The following fifteen factors form a basis on which the degree of chiasticity in a given passage may be assessed. Third, known criteria should assist in
appraising and appreciating the noteworthy characteristics of a text. Although evaluating any work of art is to some degree subjective, it is usually possible to describe,
for example, what allows one to judge a Rembrandt better than a Van Holt. Likewise, whether a composition is chiastically praiseworthy, elegant, intricate, meaningful,
or significant must not be merely a matter of one observer's predilection but something that should be communicable through careful observation and articulate
description.
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It is clear that texts can manifest varying degrees of chiasticity. Some passages are short, and their reverse parallel order is obvious and noncontroversial. For example,
Isa. 9:21 reads: "(a) Manasseh, (b) Ephraim; and (b') Ephraim, (a') Manasseh; they together shall be against Judah." Gen. 1:27 reads: "(a) God created man (b) in his
appraising and appreciating the noteworthy characteristics of a text. Although evaluating any work of art is to some degree subjective, it is usually possible to describe,
for example, what allows one to judge a Rembrandt better than a Van Holt. Likewise, whether a composition is chiastically praiseworthy, elegant, intricate, meaningful,
or significant must not be merely a matter of one observer's predilection but something that should be communicable through careful observation and articulate
description.

It is clear that texts can manifest varying degrees of chiasticity. Some passages are short, and their reverse parallel order is obvious and noncontroversial. For example,
Isa. 9:21 reads: "(a) Manasseh, (b) Ephraim; and (b') Ephraim, (a') Manasseh; they together shall be against Judah." Gen. 1:27 reads: "(a) God created man (b) in his
own image; (b') in the image of God (a') created he him." The order of the Hebrew words in Gen. 9:6 is: "(a) Whoso sheddeth (b) the blood (c) of a man, (c') by man
(b') his blood (a') shall be shed." The inverted order of the words in these passages can be observed and verified objectively and concretely. In other instances,
chiasmus can also be concretely created out of linguistic features, as in poetic strophes that have chiastically varying numbers of syllables, or where words appear in an
order such that their cases (nominative-accusative accusative-nominative) or genders (masculine-feminine feminine-masculine) occur in an inverted sequence. In such
cases, it may be debated what significance (if any) these arrangements may have, and whether they were intentionally created or are merely accidental, but it is usually
not hard to agree that the arrangement exists.

The degree of certainty about the presence of chiasmus in a text usually varies in inverse proportion to the total length of the text. In other words, the more spread out
the proposed chiasm, the less certain the fact of its chiasticity becomes, except in remarkable circumstances. Hence, the more extended the proposed chiasm, the
greater will be the need for multiple corroborating factors before the passage can be meaningfully described as chiastic. Not every occurrence of repetition, balance,
inclusion, or symmetry will amount to something that should be called chiastic; otherwise one might purport to find chiasmus in a telephone directory.

Criteria

Several factors need to be addressed before one can establish the presence of chiasmus in a given text. The more of these criteria that are significantly present in a
particular case, the higher will be its degree of chiasticity. For an illustration of the application of these criteria to a specific text, readers may wish to consult the paper
entitled "Chiasmus in Alma 36" and a shortened version of that paper in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon.

1. Objectivity. To what degree is the proposed pattern clearly evident in the text? If the process of identifying chiasmus is to produce verifiable results, the inverted
parallel orders must be objectively evident. If a proposed chiasm consists of elements that are objectively observable in the text, rather than depending on distant
parallels or clever linkages that require imaginative commentary to explain, it is more likely that the chiastic character of the text is strong and less likely that the reader
has imposed an arrangement upon the text which he or she alone has brought to it. The more evident an arrangement, the greater the degree of chiasticity. Alma 36
manifests a very high degree of objectivity, for it features 26 key words or phrases that are identical or nearly identical in both the first and second halves. At one point
in Alma 36:20 the comparison between two elements is explicitly drawn.

2. Purpose. Is there an identifiable literary reason why the author might have employed chiasmus in this text? Chiasmus is useful for several purposes, such as
concentrating attention on the main point of a passage by placing it at the central turning point, drawing meaningful contrasts, aiding in memorization, or emphasizing the
feeling of closure upon the conclusion of a lengthy repetition. Chiastic structures can enhance the sense of a passage in ways that extend beyond the molecular meaning
of individual words and phrases. It is more plausible to assert that chiasmus exists in a passage when an author appears to have intentionally put it there for a stylistic
purpose. The likelihood of such intent on the part of the author should be assessed as it relates to the ideas and characteristics of the text itself. Thus, in Leviticus 24:13-
23, the style of chiasmus lends itself formally to the substantive content of talionic justice. Likewise, in Alma 36, no better literary device can be imagined to convey the
sense of conversion-the complete reversal of spiritual attitudes and behavior-than does chiasmus; its turning point is purposefully focused on the sacred name of "Jesus
Christ, a Son of God," which appears twice at the center of the structure.

3. Boundaries. A chiasm is stronger if it operates across a literary unit as a whole and not only upon fragments or sections which overlap or cut across significant
organizational lines intrinsic to the text. These bounded units may be short, or they may comprise a full psalm or longer pericope. That is, in determining whether a
passage in the Psalms is chiastic, one should consider the parts of the psalm as a whole. To the extent that the proposed structure crosses over natural barriers,
unnaturally chops sentences in half, or falls short of discernible boundaries in the text as a whole, the more dubious the suggested chiasm becomes. A strong example of
clear boundaries is found in Helaman 6:7-13, a remarkable chiasm that encompasses the entire report for the 64th year of the reign of judges.

4. Competition with Other Forms. Chiasmus is more dominant in a passage when it is the only structuring device employed there. Chiasmus becomes less significant to
the extent that a competing literary device or explanation of the arrangement of the words or thoughts more readily accounts for an apparently chiastic placement of
elements. For example, "Hickory, Dickory, Dock" cannot be considered strongly chiastic because it is primarily a limerick.

5. Length. The longer the proposed chiasm, the higher its degree of chiasticity. In other words, a chiasm composed of six words introduced in one order and then
repeated in the opposite order is more extensively chiastic than a structure composed of three repeated words. Having a large number of proposed elements, however,
is not alone very significant, for all the elements must bear their own weight. An extended chiasm is probably not much stronger than its weakest links.

6. Density. How many words are there between the dominant elements? The more compact the proposed structure, or the fewer irrelevancies between its elements, the
higher the degree of chiasticity. Tightness in the text is indicative of greater craftsmanship, rigor, focus, intention, and clarity. In assessing the density of a passage, all
significant words and phrases appearing in the system must be considered. What is disregarded or omitted is often just as important as what is included. Thus, if a
proposed chiasm involves only a few terms spread out over a long text, it has a low density. Thus, for example, proposed chiasms covering the entire books of 1
Nephi, Mosiah, or certain biblical books are less dense than the tight pattern found in Hel. 6:10 or Genesis 7:21-23.

7. Dominance. A convincing analysis must account for and embrace the dominant nouns, verbs, and distinctive phrases in the text. Conversely, a weak construction
relies upon relatively insubstantial or common words and ideas in the text. Accordingly, powerful chiastic structures revolve around major incidents, unique phrases, or
focal words, as distinguished from insignificant or dispensable parts of speech. The more significant the elements in relation to the message of the text, the greater the
degree of chiasticity. In the case of Alma 36, virtually all of the words that figure into the chiastic pattern are dominant words in the account; they completely convey the
essence of Alma's story.

8. Mavericks. A chiasm loses potency when key elements in the system appear extraneously outside the proposed structure. The analyst is open to the charge of
selectively picking and choosing among the occurrences of this element if some of its occurrences in the text are arbitrarily ignored. What is omitted from an analysis is
often just as indicative as what is included when one turns to evaluating the creative success and conceptual value of a proposed chiasm. Again, to use Alma 36 by
way of illustration, only three words appear in this chapter outside of their respective sections in the chiastic structure.

9. Reduplication. If the same word or element appears over and over within the system, the likelihood is greater that some other kind of repetition (including random
repetition) is predominant in the passage instead of chiasmus. Reduplication is not a problem in Alma 36-this chapter contains 201 words that appear only once or
twice; 58 words appear three, four, or five times; and only 42 words appear more than five times, usually in balanced sections or in close proximity to each other.

10. Centrality. The crux of a chiasm is generally its central turning point. Without a well-defined centerpiece or distinct crossing effect, there is little reason for seeing
 CopyrightInverting
chiasmus.   (c) 2005-2009,    Infobase
                     is the essence     Media Corp.
                                    of chiasmus, so the clearer the reversal at the center point, the stronger the chiasticity of the passage. The talionicPage
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                                                                                                                                                                    stands
squarely at the physical and conceptual center of Leviticus 24:13-23. Similarly, nothing could be more central to the dramatic message of Alma 36 than its well-defined
centerpiece in verses 17-19, whose key terms are
twice; 58 words appear three, four, or five times; and only 42 words appear more than five times, usually in balanced sections or in close proximity to each other.

10. Centrality. The crux of a chiasm is generally its central turning point. Without a well-defined centerpiece or distinct crossing effect, there is little reason for seeing
chiasmus. Inverting is the essence of chiasmus, so the clearer the reversal at the center point, the stronger the chiasticity of the passage. The talionic formula stands
squarely at the physical and conceptual center of Leviticus 24:13-23. Similarly, nothing could be more central to the dramatic message of Alma 36 than its well-defined
centerpiece in verses 17-19, whose key terms are

Harrowed up
I remembered
Jesus Christ, a son of God
Jesus Christ, thou son of God
I remembered
Harrowed up no more.

11. Balance. How balanced is the proposed chiasm? Ideally, the elements on both sides of the proposed focal point should be nearly equal, in terms of number of
words, lines, or elements. It reduces clarity and focus when the two halves of a purportedly chiastic passage are not balanced. Models of balance appear in King
Benjamin's speech, where the chiasm in Mosiah 3:18-19 stands almost exactly at the center of the speech. In Alma 36, 52 percent of the words appear before the
turning point, and 48 percent appear afterwards.

12. Climax. A strong chiasm will emphasize the central element of the passage as its focal climax. Where the concept at the center is not weighty enough to support the
concentrated attention of the reader and to bear the author's paramount intention, the chiastic force of the passage is less than the case in which the idea at the center is
an important one.

13. Return. A chiasm is more complete where its beginning and end combine to create a strong sense of return and completion. Second in importance to the central
crossing effect in a lengthy chiasm is the way the chiasm begins and ends. The overall structure becomes more apparent when the boundaries are clearly defined and
where the passage begins and ends similarly. Thus the journey into Alma's conversion explains how it is that he knows that one will be blessed and delivered by keeping
the commandments of God, and accordingly one can see why Alma's words (Alma 36:1) can be equated with God's words (Alma 36:30) as the story returns in the
end to its point of departure.

14. Compatibility. The chiasticity of a passage is greater when it works comfortably and consistently together with the overall style of the author. Chiasm is more likely
to be meaningfully present if its author used chiasmus or related forms of parallelism on other occasions as well. If a proposed chiastic word order is an isolated
phenomenon in the writings of an author, there is a greater chance that the occurrence in question was simply accidental. Accordingly, the fact that Alma makes
remarkable use of chiasmus in Alma 41:13-15 enhances even further the degree of chiasticity in Alma 36.

15. Aesthetics. Finally, there is room for subjective appreciation. Computers alone cannot identify chiasmus. Since human readers must judge an author's artistic
success, further factors become relevant in assessing a passage's degree of chiasticity, such as the author's fluency with the form; consistency in sustaining the structure,
balance, and harmony; pliability at the turning point (which yet does not draw undue attention to itself); and meaningful applications of the form that do not resort to
subtleties so obscure as to be esoteric or awkward.

Rigor

How rigorous should one be in determining whether the foregoing criteria have been satisfied in a given text? The factors mentioned above indicate the types of
questions that need to be asked in identifying and evaluating a proposed complex chiasm. In assessing the results one obtains by asking and answering these questions,
a text critic will need to apply qualitative and quantitative standards.

How high a degree of chiasticity should be demanded before one can comfortably describe a passage as chiastic depends primarily on how the results of the analysis
are to be used. If the interpreter only wishes to identify a general sense of orderliness or balance about the text, a fairly low level of chiasticity will support such an
observation. If, however, the researcher intends to use the analysis for more specific purposes (for example, to interpret the precise meaning of a given word by
contrasting it with a counterpart in the chiastic structure, or to compare the style of one author with that of another), the analysis must be more rigorous. The bolder the
implications to be drawn, the greater the support the analysis needs.

The Intentional Fallacy

An issue closely related to the question of chiasticity is intentionality. Although one should not fall into the trap of the "intentional fallacy" (that just because a pattern is
discernible in a text the author must have intentionally put it there), neither should one assume the opposite extreme, that no chiasms were intentionally created. What
factors determine whether an author can be adjudged to have consciously (or subconsciously) created the asserted pattern? How intentional does chiasmus have to be?
Can these complex patterns (occasionally proposed as embracing entire books of scripture) occur by accident?

It seems reasonable to believe that occurrences of simple chiasmus (like simple instances of alliteration, rhyme, or other obvious literary effects) are consciously created
in many cases. But such inversions can also occur out of habit or convention, subliminally, subconsciously, and even inadvertently. Certainly many such simple effects
occur in literature written by authors who do not know the technical term for the phenomenon.

When more complex chiastic arrangements are involved, it becomes increasingly difficult to know whether the author was aware he was creating or using the form.
Nevertheless, the foregoing criteria can assist in establishing a presumption of intent. Moreover, we need not demand a showing of premeditation in order to conclude
that the effect was "intentional." The following points seem relevant in discussing intentionality:

1. Degree of chiasticity. The higher the degree of chiasticity, the greater the likelihood that the chiastic structure was created intentionally. Factors such as length,
purpose, and compatibility are particularly probative or persuasive when considering intentionality. Thus on some occasions the degree and precision of chiastic
repetition will be high enough in the works of a given author or in a particular body of literature that it becomes highly likely that the author was aware of its creation.
For example, it is plausible to believe that Homer and the Homeric bards were aware of the structure involved when Odysseus in the underworld asked the shade of his
mother Anticleia seven things about how she died and how things were at his home in Ithaca, and then how she responded by addressing each of these seven in exactly
the reverse order. The length of this inverted text is exceptional; the apparent purpose of the repetition is to aid in oral recitation; indeed, it is common in epic
literature for commands to be given in one order and for them to be carried out in the opposite order. In other words, the discernible degree of intentionality may relate
to the degree of chiasticity discussed above. The stronger the degree of chiasticity in a passage, the greater the likelihood that the author was aware of it and intended it.

By analyzing proposed chiasms thoroughly and from a number of angles, one can assess the likelihood that an author consciously employed chiasmus in a given case to
achieve  a specific purpose. Nevertheless, one can rarely speak with absolute certitude in this area, since few writers ever produce commentaries on their own works.
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Moreover, there will probably be some circularity in one's analysis here, for some of the factors used to determine the degree of chiasticity presume    Page
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                                                                                                                                                                         of
intentionality (e.g., purpose), yet those factors will then be relied upon in answering the question of whether the structure was intentionally created. Thus intentionality
cannot be proved directly in terms of degree of chiasticity alone.
to the degree of chiasticity discussed above. The stronger the degree of chiasticity in a passage, the greater the likelihood that the author was aware of it and intended it.

By analyzing proposed chiasms thoroughly and from a number of angles, one can assess the likelihood that an author consciously employed chiasmus in a given case to
achieve a specific purpose. Nevertheless, one can rarely speak with absolute certitude in this area, since few writers ever produce commentaries on their own works.
Moreover, there will probably be some circularity in one's analysis here, for some of the factors used to determine the degree of chiasticity presume some degree of
intentionality (e.g., purpose), yet those factors will then be relied upon in answering the question of whether the structure was intentionally created. Thus intentionality
cannot be proved directly in terms of degree of chiasticity alone.

2. The idea of intentionality. In asking whether complex chiastic patterns can occur by "accident," one may be asking the wrong question or working with an erroneous
model of "artistic consciousness," for the question of artistic intent is not an either/or proposition. An author may have intended a passage-more or less-to be chiastic.
One must turn, therefore, to a broader model of the artistic process to discern in part how complex literary results can be created "intentionally," yet without blueprints,
charts, or handbooks. Consider, for example, the improvisation of New Orleans Dixieland musicians. They ad lib, usually 8 or 16 measures at a time. While their music
is spontaneous and "unconscious" (they are not reading music and have not sat down to figure out in advance what they are going to play), their complex rhythms,
melodies, and chord progressions are nevertheless discernibly regular, structured, and organized. One would not call their music "accidental." Nor would one call it
strictly "intentional." It fits, however, into a pattern, style, or convention that has become so natural with the jazz musician that the music just comes out that way. An old
banjo player, when asked around 1850 if he could read music, innocently replied: "Can I read notes?ï¿½There are no notes to a banjo. You just play it."

In a literary context, some poets and authors working within a literary tradition may likewise create complex artistic effects without being conscious of every facet of
their compositions. Many people, notably children, regularly employ complex rules of syntax and language without "knowing" what they are doing. T. S. Elliot was once
asked by a ladies' literary group in Oxford to explain what one of his poems meant. As many poets would have responded, he replied that he had no idea what the
poem meant, explaining that it did not mean anything except in the minds of his listeners and readers. Yet his poetry is by no means meaningless, formless, or random.

In much the same way, while the degree of chiasticity in some chiasms may be strong enough to claim that they were expressly designed and implemented, one must
expect that other chiastic patterns discovered by textual exegetes were not methodically crafted by the author to conform mechanically to some rigorously prescribed
template. That does not, however, mean that the form was "unintentional" or "accidental"-the question of intentionality is not a black-and-white matter. Instead, it may
be possible that some chiasms emerged out of the broader expressiveness of an author. Like the notes that sound good to the jazz musician who is deeply conditioned
in certain cultural patterns, the words felt right coming out that way, given the conventions and structure of the author's language and literary culture. As rhythm and
blues are at home with certain musicians, parallelism and chiasm were more a part of some languages and literatures than of others, as careful listening and reading will
reveal.

3. The eye of the beholder. Finally, it is possible in some cases to conclude that a proposed chiasm exists exclusively in the eye of the beholder. If no claim of author
intent can be mounted in a given text, this should be acknowledged, but should not preclude a careful observer from still appreciating the way in which an underlying
orderliness or pattern happens to enhance the elegance and artistic achievement of the composition. If this is all that can be said of a particular textual phenomenon,
however, it will change the way in which the literary analysis of the passage should be presented, what the analysis can claim for itself, and what conclusions or
implications it will support.

In conclusion, I hope that the foregoing discussion will stimulate further thought and careful literary analysis of texts. Most aesthetic forms of literature and art do not
lend themselves easily to formulaic definition or complete description, and the chiastic form is no exception. Thus it is not imagined that these proposed criteria will
convert the study of chiasmus into a science. Nevertheless, it is surely possible for those who are interested in identifying and discussing scriptural instances of chiasmus
to be clearer about their subject. Many proposed chiasms are impressive and interesting; others appear to be contrived or unremarkable. Textual analysts should be
able to examine such instances of chiasmus and select among those that are better or worse, and then articulate reasons why they think some are better constructed or
manifest a higher degree of intentionality than others. In my experience, chiastic passages manifest varying degrees of chiasticity. The criteria set forth in this paper are
the main factors I consider in appraising the strength of one proposed example of chiasmus vis-ï¿½-vis another. Having advanced these criteria informally for comment
in 1989, I now circulate these ideas more widely for further refinement and possible use.

  A convenient listing of several hundred books and articles recognizing and employing chiasmus as a tool of literary criticism is found in John W. Welch, "Chiasmus
Bibliography" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1987).

   See Nils Lund, Chiasmus in the New Testament (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1942), 40-41; see further the introduction in John W. Welch, Chiasmus
in Antiquity (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1981), and John W. Welch, "A Study Relating Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon to Chiasmus in the Old Testament, Ugaritic
Epics, Homer, and Selected Greek and Latin Authors" (master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1970), 6-17, proposing definitions that would allow critics to
distinguish between simple, compound, and complex chiasmus; see also D. J. Clark, "Criteria for Identifying Chiasm," Linguistica Biblica 35 (1975): 63-72.

  Welch, Chiasmus in Antiquity, 13.

  Ibid., 14.

   John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in Alma 36" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1989), and John W. Welch, "A Masterpiece: Alma 36," in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon ,
ed. John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1991), 129-30.

  As in many of the Proverbs and the cryptic sayings of Jesus; for example, Prov. 1:25;2:2, 4;3:10;10:4;13:24;23:15-16; Matt. 10:39;19:30;23:12.

  Nils Lund, "Chiasmus in the Psalms," American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 49 (1933): 281-312.

  Along this same line, Yehuda Radday has developed statistical formulas for measuring the extent to which the order of words in a passage deviate from the ideal
chiastic order. See his essay "Chiasmus in Hebrew Narrative," in Welch, Chiasmus in Antiquity, 50-115.

   Nils Lund, Chiasmus in the New Testament, 41, asserts this as the first and foremost law of chiasmus: "The centre is always the turning point. At the centre there is
often a change in the trend of thought and an antithetic idea is introduced." In meetings of the Hebrew Poetry Group of the Society of Biblical Literature in the 1980s,
others have also suggested that the extremes may be as important as, if not more significant, than the center of a chiasm. I find Lund persuasive on this point, but even
he ranked the extremes second only to the center in importance.

  Odyssey XI, 170-203, discussed in Welch, "Chiasmus in Greek and Latin Literature," in Welch, Chiasmus in Antiquity, 253-54.

  Pete Seeger, How to Play the Five-String Banjo, 3rd ed. (Beacon, NY: Seeger, 1962), back cover.

Poetic
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Kevin L. Barney
  Pete Seeger, How to Play the Five-String Banjo, 3rd ed. (Beacon, NY: Seeger, 1962), back cover.

Poetic Diction and Parallel Word Pairs in the Book of Mormon

Kevin L. Barney

Abstract: Hebrew poetry is based on various patterns of parallelism. Parallel lines are in turn created by the use of parallel words, that is, pairs of words bearing
generally synonymous or antithetic meanings. Since the 1930s, scholars have come to realize that many of these "word pairs" were used repeatedly in a formulaic
fashion as the basic building blocks of different parallel lines. The Book of Mormon reflects numerous parallel structures, including synonymous parallelism, antithetic
parallelism, and chiasmus. As word pairs are a function of parallelism, the presence of such parallel structures in the Book of Mormon suggests the possible presence of
word pairs within those structures. This article catalogs the use of forty word pairs that occur in parallel collocations both in the Book of Mormon and in Hebrew
poetry.

Background

Since the mid-eighteenth century, the operative principle of Hebraic poetry has been understood to be the phenomenon known as "parallelism" (parallelismus
membrorum). The most famous definition of parallelism is that of Robert Lowth:

The correspondence of one verse or line with another, I call parallelism, when a proposition is delivered, and a second is subjoined to it, or drawn under it, equivalent,
or contrasted with it in sense, or similar to it in the form of grammatical construction, these I call parallel lines; and the words or phrases answering one to another in the
corresponding lines, parallel terms.

So, in Ps. 2:1, for example, which reads "Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing?" the words and the people imagine a vain thing echo the words
why do the heathen rage. This parallelism can be seen more clearly by dividing the verse into lines, as follows:

Why do the heathen rage,
and the people imagine a vain thing?

In this couplet, heathen and people are "parallel terms" as described by Lowth, as are the verb rage and the phrase imagine a vain thing. Lowth's discovery of
parallelism was a profound insight into the nature of Hebraic poetry, which was but little improved upon over the next century and a half as scholars concentrated their
efforts on identifying various subtypes of parallel lines and trying to identify metrical patterns in the poetry.

In the 1930s, two discoveries were to lead to a significant refinement of our understanding of parallelism and return the attention of scholars to the importance of
parallel terms. The first of these was the discovery of the Ras Shamra tablets in 1929. These tablets contain myths and legends dating to the second millennium B.C. ,
written in Ugaritic, a Canaanite dialect with close affinities to biblical Hebrew. As scholars began to study these texts carefully, they observed that the parallelism of the
Ugaritic poetry was often based on parallel terms that also existed in Hebrew poetry. For instance, compare Ps. 50:20:

Thou sittest and speakest against thy brother;
thou slanderest thine own mother's son.

with this couplet from a Ugaritic poem:

And lo, (as) a brother of Sea Baal is given
As a retribution for the destroyed sons of my
mother.

Scholars began to compile lists of pairs of words that repeat in parallel constructions in both Hebrew and Ugaritic literature. Mitchell Dahood devoted considerable
effort to identifying such word pairs and published an extensive catalog setting forth the results of his research. Scholars have also begun to focus on (1) word pairs
that are common to Hebrew and other cognate languages, such as Akkadian, Aramaic, and Phoenician, and (2) word pairs that exist in Hebrew without known
parallels in cognate languages.

Why do some word pairs repeat in Semitic poetry? A possible answer was suggested by the second discovery of interest from the 1930s, for it was then that Milman
Parry and his student Albert Lord were able to demonstrate that the repeating epithets, phrases, and lines in the Homeric epics were formulas that aided in the rapid
composition of the poetry. To illustrate, consider the Iliad III, 67-75:

Now though, if you wish me to fight it out and do
battle
make the rest of the Trojans sit down, and all the
Achaians,
and set me in the middle with Menelaos the warlike
to fight together for the sake of Helen and all her
possessions.
That one of us who wins and is proved stronger, let him
take the possessions fairly and the woman, and lead her
homeward.
But the rest of you, having cut your oaths of faith and
friendship
dwell, you in Troy where the soil is rich, while those
others return home
to horse-pasturing Argos, and Achaia the land of fair
women.

Although the italicized words are not strictly necessary to the minimum meaning of the passage, they are metrically necessary to fill out the requirements of the meter in
which the poetry was composed (dactylic hexameter). These words are found in other passages in Homer in the same position in the poetic line and serving the same
function. The poet had at his disposal a large stock of such words or phrases, which made possible the rapid oral composition of the poetry.
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Comparativists have applied Parry's and Lord's work both to medieval epic and Semitic poetry. Hebrew poetry is not based on meter in the same sense as
Homeric epic, but rather on patterns of parallelism. Nevertheless, the essential idea of formulaic repetition remains instructive. As Lowth perceived, parallel lines are
created by the use of subunits (words and phrases) that are themselves parallel. In the ancient Near East a traditional stock of parallel word pairs appears to have
Although the italicized words are not strictly necessary to the minimum meaning of the passage, they are metrically necessary to fill out the requirements of the meter in
which the poetry was composed (dactylic hexameter). These words are found in other passages in Homer in the same position in the poetic line and serving the same
function. The poet had at his disposal a large stock of such words or phrases, which made possible the rapid oral composition of the poetry.

Comparativists have applied Parry's and Lord's work both to medieval epic and Semitic poetry. Hebrew poetry is not based on meter in the same sense as
Homeric epic, but rather on patterns of parallelism. Nevertheless, the essential idea of formulaic repetition remains instructive. As Lowth perceived, parallel lines are
created by the use of subunits (words and phrases) that are themselves parallel. In the ancient Near East a traditional stock of parallel word pairs appears to have
existed, which the poet could use as the foundation for different parallel lines. Rather than composing every couplet completely from scratch, by beginning with an
appropriate word pair the poet would already have at hand the skeletal structure for a parallel expression; it would then be much easier to flesh out the basic idea into
full parallel lines. For instance, note how the same word pair, earth//world (ï¿½erets//tebel), forms the foundation for different parallel lines in the following examples:

The earth is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof;
the world, and they that dwell therein. (Ps. 24:1)

for the pillars of the earth are the Lord's,
and he hath set the world upon them. (1 Sam. 2:8)

Who hath given him a charge over the earth?
or who hath disposed the whole world? (Job 34:13)

Their line is gone out through all the earth,
and their words to the end of the world. (Ps. 19:4)

Let all the earth fear the Lord:
let all the inhabitants of the world stand in awe of him. (Ps. 33:8)

A the lightnings lightened
B the world;
B the earth
A trembled and shook. (Ps. 77:18)

Although each of these passages is unique and conveys its own message, we can easily see how the poet began his composition              in each case with the synonymous
pair of words earth and world, which had a traditional association together in ancient Hebrew poetry.

Scholars have used this new understanding of the formulaic nature of repeating word pairs in textual criticism, exegesis, lexicography, and other aspects of critical
analysis. For instance, Gevirtz observed that in 2 Sam. 1:22,

From the blood of the slain (chalalim),
from the fat of the mighty (gibborim),

slain does not really fit the context, and the pair is found nowhere else in the Old Testament. On the other hand, the word pair valiant//mighty (chayil//gibbor) does
occur frequently, valiant fits the context better, and chayil (valiant) is orthographically close to chalal (slain). Therefore, Gevirtz suggests that the passage originally
read:

From the blood of the valiant (chayilim),
from the fat of the mighty (gibborim).

This verse may have been corrupted by scribal assimilation to verse 19, where slain (chalal) occurs in the same verse with the word mighty (gibborim), but in parallel
with the word fallen (naphlu).

   This is the contribution for which Bishop Robert Lowth is best remembered; see his De Sacra Poesi Hebraeorum Praelectiones Academicae (Oxford, 1753). An
English translation first appeared in 1787 by George Gregory as Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews (London, 1787). Although Lowth was the first to
articulate the phenomenon of parallelism for the benefit of the western scholarly world, others, such as Azariah de Rossi, Ibn Ezra, and Menahem ben Saruch had
commented on parallel forms before Lowth. See Hans Kosmala, "Form and Structure in Ancient Hebrew Poetry (A New Approach)," Vetus Testamentum 14/3
(1964): 425; Robert Gordis, Poets, Prophets and Sages: Essays in Biblical Interpretation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971), 63; and James Barr,
Comparative Philology and the Text of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), 62.

   Robert Lowth, Isaiah, A New Translation with a Preliminary Dissertation and Notes, Critical, Philological and Explanatory (London: Nichols, 1778), ix. Note that
this classic formulation does not adequately describe the modern understanding of parallelism, on which see James L. Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetry: Parallelism
and Its History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), 1-58.

  For an excellent review of the literature of the period, see David Noel Freedman's Prolegomenon to the 1972 edition of George B. Gray, The Forms of Hebrew
Poetry (1915; reprint New York: Ktav, 1972).

  See Umberto Cassuto, "The Seven Wives of King Keret," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 119 (1950): 18. The text is from Cyrus H.
Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook, Analecta Orientalia 38 (1965): 49 VI:10-11 (hereafter UT). The enumeration of Andree Herdner, Corpus des Tablettes en
Cunï¿½iformes Alphabï¿½tiques (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1963) is 6 VI:10-11 (hereafter CTA). The translation is from Cyrus H. Gordon, Ugaritic Literature
(Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1949), 48. The Hebrew ï¿½ach//ben ï¿½em also occurs in Gen. 27:29, 43:29; Deut. 13:6; Judg. 8:19; and Ps. 69:8; the
Ugaritic ach//bn um may also be found in UT, 49 VI:14-15 and Krt:8-9 (CTA, 6 VI:14-15 and 14 I:8-9).

   H. L. Ginsberg and Benjamin Maisler, "Semitized Hurrians in Syria and Palestine," Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 14 (1934): 248 n. 15; H. L. Ginsberg,
"The Victory of the Land-God over the Sea God," Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 15 (1935): 327, and "Rebellion and Death of Ba'lu," Orientalia 5 (1936):
171-72; Umberto Cassuto, "Parallel Words in Hebrew and Ugaritic" (in Hebrew), Leshonenu 15 (1947): 97-102, translated by Israel Abrahams in Biblical and
Oriental Studies II: Bible and Ancient Oriental Texts (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1975), 60-68; and Umberto Cassuto, The Goddess Anath (in Hebrew) (Jerusalem:
The Bialik Institute, 1951), translated by Israel Abrahams (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1971), 19-41; Moshe Held, "More Parallel Word Pairs in the Bible and in the
Ugaritic Documents" (in Hebrew), Leshonenu 18 (1953): 144-60; Robert G. Boling, "Synonymous Parallelism in the Psalms," Journal of Semitic Studies 5 (1960):
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221-25; Stanley Gevirtz, "The Ugaritic Parallel to Jer. 8:23," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 20 (1961): 41-46, and Stanley Gevirtz, Patterns in the Early391  / 919
                                                                                                                                                           Poetry of
Israel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963); Wilfred G. E. Watson, "Fixed Pairs in Ugaritic and Isaiah," Vetus Testamentum 22 (1972): 460-68, "Reversed
Word-Pairs in Ugaritic Poetry," Ugarit- Forschungen 13 (1981): 189-92, and "Ugarit and the Old Testament: Further Parallels," Orientalia 45 (1976): 434-42; and
171-72; Umberto Cassuto, "Parallel Words in Hebrew and Ugaritic" (in Hebrew), Leshonenu 15 (1947): 97-102, translated by Israel Abrahams in Biblical and
Oriental Studies II: Bible and Ancient Oriental Texts (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1975), 60-68; and Umberto Cassuto, The Goddess Anath (in Hebrew) (Jerusalem:
The Bialik Institute, 1951), translated by Israel Abrahams (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1971), 19-41; Moshe Held, "More Parallel Word Pairs in the Bible and in the
Ugaritic Documents" (in Hebrew), Leshonenu 18 (1953): 144-60; Robert G. Boling, "Synonymous Parallelism in the Psalms," Journal of Semitic Studies 5 (1960):
221-25; Stanley Gevirtz, "The Ugaritic Parallel to Jer. 8:23," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 20 (1961): 41-46, and Stanley Gevirtz, Patterns in the Early Poetry of
Israel (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963); Wilfred G. E. Watson, "Fixed Pairs in Ugaritic and Isaiah," Vetus Testamentum 22 (1972): 460-68, "Reversed
Word-Pairs in Ugaritic Poetry," Ugarit- Forschungen 13 (1981): 189-92, and "Ugarit and the Old Testament: Further Parallels," Orientalia 45 (1976): 434-42; and
Yitshak Avishur, Stylistic Studies of Word-Pairs in Biblical and Ancient Semitic Languages (Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker, 1984).

   Mitchell Dahood, "Ugaritic-Hebrew Parallel Pairs," in Ras Shamra Parallels (hereafter RSP I ), ed. Loren R. Fisher, Analecta Orientalia 49 (Rome: Pontificium
Institutum Biblicum, 1972), continued in Ras Shamra Parallels II (hereafter RSP II ), ed. Loren R. Fisher, Analecta Orientalia 50 (Rome: Pontificium Institutum
Biblicum, 1975), and in Ras Shamra Parallels III (hereafter RSP III ), ed. S. Rummel, Analecta Orientalia 51 (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1981). See also
Mitchell Dahood, Psalms I (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966); Psalms II (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1968); Psalms III (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1970),
445-56; and "Additional Pairs of Parallel Words in the Psalter," in Wort, Lied und Gottespruch: Festschrift fï¿½r Joseph Ziegler, ed. Josef Schreiner (Wï¿½rzburg:
Echter Verlag, Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1972), 35-40. For reviews of Dahood's work, see Peter C. Craigie, "A Note on 'Fixed Pairs' in Ugaritic and Early Hebrew
Poetry," Journal of Theological Studies 22 (1971): 140-43, and "The Problem of Parallel Word-Pairs in Ugaritic and Hebrew Poetry," Semitics 5 (1977): 48-58;
Samuel E. Loewenstamm, "Ugarit and the Bible, I," Biblica 56 (1975): 103-19, and "Ugarit and the Bible, II," Biblica 59 (1978): 100-22; and Johannes C. de Moor
and P. van der Lugt, "The Spectre of Pan-Ugaritism," Bibliotheca Orientalis 31 (1974): 3-26. It was intended that all of Dahood's work in this area was to be collated
in one comprehensive volume, taking into account the suggestions of other scholars (see Rummel's introduction to RSP III , xiii); with Dahood's untimely passing in
1982, it is now uncertain whether such a volume will be produced.

   A project has been undertaken in Jerusalem to provide complete lists of all word pairs in Hebrew, Ugaritic, Akkadian, and Aramaic. Although our knowledge of
word pairs that are common to both Hebrew and Ugaritic is fairly well developed, the study of word pairs in Hebrew itself and in other Northwest Semitic languages
remains in its infancy. The project is briefly described in W. R. Watters, Formula Criticism and the Poetry of the Old Testament, Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fï¿½r die
alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 138 (1976): 27, and Wilfred G. E. Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry: A Guide to Its Techniques, Journal for the Study of the Old
Testament, Supplement Series 26 (1984): 129-30. For Phoenician word pairs, see Yitshak Avishur, "Word-Pairs Common to Phoenician and Biblical Hebrew,"
Ugarit-Forschungen 7 (1975): 13-47.

   Watters, Formula Criticism (which is limited to an analysis of Isaiah, Job, Lamentations, and Ruth); Perry B. Yoder, "A-B Pairs and Oral Composition in Hebrew
Poetry," Vetus Testamentum 21 (1971): 470-89; Yitshak Avishur, "Pairs of Synonymous Words in the Construct State (and in Appositional Hendiadys) in Biblical
Hebrew," Semitics 2 (1971-72): 17-81; Peter C. Craigie, "Parallel Word-Pairs in the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5)," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 20
(March 1977): 15-22; Walter Brueggemann, "A Neglected Sapiental Word-Pair," Zeitschrift fï¿½r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 89 (1977): 234-58, and "Of the
Same Flesh and Bone (Gn 2,25a)," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 32 (1970): 532-42; Michael L. Barre, "The Formulaic Pair Twb (W)hsd in the Psalter," Zeitschrift fï¿½r
die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 98/1 (1986): 100-105; N. Tidwell, "A Road and a Way: A Contribution to the Study of Word-Pairs," Semitics 7 (1980): 50-80;
and Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry, 128-44, and Traditional Techniques in Classical Hebrew Verse, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series
170 (1994): 262-312.

  Milman Parry's work has been brought together and edited by his son, Adam Parry, as The Making of Homeric Verse: The Collected Papers of Milman Parry
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1971). The best single source on oral poetic composition is Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (1954; reprint, New York: Atheneum, 1978).

  The translation is from Richmond Lattimore, trans., The Iliad of Homer (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1951), 37, as is the essence of the accompanying
explanation.

   Lord, Singer of Tales, 198-221; Frances P. Magoun, Jr., "Oral Formulaic Character of Anglo-Saxon Narrative Poetry," Speculum 28 (1953): 446-67; and Robert
P. Creed, "The Making of an Anglo-Saxon Poem," English Literature and History 26 (1959): 445-54, and "The Singer Looks at His Sources," Comparative Literature
14 (1962): 44-52.

   For the idea of repeating word pairs as formulas, see, for example, Gevirtz, Patterns, 3; William Whallon, Formula, Character and Context: Studies in Homeric, Old
English and Old Testament Poetry (Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies, 1969), 151; and Yoder, "A-B Pairs and Oral Composition," 480-89. Robert C.
Culley, Oral Formulaic Language in the Biblical Psalms (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1967), who relied heavily on Parry and Lord, argued that formulaic phrases
transcended word pairs in importance. Repeating phrases do exist in Semitic poetry (see also Antoon Schoors, "Literary Phrases," RSP I , 3-70, and R. E. Whitaker,
"Ugaritic Formulae," in RSP III , 207-19) and, because they are phrases, on the surface they might appear to be the phenomenon more closely related to Homeric
formulas. A proper understanding of the function of both Homeric formulas and word pairs, however, has led most scholars to conclude that word pairs are actually the
more direct analog to Homeric formulas.

   Field studies among peoples who compose poetry based on parallel cola tend to support the formulaic nature of word pairs in composition. See R. Austerlitz, "Ob-
Ugric Metrics," in Folklore Fellows Communications (Helsinki: Suomaklainen Tledeakatemia, 1958), 174; M. B. Emeneau, "The Songs of the Todas," Proceedings of
the American Philosophical Society 77 (1937): 543-60, "Oral Poets of South India-the Todas," American Journal of Folklore 71 (1958): 312-24, and "Style and
Meaning in an Oral Literature," Language 42 (1966): 323-45; P. Aalto, "Word-Pairs in Tokharian and Other Languages," Linguistics 5 (1964): 61-78; Yoder, "A-B
Pairs and Oral Composition," 481-84; Yakov Malkiel, "Studies in Irreversible Binomials," Lingua 8 (1959): 113-60; and R. A. Sayce, "The Style of Montaigne:
Word-Pairs and Word-Groups," Seymour B. Chatman, ed., Literary Style: A Symposium (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), 383-405.

  See also 1 Chr. 16:30; Ps. 89:11, 96:13, 97:4, 98:9; Prov. 8:26; Isa. 18:3, 24:4, 26:9, 26:18; Jer. 10:12, 25:26, 51:15; Lam. 4:12; and Nahum 1:5.

  It does not necessarily follow from the analogy to Homeric formulas that poetry reflecting repeating word pairs was orally composed. Word pairs could as readily
have served as aids to literate composition. On this topic, see Watters, Formula Criticism, 48-59, and Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry, 66-86.

   For an illustration of relevance to Book of Mormon studies, see Bruce M. Pritchett, Jr., "Lehi's Theology of the Fall in Its Preexilic/Exilic Context," Journal of Book
of Mormon Studies 3/2 (Fall 1994): 59-60.

  Gevirtz, Patterns, 88-90.

  For example, Isa. 5:22, Jer. 48:14, and Nahum 2:3.

  For illustrations of situations where an appreciation of the parallelism has foreclosed conjectural emendation, see Dahood, RSP I , 78-79.

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If the Book of Mormon had as a part of its origin the writings of a Hebrew-speaking people from preexilic Jerusalem, we might expect to find examples of word pairs
within its pages. For although the Book of Mormon is predominantly a prose work, it does contain passages that may be classified as poetry, as well as
  For example, Isa. 5:22, Jer. 48:14, and Nahum 2:3.

  For illustrations of situations where an appreciation of the parallelism has foreclosed conjectural emendation, see Dahood, RSP I , 78-79.

Book of Mormon Application

If the Book of Mormon had as a part of its origin the writings of a Hebrew-speaking people from preexilic Jerusalem, we might expect to find examples of word pairs
within its pages. For although the Book of Mormon is predominantly a prose work, it does contain passages that may be classified as poetry, as well as
numerous isolated instances of parallelism of various types. The Book of Mormon also contains many instances of chiasmus (a form of inverted parallelism), and
although chiasmus often is formed by the repetition of the same word or phrase in a parallel collocation, chiastic structures also make use of word pairs for this
purpose (as the quotation of Ps. 77:18 above demonstrates). The presence of parallel structures in the Book of Mormon thus offers us an opportunity to examine
whether the diction embedded in those structures is consistent with what we have learned about traditional word pairs in ancient Near Eastern literature.

At the conclusion of this article there follows a catalog of some forty word pairs that exist in parallel collocations in the Book of Mormon. The catalog is arranged
alphabetically by the first word in the pair, and each pair is numbered for convenience of reference. In each case, Book of Mormon occurrences are given first, then
Hebrew occurrences of the same word pair are given, following the KJV translation. In both the Book of Mormon and the Hebrew examples the line division is my
own, but I have occasionally followed Parry, Book of Mormon Text Reformatted, in the case of Book of Mormon passages, and The Oxford Annotated Bible-
Revised Standard Version in the case of Old Testament passages. Where applicable, Ugaritic or other examples follow; except where otherwise noted, the
translation is derived from Gordon, Ugaritic Literature. In some instances, a brief comment follows. General bibliographical information is included in the footnotes.

Three possible explanations for the existence of word pairs in the Book of Mormon are offered, none of which in any single instance is necessarily exclusive of the other
two in other instances. The first possible explanation is mere coincidence. Word pairs by their nature tend to be rough synonyms or antonyms; therefore, word pairs
are the type of words that might naturally be found together and may occasionally recur in parallel lines simply by chance.       The more frequent the number of
recurrences of a specific word pair, however, the less likely that the association of the two words in the pair is mere coincidence; and the more extensive the
phenomenon generally in a literature, the less likely that chance is the cause. In my view, coincidence is an inadequate explanation for all of the examples set forth in the
appended catalog.

The second possible explanation is that the word pairs in the Book of Mormon are indeed authentic Semitic word pairs, but that they were derived indirectly by being
coopted from the English of the KJV. This could have happened either intentionally or subconsciously. An intentional re-creation of authentic word pairs would require
Joseph to have recognized word-pair patterns in the Old Testament and to have reused them intentionally in composing the Book of Mormon. Although a perusal of the
appended catalog might lead one to think that the existence of repeating word pairs in the Old Testament is obvious, like so many great discoveries the existence of
such word pairs is obvious only in hindsight. As scholars did not recognize the phenomenon of repeating word pairs until more than 100 years following the publication
of the Book of Mormon, it seems unlikely that Joseph consciously perceived word pairs in the KJV Old Testament and then used them in his composition of the Book
of Mormon.

A more likely possibility is that Joseph subconsciously re-created the word-pair phenomenon in the Book of Mormon based on his familiarity with the English of the
KJV. To the extent that this explanation may be correct, it would be truly remarkable. It must be remembered that the word pairs in the appended catalog are in
parallel collocations; that is, they are in different lines in a parallel structure, bearing relationships to their surrounding words sufficient to show that they are meant to
stand in a parallel relation to each other. Therefore, in most cases, it would not be possible simply to copy the word pairs from the KJV text; rather Joseph would have
had to re-create the word-pair phenomenon by extracting the pair from its original context and setting it in new surroundings. This, of course, is essentially what the
Hebrew prophets themselves did in composing their poetry in the first place, but the Hebrew prophets were a part of the ancient Near Eastern poetic tradition that
knew of these lexical pairs and used them in composition, whereas Joseph was not. If this were the correct explanation, and Semitic word pairs could be re-created by
a person in a time, language, and place far removed from the original tradition, then it would surely be a matter worthy of discussion in the secular literature on ancient
Near Eastern word pairs.

The third explanation is that the Book of Mormon is what it claims to be-an ancient text with roots in seventh-century B.C. Jerusalem. Word pairs exist in the Book of
Mormon because Lehi and his family were direct participants in the oral and literary traditions of that time and place, traditions which, to some extent at least, they
passed on to their descendants. As the Book of Mormon text is extant only in translation and at least one other viable explanation is available for the existence of word
pairs in the Book of Mormon, the presence of word pairs in the Book of Mormon cannot be said to be an absolute authentication of that book's antiquity. Although the
presence of repeating word pairs by itself does not prove antiquity in an absolute sense, their presence within parallel structures is consistent with the view that the
Book of Mormon text is ancient and further augments the persuasive power of such structures as evidence for the antiquity of the Book of Mormon.

If we accept the authenticity of the Book of Mormon and the presence of Semitic word pairs in the text, then various critical applications of word pairs may enhance
our understanding of the Book of Mormon text. As the Book of Mormon text exists only in translation, the usefulness of word pairs as a control for purposes of textual
criticism of the Book of Mormon text itself will perhaps be limited. Because the Book of Mormon text exists only in translation, however, word pairs may serve as a
valuable lexical control on the range of meaning associated with the words in the pair. For instance, the expression fierce anger in Alma 9:12 (see #1 in the appended
catalog) could be a translation of any number of different words, but when understood as a part of the attested word pair anger//fierce anger it likely corresponds to the
range of meaning present in the Hebrew charon ï¿½aph. A few examples of the possible lexical and exegetical utility of word pairs in understanding the text of the
Book of Mormon are noted in the various comments included in the catalog at the conclusion of this article.

The presence of word pairs in the Book of Mormon also suggests numerous avenues for further research; I will suggest three such possibilities here. The first is the
presence of word pairs in "juxtaposition" (a general term referring to words that are adjacent to each other, usually either by virtue of syndetic parataxis or a construct
relationship, either in the same line of a poetic distich or in prose) in the Book of Mormon. Many scholars believe that the traditional association of word pairs in parallel
collocations was also reflected by the common use of such pairs of words in juxtaposition as well. For instance, the verbs bear (yalad) and conceive (harah) are said to
be in a parallel "collocation" (designated symbolically by separating the words with a double virgule, as yalad//harah) when they appear in separate lines in a parallel
relation to one another, as in Job 3:3:

Let the day perish wherein I was born,
and the night in which it was said, There is a man
child conceived.

Those verbs, however, are said to be in juxtaposition when they are adjacent to one another, as in the following examples:

And she conceived again, and bare a son. (Gen. 29:34)

thou shalt conceive, and bear a son. (Judg. 13:3, 5)
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An understanding of the formulaic relationship between words in juxtaposition may be significant for our understanding of the Book of Mormon text. Consider, for
example, 1 Ne. 12:16, which reads as follows:
And she conceived again, and bare a son. (Gen. 29:34)

thou shalt conceive, and bear a son. (Judg. 13:3, 5)

An understanding of the formulaic relationship between words in juxtaposition may be significant for our understanding of the Book of Mormon text. Consider, for
example, 1 Ne. 12:16, which reads as follows:

Behold, the fountain of filthy water which thy father
saw;
yea, even the river of which he spake;
and the depths thereof are the depths of hell.

The English expression depths of hell occurs only once in the KJV Bible, in an obscure passage in Prov. 9:18:

But he knoweth not that the dead are there;
and that her guests are in the depths of hell (ï¿½imqey
sheï¿½ol).

It may be, based on this parallel, that hell in 1 Ne. 12:16 is a direct reference to Sheol. Another possibility, however, is based on the Ugaritic parallel pair
netherworld//depths (arts//thmt), as in the following example from UT, ï¿½nt III:21-22 [CTA, 3 III:21-22]:

A The murmur of the heavens
B to the netherworld (arts)
B Of the deeps (thmt)
A to the stars.

The Ugaritic arts is cognate with the Hebrew ï¿½erets, which is normally translated "earth" or "land" in the KJV. The Hebrew ï¿½erets is clearly used to refer to Sheol
in some Old Testament passages (such as Job 10:21-22, translated there as "land" in the KJV); in other passages that word is used together with tehomoth (depths),
the Hebrew cognate to the Ugaritic thmt, and the parallel to Ugaritic usage may justify us in understanding ï¿½erets as a reference to Sheol, as in the following
examples:

Thou, which hast shewed me great and sore troubles,
shalt quicken me again,
and from the depths of the earth (tehomoth haï¿½arets)
[render "depths of the netherworld"]
shalt bring me up again. (Ps. 71:20)

Praise the Lord from the earth (ï¿½erets) [render "the
netherworld"],
ye dragons, and all deeps (tehomoth). (Ps. 148:7)

The two terms are in a parallel collocation in Ps. 148:7, but in juxtaposition (more precisely, a construct relationship) in Ps. 71:20; in fact, this is the same construct
relationship found in 1 Ne. 12:16. Although speculative, it is possible that the expression depths of hell in the Book of Mormon corresponds to the Hebrew tehomoth
haï¿½arets, as in Ps. 71:20, following the Ugaritic usage.

A second possible area for inquiry is the phenomenon of distant parallelism; that is, the placing of word pairs in collocations more distant than adjacent cola.    For
instance, compare 2 Ne. 4:30:

O Lord, I will praise thee forever;
yea, my soul will rejoice in thee,
my God, and the rock of my salvation

with 2 Ne. 4:35:

therefore I will lift up my voice unto thee;
yea, I will cry unto thee,
my God, the rock of my righteousness.

The last line of each verse reads "my[God[, and] the rock of my X," where in each case rock is in the construct state and X, which equals either salvation or
righteousness, is in the absolute state. The words God and rock are an attested word pair, as are the words salvation and righteousness. Therefore, this would seem
to be a significant collocation of the salvation//righteousness word pair, even though the lines are five verses apart.

Finally, the presence of word pairs in Mesoamerican languages is a topic that should be further investigated. Allen J. Christenson has shown that chiasmus exists in
Mayan texts, and where parallel structures are present, the possibility of word pairs also exists. W. M. Norman has shown that repeating word pairs do exist in the
parallel structure of Quichï¿½ ceremonial speech, as in the case of the pair tree//vine:

It echoes in the forbidden TREE
It echoes in the forbidden VINE

Further examples include path//road, bring//raise, wall//fortress, etc. These ceremonial speeches were delivered by "guides" (kï¿½amal bï¿½eh, literally "bringer of the
road"), who learned their craft by apprenticing with other guides. Part of a guide's preparation was the memorization of the "stock lexical pairs" used in the couplet
structure of the ceremonial rhetoric. Because the Book of Mormon purports to be New World literature, this would seem to be a worthwhile lead for qualified Book of
Mormon scholars to pursue.

  For some time I have felt that an analysis as to whether word pairs exist in the Book of Mormon would provide an interesting test of the Book of Mormon's
authenticity. See Insights, FARMS Newsletter (November 1981): 4. In 1990, I articulated the scholarly discovery of word pairs and suggested their importance for the
Book of Mormon in "Understanding Old Testament Poetry," Ensign (June 1990): 50-54. The word pairs I had privately noted at that time came principally from the
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
song of Nephi in the second half of 2 Ne. 4, which has a high concentration of parallel structures. More recently, in searching for word pairs in thePage
                                                                                                                                                      Book of394 / 919I
                                                                                                                                                              Mormon,
have used two complementary methods. First, I have reviewed portions of a few of the available scholarly lists of word pairs (occasionally converting the scholars'
modern translations of words back into KJV usage by means of Strong's Exhaustive Concordance of the Bible [Nashville: Regal, n.d.]) and then checked the Book of
  For some time I have felt that an analysis as to whether word pairs exist in the Book of Mormon would provide an interesting test of the Book of Mormon's
authenticity. See Insights, FARMS Newsletter (November 1981): 4. In 1990, I articulated the scholarly discovery of word pairs and suggested their importance for the
Book of Mormon in "Understanding Old Testament Poetry," Ensign (June 1990): 50-54. The word pairs I had privately noted at that time came principally from the
song of Nephi in the second half of 2 Ne. 4, which has a high concentration of parallel structures. More recently, in searching for word pairs in the Book of Mormon, I
have used two complementary methods. First, I have reviewed portions of a few of the available scholarly lists of word pairs (occasionally converting the scholars'
modern translations of words back into KJV usage by means of Strong's Exhaustive Concordance of the Bible [Nashville: Regal, n.d.]) and then checked the Book of
Mormon text for parallel collocations of those word pairs. Second, I have reversed that process; that is, I have identified pairs of words that are collocated in parallel
constructions in the Book of Mormon text and checked both word pair lists and the Old Testament text for possible matches. Both methods are exceptionally tedious
and require the exercise of considerable judgment (particularly concerning line division and what constitutes a parallel collocation). Therefore, the catalog of Book of
Mormon word pairs accompanying this article should not be understood as exhaustive, but rather as introductory and illustrative. I assume that other scholars will be
able to add to this list. The development of computer data bases containing the text of the Book of Mormon and the Old Testament has made the identification of word
pairs somewhat easier than it used to be. Watters, Formula Criticism, 148-49, gives an interesting description of his (precomputer) methodology for identifying word
pairs in the Old Testament; suffice it to say that his method involved ample use of both index cards and research assistants.

   The generic distinction between poetry and prose is not always clear in Hebrew literature; it is a commonplace that Hebrew poetry tends to the prosaic, just as
Hebrew prose tends to the poetic. So it is with the Book of Mormon. For a lucid discussion of this issue, see Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetry, 59-95, who argues
that the very categories of poetry and prose are illusory when applied to Hebrew literature. For a more traditional treatment, see Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry,
44-62.

   Richard Dilworth Rust and Donald W. Parry, "Book of Mormon Literature," in Daniel H. Ludlow, ed., Encyclopedia of Mormonism (New York: Macmillan, 1992),
1:181-85; Richard Dilworth Rust, "Book of Mormon Poetry," New Era (March 1983): 46-50; Paul Cracroft, "A Clear Poetic Voice," Ensign (January 1994): 28-31;
Angela Crowell, "Hebrew Poetry in the Book of Mormon," Zarahemla Record 32-33 (1986): 2-9; 34 (1986): 7-12; Donald W. Parry, "Hebrew Literary Patterns in
the Book of Mormon," Ensign (October 1989): 58-61; and Steven P. Sondrup, "The Psalm of Nephi: A Lyric Reading," BYU Studies 21/3 (1981): 357-72.

  Most notably, see Donald W. Parry, The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted according to Parallelistic Patterns (Provo: FARMS, 1992).

   John Welch's discovery of chiasmus in the Book of Mormon is available in various formats; for example, see his "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies
10/1 (1969): 69-84; "A Study Relating Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon to Chiasmus in the Old Testament, Ugaritic Epics, Homer, and Selected Greek and Latin
Authors," M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1970; "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," in John W. Welch, ed., Chiasmus in Antiquity: Structures, Analyses,
Exegesis (Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1981), 198-210; and his "Criteria for Identifying and Evaluating the Presence of Chiasmus," in this issue, pages 1-14. See also his
"Chiasmus Bibliography" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1987).

  On the significance of same word repetition, see Moshe Held, "The YQTL-QTL (QTL-YQTL) Sequence of Identical Verbs in Biblical Hebrew and in Ugaritic," in
Meir Ben-Horin, Bernard D. Weinryb, and Solomon Zeitlin, Studies and Essays in Honor of Abraham A. Neuman (Leiden: Brill, 1962), 281-90; James Muilenburg,
"A Study in Hebrew Rhetoric: Repetition and Style," Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 1 (1953): 99-111; and Dahood, RSP I , 79-80.

  I have excluded Book of Mormon occurrences that are quotations from the KJV Bible.

  Hebrew transliterations have generally been simplified for ease of comparison. Although number and verb stems are reflected, most prefixes and suffixes are not.

   In dividing text into lines, I do not mean to suggest that the text under consideration is necessarily poetic, or that my line division is the only possible or even the best
line division. I have used line division simply to assist the reader in visualizing parallel structures.

  The Oxford Annotated Bible-Revised Standard Version (New York: Oxford, 1962).

  I use the word rough because word pairs are often not, strictly speaking, synonyms or antonyms. While the words Jacob and Israel are synonyms, for example, the
words gold and silver are not; yet gold and silver, though not precisely the same thing, are sufficiently representative of the same class of things (precious metals) that a
couplet based on the word pair gold//silver is easily recognized as being synonymous. Such terms are sometimes referred to as "near-synonyms."

   Some scholars, notably Peter C. Craigie, "A Note on 'Fixed Pairs,'" "The Problem of Parallel Word-Pairs," and "Parallel Word Pairs in Ugaritic Poetry: A Critical
Evaluation of Their Relevance for Ps. 29," Ugaritic Forschungen 11 (1979): 135-40, and Adele Berlin, "Parallel Word Pairs: A Linguistic Explanation," Ugarit-
Forschungen 15 (1983): 7-16, reject the traditional scholarship on word pairs and the revisionist position that word pairs never served a compositional function at all in
creating parallel lines. In this view, repeating word pairs never formed, but rather in every case resulted from, parallel lines, and they exist simply because of restricted
paralleling possibilities in a language with a limited root vocabulary. The fact that some word pairs exist in several different Semitic languages does not indicate a
common compositional tradition, according to this view, but rather is merely a reflection of the universals of human thinking. Berlin believes that repeating word pairs
can be accounted for by general psycholinguistic principles such as those invoked in relation to the psychotherapeutic exercise of free word association. In this, Berlin is
following M. O'Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1980), 96-109. O'Connor identifies seven general linguistic principles that tend to
determine word sequence in dyads (O'Connor's term for pairs of words that can be associated in some way). The most important of these principles he defined as
Panini's Law, to the effect that when other things are equal , the shorter of the two words will come first (a rule which admittedly is of limited applicability to Hebrew, a
language with comparatively little variation in word length). The other six principles similarly reflect issues of euphonious sound. Berlin goes beyond O'Connor,
describing linguistic principles which she believes account for the pairing of words, not just their sequence. As most word pairs are not formulaic, and even those that
became traditional must have had an origin somewhere (and possibly multiple origins in different literatures), the linguistic principles articulated by O'Connor and Berlin
provide a valuable addition to our understanding of word pairs in any event. But while O'Connor cautiously acknowledges Hebrew formularity ("As it is, we can see
that the dyads of Hebrew verse are of the same class of phenomena as formulas in other poetries. They differ in involving much less syntactic complexity and fixity,"
Hebrew Verse Structure, 105), Berlin denies it out of hand ("It is not word pairs that create parallelism. It is parallelism that activates word pairs," in "Parallel Word
Pairs," 16, italics in original). David T. Tsumura, in "A 'Hyponymous' Word Pair: carts and thm(t) in Hebrew and Ugaritic," Biblica 69/2 (1988): 258, restates Berlin's
conclusion as follows: "Thus word pairs can be the result of parallelism but not vice versa." Tsumura's restatement seems to me to represent accurately Berlin's intended
meaning. [For the rest of this footnote, see next pop-up box.]

   I believe that Berlin's rejection of all word-pair formularity is an error deriving fundamentally from an overreaction to three occasional problems present in some of
the earlier traditional scholarly literature. The first problem, and by far the significant, is the rigidity implicit in the early use of the expressions fixed pairs and the widely
repeated metaphor of a poetic dictionary (actually a useful metaphor, if properly understood). Contrary to the assumptions of some early scholars, word pairs may
occur in a reversed sequence (particularly in Hebrew), and any one "A" word is not limited to a single correlative "B" word. Nevertheless, as O'Connor correctly
perceived, such flexibility is not inconsistent with formularity. The second problem is the occasional overpressing of the Parry/Lord analogy in making claims concerning
the orality of individual poems, and the third involves the demonstrable excesses of Dahood's catalogs in the Ras Shamra Parallels series. Although these issues are
properly  subject to clarification and correction, they do not, in my opinion, provide a sufficient basis for the wholesale abandonment of traditional scholarship on word
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
pairs. Admittedly, to some extent this is a chicken-and-egg type of question (that is, do word pairs sometimes form the foundation of parallel lines,Page               395pairs
                                                                                                                                                                 or do word    / 919
always merely result from parallel lines?). But that formularity was present in Hebrew poetry is strongly suggested by the observation of Menahem Haran in "The
Graded Numerical Sequence and the Phenomenon of 'Automatism' in Biblical Poetry," Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 22 (1972): 238-67, that in numerous
occur in a reversed sequence (particularly in Hebrew), and any one "A" word is not limited to a single correlative "B" word. Nevertheless, as O'Connor correctly
perceived, such flexibility is not inconsistent with formularity. The second problem is the occasional overpressing of the Parry/Lord analogy in making claims concerning
the orality of individual poems, and the third involves the demonstrable excesses of Dahood's catalogs in the Ras Shamra Parallels series. Although these issues are
properly subject to clarification and correction, they do not, in my opinion, provide a sufficient basis for the wholesale abandonment of traditional scholarship on word
pairs. Admittedly, to some extent this is a chicken-and-egg type of question (that is, do word pairs sometimes form the foundation of parallel lines, or do word pairs
always merely result from parallel lines?). But that formularity was present in Hebrew poetry is strongly suggested by the observation of Menahem Haran in "The
Graded Numerical Sequence and the Phenomenon of 'Automatism' in Biblical Poetry," Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 22 (1972): 238-67, that in numerous
instances only one of the words in the pair (it could be either the first or the second word) actually fits the context, the other being carried along as an automatic
adornment for purposes of versification. I also believe that the Craigie/Berlin line of revisionism has been influenced by the predominance to date of studies comparing
word pairs in different literatures as compared to the relative paucity of studies focusing on the Hebrew canon. As Wilfred G. E. Watson properly observes in "The
Hebrew Word-Pair csp//qbts," Zeitschrift fï¿½r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 96 (1984): 434; "lastly, and in general, the evidence presented here illustrates the
importance of studying word-pairs which are in the mainstream of ancient Hebrew poetic tradition. It is not enough to examine only those common to Ugaritic,
Phoenician and so forth. Both approaches are valuable-the one complementing the other-but the comparative field has been worked without enough awareness that an
as yet unspecified proportion of word-pairs in unique within classical Hebrew." There are many word pairs that exist only in Hebrew, yet recur so frequently and in
such a fashion that a denial of their formularity would be absurd (the pair Jacob//Israel comes to mind, which recurs dozens of times in Hebrew, but of course does not
recur in any other literature.) A complete discussion of these issues is beyond the scope of this article, but I have nevertheless undertaken this fairly lengthy excursus
here because, if Berlin were correct and there were no formularity to Hebrew word pairs, then, in a sense, at least, all repeating word pairs would be coincidental.

   Although I personally favor the theory that "reformed Egyptian" (Morm. 9:32) originated as Hebrew language transliterated into Egyptian script, that theory is not
essential to the lexical usefulness of word pairs. If the original language of the Book of Mormon were simply Egyptian, I would suggest that the Egyptian word used in
the original text would have been selected in an effort to correspond to the range of meaning present in the Hebrew language and tradition. Egyptian would have been a
second language to Lehi and his family, whose first language was undoubtedly Hebrew.

  The translation is Dahood's; for additional references, see Dahood, RSP I , 127, and Psalms I, 106.

  I have altered the word order of the KJV slightly to follow more closely the Hebrew text.

  Note that ï¿½erets does not mean "netherworld" in every instance in which it appears with tehomoth in Hebrew, because tehomoth is "hyponymous" (as opposed to
synonymous) to ï¿½erets, meaning that ï¿½erets is inclusive of tehomoth. See Tsumura, "A 'Hyponymous' Word Pair," 258-69. Whether the semantic field of ï¿½erets
should be narrowed from "earth" to "netherworld" in connection with tehomoth must be determined from context. This matter is of further relevance to the Book of
Mormon, because "depths of the earth" occurs in 2 Ne. 26:5; 3 Ne. 9:6, 8; and 28:20, and in at least some of these passages (particularly 2 Ne. 26:5) the context
would seem to support an understanding of "earth" as "netherworld."

  See Boling, "Synonymous Parallelism," 122; Dahood, RSP I , 80-81, and RSP III , 6; and Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry, 134-35. This phenomenon is
sometimes referred to as inclusio.

  For God//rock, see Watters, Formula Criticism, 166; for salvation//righteousness, see Watters, Formula Criticism, 178.

   Allen J. Christenson, "Chiasmus in Mayan Texts," Ensign 18 (October 1988): 28-31, and "The Use of Chiasmus by the Ancient Quiche-Maya," Latin American
Literatures Journal 4 (Fall 1988): 125-50.

 W. M. Norman, "Grammatical Parallelism in Quiche Ritual Language," Berkeley Linguistics Society 6 (1980): 378-99. This article is discussed in Wilfred G. E.
Watson, "Problems and Solutions in Hebrew Verse: A Survey of Recent Work," Vetus Testamentum 43/3 (1993): 382.

A Preliminary Catalog of Book of Mormon Word Pairs

1. Anger//Fierce Anger

Book of Mormon

A I will visit them
B in my anger,
B yea, in my fierce anger
A will I visit them. (Mosiah 12:1)

except ye repent I will visit this people in mine anger;
yea, and I will not turn my fierce anger away. (Alma 8:29)

A yea, he will visit you
B in his anger,
B and in his fierce anger
A he will not turn away. (Alma 9:12)

Hebrew (ï¿½aph//charon [ï¿½aph])

Notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the
fierceness of his great wrath (charon ï¿½aph),
wherewith his anger (ï¿½aph) was kindled against Judah
(2 Kgs. 23:26)

Then shall he speak unto them in his wrath (ï¿½aph),
and vex them in his sore displeasure (charon).
(Ps. 2:5)

before the fierce anger (charon ï¿½aph) of the Lord
come upon you,
before the day of the Lord's anger (ï¿½aph) come
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upon you. (Zeph. 2:2)

Comment
before the fierce anger (charon ï¿½aph) of the Lord
come upon you,
before the day of the Lord's anger (ï¿½aph) come
upon you. (Zeph. 2:2)

Comment

This is an illustration of an "augmented" word pair (symbolically, A//AB), which differs from same-word repetition by the addition of a modifier to the repeated element.
   Other illustrations would be desert//holy desert [KJV: wilderness//wilderness of Kadesh](Psalm 29:8), sea//reed sea [KJV: sea//Red sea](Exodus 15:4), and
cedars//cedars of Lebanon (Ps. 29:5). The Hebrew ï¿½aph literally refers to the nose, but usually is used to denote anger (which shows itself in the flaring of nostrils
and hard breathing). The noun charon most literally means "burning," but by extension "anger" or "wrath." The construct expression charon ï¿½aph translated "fierce
anger" in Zeph. 2:2 literally means something like "fury of nostrils" or "fierceness of anger," and is always used of God's anger, as is the case in the Book of Mormon
passages.

2. Blessed//Cursed

Book of Mormon

for if iniquity shall abound cursed shall be the land for
their sakes,
but unto the righteous it shall be blessed forever.
(2 Ne. 1:7)

And how blessed are they who have labored diligently
in his vineyard;
and how cursed are they who shall be cast out into
their own place! (Jacob 6:3)

Hebrew (baruk//ï¿½arur)

cursed (ï¿½arur) be every one that curseth thee,
and blessed (baruk) be he that blesseth thee. (Gen. 27:29)

Blessed (baruk) is he that blesseth thee,
and cursed (ï¿½arur) is he that curseth thee. (Num. 24:9)

A Cursed (ï¿½arur) be
B the day wherein I was born:
B let not the day wherein my mother bare me
A be blessed (baruk). (Jer. 20:14)

Comment

Although I have focused here on the Hebrew passive participles baruk//ï¿½arur, this parallelism occurs with other verb forms as well, both in the Book of Mormon:

yea, he did curse it against them unto their destruction,
and he did bless it unto our fathers unto their
obtaining power over it. (1 Ne. 17:35)

and in the Old Testament, substituting qalal for ï¿½arur:

There is a generation that curseth (yiqallel) their father,
and doth not bless (yibarek) their mother. (Proverbs
30:11 [imperfect piel forms])

This pair is also commonly found with nominal cognates, most notably in connection with the blessing (berakah) set on Mount Gerizim and the cursing (qelalah) set on
Mount Ebal (see Deut. 11:29).

3. Blood//Burnt Offerings

Book of Mormon

A And ye shall offer up unto me no more
B the shedding of blood;
B yea, your sacrifices and your burnt offerings
A shall be done away (3 Ne. 9:19)

Hebrew (dam//ï¿½oloth)

I am full of the burnt offerings (ï¿½oloth) of rams,
and the fat of fed beasts;
and I delight not in the blood (dam) of bullocks,
or of lambs, or of he goats. (Isa. 1:11)

to offer burnt offerings (ï¿½oloth) thereon,
and to sprinkle blood (dam) thereon. (Ezek. 43:18)
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4. City//Land
or of lambs, or of he goats. (Isa. 1:11)

to offer burnt offerings (ï¿½oloth) thereon,
and to sprinkle blood (dam) thereon. (Ezek. 43:18)

4. City//Land

Book of Mormon

And there were many highways cast up,
and many roads made,
which led from city to city,
and from land to land,
and from place to place. (3 Ne. 6:8)

Limhi and his people returned to the city of Nephi,
and began to dwell in the land again in peace.
(Mosiah 21:1)

the Lamanites did come down against the city
Desolation;
and there was an exceedingly sore battle fought in
the land Desolation. (Morm. 4:19)

Hebrew (ï¿½ir//ï¿½erets)

I will destroy all the wicked of the land (ï¿½erets);
that I may cut off all wicked doers from the city (ï¿½ir)
of the Lord. (Ps. 101:8)

Behold, waters rise up out of the north,
and shall be an overflowing flood,
and shall overflow the land (ï¿½erets), and all that is
therein;

the city (ï¿½ir), and them that dwell therein (Jer. 47:2)

and carried it into a land (ï¿½erets) of traffick;
he set it in a city (ï¿½ir) of merchants. (Ezek. 17:4)

Comment

Many of the occurrences of this word pair are in fairly prosaic settings, both in the Book of Mormon and in Hebrew. Yet the relationship between the words city and
land in the Book of Mormon can be seen particularly in the equation "A//B of [toponym]," in which the words city and land are used alternatively in the construct state
with the same place name in the absolute state, as in "city//land of Helam" (Mosiah 23:25), "land//city of Manti" (Alma 56:14) and "city//land [of] Desolation" (Morm.
4:19).

5. Day//Night

Book of Mormon

A And notwithstanding they being led,
B the Lord their God,
B their Redeemer,
A going before them,
leading them by day
and giving light unto them by night (1 Ne. 17:30)

Pray unto him continually by day,
and give thanks unto his holy name by night. (2 1 Ne. 9:52)

A and he did thank and praise the Lord
B all the day long;
B and when the night came,
A they did not cease to praise the Lord. (Ether 6:9)

Hebrew (yom//laylah)

Let the day (yom) perish wherein I was born,
and the night (laylah) in which it was said, There is a
man child conceived. (Job 3:3)

Day (yom) unto day (yom) uttereth speech,
and night (laylah) unto night (laylah) sheweth
knowledge. (Ps. 19:2)

a cloud and smoke by day (yom),
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(Isa. 4:5)
knowledge. (Ps. 19:2)

a cloud and smoke by day (yom),
and the shining of a flaming fire by night (laylah)
(Isa. 4:5)

Other

A By night, the moonlight will shine for you,
B By day, the bright (?) sunlight will shine for you,
B The house will be built for you by day,
A It will be raised high for you by night.

Comment

Numerous scholars have commented on the exodus theme in the Book of Mormon.          Both 1 Ne. 17:30 and Isa. 4:5 appear to be allusions to Ex. 13:21:

And the Lord went before them by day in a pillar of
a cloud,
to lead them the way;
and by night in a pillar of fire,
to give them light;
to go by day and night.

6. Dead//Dust

Book of Mormon

like as one crying from the dead, yea,
even as one speaking out of the dust? (Moro. 10:27)

Hebrew (rephaï¿½im//ï¿½aphar)

Thy dead men shall live, together with my dead body
shall they arise.
Awake and sing, ye that dwell in dust (ï¿½aphar):
for thy dew is as the dew of herbs,
and the earth shall cast out the dead (rephaï¿½im).
(Isa. 26:19)

Comment

The Hebrew rephaï¿½im, though always translated "dead" or "deceased" in the King James Version, properly refers to the shades or ghosts (manes) living in Sheol
who, though devoid of blood and therefore weak, continue to possess powers of mind (such as memory). The parallelism of Isa. 26:19 suggests that the word dead in
Moro. 10:27 may answer to the Hebrew rephaï¿½im; this is interesting in light of the representation of the "dead" of Moro. 10:27 as crying out and speaking from the
dust, which is consistent with a proper understanding of rephaï¿½im.

7. Deliver//Destroy

Book of Mormon

the Lord is able to deliver us,
even as our fathers,
and to destroy Laban,
even as the Egyptians. (1 Ne. 4:3)

If ye have the power of God deliver yourselves from
these bands,
and then we will believe that the Lord will destroy this
people (Alma 14:24)

and enter into a covenant to destroy them,
and to deliver those who were guilty of murder (3 Ne. 6:29)

Hebrew (nathan//charam)

And when the Lord thy God shall deliver (nathan)
them before thee;
thou shalt smite them, and utterly destroy (charam)
them (Deut. 7:2)

(nathan//hamam)

But the Lord thy God shall deliver (nathan) them unto
thee,
and shall destroy (hamam) them with a mighty
destruction
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(nathan//ï¿½ibbad)
But the Lord thy God shall deliver (nathan) them unto
thee,
and shall destroy (hamam) them with a mighty
destruction (Deut. 7:23)

(nathan//ï¿½ibbad)

And he shall deliver (nathan) their kings into thine
hand,
and thou shalt destroy (ï¿½ibbad) their name from
under heaven (Deut. 7:24)

Comment

The three occurrences of this word pair in Deut. 7 are an illustration of a "fixed + variant" word pair (symbolically, A//B1 , B2, B3). The first or "A" word in the pair
is the more common verb, while the second or "B" word in the pair involves a series of less common verbs. Thus, the word deliver in the Book of Mormon examples
can safely be said to correspond in meaning to the verb nathan, but the corresponding verb translated "destroy" is uncertain.

8. Earth//Darkness

Book of Mormon

there is no work of darkness
save it shall be made manifest in the light;
and there is nothing which is sealed upon the earth
save it shall be loosed. (2 Ne. 30:17)

yea, it shall be brought out of the earth,
and it shall shine forth out of darkness (Morm. 8:16)

Hebrew (ï¿½erets//choshek)

And the earth (ï¿½erets) was without form, and void;
and darkness (choshek) was upon the face of the
deep. (Gen. 1:2)

and they shall look unto the earth (ï¿½erets);
and behold trouble and darkness (choshek) (Isa. 8:22)

that maketh the morning darkness (choshek),
and treadeth upon the high places of the earth
(ï¿½erets) (Amos 4:13)

Comment

The parallelism of Gen. 1:2 suggests that the connection between the words earth and darkness may derive from an understanding of the primordial earth as a place of
darkness and chaos.

9. Earth//Mountains

Book of Mormon

and I saw the earth and the rocks, that they rent;
and I saw mountains tumbling into pieces (1 Ne. 12:4)

A And the earth was carried up
B upon the city of Moronihah,
B that in the place of the city
A there became a great mountain. (3 Ne. 8:10)

for in his name could they remove mountains;
and in his name could they cause the earth to shake
(Morm. 8:24)

Hebrew (ï¿½erets//harim)

Therefore will not we fear, though the earth (ï¿½erets) be
removed,
and though the mountains (harim) be carried into the
midst of the sea (Ps. 46:2)

who prepareth rain for the earth (ï¿½erets),
who maketh grass to grow upon the mountains
(harim) (Ps. 147:8)

and comprehended the dust of the earth (ï¿½erets) in a
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and weighed the mountains (harim) in scales (Isa. 40:12)
(harim) (Ps. 147:8)

and comprehended the dust of the earth (ï¿½erets) in a
measure,
and weighed the mountains (harim) in scales (Isa. 40:12)

10. Eyes//Heart

Book of Mormon

in the presence of the pure in heart, and the broken
heart,
and under the glance of the piercing eye of the
Almighty God. (Jacob 2:10)

A Now the eyes of the people
B were blinded;
B therefore they hardened
A their hearts against the words of Abinadi (Mosiah 11:29)

A But behold, if a man shall come among you and
shall say:
B Do this, and there is no iniquity; do that and ye
shall not suffer;
C yea, he will say: Walk after the pride of your own
hearts;
C yea, walk after the pride of your eyes,
B and do whatsoever your heart desireth-
A and if a man shall come among you and say this
(Hel. 13:27)

Hebrew (ï¿½eynayim//lebab)

Because thou hast done well in executing that which is
right in mine eyes (ï¿½eynayim),
and hast done unto the house of Ahab according to
all that was in mine heart (lebab) (2 Kgs. 10:30)

Why doth thine heart (lebab) carry thee away?
and what do thy eyes (ï¿½eynayim) wink at (Job 15:12)

The statutes of the Lord are right, rejoicing the heart
(lebab):
the commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening
the eyes (ï¿½eynayim). (Ps. 19:8)

Other

Let the eye of the gakkul vat be our eye,
let the heart of the gakkul vat be our heart.

To any of this (treasure) do not "lift your eyes
(inka),"
do not "raise your heart (libbaka)" to perpetrate
fraud.

11. Favor//Blessing

Book of Mormon

did have great favors shown unto them
and great blessings poured out upon their heads
(3 Ne. 10:18)

Hebrew (ratson//berakah)

O Naphtali, satisfied with favour (ratson),
and full with the blessing (berakah) of the Lord
(Deut. 33:23)

12. God//Man

Book of Mormon

for the judgments of God are always just,
but the judgments of man are not always just.
(Mosiah
 Copyright29:12)
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Hebrew (ï¿½elohim//ï¿½adam)
Book of Mormon

for the judgments of God are always just,
but the judgments of man are not always just.
(Mosiah 29:12)

Hebrew (ï¿½elohim//ï¿½adam)

In God (ï¿½elohim) have I put my trust:
I will not be afraid what man (ï¿½adam) can do unto
me. (Ps. 56:11)

13. Good//Evil

Book of Mormon

for there is nothing which is good save it comes from
the Lord:
and that which is evil cometh from the devil. (Omni 1:25)

The one raised to happiness according to his desires of
happiness,
or good according to his desires of good;
and the other to evil according to his desires of evil
(Alma 41:5)

They that have done good shall have everlasting life;
and they that have done evil shall have everlasting
damnation. (Hel. 12:26)

Hebrew (tob//raï¿½[)[adjectives or substantives]

Do they not err that devise evil (raï¿½ )?
but mercy and truth shall be to them that devise good
(tob). (Prov. 14:22)

Like as I have brought all this great evil (raï¿½ah) upon
this people,
so will I bring upon them all the good (tobah) that I
have promised them. (Jer. 32:42)

(heytib//raï¿½aï¿½[)[verbs]

A they are wise
B to do evil (leharaï¿½ ),
B but to do good (leheytib)
A they have no knowledge. (Jer. 4:22)

Comment

Note that the Book of Mormon seems to preserve verbal occurrences of this word pair (Mosiah 5:2; Hel. 12:26 and 14:31) in addition to adjectival/substantive
occurrences.

14. Hearken//Give Ear

Book of Mormon

A Wherefore, hearken,
B O my people,
B which are of the house of Israel,
A and give ear unto my words (2 1 Ne. 25:4)

and blessed are those who hearken unto my precepts,
and lend an ear unto my counsel (2 Ne. 28:30)

Hebrew (shemaï¿½//haï¿½azan)

If thou wilt diligently hearken (shemaï¿½ ) to the voice of
the Lord thy God,
and wilt do that which is right in his sight,
and wilt give ear (haï¿½azan) to his commandments,
and keep all his statutes (Ex. 15:26)

but the Lord would not hearken (shemaï¿½ ) to your
voice,
nor give ear (haï¿½azan) unto you. (Deut. 1:45)

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who will hearken (shemaï¿½ ) and hear for the time to
come? (Isa. 42:23)
but the Lord would not hearken (shemaï¿½ ) to your
voice,
nor give ear (haï¿½azan) unto you. (Deut. 1:45)

Who among you will give ear (haï¿½azan) to this?
who will hearken (shemaï¿½ ) and hear for the time to
come? (Isa. 42:23)

Ugaritic

Hear (shmï¿½ ), O Krt of Tï¿½!
Listen and be alert of ear (udn)! (UT, 127:42 [CTA,
16 VI:42])

Comment

In Ugaritic, this word pair occurs with the noun ear that is cognate with the verb to give ear. This word pair also occurs in the Old Testament with the Hebrew nominal
cognate ï¿½ozen (ear), as in the following examples:

A Hear (shemaï¿½ ) diligently
B my speech,
B and my declaration
A with your ears (ï¿½azenim). (Job 13:17)

incline thine ear (ï¿½ozen) unto me,
and hear (shemaï¿½ ) my speech. (Ps. 17:6)

15. Hearken//Hear

Book of Mormon

Hearken unto us,
and hear ye our precept (2 Ne. 28:5)

Wherefore, my brethren, hear me,
and hearken to the word of the Lord (Jacob 2:27)

Hearken, O ye house of Israel,
and hear the words of me, a prophet of the Lord.
(Jacob 5:2)

Hebrew (hiqshib//shemaï¿½ )

Hear (shemaï¿½ ) now my reasoning,
and hearken (hiqshib) to the pleadings of my lips.
(Job 13:6)

To whom shall I speak, and give warning, that they may
hear (shemaï¿½ )?
behold, their ear is uncircumcised, and they cannot
hearken (hiqshib) (Jer. 6:10)

Hear (shemaï¿½ ), all ye people;
hearken (hiqshib), O earth, and all that therein is
(Micah 1:2)

Comment

As the verb shemaï¿½ may be translated "hearken" and the verb haï¿½azan is sometimes rendered "hear" in the KJV, translational uncertainty exists between this word
pair and hearken//give ear. Since, however, the separate word pair shemaï¿½//hiqshib also commonly occurs, I have listed hearken//hear as a separate word pair here.


16. Heart//Soul

Book of Mormon

for his soul did rejoice,
and his whole heart was filled (1 Ne. 1:15)

Yea, my heart sorroweth because of my flesh;
my soul grieveth because of mine iniquities. (2 Ne. 4:17)

Behold, my soul abhorreth sin,
and my heart delighteth in righteousness (2 Ne. 9:49)

Hebrew (lebab//nephesh)
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having sorrow in my heart (lebab) daily? (Ps. 13:2)
and my heart delighteth in righteousness (2 Ne. 9:49)

Hebrew (lebab//nephesh)

How long shall I take counsel in my soul (nephesh),
having sorrow in my heart (lebab) daily? (Ps. 13:2)

(lebab//meï¿½im)

my bowels (meï¿½im) are troubled;
mine heart (lebab) is turned within me (Lam. 1:20)

(lebab//kabed)

Therefore my heart (lebab) is glad,
and my glory (kabodi) [repoint as kebedi and read
"my liver"] rejoiceth (Ps. 16:9)

My heart (lebab) is fixed, O God,
my heart (lebab) is fixed;
I will sing and give praise.
Awake up, my glory (kabodi) [repoint as kebedi and
read "my liver"];
awake psaltery and harp:
I myself will awake early. (Psalm 57:7-8)

O God, my heart (lebab) is fixed;
I will sing and give praise,
even with my glory (kabodi) [repoint as kebedi and
read "my liver"]. (Ps. 108:1)

Ugaritic

Pgt weeps in her heart (lb)
She sheds tears in the liver (kbd) (UT, 1 Aqht:34-35
[CTA, 19 I:34-35])

ï¿½Il laughs in the heart (lb)
Yea chuckles in the liver (kbd). (UT, 75 I:13
[CTA, 12 I:13])

Her liver (kbd) swells with laughter,
Her heart (lb) fills up with joy,
Anath's liver (kbd) exults. (UT, ï¿½nt II:25-26
[CTA, 3 II:25-26])

Akkadian

May your heart (libbaka) be blest
Your mind [or "soul"] (kabattaka) be happy

my angry mind (kabatti) did not relent toward him
my furious heart (libbi) did not quiet down

Disturbed was my mind (heart) ([li]bbi)
filled was my soul (napishtim)

Aramaic

if you say in your soul (nbsh)
and think in your mind [or "heart"](lbb)

Comment

The Book of Mormon occurrences of this word pair may all relate to the Hebrew lebab//nephesh. It is possible, however, that at least some of the Book of Mormon
occurrences relate either to the lebab//meï¿½im (heart//bowels) word pair or the lebab//kabed (heart//liver) word pair. Like the heart, the bowels and the liver are
internal organs used metaphorically for the seat of feeling; accordingly, these words may be translated with the English word "soul." The emendation of kabed "liver"
for kabod "glory" was suggested long ago and makes sense because (1) a Ugaritic parallel pair, shmch//gl (rejoice//exult [KJV: glad//rejoiceth]), is present in Ps.
16:9, which reinforces the possibility of Ugaritic usage here; (2) in Gen. 49:6, the word kabodi (translated in that passage in the KJV as "mine honour") was
translated as "my liver" (ta hepata mou) in the Septuagint, and (3) the Revised Standard Version in fact reads "my soul" in the three passages for which this
emendation is suggested above, and that translation fits the context of those passages far better than "glory."

A perusal of both the Book of Mormon and other occurrences of this word pair will reveal that it is associated with deep feeling, but the pair itself is neutral; that is, it
may be used with equal facility to express either great joy or great despair.

17. Hear//Understand
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Book of Mormon

you should hearken unto me,
may be used with equal facility to express either great joy or great despair.

17. Hear//Understand

Book of Mormon

you should hearken unto me,
and open your ears that ye may hear,
and your hearts that ye may understand (Mosiah 2:9)

And the multitude did hear and do bear record;
and their hearts were open
and they did understand in their hearts the words
which he prayed. (3 Ne. 19:33)

Hebrew (shemaï¿½//bin)

Lo, these are parts of his ways: but how little a portion
is heard (nishmaï¿½ ) of him?
but the thunder of his power who can understand
(yithbonan)? (Job 26:14)

lest they see with their eyes,
and hear (shemaï¿½ ) with their ears,
and understand (bin) with their heart (Isa. 6:10)

Have ye not known? have ye not heard (shemaï¿½ )?
hath it not been told you from the beginning?
have ye not understood (habin) from the foundations
of the earth? (Isa. 40:21)

Ugaritic

Hear (smï¿½ ), O Aliyn Baal!
Perceive (bn), O Rider of Clouds! (UT, 51 V:121-22
[CTA, 4 V:121-22])

18. Heavens//Earth

Book of Mormon

He ruleth high in the heavens, for it is his throne,
and this earth is his footstool. (1 Ne. 17:39)

Behold the glory of the King of all the earth;
and also the King of heaven shall very soon shine
forth (Alma 5:50)

And at my command the heavens are opened and are
shut;
and at my word the earth shall shake (Ether 4:9)

Hebrew (shamayim//ï¿½erets)

The heaven (shamayim) shall reveal his iniquity;
and the earth (ï¿½erets) shall rise up against him. (Job 20:27)

Who teacheth us more than the beasts of the earth
(ï¿½erets),
and maketh us wiser than the fowls of heaven
(shamayim)? (Job 35:11)

Knowest thou the ordinances of heaven (shamayim)?
canst thou set the dominion thereof in the earth
(ï¿½erets)? (Job 38:33)

Ugaritic

She gathers water and washes
With dew of heaven (shmm)
Fat of earth (arts)
Rain of the Rider of Clouds. (UT, ï¿½nt II:39 and
[IV:87[CTA, 3 II:39 and IV:87])

A lip to earth (arts)
A lip to heaven (shmm) (UT, 52:61-62 and 67
[II:2[CTA, 23:61-62 and 5 II:2])
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19. Highway//Road
A lip to earth (arts)
A lip to heaven (shmm) (UT, 52:61-62 and 67
[II:2[CTA, 23:61-62 and 5 II:2])

19. Highway//Road

Book of Mormon

And there were many highways cast up,
and many roads made (3 Ne. 6:8)

And the highways were broken up,
and the level roads were spoiled,
and many smooth places became rough. (3 Ne. 8:13)

Hebrew (mesillah//derek)

The highway (mesillah) of the upright is to depart from
evil:
he that keepeth his way (derek) preserveth his soul.
(Prov. 16:17)

Prepare ye the way (derek) of the Lord,
make straight in the desert a highway (mesillah) for
our God. (Isa. 40:3)

Go through, go through the gates;
prepare ye the way (derek) of the people;
cast up, cast up the highway (mesillah) (Isa. 62:10)

Comment

The Hebrew word derek is never translated with the English word road in the KJV, even though that is its most basic meaning. The English words highway and road do
not occur in the same verse anywhere in the KJV, yet highway//road is an accurate translation of mesillah//derek, which occurs in the English of the KJV as
highway//way. This circumstance tends to suggest that the source of this word pair in the Book of Mormon was not the English of the KJV.

20. Jacob//Israel

Book of Mormon

And they shall assist my people, the remnant of Jacob ,
and also as many of the house of Israel as shall come
(3 Ne. 21:23)

Hebrew (Yaï¿½aqob//Yisraï¿½el)

He hath not beheld iniquity in Jacob (Yaï¿½aqob),
neither hath he seen perverseness in Israel (Yisraï¿½el).
(Num. 23:21)

Surely there is no enchantment against Jacob
(Yaï¿½aqob),
neither is there any divination against Israel
(Yisraï¿½el). (Num. 23:23)

How goodly are thy tents, O Jacob (Yaï¿½aqob),
and thy tabernacles, O Israel (Yisraï¿½el)! (Num. 24:5)

21. Knees//Earth

Book of Mormon

the king did bow down before the Lord, upon his
knees;
yea, even he did prostrate himself upon the earth
(Alma 22:17)

Hebrew (bircayim//ï¿½erets)

And Joseph brought them out from between his knees
(bircayim),
and he bowed himself with his face to the earth
(ï¿½erets). (Gen. 48:12)

and he cast himself down upon the earth (ï¿½erets),
and put his face between his knees (bircayim).
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22. Lead//Destroy
(ï¿½erets). (Gen. 48:12)

and he cast himself down upon the earth (ï¿½erets),
and put his face between his knees (bircayim).
(1 Kgs. 18:42)

22. Lead//Destroy

Book of Mormon

according to his word he did destroy them;
and according to his word he did lead them (1 Ne. 17:31)

A And he leadeth away
B the righteous into precious lands,
B and the wicked
A he destroyeth (1 Ne. 17:38)

seeking to destroy the church,
and to lead astray the people of the Lord (Mosiah 27:10)

Hebrew (ï¿½ashar//balaï¿½ )

O my people, they which lead (ï¿½ashar) thee cause thee
to err,
and destroy (balaï¿½ ) the way of thy paths. (Isa. 3:12)

23. Light//Darkness

Book of Mormon

Yea, they were encircled about with everlasting
darkness and destruction;
but behold, he has brought them into his everlasting
light (Alma 26:15)

there was no darkness in all that night,
but it was as light as though it was mid-day. (3 Ne. 1:19)

Hebrew (ï¿½or//choshek)

Where is the way where light (ï¿½or) dwelleth?
and as for darkness (choshek), where is the place
thereof? (Job 38:19)

If I say, Surely the darkness (choshek) shall cover me;
even the night shall be light (ï¿½or) about me. (Ps. 139:11)

then shall thy light (ï¿½or) rise in obscurity,
and thy darkness (choshek) be as the noonday (Isa. 58:10)

24. Lord//God

Book of Mormon

and did offer sacrifice and burnt offerings unto the
Lord;
and they gave thanks unto the God of Israel.
(1 Ne. 5:9)

Behold, the Lord esteemeth all flesh in one;
he that is righteous is favored of God. (1 Ne. 17:35)

Yea, and the people did observe to keep the
commandments of the Lord;
and they were strict in observing the ordinances of
God (Alma 30:3)

Hebrew (YHWH//ï¿½elohim)

For I have kept the ways of the Lord (YHWH),
and have not wickedly departed from my God
(ï¿½elohim). (Ps. 18:21)

As for God (ï¿½elohim), his way is perfect:
the word of the Lord (YHWH) is tried (Ps. 18:30)

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                             save the Lord   Corp.             Page 407 / 919
or who is a rock save our God (ï¿½elohim)? (Ps. 18:31)
As for God (ï¿½elohim), his way is perfect:
the word of the Lord (YHWH) is tried (Ps. 18:30)

For who is God (ï¿½elohim) save the Lord (YHWH)?
or who is a rock save our God (ï¿½elohim)? (Ps. 18:31)

25. Mountain//Valley

Book of Mormon

A and there shall be many mountains laid low,
B like unto a valley,
B and there shall be many places which are now
called valleys
A which shall become mountains, whose height is great.
(Hel. 14:23)

Hebrew (har//gayï¿½)

And I will lay thy flesh upon the mountains (harim),
and fill the valleys (geï¿½ayoth) with thy height.
(Ezek. 32:5)

(har//biqï¿½ah)

They go up by the mountains (harim);
they go down by the valleys (beqaï¿½oth)
unto the place which thou hast founded for them.
(Ps. 104:8)

(har//shephelah)

and in the cities of the mountains (har),
and in the cities of the valley (shephelah) (Jer. 32:44)

(har//ï¿½emeq)

And the mountains (harim) shall be molten under him,
and the valleys (ï¿½amaqim) shall be cleft (Micah 1:4)

Comment

Like the word pair deliver//destroy, this is a fixed + variant word pair; the common word har (mountain) is paired with a variety of more obscure, more poetic words,
all having the essential meaning of "valley."

26. Nations//Earth

Book of Mormon

and shall be lifted up in the pride of their hearts above
all nations,
and above all the people of the whole earth (3 Ne. 16:10)

Hebrew (goyim//ï¿½erets)

And he will lift up an ensign to the nations (goyim)
from far,
and will hiss unto them from the end of the earth
(ï¿½erets) (Isa. 5:26)

it stirreth up the dead for thee,
even all the chief ones of the earth (ï¿½erets);
it hath raised up from their thrones
all the kings of the nations (goyim). (Isa. 14:9)

This is the purpose that is purposed upon the whole
earth (ï¿½erets):
and this is the hand that is stretched out upon all the
nations (goyim). (Isa. 14:26)

27. Old Men//Young Men

Book of Mormon

and I also caused that all my old men that could bear
arms,
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and also all (c)
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                 young men that        Media
                                 were able     Corp.
                                           to bear                                                                                               Page 408 / 919
arms (Mosiah 10:9)
Book of Mormon

and I also caused that all my old men that could bear
arms,
and also all my young men that were able to bear
arms (Mosiah 10:9)

Hebrew (zeqenim//bachurim)

Both young men (bachurim), and maidens;
old men (zeqenim), and children (Ps. 148:12)

The glory of young men (bachurim) is their strength:
and the beauty of old men (zeqenim) is the gray
head. (Prov. 20:29)

your old men (zeqenim) shall dream dreams,
your young men (bachurim) shall see visions (Joel 2:28)

28. People//Israel

Book of Mormon

yea, they shall be numbered among the house of Israel;
and they shall be a blessed people upon the promised
land forever (1 Ne. 14:2)

And at that day shall the remnant of our seed know that
they are of the house of Israel,
and that they are the covenant people of the Lord
(1 Ne. 15:14)

A Wherefore, hearken,
B O my people,
B which are of the house of Israel,
A and give ear unto my words (2 1 Ne. 25:4)

Hebrew (ï¿½am//Yisraï¿½el)

Oh that my people (ï¿½am) had hearkened unto me,
and Israel (Yisraï¿½el) had walked in my ways! (Ps. 81:13)

Blessed be the Lord God of Israel (Yisraï¿½el) from
everlasting to everlasting:
and let all the people (ï¿½am) say, Amen. (Ps. 106:48)

but Israel (Yisraï¿½el) doth not know,
my people (ï¿½am) doth not consider. (Isa. 1:3)

29. Place//Land

Book of Mormon

And there were many highways cast up,
and many roads made,
which led from city to city,
and from land to land,
and from place to place. (3 Ne. 6:8)

Hebrew (maqom//ï¿½erets)

Am I now come up without the Lord against this place
(maqom) to destroy it?
The Lord said to me, Go up against this land (ï¿½erets),
and destroy it. (2 Kgs. 18:25)

But he shall die in the place (maqom) whither they
have led him captive,
and shall see this land (ï¿½erets) no more. (Jer. 22:12)

I will judge thee in the place (maqom) where thou wast
created,
in the land (ï¿½erets) of thy nativity. (Ezek. 21:30)

Comment

The association of land (ï¿½erets) with both city (ï¿½ir) and place (maqom) explains the three-word extension city//land//place of 3 Ne. 6:8.
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30. Pride//Wisdom
Comment

The association of land (ï¿½erets) with both city (ï¿½ir) and place (maqom) explains the three-word extension city//land//place of 3 Ne. 6:8.

30. Pride//Wisdom

Book of Mormon

See that ye are not lifted up unto pride;
yea, see that ye do not boast in your own wisdom
(Alma 38:11)

Hebrew (zadon//chakmah)

When pride (zadon) cometh, then cometh shame:
but with the lowly is wisdom (chakmah). (Prov. 11:2)

Only by pride (zadon) cometh contention:
but with the well advised is wisdom (chakmah).
(Prov. 13:10)

31. Righteous//Wicked

Book of Mormon

I had spoken hard things against the wicked, according
to the truth;
and the righteous have I justified (1 Ne. 16:2)

And he raiseth up a righteous nation,
and destroyeth the nations of the wicked.
A And he leadeth away
B the righteous into precious lands,
B and the wicked
A he destroyeth (1 Nephi 17:37-38)

Hebrew (tsaddiq//reshaï¿½im)

The Lord will not suffer the soul of the righteous
(tsaddiq) to famish:
but he casteth away the substance of the wicked
(reshaï¿½im). (Prov. 10:3)

The mouth of a righteous man (tsaddiq) is a well of
life:
but violence covereth the mouth of the wicked
(reshaï¿½im). (Prov. 10:11)

The fear of the wicked (rashaï¿½ ), it shall come upon
him:
but the desire of the righteous (tsaddiqim) shall be
granted.

A As the whirlwind passeth,
B so is the wicked (rashaï¿½ ) no more:
B but the righteous (tsaddiq)
A is an everlasting foundation. (Proverbs 10:24-25)

32. Sea//Earth

Book of Mormon

from the isles of the sea,
and from the four parts of the earth (2 Ne. 10:8)

And they were spared and were not sunk and buried up
in the earth;
and they were not drowned in the depths of the
sea (3 Ne. 10:13)

Hebrew (yam//ï¿½erets)

The measure thereof is longer than the earth (ï¿½erets),
and broader than the sea (yam). (Job 11:9)

Or speak to the earth (ï¿½erets), and it shall teach thee:
and the fishes of the sea (yam) shall declare unto
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who art the confidence of all the ends of the earth
and broader than the sea (yam). (Job 11:9)

Or speak to the earth (ï¿½erets), and it shall teach thee:
and the fishes of the sea (yam) shall declare unto
thee. (Job 12:8)

who art the confidence of all the ends of the earth
(ï¿½erets),
and of them that are afar off upon the sea (yam)
(Ps. 65:5)

Ugaritic

A They set a lip against the netherworld (arts),
B a lip against the heavens
C And entered into their mouth
B The birds of the heavens
A and the fish of the sea (ym) (UT, 52:62-63 [CTA,
23:62-63])

33. Seen//Heard

Book of Mormon

Ye have seen an angel, and he spake unto you;
yea, ye have heard his voice from time to time
(1 Ne. 17:45)

for I truly had seen angels, and they had ministered
unto me.
And also, I had heard the voice of the Lord speaking
unto me in very word (Jacob 7:5)

there are none of them that have seen so great things as
ye have seen;
neither have they heard so great things as ye have
heard. (3 Ne. 19:36)

Hebrew (raï¿½ah//shemaï¿½ )

I have surely seen (raï¿½ah) the affliction of my people
which are in Egypt,
and have heard (shemaï¿½ ) their cry by reason of their
taskmasters (Ex. 3:7)

we have seen (raï¿½ah) this day that God doth talk with
man, and he liveth. (Deut. 5:24)

Lo, mine eye hath seen (raï¿½ah) all this,
mine ear hath heard (shemaï¿½ ) and understood it.
(Job 13:1)

34. Sin//Righteousness

Book of Mormon

Behold, my soul abhorreth sin,
and my heart delighteth in righteousness (2 Ne. 9:49)

Hebrew (chattaï¿½th//tsedaqah)

Righteousness (tsedaqah) exalteth a nation:
but sin (chattaï¿½th) is a reproach to any people.
(Prov. 14:34)

A because thou hast not given him warning,
B he shall die in his sin (chattaï¿½th),
B and his righteousness (tsedaqah) which he hath
done
A shall not be remembered (Ezek. 3:20)

All his righteousness (tsedaqah) that he hath done shall
not be mentioned:
in his trespass that he hath trespassed,
and in his sin (chattaï¿½th) that he hath sinned (Ezek. 18:24)

35. Tell [Publish]//Declare
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Book of Mormon
and in his sin (chattaï¿½th) that he hath sinned (Ezek. 18:24)

35. Tell [Publish]//Declare

Book of Mormon

A for behold, I have things to tell you concerning
B that which is to come.
C And the things which I shall tell you
D are made known unto me by an angel from
God.
E And he said unto me: Awake;
F and I awoke, and behold he stood before
me.
E And he said unto me: Awake,
D and hear the words
C which I shall tell thee;
B for behold, I am come
A to declare unto you the glad tidings of great joy.
(Mosiah 3:1-3)

For they did publish peace;
they did publish good tidings of good;
and they did declare unto the people
that the Lord reigneth. (Mosiah 27:37)

Hebrew (nagad//hishmiï¿½a)

Behold, the former things are come to pass,
and new things do I declare (nagad):
before they spring forth
I tell (hishmiï¿½a) you of them. (Isa. 42:9)

Tell ye (nagad), and bring them near:
yea, let them take counsel together:
who hath declared (hishmiï¿½a) this from ancient time?
who hath told (nagad) it from that time? (Isa. 45:21)

Declare (nagad) this in the house of Jacob,
and publish (hishmiï¿½a) it in Judah (Jer. 5:20)

Comment

This pair is not only collocated in the chiastic structure of Mosiah 3:1-3, it is also collocated in the parallelism at the end of that chiasm, which may be rewritten as
follows:

Awake, and hear the words which I shall tell thee;
for behold, I am come to declare unto you the glad
tidings of great joy.

Interestingly, a similar double collocation occurs in the alternating pattern of Isa. 45:21.

The verb rendered "tell" in Isaiah and "publish" in Jeremiah is the hiphil or causative form of the verb shemaï¿½. In the qal or simple active stem this verb means "to
hear," but in the hiphil it means "to tell" (that is, to cause one to hear). It is interesting that in one passage Joseph uses the translation "tell," and in a related passage
(compare the expression "glad tidings of great joy" from Mosiah 3:3 with "good tidings of good" from Mosiah 27:37) he renders the verb with the alternate translation
"publish."

36. Thousands//Ten Thousands

Book of Mormon

A Yea, will ye sit in idleness
B while ye are surrounded with thousands of those,
B yea, and tens of thousands,
A who do also sit in idleness (Alma 60:22)

A insomuch that there were thousands
B who did join themselves unto the church
C and were baptized unto repentance.
D And so great was the prosperity of the church,
and so many the blessings which were poured
out upon the people,
E that even the high priests
E and the teachers were themselves astonished
beyond measure.
D And it came to pass that the work of the Lord
did prosper (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
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C unto the baptizing
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B and uniting to the church of God, many souls,
A yea, even tens of thousands. (Helaman 3:24-26)
E and the teachers were themselves astonished
beyond measure.
D And it came to pass that the work of the Lord
did prosper
C unto the baptizing
B and uniting to the church of God, many souls,
A yea, even tens of thousands. (Helaman 3:24-26)

Hebrew (ï¿½alaphim//rebaboth)

How should one chase a thousand (ï¿½eleph),
and two put ten thousand (rebabah) to flight
(Deut. 32:30)

A thousand (ï¿½eleph) shall fall at thy side,
and ten thousand (rebabah) at thy right hand (Ps. 91:7)

Will the Lord be pleased with thousands (ï¿½alaphim) of
rams,
or with ten thousands (rebaboth) of rivers of oil?
(Micah 6:7)

Aramaic

thousand thousands (ï¿½eleph ï¿½alphim) ministered unto
him,
and ten thousand times ten thousand (ribbo ribwan)
stood before him (Dan. 7:10)

Ugaritic

Behold chzz-troops by the thousand (alp)
And kmyr-troops by the myriad (rbt; literally, "ten
thousand") (UT, Krt:92-93 and[180-81[CTA, 14
II:92-93 and IV:180-81])

He casts silver by thousands (alpm) (of shekels)
Gold he casts by myriads (rbtt) (UT, 51 I:28-29 [CTA, 4 I:28-29])

By the thousand (alp) acres
Yea myriad (rbt) hectacres (UT, 51 V:86, 118-19
and[VIII:24-25[CTA, V:86, 118-19 and VIII:24-25])

Comment

As a number generally does not have a true synonym, a common practice in Hebrew poetry was to increase the number in the first line by some fixed factor in the
second line to form the parallelism. The most common such pattern may be symbolically represented as A//A+1, as in Micah 5:5:

then shall we raise against him seven shepherds,
and eight principal men.

The word pair thousands//ten thousands may be understood either as number parallelism of the pattern A//10A, or simply as a normal lexical pair.

Watters, following Gevirtz, made the following observation:

In the eulogy of Saul and David (1 Sam. 18:7), the following praise is given the commanders, Saul and David:

Saul has smitten his thousands,
and David his ten thousands.

This lyric has been customarily understood as a criticism of Saul's ability as a soldier. By a proper understanding of the use of the word pair "thousand/ten
thousand,"ï¿½however, Gevirtz is able to show that the increase in the numerical sequence (here "1/10") is but a common method of filling out the parallelism of the line
for the ancients. The fixed pair of numerical increase occurs in both Ugaritic and Hebrew poetry. The verse rings not of insult, but of lavish praise for both commanders.


37. Tree//Waters

Book of Mormon

which led to the fountain of living waters,
or to the tree of life;
which waters
are a representation of the love of God;
and I also beheld that the tree of life
was a representation of the love of God. (1 Ne. 11:25)

Come unto me and ye shall partake
of the fruit of(c)the2005-2009,
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yea, ye shall eat and drink
of the bread and the waters of life freely (Alma 5:34)
was a representation of the love of God. (1 Ne. 11:25)

Come unto me and ye shall partake
of the fruit of the tree of life;
yea, ye shall eat and drink
of the bread and the waters of life freely (Alma 5:34)

Hebrew (ï¿½ets//mayim)

and shall fell every good tree (ï¿½ets),
and stop all wells of water (mayim) (2 Kgs. 3:19 and 25)

and all the trees (ï¿½atsim) of Eden, the choice and best
of Lebanon,
all that drink water (mayim), shall be comforted in
the nether parts of the earth. (Ezek. 31:16)

38. Visions//Dreams

Book of Mormon

A And now I, Nephi, do not make a full account
B of the things which my father hath written,
C for he hath written many things
D which he saw in visions
D and in dreams;
C and he also hath written many things
B which he prophesied and spake unto his children,
A of which I shall not make a full account. (1 Ne. 1:16)

Behold, I have dreamed a dream;
or, in other words, I have seen a vision. (1 Ne. 8:2)

Hebrew (chizzayon//chalom)

Then thou scarest me with dreams (chalomoth),
and terrifiest me through visions (mechezeyyonoth)
(Job 7:14)

He shall fly away as a dream (chalom), and shall not be
found:
yea, he shall be chased away as a vision (chizzayon)
of the night. (Job 20:8)

and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy,
your old men shall dream dreams (chalomoth),
your young men shall see visions (chezeyonoth) (Joel 2:28)

Aramaic

and appears in the dream (chylmï¿½) of night
and appears in the vision (chy[zw]nï¿½) of day

and out of all bad dreams (chlmyn)
and out of [hated] visions (chyzwnyn)

Comment

1 Ne. 8:2 has a cognate accusative, "dreamed a dream," which is reminiscent of the cognate accusative in Joel 2:28, "shall dream dreams," where the noun chalomoth
(dreams) is the object of the cognate verb chalam (dream).

It seems likely to me that a more literal translation of 1 Ne. 8:2 would be as follows:

Behold, I have dreamed a dream,
and I have seen a vision,

the two lines being joined by a simple waw conjunction. As the small plates of Nephi were not edited in antiquity by Mormon or Moroni, the words "or, in other
words" would appear to be a translator's gloss, explaining to the modern English reading audience that the thought of the second line is in essence a restatement of the
first, an explanation that would have been unnecessary in the original language among a people accustomed to the use of parallelism.

39. Walk//Observe

Book of Mormon

And it came to pass that king Mosiah did walk in the
ways of the Lord,
and did observe his judgments and his statutes,
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and did keep his commandments in all things
whatsoever he commanded him. (Mosiah 6:6)
And it came to pass that king Mosiah did walk in the
ways of the Lord,
and did observe his judgments and his statutes,
and did keep his commandments in all things
whatsoever he commanded him. (Mosiah 6:6)

and he did walk uprightly before God;
and he did observe to do good continually,
to keep the commandments of the Lord his God (Alma 63:2)

and they do walk circumspectly before God,
and they do observe to keep his commandments and
his statutes
and his judgments according to the law of Moses.
(Hel. 15:5)

Hebrew (halak//shamar)

if thou wilt walk (halak) before me,
as David thy father walked,
and do according to all that I have commanded thee,
and shalt observe (shamar) my statutes and my
judgments (2 Chr. 7:17)

and entered into a curse, and into an oath,
to walk (halak) in God's law,
which was given by Moses the servant of God,
and to observe (shamar) and do all the
commandments of the Lord our Lord,
and his judgments and his statutes. (Neh. 10:29)

And David my servant shall be king over them;
and they all shall have one shepherd:
they shall also walk (halak) in my judgments,
and observe (shamar) my statutes, and do them.
(Ezek. 37:24)

40. Way//Law

Book of Mormon

A And ye will not suffer your children that they go
hungry, or naked;
B neither will ye suffer that they transgress the laws
of God,
C and fight and quarrel one with another,
D and serve the devil,
E who is the master of sin,
E or who is the evil spirit
D which hath been spoken of by our fathers,
C he being an enemy to all righteousness.
B But ye will teach them to walk in the ways of truth
and soberness;
A ye will teach them to love one another, and to serve
one another. (Mosiah 4:14-15)

And ye have led away much of this people that they
pervert the right way of God,
and keep not the law of Moses which is the right way
(Jacob 7:7)

Hebrew (derek//torah)

Blessed are the undefiled in the way (derek),
who walk in the law (torah) of the Lord (Ps. 119:1)

For the commandment is a lamp; and the law (torah) is
light;
and reproofs of instruction are the way (derek) of life
(Prov. 6:23)

But ye are departed out of the way (derek);
ye have caused many to stumble at the law (torah)
(Mal. 2:8)

Index of Word Pairs
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1. anger//fierce anger

ï¿½2. blessed//cursed
(Mal. 2:8)

Index of Word Pairs

1. anger//fierce anger

ï¿½2. blessed//cursed

ï¿½3. blood//burnt offerings

ï¿½4. city//land

ï¿½5. day//night

ï¿½6. dead//dust

ï¿½7. deliver//destroy

ï¿½8. earth//darkness

ï¿½9. earth//mountains

10. eyes//heart

11. favor//blessing

12. God//man

13. good//evil

14. hearken//give ear

15. hearken//hear

16. heart//soul

17. hear//understand

18. heavens//earth

19. highway//road

20. Jacob//Israel

21. knees//earth

22. lead//destroy

23. light//darkness

24. Lord//God

25. mountain//valley

26. nations//earth

27. old men//young men

28. people//Israel

29. place//land

30. pride//wisdom

31. righteous//wicked

32. sea//earth

33. seen//heard

34. sin//righteousness

35. tell//declare

36. thousands//ten thousands

37. tree//waters
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38. visions//dreams
36. thousands//ten thousands

37. tree//waters

38. visions//dreams

39. walk//observe

40. way//law

Because of space limitations, I have quoted no more than three examples for any one category. Additional illustrations are cited in the footnotes.

  Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry, 132.

  All lexical comments, unless otherwise noted, are derived from either Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, and Charles Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1906; reprint, Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1979), or William Gesenius, Lexicon Manuale Hebraicum et Chaldaicum in Veteris Testamenti Libros, trans.
Samuel P. Tregelles as Gesenius' Hebrew-Chaldee Lexicon to the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1949).

  Avishur, "Pairs of Synonymous Words," 43, and Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 167, 204, 321, 347, 714.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 258, 260.

  See also Mosiah 23:25; Alma 56:14 and 62:7.

  See also 2 Kgs. 11:20, 25:3; Ezek. 7:23 and 9:9.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 278; see also John A. Tvedtnes, "Cities and Lands in the Book of Mormon," in this issue, pages 147-50.

  On the formation of a tricolon by the juxtaposition of a chiasm with synonymous parallelism, see John T. Willis, "The Juxtapostion of Synonymous and Chiastic
Parallelism in Tricola in Old Testament Hebrew Psalm Poetry," Vetus Testamentum 29 (1979): 465- 80.

  See also 2 Ne. 4:23, 33:3; and Enos 1:4.

  Additional examples include Gen. 1:5, 16;31:40; Ps. 91:5, 121:6; and Jer. 36:30.

  From the building-inscription of Gudea, prince of Lagash (ca. 2100 b.c.), quoted in K. A. Kitchen, The Bible in Its World: The Bible and Archaeology Today
(Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1979), 97.

   George S. Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," in Neal E. Lambert, ed., Literature of Belief: Sacred Scripture and Religious
Experiences (Provo: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1981), 245-62; Terrence L. Szink, "To a Land of Promise (1 Ne. 16-18)," in Kent P.
Jackson, ed., Studies in Scripture: Volume Seven, 1 Nephi to Alma 29 (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987), 60- 72; S. Kent Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the
Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 30 (Summer 1990): 112-26; Bruce J. Boehm, "Wanderers in the Promised Land: A Study of the Exodus Motif in the Book of
Mormon and the Holy Bible," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 3 (Spring 1994): 187-203; and Mark J. Johnson, "The Exodus of Lehi Revisited," Journal of Book
of Mormon Studies 3 (Fall 1994): 123-26.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 1, 81, 94, 221, 261, 269, 331, 464-65, 493; Watters, Formula Criticism, 168 and 197.

  See also Num. 21:2.

  Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry, 134.

  See also 1 Ne. 12:5; Alma 37:25; and Hel. 5:42.

  See also Ps. 82:5.

  See also 1 Ne. 19:11 and 2 Ne. 26:5.

 See also Deut. 32:22; Ps. 90:2; Isa. 18:6; and Jonah 2:6. See Dahood, Psalms II, 184, 323; Dahood, Psalms III, 39, 346, 348, 446; Dahood, RSP I , 173;
Watson, "Fixed Pairs," 468; Watters, Formula Criticism, 161.

   Note that this verse involves a double collocation; there is both the chiastic parallel between lines C and C', and there is also the synonymous parallel between lines
C' and B'.

  See also Ps. 36:1, 38:10, 73:7, 131:1; Prov. 4:21, 23:26, 23:33; Eccl. 2:10, 11:9; Isa. 6:10; and Lam. 5:17.

   These are two of a number of examples culled from ancient Near Eastern texts, quoted with citations in Wilfred G. E. Watson, "The Unnoticed Word-Pair 'eye
(s)//heart,' " Zeitschrift fï¿½r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 101 (1989): 398-408, and "The Word-Pair 'eye(s)//heart' Once More," Studi epigrafici e linguistici sul
Vicino Oriente antico 9 (1992): 27-31.

  Watters, Formula Criticism, 185 and 196.

  See also Jacob 6:7; Mosiah 5:2; Alma 5:40-41; Hel. 14:31; Moro. 7:12 and 10:30.

  See also 1 Sam. 24:17; Job 2:10; Ps. 34:14, 37:27; Prov. 13:21; and Ezek. 36:31.

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  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 93, 122, 281; Watters, Formula Criticism, 189.
  See also Jacob 6:7; Mosiah 5:2; Alma 5:40-41; Hel. 14:31; Moro. 7:12 and 10:30.

  See also 1 Sam. 24:17; Job 2:10; Ps. 34:14, 37:27; Prov. 13:21; and Ezek. 36:31.

  See also Jer. 10:5, 13:23; and Zeph. 1:12.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 93, 122, 281; Watters, Formula Criticism, 189.

   See also Isa. 28:23 and Hosea 5:1. In numerous passages the KJV has translated haï¿½azan less literally with the word hear; therefore, hearken//hear is sometimes a
translation of this same word pair. See, for example, Gen. 4:23; Num. 23:18; Job 33:1 and 34:16.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 101, 285, 288, 665-66; Dahood, RSP I , 360-61; Gevirtz, Patterns, 27; Watters, Formula Criticism, 155.

  In Hebrew, possession is shown by the addition of a pronominal suffix onto a noun in the construct state. Thus, an expression such as debaray, which we would
ordinarily translate "my words," quite literally means "words of me." See John A. Tvedtnes, "Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon: A Preliminary Survey," BYU Studies
11/1 (1970): 50-60.

  See also 3 Ne. 30:1.

  See also Hosea 5:1.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 285-86, 648; Watters, Formula Criticism, 172.

  See also 1 Ne. 17:47; 2 Ne. 1:21;4:15-16, 26-28 30;25:13; Alma 31:31; and Hel. 7:6.

  See also Ps. 24:4 and 84:2, and Prov. 2:10 and 24:12.

  See also Ps. 22:14 and Jer. 4:19.

  The translation is H. L. Ginsberg's; see J. B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 3rd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 136.

  These and other Akkadian illustrations are quoted with citations in Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 563.

  Quoted with citation in Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 569.

  For example, Watters, Formula Criticism, 210, describes lb//mï¿½ym as "heart//soul."

  Tregelles, Hebrew-Chaldee Lexicon, 382.

  Dahood, RSP I , 245-46.

   Dahood, in "A New Translation of Ge. 49,6a," Biblica 36 (1955): 229, would render this verse as follows: Into their counsel let not my soul enter, let not my liver be
seen in their assembly.

  I made this argument (following Dahood) in "Understanding Old Testament Poetry," 54 n. 10. I later was pleasantly surprised to learn that Paul Y. Hoskisson,
"Textual Evidences for the Book of Mormon," in The Book of Mormon: First Nephi, the Doctrinal Foundation, ed. Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate, Jr. (Provo:
Brigham Young University Religious Studies Center, 1988), 283-96, had previously made a persuasive argument in connection with the expression "their souls did
expand" in Alma 5:9 that "soul" would be a proper translation of kabed "liver" in the Book of Mormon.

   Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 12, 16, 218, 222, 279, 290, 540, 562-63, 568-69, 577-78, 670; Barney, "Understanding Old Testament Poetry," 54; Cassuto, The
Goddess Anath, 120; Dahood, "A New Translation"; Dahood, Psalms I, 90; Dahood, Psalms II, 54; Dahood, Psalms III, 451; Dahood, RSP I , 245-46; John Gray,
The Legacy of Canaan: The Ras Shamra Texts and Their Relevance to the Old Testament, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1965), 282; Held, "More Parallel Word Pairs," 160
n. 174; Hoskisson, "Textual Evidences," 286; Charles F. Pfeiffer, Ras Shamra and the Bible (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1962), 59-60; Joaquin Sanmartin,
review of Stammesspruch und Geschichte: Die Angaben der Stammesspruche von Gen. 49, Dtn 33 und Jdc 5 ï¿½ber die politischen und kultischen Zustï¿½nde im
damaligen "Israel," by Hans-Jurgen Zobel, Biblica 50 (1969): 572; Ernest Vogt, "Vetus Testamentum antiquissimis textibus 'Ras Shamra' illustratum," Verbum Domini
17 (1937): 156; Watters, Formula Criticism, 210.

  For this same pair with nominal cognates, see Job 34:16; Prov. 1:5, 4:1; and Isa. 33:19 .

   Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 8, 12, 42, 670; Boling, "Synonymous Parallelism," 224; Dahood, RSP I , 361; Dahood, "The Phoenician Contribution to Biblical Wisdom
Literature," in The Role of the Phoenicians in the Interaction of Mediterranuan Civilization, ed. W. A. Ward (Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1968), 123-52;
Ginsberg, "Rebellion and Death," 172; Svi Rin, Acts of the Gods: The Ugaritic Epic Poetry (Jerusalem: Israel Society for Biblical Research, 1968), 165; Cullen I. K.
Story, "The Book of Proverbs and Northwest Semitic Literature," Journal of Biblical Literature 64 (1945): 328; Watson, "Fixed Pairs," 463; Watters, Formula
Criticism, 160.

  See also 1 Ne. 1:14; 2 Ne. 29:7; Alma 7:9; and Hel. 8:24.

  This word pair is ubiquitous in Hebrew.

  Intriguingly, Judg. 5:4 preserves the three-word extension earth// heavens//clouds: the earth trembled, and the heavens dropped, the clouds also dropped water.

  Boling, "Synonymous Parallelism," 239-40; Dahood, Psalms II, 190, 358; Dahood, Psalms III, 19, 22, 346, 446; Dahood, RSP I , 126-27 and 356; Gray, The
Legacy of Canaan, 289; Gevirtz, Patterns, 36; H. Ringgren, "Einige Bemerkungen zum LXXIII Psalm," Vetus Testamentum 3 (1953): 267; Watters, "Formula
Criticism," 155 and 199.

  Other examples include Isa. 35:8 and Jer. 31:21.
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  Tidwell, "A Road and a Way."
Criticism," 155 and 199.

  Other examples include Isa. 35:8 and Jer. 31:21.

  Tidwell, "A Road and a Way."

  This word pair is ubiquitous in Hebrew; see Barney, "Understanding Old Testament Poetry," 53-54; Watters, Formula Criticism, 64 and 162.

  See also Gen. 1:5; Job 3:4, 12:22, 30:26; Isa. 45:7, 50:10; and Lam. 3:2. See Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 117 and 283; Watters, Formula Criticism, 28 and 189.

  See also 1 Ne. 1:1, 18:16; 2 Ne. 26:7; Mosiah 7:26; Alma 16:21, 37:36-37; and Ether 3:12.

  This word pair is ubiquitous in Hebrew. See Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 21-22, 26, 45, 238-39, 254, 636; Watters, Formula Criticism, 156

  See also Isa. 40:4.

  Additional examples include 1 Chr. 16:31; Ps. 67:2, 82:8; Isa. 11:12, 52:10; Jer. 10:10, 25:31, 50:23, 50:46, 51:7, 51:41; Ezek. 32:18; and Hab. 3:6. See Avishur,
Stylistic Studies, 278.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 283.

  This word pair is common in Hebrew. See Watters, Formula Criticism, 155.

  See also Jer. 7:7.

  This word pair is ubiquitous in Proverbs; see further 10:16, 28, 30, 32; 11:8, 10, 21, 23, 31; 12:5, 7, 10, 12, 26; 13:5, 9, 25; 14:19, 32; 15:6, 28-29; 18:5; 21:12,
18; 24:15, 24; 25:26; 28:1, 12, 28; 29:2, 7, and 16. See also Job 10:15; Ps. 7:9, 11;11:5;34:21;37:21-22;58:10;75:10;125:3;129:4; Isa. 5:23; Jer. 12:1; Ezek.
13:22;18:20, 24; and 33:12. See Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 68-69, 117-18, 275, 294, 322.

   As "depths of the sea" is a construct formulation, "earth" could also parallel "depths" in this passage; see the discussion of ï¿½erets//tehemoth in the main body of this
article.

  See also Ps. 72:8; Amos 5:8 and 9:6.

  The translation is Dahood's (see RSP I , 123), as is the suggestion of a chiastic reading of these lines. See Dahood, Psalms III, 446; Dahood, RSP I , 122-23.

  See also Jacob 2:31 and 3 Ne. 15:24.

  See also 2 Kgs. 20:5; Isa. 38:5, 64:4, 66:8 and 19. See Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 87 263, 286; Watters, Formula Criticism, 160.

  See also Isa. 48:20; Jer. 4:5, 46:14, and 50:2.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 147, 272, 293, 307.

  See also Deut. 33:17; 1 Sam. 18:7, 21:11, and 29:5.

  See also UT, 77:20-21 and ï¿½nt VI:4-5, 17-18 [CTA, 24:20-21 and VII:4-5, 17-18].

   Watters, Formula Criticism, 25-26, following Gevirtz, Patterns, 15-24. But cf. Samuel E. Loewenstamm, "Remarks on Stylistic Patterns in Biblical and Ugaritic
Literatures," Leshonenu 32 (1967-68): 33-35, who argues that the ten thousand can stand in contradistinction to the thousand in Hebrew, although it does not in
Ugaritic. In the Book of Mormon examples quoted above, as well as occurrences in juxtaposition at Alma 3:26, 3 Ne. 3:22 and 4:21, the two terms do not stand in
contradistinction. See Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 10, 15, 18, 24, 185, 302, 326, 440; Cassuto, The Goddess Anath, 27; Umberto Cassuto, "Biblical Literature and
Canaanite Literature (Conclusion)" (in Hebrew), Tarbiz 14 (1942): 4; Dahood, Psalms II, 143, 332; Dahood, Psalms III, 333, 446; Dahood, RSP I , 114; Gevirtz,
Patterns, 15-24; Gordon, UT, 145; Haran, "The Graded Numerical Sequence," 238-67; John H. Patton, Canaanite Parallels in the Book of Psalms (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins Press, 1944), 34; W. M. W. Roth, Numerical Sayings in the Old Testament: A Form-Critical Study, Vetus Testamentum Supplement 13 (1965); Watson,
Classical Hebrew Poetry, 144-49; Watters, Formula Criticism, 25, 166, 204.

  Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 26 and 220; Gevirtz, "On Canaanite Rhetoric-The Evidence of the Amarna Letters from Tyre," Orientalia 42 (1973): 165-67.

  Quoted with citations in Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 475.

   For a similar translator's gloss, see the last sentence of the headnote preceding 1 Ne. 1:1: "This is according to the account of Nephi; or in other words, I, Nephi,
wrote this record," where Joseph appears to have restated the literal words of the conclusion of the headnote, which were written in the third person, into a first-person
perspective so as to make for a smooth transition into Nephi 's first-person narrative beginning with the words "I, Nephi" in 1 Ne. 1:1. The original text (assuming the
headnote to have been part of the original text, as the few who have commented on it seem to do) either read "this is according to the account of Nephi" or, possibly,
"I, Nephi, wrote this record"; it seems unlikely in the extreme that Nephi actually wrote the literal equivalent in his language of all of the words "this is according to the
account of Nephi; or in other words, I, Nephi, wrote this record." See Avishur, Stylistic Studies, 474-75, 494; Watters, Formula Criticism, 192.

  See also Alma 25:14 and Hel. 3:20.

  See also Ps. 119:29.

The Latest Straw Man

William J. Hamblin
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Abstract: The failure of those who reject the historicity of the Book of Mormon to respond cogently to the increasing body of evidence and argument supporting
historicity is becoming painfully apparent. Stephen E. Thompson's recent review of Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994) is one of the most recent
The Latest Straw Man

William J. Hamblin

Abstract: The failure of those who reject the historicity of the Book of Mormon to respond cogently to the increasing body of evidence and argument supporting
historicity is becoming painfully apparent. Stephen E. Thompson's recent review of Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994) is one of the most recent
examples of this "straw man" approach.

ï¿½Although not a contributor to New Approaches to the Book of Mormon , Stephen E. Thompson is nonetheless an active partisan of the view that the Book of
Mormon is nineteenth-century frontier fiction. Thompson's most revealing previous essay is "Balancing Acts." In it he explicitly denies the virgin birth of Christ,
seriously doubts the resurrection (in what way, then, is Jesus the Son of God?), and rejects not only the historicity of all of Joseph's ancient scriptures, but also of
Joseph's First Vision and the visitations of Moroni. It should thus come as no surprise that Thompson describes New Approaches to the Book of Mormon as "a piece
of generally solid scholarship which contributes to a better understanding of the nature and origin of this book of scripture [the Book of Mormon]," which uses
"methodological rigor." On the other hand, the FARMS response in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon is, he asserts, "seriously flawed," and filled with
"dross and bile."

Nonetheless, Thompson is not universally pleased with the contents of New Approaches to the Book of Mormon . The articles selected for Thompson's reproof,
however, are quite revealing. Thompson finds Anthony Hutchinson's view that the Book of Mormon should be accepted as God-inspired fiction "unsatisfying" because
it is based on Hutchinson's "emotional reaction to the text." In this Thompson is in agreement with Louis Midgley's critique. However, it is unclear from
Thompson's remarks whether he is unsatisfied with Hutchinson because Thompson feels that Hutchinson has not made a strong enough case for the "inspired fiction"
theory, or because Thompson believes the "uninspired fiction" theory is superior (I suspect the latter).

Melodie Charles's article is criticized as "simply inadequate" because it is not radical enough-it "ignores recent scholarshipï¿½in which it is argued that in the Palestine of
Lehi's day there was no messianic expectation." In other words, Charles should have rejected all Christian beliefs about the promised Messiah-as Thompson has
apparently done-rather than simply those found in the Book of Mormon. Thus Thompson's fundamental disagreement with New Approaches to the Book of Mormon
seems to be that it simply hasn't gone far enough in its criticism of the faith of the Latter-day Saints.

On another occasion Thompson criticizes the arguments of some of the authors of New Approaches to the Book of Mormon , ignoring the fact that the same
arguments were found in the Review. Thus three of Edward Ashment's arguments are seen by Thompson as "nonsensical," but Thompson fails to inform us that Gee
criticized Ashment for precisely the same errors, among many others. Why did Thompson not give credit to the Review for presenting these valid criticisms?

But despite these quibbles with New Approaches to the Book of Mormon , Thompson's real purpose in his review is to attack the position taken in the Review. His
most fundamental criticism focuses on the "tone," which he finds too negative. An irony of Thompson's critique is that his own review is certainly no less negative in
tone than the Review. When Thompson calls some of Ashment's arguments "nonsensical," or labels Charles's scholarship "inadequate," or claims that the Review
is "seriously flawed" and filled with "dross and bile," Thompson is apparently doing serious scholarship. Why is it, then, when the authors of the Review make harsh
judgments about New Approaches to the Book of Mormon they are apparently engaging in the "unsupported" use of "insulting or abusive language"? I readily admit
that Review of Books on the Book of Mormon is a forthright and hard-hitting response to what we see as a seriously flawed attack on a fundamental scripture of the
Latter-day Saints. But its language is certainly no more abusive than Thompson's own (nor, for that matter, than that of many other partisans of a nineteenth-century
Book of Mormon). Unfortunately, there is no kind way to say that an author has written an incompetent article.

As part of his critique, Thompson claims that the Review "is not merely an attempt to evaluate the essays presented in New Approaches, but an effort to discredit
totally the articles and authors." Precisely the same could be said of Thompson's review of the Review. Can anyone who has read only Thompson's review tell what
the fundamental disputed issues of New Approaches to the Book of Mormon and the Review were? From Thompson's review, one would get the impression that the
Review contains only verbal insults, fundamentalist prattle, a mindless rejection of universally accepted scholarship, and numerous errors of fact because it is written by
people employed by Brigham Young University (who by the very fact of their employment there shouldn't be taken seriously as scholars). Really? Are there no
substantial arguments presented in the 578 pages of the Review? Are the over 1100 footnotes simply window dressing? Is there no evidence or rational analysis
presented that might lead thinking people to the conclusion that a case can be made for the historicity of the Book of Mormon? In reality, the Review focuses
relentlessly on the arguments. The fact that there has been almost no substantive defense of the arguments found in New Approaches to the Book of Mormon -the
main response has been, in common with Thompson, to claim that the Review is mean and nasty-clearly indicates the bankrupt nature of their enterprise.

Thompson strongly implies that the "abusive language" from FARMS is simply "unsupported" vituperation. In reality, the occasional unpleasant things said about the
arguments and authors of New Approaches are almost always part of a larger argument, and usually based on issues originally raised by the authors themselves. Thus
for example, it has been argued that only critics who reject the historicity of the Book of Mormon use "critical methods"; those who accept historicity are mere
"apologists." This is not simply an isolated ad hominem argument; related critiques have been repeatedly raised by several dissenters, as well as by Thompson
himself in his review. In analyzing the validity of this argument, it seems relevant to note that nearly all the supposedly unscholarly "apologists" have Ph.D.s, and have
published with a wide array of international academic journals and publishers. Yet Thompson feels that "the relevance of this impressive list of scholarly output
isï¿½questionable." Why? Critics attack the scholarly capabilities of supporters of the historicity of the Book of Mormon. The Review pointed out that those
capabilities are widely accepted by non-Mormon scholars throughout the world. How is this "irrelevant"? If a claim is made that Professor X is incompetent, then
Professor X's list of academic accomplishments is certainly relevant in determining the validity of the criticism. When critics question the scholarly ability of the
defenders of historicity, a comparison of credentials and scholarly productivity is also in order. If critics do not want their own lack of credentials to be scrutinized they
should not have raised this issue.

Of course, such whining about "tone" (which has been the major, if not only response to the Review by the critics), is simply a thinly veiled obfuscation attempting to
draw attention away from the real question-what are the fundamental issues, and whose arguments are superior? Thus criticisms about "tone" are themselves a fallacious
ad hominem attack-a focus on the arguer rather than the argument. They are an attempt to win in the arena of public relations and rhetoric what they are apparently
unable to win in the arena of evidence and analysis. Even if we were to grant that all contributors to the Review are in fact mean and nasty people, that would still beg
the question-whose arguments are superior? Interested readers should examine both books and decide for themselves.

Despite his focus on "tone," Thompson does attempt to raise a few substantive issues concerning portions of the Review. Unfortunately, Thompson's criticisms often
only serve to demonstrate that he has frequently either not understood the real argument or is intentionally creating a straw man. Thompson's claim that "the approach to
the Bible adopted by several contributors to the Review has much in common with that of Protestant fundamentalists who see the Bible as largely inerrant and historical"
    is simply wrong. In reality, no contributor to the Review is a scriptural inerrantist. This seems to be an attempt to impute guilt by association-since biblical inerrantists
are seen as "unscholarly" by much of the secular academy, Thompson attempts to equate the reviewers of the Review with inerrantists. The only example Thompson
gives of the supposedly widespread inerrantist assumptions in the Review is Richard Anderson, whom Thompson quotes as saying "all four Gospelsï¿½responsibly
[quot[e] the Savior, whether or not word-perfect." How can Anderson possibly be seen as an inerrantist when he here admits that the Gospels might not be quoting
the  exact words
 Copyright        of the Savior-in
             (c) 2005-2009,        otherMedia
                              Infobase    words,Corp.
                                                   that the texts are not inerrant? Despite Thompson's misunderstanding, belief in the historicity of the Gospel
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not logically the equivalent of belief in their inerrancy. While inerrantists must logically accept the historicity of the Gospels, one can reasonably accept historicity without
insisting on inerrancy-e.g., one can accept the historicity of the Gallic wars without believing that Caesar's account of those wars is inerrant.
    is simply wrong. In reality, no contributor to the Review is a scriptural inerrantist. This seems to be an attempt to impute guilt by association-since biblical inerrantists
are seen as "unscholarly" by much of the secular academy, Thompson attempts to equate the reviewers of the Review with inerrantists. The only example Thompson
gives of the supposedly widespread inerrantist assumptions in the Review is Richard Anderson, whom Thompson quotes as saying "all four Gospelsï¿½responsibly
[quot[e] the Savior, whether or not word-perfect." How can Anderson possibly be seen as an inerrantist when he here admits that the Gospels might not be quoting
the exact words of the Savior-in other words, that the texts are not inerrant? Despite Thompson's misunderstanding, belief in the historicity of the Gospel narratives is
not logically the equivalent of belief in their inerrancy. While inerrantists must logically accept the historicity of the Gospels, one can reasonably accept historicity without
insisting on inerrancy-e.g., one can accept the historicity of the Gallic wars without believing that Caesar's account of those wars is inerrant.

Elsewhere Thompson asserts that John Gee and Royal Skousen should be condemned for maintaining that "the whole field of New Testament textual criticism is filled
with practitioners who employ faulty methodology and whose results are unreliable." In fact, neither Gee nor Skousen make any such universalistic claim-indeed, they
both cite mainline textual critics to support their positions. Gee is claiming only that Stan Larson is guilty of the "best manuscript" fallacy-and provides several prominent
textual critics to support the view that following the "best manuscript" is faulty methodology. Skousen argued that in test cases in which the autograph manuscripts
exist, the standard assumption of many New Testament textual critics that the "harder" and "shorter" readings are more original is simply not supported-again, he
provides evidence and analysis for his position. Even if the views of Gee and Skousen were minority positions, they are still supported by reputable scholars in
textual criticism. It is not the mindless universal dismissal of scholars that Thompson implies.

Thompson's unjustified criticism of Gee and Skousen furnishes just two examples of his overreliance on the fallacy of argument from authority. Repeatedly, Thompson
denounces the authors of the Review as dismissing what he perceives as the universal position of the "scholars." Can Thompson really be unaware of the wide range
of interpretations and assumptions found in biblical and other branches of ancient studies? Thompson seems under the delusion that there is a universally held scholarly
position on controversial issues and seems fixated on being in agreement with these "scholars." The path to truth is thus reduced to discovering this universally held
scholarly position and following it. On this same subject I elsewhere noted:

Within the secularized academic community there is absolutely no consensus on most of the issues discussed by [David P.] Wright-all they agree on is that the
supernaturalists are wrong. If the secularists cannot agree among themselves, why should the supernaturalists jettison their interpretations for "clear conclusions and
evidence generated [by the critical method]," which Wright claims exist, but whose existence he has by no means conclusively demonstrated.

In response to this statement, Thompson wrote:

Instances of disagreement among scholars are taken [by Hamblin] as an excuse for dismissing the critical approach to the scriptures entirely, and relying on an uncritical,
dogma-driven exegesis.

Of course my statement implies absolutely nothing of the sort, as any reader of my essay in the Review can see. Wright claimed that we should reject the historicity
of the Book of Mormon based on "clear conclusions and evidence" that seem to contradict some aspects of the Book of Mormon. I responded that these so-called
"clear conclusions" are, in fact, far from clear or unanimous and that a wide range of scholarly opinion has been expressed on many of the issues under consideration.
Neither Wright nor Thompson has disputed this fact. How in the world can my position lead Thompson to conclude that I am somehow calling "for dismissing the
critical approach to the scriptures entirely, and relying on an uncritical, dogma-driven exegesis"? All that I dismiss are the untrue claims that critical methodologies have
produced scholarly unanimity which somehow logically compels us to reject the historicity of the Book of Mormon. Furthermore, it is a logical fallacy to argue that
scholarly consensus-even if it existed-should be seen as an infallible guide to the truth.

Thompson accuses the authors of the Review of "frequently" committing certain errors, while providing only one example of the supposed mistakes. Nonetheless,
Thompson may have correctly identified several errors in the Review. There are undoubtedly many others-no scholar is infallible. Thompson himself, for example, falls
into error when he claims that "the gospels circulated without titles (or authors) until the second half of the second century and that authors were assigned to them
beginning about 180, not based on long-standing tradition." The claim that "the gospels circulated withoutï¿½authors" is manifestly false, ignoring the evidence of
Papias (c. A.D. 70-140, and writing as early as A.D. 110), who mentions the gospels of both Matthew and Mark by name. One struggles not to believe that this is a
case of intentional suppression of the evidence of Papias, since it is clear elsewhere that Thompson is aware of "the text [of Matthew] referred to by Papia [sic]."

Thompson's final remarks are richly ironic. While tacitly admitting that those who accept the historicity of the Book of Mormon use critical methods in their analyses and
arguments, Thompson concludes his review with the astounding assertion that "the work of many FARMS researchers does not qualify as 'critical' because they lack
the essential ingredient of [academic] freedom." Why? Because they are "employed by BYU"-indeed, "any [LDS] church employee is [not] truly 'free' when it comes
to matters of LDS scholarship." Thompson is seriously arguing that the work published by FARMS "does not qualify as 'critical' " scholarship because some are
employed by BYU, and therefore are not intellectually "free." What preposterous nonsense!

In point of fact, quite the opposite is true. Before coming to BYU I worked at two secular universities. At neither of these schools was I "free" to publish on the Book
of Mormon. At one university I was actually told by an administrator not to talk about Mormonism. Part of the reason I came to BYU was precisely to work in an
environment of academic freedom so that I could write and think about Mormonism. Thus, in reality, I am free to state my views on the Book of Mormon precisely
because I am employed by BYU. There is no other university in the world where I would enjoy such academic freedom. How, then, is my "freedomï¿½considerably
circumscribed" by my position at BYU? Is it really so impossible to accept the fact that some scholars have studied the evidence and come to the conclusion that a
plausible case can be made for the historicity of the Book of Mormon, and that therefore working at BYU represents absolutely no infringement on their academic
freedom, but instead is an enhancement of that freedom? I work at BYU because I believe; I do not believe because I work at BYU.

On the other hand, it could just as easily (and nonsensically) be argued that it is Thompson-who recently finished his Ph.D. and is currently searching for an academic
position in Egyptology-whose intellectual freedom is curtailed by secular universities. If Thompson were to write articles supporting the historicity of the book of
Abraham or the Book of Mormon, he would most probably be branded an Egyptological crank and black-balled from academia-it would be unlikely that he would
ever get a job in Egyptology. Thus, using his own ad hominem methods, Thompson's recent attacks on the historicity of the book of Abraham, the Book of Mormon,
and the divinity of Christ could be seen as a manifestation that his own "intellectual freedomï¿½is considerably circumscribed" by the orthodoxies of the secular
academy. Is anything really accomplished by these silly rhetorical games? It is unfortunate that Thompson and many other critics groundlessly refuse to recognize the
academic honesty and sincerity of those who disagree with them.

Another rich irony in Thompson's "argument" is that, while he strongly condemns authors of the Review for mentioning the lack of academic credentials of most of the
contributors to New Approaches, he, on the other hand, feels that pointing out that many contributors to the Review are employed by a major university is somehow
evidence of their failure to use critical methods! If it is irrelevant that several contributors to New Approaches are in fact uncredentialed agnostics, how is it supremely
relevant that several contributors to the Review are credentialed believers?

In order to dismiss their arguments Thompson repeatedly misrepresents and miscontextualizes what the authors of the Review have explicitly and clearly stated. Such
"straw man" argumentation may win rhetorical points in certain dissenting Latter-day Saint circles by allowing dissenters to pretend that scholars who accept the
historicity of the Book of Mormon can be summarily dismissed as mere "apologists"-after all, they work at BYU of all places. But it does nothing to clarify the issues or
resolve  the debate.
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Do theyï¿½really confront the strongest arguments of those whose position they would refute? Or do they ignore the more persuasive arguments in order to focus on
the weaker ones? Do they fairly and accurately state those arguments? Careful readers will want to note the use, in the essays under examination, of logical "straw men"
In order to dismiss their arguments Thompson repeatedly misrepresents and miscontextualizes what the authors of the Review have explicitly and clearly stated. Such
"straw man" argumentation may win rhetorical points in certain dissenting Latter-day Saint circles by allowing dissenters to pretend that scholars who accept the
historicity of the Book of Mormon can be summarily dismissed as mere "apologists"-after all, they work at BYU of all places. But it does nothing to clarify the issues or
resolve the debate. Daniel C. Peterson's cogent comments apply to Thompson as well as to many other critics of the Book of Mormon:

Do theyï¿½really confront the strongest arguments of those whose position they would refute? Or do they ignore the more persuasive arguments in order to focus on
the weaker ones? Do they fairly and accurately state those arguments? Careful readers will want to note the use, in the essays under examination, of logical "straw men"
that distort the positions of those who might offer resistance to these "New Approaches."

  Brent Lee Metcalfe, ed. New Approaches to the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993).

  An unpublished paper given at the 1993 Sunstone East conference, manuscript in my possession.

  See also Thompson's "Messiah in Context," Sunstone (February 1994): 75-78; and "Searching for the 'Historical Jesus,' " Sunstone (June 1994): 58-61, for
additional examples of Thompson's rejection of many, if not all, of the traditional elements of Christ's divinity.

  Stephen E. Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," Dialogue 27/4 (1994): 197.

  Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994).

   Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 205. I have no objection to partisan reviews; indeed, they generally are the most interesting and useful. But
readers should be aware that Thompson is by no means unbiased in this matter. Of course neither am I. The difference is that I admit my biases, while many dissenters
either assert that they have no biases or consciously hide their real beliefs and agendas.

  Ibid., 198.

   Louis Midgley, review of "The Word of God Is Enough: The Book of Mormon as Nineteenth-Century Scripture," by Anthony A. Hutchinson, Review of Books on
the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 200-254.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 198. Of course, Thompson's own view that "in the Palestine of Lehi's day there was no messianic
expectation" (198) ignores not only a great deal of ancient evidence, but recent scholarship as well; see, for example, Joseph Collins, The Scepter and the Star: Jewish
Messianism in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: Doubleday, 1995), who discusses messianic ideas in the sixth century b.c., when Thompson claims "there
was no messianic expectation." (This book was published after Thompson's review.)

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 199.

   John Gee, review of New Approaches to the Book of Mormon, ed. Brent Lee Metcalfe, Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 92-94, 106-8.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 200.

  Ibid., 199.

  Ibid., 198.

  Ibid., 205.

  Ibid., 200.

  See Daniel C. Peterson, "Text and Context," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 534-36, for citations.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 200.

  John Wm. Maddox, in "A Listing of Points and Counterpoints," forthcoming in the FARMS Review of Books (1996), documents responses presented in the
Review of Books on the Book of Mormon to arguments found in New Approaches to the Book of Mormon.

  Ibid., 200-201.

  Brent Lee Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions about Book of Mormon Historicity," Dialogue 26/3 (Fall 1993): 154-84; see my analysis in William J.
Hamblin, "An Apologist for the Critics: Brent Lee Metcalfe's Assumptions and Methodologies," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 434-523.

  See ibid., 435 n. 3, for references.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 205.

  Ibid., 201.

   Thompson goes on to claim that academic credentials in Near Eastern studies do not "qualify one to write on the Book of Mormon" (201). If this is true, one is
forced to ask how Thompson's degree in Egyptology somehow qualifies him to write on the Book of Mormon, or on the New Testament and early Christianity (see n.
3 above). Furthermore, if a Ph.D. and international publications in Near Eastern Studies do not "qualify" one to write on the Book of Mormon, how do the lack of any
advanced degree in any subject and the lack of any publications outside of dissenting Latter-day Saint circles grant qualification? I strongly suggest that dissenters drop
this silly argument; it is one they simply cannot win.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 201.

  Ibid.
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  Ibid., 202.
  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 201.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 202.

  Gee, review of New Approaches, 68-70.

  Royal Skousen, review of New Approaches, in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 121-25.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 198, 201-2.

  William J. Hamblin, "The Final Step," Sunstone 16/5 (July 1993): 12.

  Thompson, "Messiah in Context," 78.

  Hamblin, review of "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions," by Metcalfe, 434-523.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 200-201, 204.

  Ibid., 202.

  Cited by Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History III, 39, 15-16.

  Thompson, " 'Critical' Book of Mormon Scholarship," 203.

  Ibid., 205.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 200-201.

  Peterson, "Text and Context," 553-54.

Narrative Criticism and the Book of Mormon

Edgar C. Snow, Jr.

Abstract: This paper suggests the use of narrative criticism, a recent literary interpretive tool, as a favorable method of Book of Mormon interpretation. As an example
of narrative interpretation, the Samuel the Lamanite narrative in Helaman 13-16 is analyzed as a discrete narrative portion of the Book of Mormon for the exploration
of the possibilities of a narrative critical approach to its text. Instead of focusing on the content of Samuel's exhortations, lamentations, and prophecies in order to
understand these passages, I interpret the surrounding narrative and find it serves as an impressive complement to the doctrinal content of Samuel's discourse.

While the Book of Mormon from the date of its publication has been the subject of historical interpretation (does the book contain ancient history?), until recently,
relatively few students of the Book of Mormon have assessed its literary value. This should not come as a surprise since the Book of Mormon was presented to the
world by Joseph Smith as an ancient history, and he was immediately taken to task for such claims. However, in recent years several Book of Mormon students
have begun to notice the literary complexity and richness contained in the Book of Mormon, aside from its literary value for historical analysis.3 I explore in this paper
an emerging area of literary and biblical scholarship known as narrative criticism and its possible uses in the literary interpretation of the Book of Mormon. After a brief
explanation of the assumptions and techniques of narrative criticism, I will turn to the Samuel the Lamanite narrative contained in Helaman 13-16 to illustrate how this
approach may assist us in our attempt to understand the Book of Mormon.

   Although some interpreters have argued to the contrary, the statement contained in the 1830 edition of the Book of Mormon referring to Joseph Smith as the "author
and proprietor" of the Book of Mormon cannot be viewed as a statement of Joseph's "initial" intent that the book be considered his work of historical fiction in light of
(1) unequivocal statements by Joseph Smith that the Book of Mormon is a translation of an ancient text (see, e.g., HC 1:71), and (2) the copyright law of New York in
1830 requiring such a statement. See Miriam A. Smith and John W. Welch, "Joseph Smith: 'Author and Proprietor,' " in Reexploring the Book of Mormon , ed. John
W. Welch (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1992), 154-57.

  For a summary of some early "reviews" so criticizing the Book of Mormon, see Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism (Chicago:
University of Illinois Press, 1984), 111-13.

Narrative Criticism

Narrative criticism is a recently developed literary critical method which attempts to use the tools developed in the study of narratives to study works of both fiction and
nonfiction. Narrative critics attempt to isolate the narrative of a text from the real author of the text in an effort to let a text speak for itself as much as possible. Rather
than referring to the real author of the text, narrative critics refer to and study the implied author, meaning the person who wrote the text as that person is presented in
the text itself. According to narrative interpretive theory, the narrative itself provides clues that indicate who the implied author is and which views the implied author
holds. Likewise, the real reader of the text is ignored and an implied reader is referred to and studied by narrative critics, as is the anticipated response of such a reader
toCopyright
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                                                   the implied author's views are indistinguishable from the views of the narrator, who may actually bePage        423in /a 919
                                                                                                                                                           a character      story
if a narrator/character is acknowledged in the narrative. The implied author is most often clearly visible, in fiction rather than in nonfiction, when the narrator is a naive
character or otherwise holds views obviously different from the implied author-such as Huck Finn, the naive narrator of Mark Twain's novel The Adventures of
nonfiction. Narrative critics attempt to isolate the narrative of a text from the real author of the text in an effort to let a text speak for itself as much as possible. Rather
than referring to the real author of the text, narrative critics refer to and study the implied author, meaning the person who wrote the text as that person is presented in
the text itself. According to narrative interpretive theory, the narrative itself provides clues that indicate who the implied author is and which views the implied author
holds. Likewise, the real reader of the text is ignored and an implied reader is referred to and studied by narrative critics, as is the anticipated response of such a reader
to the views of an implied author. Quite often, the implied author's views are indistinguishable from the views of the narrator, who may actually be a character in a story
if a narrator/character is acknowledged in the narrative. The implied author is most often clearly visible, in fiction rather than in nonfiction, when the narrator is a naive
character or otherwise holds views obviously different from the implied author-such as Huck Finn, the naive narrator of Mark Twain's novel The Adventures of
Huckleberry Finn-thereby producing a sense of irony in the implied reader. Regarding the implied reader, on the other hand, it is a rare narrative form, again usually
found in fiction rather than nonfiction, which has a narratee, a character in the story to whom the story is being told, who is different from the implied reader in the actual
narrative itself, such as the person to whom Marlow tells the story in Joseph Conrad's novella, Heart of Darkness, for example, and the implied reader must usually be
determined without reference to a possible narratee.

For the purposes of using narrative criticism in reading the Book of Mormon, use of the term implied author does not suggest that the text had no actual historical
narrators as reported. In fact, the views of each main narrator in the Book of Mormon appear to reflect, without any sense of irony, the views of the implied author
of the entire text of the Book of Mormon, since each narrator of the Book of Mormon appears to have nearly identical prophetic Judeo-Christian views.
However, I suggest that Book of Mormon narrative critics interpret each discrete narrative section of the text with reference to the actual named narrator as the
equivalent of the implied author for that particular passage.

The implied reader of the Book of Mormon is someone who is sympathetic to the views expressed by the Book of Mormon narrators and who is interested in the
origin, history, and future of the Book of Mormon peoples (see 2 Ne. 25:8;26:14; Morm. 3:17;5:9-10) and their intersection with the implied reader's own present and
future (see Mormon 8:34-41). The narrative critic's objective is to stand in the shoes of the implied reader presupposed by the text and forget almost all information
outside of the text. For instance, in reading the book of Ether, the Book of Mormon narrative critic should ask why the brother of Jared's name is not mentioned in
Ether and not supplement the text with Joseph Smith's subsequent statement that his name was Mahonri Moriancumr.

Narrative criticism uses the same tools as critics of fiction to understand a text and elucidate the response of the implied reader to the text, thereby showing what it
means to the reader. Evaluation of the implied author's narrative use of setting, events, and characters is crucial to this process, as well as consideration of the implied
author's use of literary forms and expressions. What is then interpreted is the narrative in the text as told by the implied author to the implied reader.

In spite of Neal Chandler's observation that the Book of Mormon is "big" on exhortation, perhaps at the expense of story or narrative, the Book of Mormon
nevertheless provides ample story material containing multiple layers of narrators and narratees. Even exhortations themselves can be viewed as events in a story. Using
the narrative critical approach, the Book of Mormon text can and should be treated as a series of stories discoursed as scripture, not necessarily as mere literature.
Narrative criticism is a different approach from studying the Book of Mormon as mere literature because it allows doctrinal and spiritual aspects of the text to be fully
explored while using the techniques developed in the study of narrative. The advantages of this approach are numerous: non-Mormons will be able to view the text from
the believing Mormon's point of view; other critical methods can be tested by narrative criticism for consistency; scholars and lay persons will find accessible common
ground; and this approach celebrates the power of sacred narratives and their ability to inspire us. While some critics will consider the apparent weaknesses of narrative
criticism greater than its strengths-it ignores, for instance, the historical witness of Christ in ancient America-these perceived weaknesses should not hinder narrative
critics from interpreting the Book of Mormon. Only an eclectic approach to the Book of Mormon text will eventually render its full meaning, and narrative criticism
should be a part of that complete approach. While narrative critics should ultimately interpret the entire Book of Mormon as a narrative whole, I hope that the following
example of a narrative approach to an individual story in the Book of Mormon illustrates the worth of narrative criticism.

  For general background reading on narrative criticism, see, for instance, Seymour Chatman, Story and Discourse: Narrative Structure in Fiction and Film (Ithaca:
Cornell University, 1978); Gerard Genette, Narrative Discourse: An Essay in Method, trans. Jane E. Lewin (Ithaca: Cornell University, 1980); Wayne C. Booth, The
Rhetoric of Fiction, 2nd rev. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); Gerald Prince, Dictionary of Narratology (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1987); and
Mark Allan Powell, What Is Narrative Criticism? (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990).

  Narrative critics can interpret the secondhand narratives reported by a narrator as a character in a work, resulting in multilevel narrative analyses.

  It is possible in narrative theory to describe an implied author for a work that obviously consists of texts written by different historical authors. For instance, the New
Testament is an anthology of works, each of which can be interpreted as separate narrative works, or as one narrative whole. The implied author of each gospel would
be virtually identical to its narrator, whereas the implied author of the whole New Testament would have views suggesting reasons for collecting all of the works into the
anthology, even though some views of separate works may be slightly inconsistent.

  A demonstration otherwise would be useful in a historical interpretation, suggesting multiple authorship for the text.

  See Robert J. Matthews, Who's Who in the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976), 58.

  Chandler, "Book of Mormon Stories," 13-14.

The Samuel the Lamanite Narrative

While most readers of Helaman 13-16 usually focus on the content of Samuel's exhortations, lamentations, and prophecies in order to understand these passages, the
surrounding narrative serves as an impressive complement to the theological content of Samuel's discourse. The implied author of the Book of Mormon in this narrative,
like all implied authors, has made choices of what to include in the narrative in order to achieve his desired effect: (1) he has chosen certain props or settings in
describing the events he has chosen to tell us, (2) he has given order to the events and either summarized or elaborated upon them, and (3) he has chosen to reveal one
or several character traits and transformations of the people who cause the related events. The Samuel the Lamanite narrative in Helaman 13-16 is accordingly
analyzed below to show how these narrative elements give meaning to the text.

Setting

Settings can be divided into two categories: spatial and temporal. As with the Bible, most Book of Mormon settings are sparsely described and utilitarian in nature. The
Samuel the Lamanite narrative is no exception to this rule. However, the city wall climbed by Samuel in Hel. 13:4, though it represents a real wall in the narrative, may
also act as a symbolic setting and may represent the stubbornness of the Nephites as the figurative wall they built around their hearts to reject Samuel's message.

Spatially, the narrative takes place in the city of Zarahemla near the city walls and in an unidentified place where Nephi is administering religious rites (Hel. 16:1). Unlike
implied authors of other works, the implied author of the Book of Mormon-like the implied author of the Bible-is usually concerned with setting the stage with a bare
minimum of spatial props where the events can take place.
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Temporally, the text makes it very clear that the Samuel the Lamanite narrative takes place in the eighty-sixth year of the reign of the Nephite judges. In fact, it is the
only reported event of the eighty-sixth year, other than a summary report of the evil doings of the Nephites and the righteousness of the Lamanites. References to the
eighty-sixth year at the beginning of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative in Hel. 13:1 and at the end of the narrative in Hel. 16:9 delineate a discrete narrative section.
Spatially, the narrative takes place in the city of Zarahemla near the city walls and in an unidentified place where Nephi is administering religious rites (Hel. 16:1). Unlike
implied authors of other works, the implied author of the Book of Mormon-like the implied author of the Bible-is usually concerned with setting the stage with a bare
minimum of spatial props where the events can take place.

Temporally, the text makes it very clear that the Samuel the Lamanite narrative takes place in the eighty-sixth year of the reign of the Nephite judges. In fact, it is the
only reported event of the eighty-sixth year, other than a summary report of the evil doings of the Nephites and the righteousness of the Lamanites. References to the
eighty-sixth year at the beginning of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative in Hel. 13:1 and at the end of the narrative in Hel. 16:9 delineate a discrete narrative section.
Here the temporal setting is purely chronological, rather than typological-such as Nicodemus's visit to Jesus "by night" in John 3:2, suggesting in John's narrative that the
term by night indicates Nicodemus wished his visit to remain a secret one.

Therefore, an analysis of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative shows that the implied reader should probably not view the narrative setting, other than perhaps the city
wall, for any purpose other than as a mere backdrop against which to meet characters and watch events.

Events

It should be mentioned again that although my analysis ignores Samuel's actual sermon, speech itself is often an event to be explored in a narrative. The narrative
analysis of events usually consists of examining their order, duration, frequency, and causation. Causation might also be analyzed along with characterization.

Implied authors use a variety of methods to deal with the order of reported events. A reporter at the scene of a catastrophe might, for instance, report the event as it
occurs: "I am watching an avalanche as I sit and eat my pastry in the ski lodge." In this instance, the telling of the story is simultaneous with its occurrence, a narrative
rarity. Typically the implied author reports events which occurred previously, and usually these events are a part of the story being told: "After I entered the ski lodge, I
had an insatiable craving for pastry." Sometimes, however, an event is told which occurred before or after the story being told: "While sitting next to the fire, eating my
pastry, I remembered my last skiing trip."

The Book of Mormon contains numerous examples of complicated ordering of narrative events, such as the interruption of the story of the Nephites by the story of the
Jaredites. Another example of complicated ordering in the Book of Mormon occurs in the section I call the "meanwhile-back-at-the-ranch" narrative portion of the
Book of Mormon contained in Mosiah 7-25. In these chapters the implied author simultaneously balances (1) the current narrative about Ammon with (2) a
"flashback," which follows the story of Zeniff, Noah, and Limhi and the "scene-stealing" episode of Abinadi, with (3) Alma 1 departing to the waters of Mormon and his
activities there, until (4) all of these accounts which had been suspended against each other by the implied author are folded together. Then, in an extraordinary narrative
act, the implied author records that a character in the story reads the reports of these three simultaneous episodes to the people gathered at Zarahemla (Mosiah 25:4-
6). The task of the narrative critic is to determine the use and effect of any ordering of events. The order of events in the Samuel the Lamanite narrative shows an
example of the remarkable narrative agility of the implied author of the Book of Mormon.

The implied author first introduces Samuel and tells of his attempts to preach to the Nephites. Samuel is initially rejected by the Nephites. But while returning to his own
country, Samuel is prompted to return and attempt preaching again. After being refused admission to the city, he climbs the city wall and preaches (Helaman 13-15).
As Samuel preaches, many believe his words. The implied author says in Hel. 16:1 that they "went forth and sought for Nephi; and when they had come forth and
found him they confessed unto him their sins and denied not, desiring that they might be baptized unto the Lord." At first glance it appears that, simultaneously with the
continued preaching of Samuel, converted Nephites sought out Nephi somewhere in the city or its vicinity, confessing their sins and requesting baptism.

As the narrative continues, however, it appears that the implied author may be intentionally distorting the order of events to achieve a special narrative effect. While the
first converted Nephites seek out Nephi, confessing their sins and requesting baptism, Samuel apparently continues to preach, and the remaining unbelieving Nephites
become angry and cast stones and arrows as he stands on the wall (Hel. 16:2). Because of divine protection, Samuel is untouched by the stones and arrows, causing
more Nephites to believe his message (Hel. 16:3). This second wave of converts also seeks out Nephi to be baptized while Samuel continues to preach. The implied
author then reports in Helaman 16:4-5-in the past progressive tense, which denotes past action in progress in the narrative, as if occurring simultaneously with Samuel's
preaching on the wall-that Nephi was engaged in extensive activity and

was baptizing, and prophesying, and preaching, crying repentance unto the people, showing signs and wonders, working miracles among the people;ï¿½therefore as
many as believed on the words of Samuel went forth unto him to be baptized, for they came repenting and confessing their sins.

As more fully discussed below, Nephi's extensive proselytizing activities appear to be told outside the actual chronological order of events.

As the implied author tells the implied reader, the majority of Nephites at the wall listening to Samuel did not believe his words, and since they could not hit him with
stones or arrows, they sought to capture him by sending men up the wall after him (Helaman 16:6-7). Samuel then escaped capture and returned to his own people
(Hel. 16:8), never to speak again to the Nephites.

While it is unclear exactly how long Samuel stood on the wall and delivered his discourse, it seems that the activities reported as occurring at the same time among
Nephi and the two groups of converts-the Nephites confessing and Nephi "baptizing, and prophesying, and preaching, crying repentance unto the people, showing
signs and wonders, working miracles among the people" (Hel. 16:4)-continued after Samuel's actual discourse was delivered and are intentional narrative temporal
distortions. Such apparent discrepancies between the occurrence of the events contained in the story and the discourse of the story by the implied author are called
"anachronies" (not to be confused with "anachronisms") by narrative critics. The implied author of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative appears to use internal prolepsis
(an event reported in the story which actually occurs after the story) in reporting, on the one hand, the reactions of Samuel's converts seeking Nephi's spiritual
administrations as temporally distorted/narrative sequential comparisons to, on the other hand, the reactions of the unbelieving Nephites.

In addition to time, duration is also used by implied authors to achieve certain narrative effects. It is rare that the time spent in telling a story-the time it takes to read the
words (in narrative or story time)-is equal to the amount of time it might take for the story to actually occur (in real time). A radio sports announcer's play-by-play
narrative is the best example of how a "real time" narrative might occur; the sports announcer's report would be described as a "scene" by a narrative critic. The Book
of Mormon implied author uses several forms of narrative duration. The most striking example of summary-when the discourse time is less than the story time-can be
found in 4 Nephi when approximately four hundred years of events are telescoped into one chapter. Summary is also used repeatedly in the Samuel the Lamanite
narrative. It is typical that summary is used by the implied author of the Book of Mormon to cover ground between scenes, thus highlighting, for instance, the
importance of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative itself.

Furthermore, an analysis of the frequency with which events are reported usually reveals the importance which the implied reader should attach to the events.
Frequency of narration may occur with one event reported several times, such as Alma's thrice-repeated conversion story (Mosiah 27:8-37; Alma 36:4-26;38:6-8),
highlighting its importance. Also, separate similar events are often narrated to highlight commonalities for a narrative effect at the expense of their differences and are
labeled "multiple-similar" narrations. The implied author of the Book of Mormon seems to favor at least three types of multiple-similar events: (1) confrontations with
anti-Christs such as Sherem, Nehor, and Korihor, (2) righteous-wicked Nephite cycles (which are self-evident in the text-just look for the words "and thus we see"),
and (3) prophetic failure/success stories, such as the stories about Abinadi and Alma 1 , for instance. The Samuel the Lamanite narrative provides an example of the
 Copyrightfailure/success
prophetic   (c) 2005-2009,    Infobase
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                                  Samuel,      Corp. prophet, attempts to preach, is rejected, is prompted to preach again by a divine source, and thereafter
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success.
highlighting its importance. Also, separate similar events are often narrated to highlight commonalities for a narrative effect at the expense of their differences and are
labeled "multiple-similar" narrations. The implied author of the Book of Mormon seems to favor at least three types of multiple-similar events: (1) confrontations with
anti-Christs such as Sherem, Nehor, and Korihor, (2) righteous-wicked Nephite cycles (which are self-evident in the text-just look for the words "and thus we see"),
and (3) prophetic failure/success stories, such as the stories about Abinadi and Alma 1 , for instance. The Samuel the Lamanite narrative provides an example of the
prophetic failure/success story: Samuel, a Lamanite prophet, attempts to preach, is rejected, is prompted to preach again by a divine source, and thereafter meets
success.

Characters

The last general category of analysis for the narrative critic is to analyze the characters in a text. Although the characters in the Book of Mormon are intended to be
considered real characters, the implied author may choose to use real characters as symbols and show them as flat characters who are perhaps presented as
extraordinarily consistent (unlike most humans), or stock characters who represent mainly one character trait. Most of the Book of Mormon anti-Christ characters fit
into the flat character mold, as well as many of the heroes such as Ammon2 and Gideon. Some characters, such as zealous Zeniff, may be considered stock characters.
However, in spite of certain criticisms that Book of Mormon characters are all flat or stock characters, thus implying that they are merely fictional characters -an
invalid argument since real characters can be represented as flat or stock characters-numerous characters such as Lehi, Nephi, Alma (2), Abish, King Lamoni, and
Chemish are round characters, revealing a variety of personality traits. It should be noted that narrative critics do not place a value judgment on the presentation of a
character as flat, stock, or round.

Sometimes, as in the gospels, groups can be characters as well. Typically-but not always-in the Book of Mormon, the Lamanites are portrayed as an evil group
character and the Nephites as a not-as-evil group character. The implied author tells us information about these characters or shows these characters through their
actions. In the Samuel the Lamanite narrative, therefore, it is no small irony that the Nephites are so stiff-necked that Nephi, their "namesake," had been unable to
convert them, whereas Samuel, a Lamanite who was sent to convert them, was only partially successful, and returned to his own country.

In addition, static and dynamic characters should be examined. Book of Mormon static characters are usually presented as dyed-in-the-wool good guys or bad guys.
The dynamic characters, however, are often presented as converts, reflecting the implied author's main concerns: the only personality transformations worth page space
in the Book of Mormon are spiritual conversions.

The implied author also uses narrative to develop the implied reader's empathy for characters-whether divinely idealistic, as with Jesus (3 Ne. 17), or mortally realistic,
as with Abish (Alma 19). The implied reader's sympathy is often evoked through the sympathy of an empathetic character for other characters. For instance, as an
empathetic character, the resurrected Jesus evokes our sympathy for children in 3 Ne. 17. In the Samuel the Lamanite narrative, the implied reader is idealistically
empathetic to Samuel and Nephi; through them our sympathy for the converted Nephites is evoked. Of course, antipathy is also created in the implied reader
through empathetic characters and the implied author succeeds with respect to the antipathy to be felt by the implied reader against the unconverted Nephites in the
Samuel the Lamanite narrative.

   Several aspects of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative need to be clarified in order to substantiate this. It is unclear that the reported text of Samuel's discourse is the
discourse delivered on the wall, since Samuel preached "many days, repentance unto the people" (Hel. 13:2) before he was cast out of Zarahemla. The implied author's
introductions to the reported discourses contained in Hel. 13:5 and 14:1-2 are ambiguous as to the exact time when they were delivered. The reported discourses may
have been delivered during these many days, not accounting for the "great many more things [which were spoken by Samuel] which [could not] be written" as indicated
in Hel. 14:1. But assuming that the reported discourse was spoken from the wall, in addition to prior unreported discourses, the reported passages of Samuel's speech
from the wall quoted by the implied author would last approximately twenty minutes. I base this on my own timed, slow reading of Samuel's reported discourses out
loud. If one assumes that some portion of the "great many more things" spoken were also delivered from the wall, one could further assume that it would not take
substantially longer to have delivered a portion of the "great many more things" than it would to deliver that which is reported by the implied author in Helaman. This
view is supported in that the entire speech would have been presumed to be delivered in a hostile setting with escalating attempts to kill Samuel following each other in
apparent quick succession; no time lag was apparent between attempts to hit Samuel with stones and arrows and the attempt to capture him. So even if it is assumed
by the implied reader that Samuel spoke for sixty minutes on the wall, it does not appear to be enough time for converts, in two separate groups in succession, to seek
out Nephi, confess their sins to him, listen to his sermons and prophecies, watch his signs and miracles, and pursue baptismal rites while Samuel delivers his hurried
message on the wall. It might be argued, however, that the phrase Nephi was baptizing contained in Hel. 16:4 might refer to Nephi's prior well-known attempts to
preach the gospel, told in summary form to explain why the Nephites converted by Samuel's discourse sought him out. Perhaps Hel. 16:5 should read "therefore
[because of his past renown] as many as believedï¿½went forth unto him." This would still be a narrative temporal distortion of events. However, it seems unlikely that
the implied author would need to explain Nephi's renown in this summary manner since the story of his praying on a tower in his garden had been told only a few pages
beforehand in Helaman 7-9.

  See other examples cited in Rust, "Recurrence in Book of Mormon Narratives," 39-52.

  See, for instance, Thomas F. O'Dea, The Mormons (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1970), 33.

  Incidentally, I find the resurrected Jesus in the Book of Mormon to be a round character-he weeps, he smiles, and he prays-whereas in the New Testament I find
him to be a stock character. Again, this is not a value judgment, but merely a narrative category.

  Since so little is told about Samuel, it is difficult to characterize him, and, therefore, he is likely to be considered a stock character.

Conclusion

A narrative critical analysis of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative in Helaman 13-16 shows that the implied author has attempted to illustrate through a narrative, as well
as a sermon, the irony of Nephite wickedness by telling the story of Samuel, a Lamanite prophet who was sent to convert the Nephites, a Lamanite prophet who is
perhaps with honor in his own country of traditionally evil Lamanites, who are in fact actually better than those Nephites who reject Samuel. The implied author shows
simultaneously the differences between the converted Nephites and the unbelievers through their actions by using the narrative in a likely temporal distortion of the
probable actual order of events in the story time, thereby highlighting those differences by comparison as the climactic story of the eighty-sixth year of the Nephite
judges. The implied author evokes the implied reader's idealistic empathy with Samuel and Nephi and thereby evokes the implied reader's sympathy for the converted
Nephites and the Lamanites, so that the implied reader may also accept Samuel's message.

The use of narrative critical tools in future Book of Mormon scholarship should provide us with enhanced understanding and approaches that allow scholar and
nonscholar, believer and nonbeliever alike to enjoy the message of the Book of Mormon. This analysis of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative has illustrated that point.

The Book of Mosiah:
Thoughts About Its Structure Purposes Themes and Authorship
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Gary L. Sturgess

Abstract: The book of Mosiah is a cultic history of the reign of Mosiah 2 , structured around three royal ceremonies in 124, 121, and 92-91 B.C. On each of these
nonscholar, believer and nonbeliever alike to enjoy the message of the Book of Mormon. This analysis of the Samuel the Lamanite narrative has illustrated that point.

The Book of Mosiah:
Thoughts About Its Structure Purposes Themes and Authorship

Gary L. Sturgess

Abstract: The book of Mosiah is a cultic history of the reign of Mosiah 2 , structured around three royal ceremonies in 124, 121, and 92-91 B.C. On each of these
occasions, newly discovered scriptures were read to the people, stressing the dangers of monarchical government and celebrating the deliverance of the people and the
revelation of Jesus Christ. This book existed independently hundreds of years before Mormon engraved it onto the gold plates. The most likely occasion for the writing
of such a book was in the aftermath of Mosiah's death when Alma the Younger needed to undermine the Amlicite bid to reestablish the monarchy.

1. a Book of Mosiah?

Although at first glance the book of Mosiah seems to be a history of the reign of Mosiah 2 -who ruled over the people of Nephi from about 124 to 91 B.C. -very
few of the twenty-one chapters in the book actually deal with the life of Mosiah, and more than half of them describe events that took place outside his kingdom.

Indeed, it might be questioned whether the book of Mosiah was identified as a separate work in the gold plates, in the same way as the book of Nephi and the record
of Zeniff. We do not have the Original Manuscript for this part of the Book of Mormon, but the unamended text of the Printer's Manuscript set what became Mosiah 1
as chapter 2, the Words of Mormon being chapter 1. This suggests that the Original Manuscript, and perhaps the plates themselves, failed to identify a new book at
that interval. The title of the book of Mosiah, and thus its identification as a discrete book, was provided during the correction of the Printer's Manuscript by Oliver
Cowdery or Joseph Smith.

In its present form, the book of Mosiah takes up the history of Mosiah's dynasty: "And now there was no more contention in all the land of Zarahemla among all the
people which belonged to king Benjamin" (Mosiah 1:1). The beginnings of this history are now to be found in the Words of Mormon, which, according to Joseph
Smith, was located not in its present position but right at the end of the plates. This suggests either that the 116 lost pages contained an introduction to the Mosiac
dynasty similar to that portion now found in the Words of Mormon, or that an introduction to the book of Mosiah existed but was omitted either by Mormon or Joseph
Smith.

What, then, is the book of Mosiah? Does it deserve to be treated as a distinct work of literature? Who was its original author or compiler? And, given the paucity of
material therein directly relating to Mosiah himself, does the book deserve its present title?

My thesis is that the book of Mosiah had a separate identity long before Mormon engraved an abridged version of it onto his gold plates. And, while Mormon may
have interfered somewhat with the book during the process of transcription, the structure of the original book of Mosiah is largely intact and can still be detected in the
pages of the Book of Mormon.

As for compiling the book, the candidate most likely to be involved seems to be Alma the Younger. Other possible authors or compilers include Alma the Elder,
Mosiah 2 , or perhaps one of the sons of Mosiah2, or several working in collaboration. The book of Mosiah concludes with King Mosiah's death and the appointment
of Alma the Younger as the first chief judge of the united Nephite nation. If, as suggested herein, the book was written according to a deliberate pattern, then this would
suggest a date of compilation after Mosiah's death in 91 B.C. It is possible, of course, that it was substantially written in the final years of Mosiah's life and only
completed after his death, but other reasons exist for associating this book with Alma the Younger.

More than half of the book of Mosiah is concerned with events far away in the land of Nephi. Although I present structural reasons for this departure from the Mosiah
material, the heavy weighting given to the record of Zeniff and the account of Alma would suggest chroniclers who identified strongly with the people of Limhi or the
followers of Alma the Elder.

After these two groups were united with the people of Nephi in about 121 B.C. , the book of Mosiah suggests that people returning from the land of Nephi had a
strong influence on events and attitudes in the land of Zarahemla: the official religion of the Nephites was reorganized by Alma the Elder, and the rite of baptism was
introduced among the people of Nephi; the deliverance pattern, as expressed through the experiences of the peoples of Limhi and Alma, acquired a central place in
the teachings of Mosiah; and Alma the Elder's views on kingship came so to dominate the Nephite belief system that King Mosiah disestablished the monarchy. In
doing so Mosiah used language reminiscent of refusing an offer of kingship in the land of Helam (Mosiah 23:7).

A plausible case can be made, then, that the chroniclers of the original book of Mosiah were under the influence of traditions introduced into the Nephite world by the
people of Limhi. This is significant because not all of the people of Nephi shared this world view, an opinion demonstrated by the political and religious disharmony that
emerged in Zarahemla following the establishment of the church of God by Alma the Elder and throughout the entire eight-year period that Alma the Younger held the
office of chief judge. Indeed, Nehor, the founder of the monarchist faction that surfaced during the first year of Alma's judgeship, had his most violent confrontation with
one of the leaders of the Limhite group, Gideon, a man who had once sworn an oath to kill a king (Mosiah 19:4; Alma 1:8-9).

Of the known members of the Zeniffite peoples, Alma the Younger was best placed to influence the compilation of such a book. The deliverance theme, which lies at
the heart of the book of Mosiah, had special significance for Alma. Part of the message delivered to Alma by the angel was that he should remember the captivity of his
fathers and their deliverance by Jehovah (Mosiah 27:16). He was to repeat this message often during his lifetime (Alma 5:6;36:1-30).

Finally, in a book that is primarily about the ceremony of kings and the wars between nations, one chapter stands out as anomalous, Mosiah 27, which describes the
personal conversion of the same Alma the Younger. We will deal with why Alma should have felt the need to compile or to influence the compilation of a book, and
why the chief judge should have produced a treatise on kingship.

This paper considers the structure and authorship of the book of Mosiah in light of its underlying themes and purposes. I argue that the original book was a ceremonial
history of Mosiah's reign, built around three main themes of kingship, the celebration of deliverance, and the revelation of Christ.

   I accept the dates provided in the footnotes to the Book of Mormon for present purposes. The precise date of Zedekiah's ascendancy to the throne of Judah is in
dispute, but a time frame within the early months of 597 b.c. is probable. Lehi's departure was, therefore, on some date after this.

  See FARMS staff, Book of Mormon Critical Text: A Tool for Scholarly Reference, 2nd ed. (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1986).

   Although Nephi referred to baptism in the final chapters of 2 Nephi, no baptisms were recorded among the Nephites until Alma introduced the practice at the waters
of Mormon in Mosiah 18. If, as argued later in this paper, the religion of Christ had either not been successfully established by Nephi and Jacob, or had lapsed
sometime
 Copyrightafter Jacob's death,Infobase
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learned of baptism (see Mosiah 18:10-21). When the Nephite religion was reorganized in 121 b.c., specific mention is made of baptism. Moreover, it is Alma who
conducts those baptisms, which are specifically described: "yea, he did baptize them after the manner he did his brethren in the waters of Mormon" (Mosiah 25:18).
Mosiah 25:18 records that "as many as he did baptize did belong to the church of God." Since Alma is described at Mosiah 29:47 as the founder of the church, this
  See FARMS staff, Book of Mormon Critical Text: A Tool for Scholarly Reference, 2nd ed. (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1986).

   Although Nephi referred to baptism in the final chapters of 2 Nephi, no baptisms were recorded among the Nephites until Alma introduced the practice at the waters
of Mormon in Mosiah 18. If, as argued later in this paper, the religion of Christ had either not been successfully established by Nephi and Jacob, or had lapsed
sometime after Jacob's death, then Alma must have learned of the ordinance from Abinadi. If so, then possibly it was from Abinadi that Limhi and his people also
learned of baptism (see Mosiah 18:10-21). When the Nephite religion was reorganized in 121 b.c., specific mention is made of baptism. Moreover, it is Alma who
conducts those baptisms, which are specifically described: "yea, he did baptize them after the manner he did his brethren in the waters of Mormon" (Mosiah 25:18).
Mosiah 25:18 records that "as many as he did baptize did belong to the church of God." Since Alma is described at Mosiah 29:47 as the founder of the church, this
would suggest that all those who came to consider themselves to be members of the church of God were baptized at this time, including King Mosiah and those who
had taken upon themselves the name of Christ three years earlier at his coronation. Furthermore, the members are described as undertaking the rite of baptism, not
because of their preexisting belief in Christ, but "because of their belief on the words of Alma" (Mosiah 25:18). All of this points very strongly to Alma's having
introduced the rite of baptism among the Nephite peoples.

2. a Cultic History of the Reign of Mosiah

The structure of the book of Mosiah suggests that it was originally written as a cultic history of Mosiah's kingship. It is constructed around the three great political
and religious ceremonies that punctuate Mosiah's rule over the people of Nephi. The first marked Mosiah's consecration as king over the dual kingdom, "the people of
Zarahemla, and the people of Mosiah" (Mosiah 1:10).

The last of these gatherings took place thirty-three years later, in the final year of Mosiah's life, as he prepared for his death with "none to reign in his stead" (Alma 1:1).
While no specific mention is made of an assembly in the final chapters of Mosiah, conferring the sacred symbols of leadership on a successor would only have taken
place at a public ceremony. The ritualized responses of the people to the reading of the book of Ether, described in Mosiah 28:18, also suggest some kind of formal
gathering in 92 or 91 B.C.

At the final assembly, faced with the dissolution of the kingdom or possible war between rival pretenders to the throne, Mosiah disestablished the monarchy and
organized a decentralized system of government premised upon judges chosen locally by the communities or tribes of the people of Nephi (Mosiah 28:10-29:47).

The second of these three great ceremonial occasions, three years into his reign, is however the focal point of the book of Mosiah. At this gathering, the people of
Zarahemla, the people of Mosiah, the people of Limhi, and the children of Amulon came together to form a single nation, the people of Nephi (Mosiah 25:12-13).
More than half of the book of Mosiah is an account of the origins of these last two groups.

Using this triadic structure as a foundation, the book of Mosiah weaves a complex tapestry of religious messages-Jehovah's deliverance, sacred kingship, and the
revelation of Christ-a superficial narrative being the veneer.

Considerable research into the festival held in 124 B.C. , in which Mosiah was consecrated king over the peoples living in the land of Zarahemla, has been undertaken
by Book of Mormon scholars over the years. Indeed, if the published record is a reliable measure, then King Benjamin's address must be one of the most intensively
studied passages in the Book of Mormon.

As long ago as 1957, Hugh Nibley recognized in Mosiah 1-6 the elements of an Old World New Year rite, and further research by Tvedtnes, Ricks, Welch, and
Ostler has established a credible argument that this sacred assembly took place during a Feast of Tabernacles in a Sabbatical, and perhaps even a Jubilee year. The
Old Testament records many such ceremonies that bear similarities to, but cannot be identified positively with, the Feast of Tabernacles.

What cannot be disputed is the similarity between King Benjamin's speech and the cultic occasions recorded in Joshua 23-24; 1 Sam. 12; and 1 Chr. 22, 28, and 29,
all of which are farewell speeches, by the leaders of Israel celebrating deliverance by Jehovah and the inheritance of the promised land. As Gerhard von Rad has
argued, the book of Deuteronomy follows this same pattern and gives the appearance of having been written as the script for such a ceremony. It purports to be the
farewell speech of Moses and expounds the law in very much the way that is described at the Feast of the Tabernacles recorded in Neh. 8:8.

The cultic passages in the book of Mosiah have a very strong association with Deuteronomy. When Lehi and his family fled Jerusalem, Deuteronomy was probably
one of the most recently introduced books of scripture. According to many Old Testament scholars, Deuteronomy was the "book of the covenant" discovered during
the renovation of the temple in King Josiah's day. Lehi would have been a young man when Josiah gathered "all the people, both great and small," to the temple to read
this book (2 Kgs. 23:3).

A religious reformation followed in which the temple was cleansed and the idolatrous priests of Israel were slain. Again, the similarity to the assemblies of Mosiah and in
this case the possibility of direct influence on the Nephites is quite strong.

Turning to the great assemblies in Mosiah, we find a number of distinguishing characteristics that identify them with these ancient ceremonies and warrant their
consideration as the structural foundation of the book.

1. On each occasion, newly written or recently discovered scriptures were read and expounded to the people, after the manner of King Josiah and Ezra the scribe. At
the first assembly, King Benjamin gave the revelation recorded in Mosiah 3:2-27, which was then written down and distributed among the people. It is also possible
that the small plates of Nephi, with their emphasis on deliverance, political leadership, and the doctrine of Christ, had recently come into the possession of King
Benjamin and may also have been read during the ceremony.

At the second great assembly, we are told that Mosiah read, and caused to be read (Mosiah 25:5-6), the record of Zeniff and the account of Alma (Mosiah 9-22;23-
24).

In Mosiah's final ceremonial address to the people, the recently translated book of Ether was read to the people (Mosiah 28:11-18). It is possible that the original book
of Mosiah departed from the story of King Mosiah at this point to provide a summary of the Jaredite history. The cultic importance of the original book of Ether was its
inclusion of yet another discourse on kingship, one more revelation of Jesus Christ, and another testimony to the blessings of the land to those who would obey the
commandments of God. But in Mormon's abridged version of the book of Mosiah we find only the promise that "this account shall be written hereafter" (Mosiah
28:19).

This promise, of course, was never directly fulfilled by Mormon. Moroni edited Mosiah's translation of the Jaredite plates and produced the book of Ether as we have
it today. The case can be made that it was not a complete reproduction of the words that were read by Mosiah to his people in 92 B.C. , for two reasons. The present
book of Ether contains less than a hundredth part of the Jaredite record and features heavy editorial comment by Moroni (Ether 15:33). On the other hand, Moroni
wrote that parts of the plates were kept from the people by Mosiah until after the coming of Christ (Ether 4:1). We can imagine that Mosiah's reading of the Jaredite
record would have concentrated on those elements that had cultic significance on the day of the great assembly.
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Interestingly, the book of Omni may record an earlier version of these royal ceremonies. In a very brief account of the migration of the Nephites to the land of
Zarahemla, we are told that "the people of Zarahemla, and of Mosiah did unite together; and Mosiah was appointed to be their king" (Omni 1:19). This suggests a
it today. The case can be made that it was not a complete reproduction of the words that were read by Mosiah to his people in 92 B.C. , for two reasons. The present
book of Ether contains less than a hundredth part of the Jaredite record and features heavy editorial comment by Moroni (Ether 15:33). On the other hand, Moroni
wrote that parts of the plates were kept from the people by Mosiah until after the coming of Christ (Ether 4:1). We can imagine that Mosiah's reading of the Jaredite
record would have concentrated on those elements that had cultic significance on the day of the great assembly.

Interestingly, the book of Omni may record an earlier version of these royal ceremonies. In a very brief account of the migration of the Nephites to the land of
Zarahemla, we are told that "the people of Zarahemla, and of Mosiah did unite together; and Mosiah was appointed to be their king" (Omni 1:19). This suggests a
ceremony not unlike that recorded in Mosiah 25, but then Amaleki refers to the translation of a large engraved stone, which Mosiah 1 interpreted by the power of God
(Omni 1:20). First 1 Ne. 5 also records a cultic occasion that links burnt offerings, celebration of deliverance, and the reading of newly obtained scriptures (cf.
Deuteronomy 31:9-13, Josh. 24 [especially verse 26] and perhaps 2 Chr. 15).

2. At each of these three assemblies of Mosiah we find a formal ceremonial response by the people to the words of their leaders. This kind of interactive instruction is
common among the Old Testament covenant rituals (cf. Ex. 24:3; Joshua 24:14-25; 2 Chronicles 15:12-15; 2 Kgs. 23:3; Neh. 8:6, 9-12

The effect of King Benjamin's words on the people was profound: they fell to the ground and lamented because of their transgressions but, after being promised a
remission of their sins, we are told that they rejoiced with "exceedingly great joy" (Mosiah 5:4; cf. 4:1-2; 5:1-4). The ceremonial nature of these responses has long
been appreciated among Book of Mormon scholars. In Mosiah 25 the reaction of the people is described in such stylistic terms that it, too, was probably cultic in
nature (Mosiah 25:7-11).

Likewise, in King Mosiah's final address to this people, the reading of the record of the Jaredites caused his people "to mourn exceedingly," but it also gave them much
knowledge, "in the which they did rejoice" (Mosiah 28:18).

3. At the first two assemblies, this response by the people led them to enter into a covenant and, as a community, to take upon themselves a new name. We are on
familiar ground here because in Deuteronomy we read,

The Lord hath avouched thee this day to be his peculiar people, as he hath promised theeï¿½

And to make thee high above all nations which he hath made, in praise, and in name, and in honour; and that thou mayest be an holy people unto the Lord thy God, as
he hath spoken. (Deuteronomy 26:18-19)

We are told by the compiler of the book of Mosiah that King Benjamin called his people together for the very purpose of giving them a name (Mosiah 1:11). That
name, of course, was the name of Christ (Mosiah 3:8). On the second occasion, three years later, the people took the name of Nephi, although further covenants were
made through the baptisms that followed the ceremony (Mosiah 25:12, 17-19 In its present form at least, the book is silent on the subject of covenants and new names
in relation to the third assembly of Mosiah, although a hint of this might be seen in the report that "every man expressed a willingness to answer for his own
sins" (Mosiah 29:38).

4. Unsurprisingly, this covenanting process is often associated with the affiliation of different tribes or peoples. This lies at the heart of the second of Mosiah's
gatherings, the coming together of the peoples of Nephi and Zarahemla with the Limhites and the Amulonites. Josh. 24 may record a similar occasion when those of
Joshua's clan who had already sworn allegiance to Jehovah were united in a treaty with the traditional inhabitants of Shechem. Echoes of a similar covenantal process
are found in 2 Chr. 15, in which the tribes of Judah and Benjamin came together with strangers out of the northern kingdom and swore to seek Jehovah, the God of
their fathers.

5. In most of the Old Testament accounts to which reference has been made, Jehovah's deliverance of Israel through the exodus is given a prominent place in the
liturgy. One would expect that Ex. 24 should place such an emphasis on this theme, but Deuteronomy, Josh. 24, and Neh. 9 preserve this same tradition, which had a
central place in Israel's covenant ritual.

All three of the Mosiah ceremonies are centered on this deliverance motif, which is at the heart of the book of Mosiah. Significantly, on each of these three occasions, a
Nephite exodus is used to illustrate the tradition rather than the original flight of Israel out of Egypt.

6. After each of these festivals, the narrative describes a religious reformation. According to the sacred history of ancient Israel, the religion of Israel was first organized
by Moses after such an occasion. Asa purged the high places following the covenantal renewal in Judah during the fifteenth year of his reign. Josiah cleaned out the
Jerusalem temple and destroyed the local temple sites, which had been used by Israel over many centuries. Nehemiah also relates such a renewal after Israel's return
from Babylon.

In like manner, Mosiah 6:3 records that after Mosiah had been consecrated as king, Benjamin called teachers "to teach the people, that thereby they might hear and
know the commandments of God." And even though there does not seem to have been a falling away during the intervening three-year period, priests and teachers
were again appointed after the second great assembly, and the churches were reorganized (Mosiah 25:19-23). Indeed, so fundamental was the renewal of the Nephite
religion at this time that Alma the Elder came to be known as the founder of the church (Mosiah 29:47). It seems, at first, anomalous that the reorganization following
Mosiah's third assembly was political and not religious, but the distinction begins to disappear when we remember that the chief judge Alma was also the religious
leader of the Nephites. In ancient Judah, Jehoshaphat reformed the judiciary as well as clearing out the high places and cutting down the groves (2 Chronicles 17:1-
9;19:5-11).

In summary, the accounts of these three cultic assemblies may not have come down to us in quite the form in which they were first recorded, but the triadic structure of
the original book of Mosiah remains intact and we are able to see how it was constructed.

The book of Mosiah features a fourth great assembly conducted by King Limhi at the temple of Nephi in about 122 B.C. (Mosiah 7:17-18;21). While this account
interrupted the simple format of the book, it was needed to explain the significance of Mosiah's second and third assemblies.

The assembly of Limhi began, as it should, with a proclamation to the people to gather to the temple. Limhi's message, delivered in liturgical language, was the familiar
theme of Jehovah's promise of deliverance. For example, the use of "the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob" as a title for deity in Mosiah 7:19 is rare. One finds it
only eight times throughout the Book of Mormon, and on every occasion except one the title is used in conjunction with this message of deliverance.

After he recounted their own history of disobedience and bondage, Limhi called on Ammon to address the multitude. Ammon did so, significantly, by repeating the
words King Benjamin had spoken at his last great assembly, new scripture to the people of Limhi. Immediately after this ceremony, Limhi tried unsuccessfuly to get the
Jaredite records translated. Thirty years later at another such assembly, King Mosiah fulfilled this request.

Once again, in Limhi's ceremony we find the king using language that is clearly intended to evoke an emotional response from his audience (Mosiah 7:18-19, 23).
Although
CopyrightMosiah  7-8 has noInfobase
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But if ye will turn to the Lord with full purpose of heart, and put your trust in him, and serve him with all diligence of mind, if ye do this, he will, according to his own will
and pleasure, deliver you out of bondage. (Mosiah 7:33)
Jaredite records translated. Thirty years later at another such assembly, King Mosiah fulfilled this request.

Once again, in Limhi's ceremony we find the king using language that is clearly intended to evoke an emotional response from his audience (Mosiah 7:18-19, 23).
Although Mosiah 7-8 has no record of a covenant, Limhi does challenge his people:

But if ye will turn to the Lord with full purpose of heart, and put your trust in him, and serve him with all diligence of mind, if ye do this, he will, according to his own will
and pleasure, deliver you out of bondage. (Mosiah 7:33)

In Mosiah 21 we read that after the coming of Ammon, King Limhi and many of his people entered into a covenant with God "to serve him and keep his
commandments" (Mosiah 21:32). The obvious occasion for such a covenant would have been the assembly recorded in Mosiah 7-8. At the conclusion of the
ceremony, King Limhi formally dismissed the multitude, as did King Benjamin three years before at Zarahemla, and King Solomon several hundred years earlier
following the dedication of the temple in Jerusalem (2 Chr. 7:10).

In spite of this diversion, the three great cultic assemblies of King Mosiah form the basic structure of the book that bears his name.

   Cult is the term used to describe the formal, ritualized aspects of religion and is contrasted with the doctrinal and ethical dimensions. According to Sigmund
Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship, trans. D. R. Ap Thomas (Oxford: Blackwell, 1967), 1:15, "Cult or ritual may be defined as the socially established and
regulated holy acts and words in which the encounter and communion of the Deity with the congregation is established, developed, and brought to its ultimate goal."

   The children of Amulon are the first recorded example of the offspring of a Nephite-Lamanite marriage being accepted among the people of Nephi. According to the
teachings of Nephi, these people had been cursed by the Lord (2 Nephi 5:22-23).

  A further redaction by Mormon in the fourth century a.d. adds to the complexity and further disrupts the underlying triadic structure.

  Hugh W. Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3rd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 295-310; John A. Tvedtnes, "King
Benjamin and the Feast of Tabernacles," in By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS,
1990), 197-237; Stephen D. Ricks, "The Treaty/Covenant Pattern in King Benjamin's Address (Mosiah 1-6)," BYU Studies 25 (1984): 151-62; John W. Welch,
"King Benjamin's Speech in the Context of Ancient Israelite Festivals" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1985); Blake T. Ostler, "The Covenant Tradition in the Book of
Mormon," in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon, ed. John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1991), 230-40.

  See John W. Welch, "Benjamin's Speech: A Classic Ancient Farewell Address," in Reexploring the Book of Mormon, ed. John W. Welch (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book and FARMS, 1991), 120-23.

  See Gerhard von Rad, "The Problem of the Hexateuch," in The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1965); Studies in
Deuteronomy (London: SCM, 1953); Deuteronomy: A Commentary (London: SCM, 1966).

  See Tvedtnes, "King Benjamin and the Feast of Tabernacles," 207-9, on the similarity.

   John W. Welch, "They Came from Jerusalem," in The Book of Mormon: "It Begins with a Family," ed. Arthur R. Bassett (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983),
18-19.

  Amaleki recorded at Omni 1:25 that he proposed to deliver the small plates of Nephi, which had become the private record of Jacob's family, to King Benjamin.

   1 Ne. 6:4;19:10; Mosiah 7:19;23:23; Alma 29:11;36:2; 3 Nephi 4:30-31. The exception is Morm. 9:11. This is, of course, the ancient name of Israel's God and
suggests a link with ceremonies that were regarded as being of great antiquity.

3. Kingship As a Theme in the Book of Mosiah

Despite Mosiah 2 's decision to abolish the monarchy at the end of his reign, the book of Mosiah leaves us with generally happy memories of life under Mosiah (1),
Benjamin, and Mosiah (2). Indeed, the monarchy was a time of relative peace when compared with the turbulent reign of the judges that immediately followed.

King Benjamin's royal confession and the accompanying discourse are a classic exposition of the Israelite ideal of kingship (Mosiah 2:9-30). He is not God made
manifest among men; Benjamin is a mortal, no better than the people themselves, "subject to all manner of infirmities in body and mind" (Mosiah 2:11). As a servant of
the people, he seeks no praise; praise, he says, should be reserved for Jehovah, their heavenly King.

As we read Benjamin's confession, we are reminded once again of Deuteronomy. Deuteronomy 17:14-20 warns the future kings of Israel not to multiply wives to
themselves nor to acquire fortunes of gold and silver. The king is commanded to make a personal copy of the book of Deuteronomy and study it all the days of his life.
This is to be done so that he will keep all the words of the law and not be lifted up in his heart above his brethren. And if he does this, he is promised that his rule and
that of his dynasty will be prolonged.

King Benjamin shows deference to this tradition. He has not sought gold nor silver, nor has he suffered that the people should commit adultery. Referring to the
assembled tribes as his brethren, Benjamin confesses that he is no better than they. He has faithfully preserved the scriptures contained in the brass plates, and he
teaches his son Mosiah, and the people as a whole, that they must keep the commandments so that they might prosper in the land (cf. Samuel in 1 Samuel 12:3-5 and
David in 1 Chronicles 29:14-15).

The scriptural records read by Mosiah at the second festival also provided an object lesson in kingship, on this occasion a less kindly one. The record of Zeniff begins
with an account of a righteous king who saved his people from bondage through mighty prayer and trust in the Lord. But his son is described in terms that make it clear
that he has turned against the Deuteronomic ideal. For example, in Abinadi's indictment of Noah and his priests, the prophet used language that clearly reflected the
royal charge given in Deuteronomy:

If ye teach the law of Moses, why do ye not keep it? Why do ye set your hearts upon riches? Why do ye commit whoredoms and spend your strength with harlots,
yea, and cause this people to commit sin, that the Lord has cause to send me to prophesy against this people, yea, even a great evil against this people?" (Mosiah
12:29)

Because of the unrighteousness of their king, the Zeniffites were delivered into bondage and, although Noah's son, Limhi, was a righteous king, Jehovah would wait
some years to hear the people's cries and deliver them from their captivity. Because of the suffering experienced at the hands of King Noah, an element among the
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Indeed, the twin records of Zeniff and Alma appear to have been heavily influenced by the Old Testament book of Judges, which also bears a strong antimonarchist
12:29)

Because of the unrighteousness of their king, the Zeniffites were delivered into bondage and, although Noah's son, Limhi, was a righteous king, Jehovah would wait
some years to hear the people's cries and deliver them from their captivity. Because of the suffering experienced at the hands of King Noah, an element among the
people of Limhi had come to be firmly opposed to kingship.

Indeed, the twin records of Zeniff and Alma appear to have been heavily influenced by the Old Testament book of Judges, which also bears a strong antimonarchist
flavor. One of the heroes of the record of Zeniff, a man described in Mosiah 19:4 as having taken an oath to slay King Noah (and having very nearly done so), is
named Gideon. Gideon, of course, was the name of one of the great deliverers of Israel in the time of the judges and is said to have refused the throne when it was
offered to him. Judges also records a poem attributed to Jotham, one of Gideon's nephews, in which he warned against the institution of the monarchy (Judges 9:7-20).

Some scholars have suggested that the present book of Judges was based, in part, on an earlier "Book of Saviors" or "mosi'im," of whom Gideon may have been one.
    If so, then the association between the record of Zeniff and the book of Judges is even closer, for the Book of Mormon Gideon is quite clearly a savior or deliverer
in this sense, as is Alma the Elder.

At the final great assembly, Mosiah faced his people with none of his sons willing to accept his kingdom. No thought appears to have been given to the appointment of
one of the descendants of King Limhi, who had presumably renounced his claims to the title some thirty years before. We must conclude either that Limhi left no heirs,
or that a king from that group would have been unacceptable to a significant body of the Nephites. Instead, Mosiah chose the son of another Zeniffite leader, Alma the
Elder, who had earlier rejected the kingship (Mosiah 23:7), and appointed Alma the Younger as chief judge rather than king, using the themes of bondage and
deliverance to turn his people against the institution of monarchy.

At this assembly Mosiah read from the book of Ether, which he had recently translated. Ether 1:6 to 12:5, Moroni's interpolations aside, is a history of the Jaredite
kings, written to establish the truth of the warning issued by the brother of Jared that the appointment of kings would "surely" lead into captivity (Ether 6:23). Thereafter,
the book of Ether is a history of the wars between the would-be leaders and a record of the captivity of eight of the Jaredite kings (Ether 7:5, 17;8:3;9:7;10:14,
30;11:9, 18). When Moroni's editorial comments are removed from the book of Ether, most of what remains is a formalized discourse on the dangers of kingship-the
very theme which King Mosiah preached at his final assembly and in his proclamations to the people immediately thereafter.

The further exhortations to the people on kingship recorded in Mosiah 29 were actually contained in a written proclamation to the people sent throughout the land and,
at first glance, this may appear inconsistent with the "great assembly" theme. But Mosiah's last cultic assembly was meant to balance his first, when his father's famous
discourse on kingship had been "written and sent forth among those that were not under the sound of his voice" (Mosiah 2:8). We can well imagine that King Mosiah's
address at the festival in 92 or 91 B.C. was similar in content to the written proclamation he distributed later, now recorded in Mosiah 29:5-36.

Although it is written around three great royal festivals, the book of Mosiah is not a panegyric for kingship. While the author shows the greatest of reverence toward
King Mosiah, the institution of kingship itself is discredited by the events that emerge throughout the book. These historic ceremonies, when powerful changes were
effected in the government of Zarahemla, unfold a divinely ordained progression from kingship to judgeship. Mosiah, the last of the great Nephite kings, becomes a
witness against kings and for judges.

In his very first year as chief judge, Alma was confronted by a divisive political and religious movement. Although the political ambitions of the dissidents may not have
emerged immediately, by the fifth year of the judges, Alma faced a major challenge to his authority and a serious movement to replace the office of chief judge with a
king (Alma 2:1-10).

It is plausible that, in these circumstances, Alma wrote, or caused to have written, a new book of scripture that was intended to reinforce the institution of chief judge
and to strengthen his personal authority. It is not difficult to imagine that in seeking to boost support for the monarchist cause, the Amlicites would have drawn on the
affection that the people still felt toward Mosiah. If so, then a strong argument could be made that Alma or someone sympathetic to his cause was instrumental in the
compilation of the book of Mosiah so as to be laudatory of Mosiah while undermining Amlici's bid to reestablish the kingship.

The account of Alma the Elder (Mosiah 23-24) also provides an unusual kind of support for Alma the Younger's claim to the judgment seat. In this brief book we are
reminded that Alma's father had been offered the kingship and had rejected it for the very reasons that Mosiah ultimately abolished the monarchy-the sufferings inflicted
on the people by the wickedness of King Noah. In recounting this story, Alma the Younger may have been reminding his audience that he too could have been the son
of a king, but for his father's dedication to the liberty of his people.

Finally, when we look at the book of Mosiah in this light, the omission of the Jaredite record from Mosiah 28 and the inclusion of Alma's personal conversion at Mosiah
27 can be seen from another perspective. It is possible-and one cannot put the case higher than that-that the kings of Israel and Nephi and Zarahemla actually
participated in a ceremony in which the cultic drama of bondage and redemption was played out. In another account of Alma's conversion, recorded at Alma 36, the
emphasis on bondage and deliverance is overwhelming, including the use of the ancient cultic title for deity, "the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of
Jacob."

In summary, it might be said that the first of the great assemblies established Mosiah's right to rule; the second, his right to rule over a united kingdom; and the final
festival laid the foundation for Alma's claim to the leadership over a united people of Nephi.

  See Stephen D. Ricks, "The Ideology of Kingship in Mosiah 1-6," in Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 114-16.

  W. Richter, discussed in J. Alberto Soggin, Judges , trans. John Bowden, 2nd ed. (London: SCM, 1987), 5-6; cf. John W. Welch, "What Was a 'Mosiah'?" in
Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 105-7.

   Yet another link between the book of Judges and the record of Zeniff is the close association between the rape of the women of Shiloh recorded in Judges 21:15-25
and the kidnapping of the daughters of the Lamanites by the priests of Noah recorded in Mosiah 20. Given the possibility that the Limhites were influenced by the book
of Judges, the question might be asked whether Gideon was not a name that had been deliberately acquired later in life for symbolic purposes.

4. Deliverance Out of the Hands of Their Enemies

We come now to the preeminent image of the book. If any theme stands out in the book of Mosiah, it is the message that Jehovah will deliver his people out of the
hands of their enemies if they will place their trust in him. A number of scholars have commented on the recurrence of the exodus pattern in the Book of Mormon, but
the deliverance theme-a much more fundamental image and one which recurs with even greater frequency in the Old Testament-dominates the Nephite religion
throughout this period.

King Benjamin gives us the standard formula for the deliverance theme in his discourse on kingship at the first great assembly:
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If ye shall keep the commandments of my son, or the commandments of God which shall be delivered unto you by him, ye shall prosper in the land, and your enemies
shall have no power over you. (Mosiah 2:31)
throughout this period.

King Benjamin gives us the standard formula for the deliverance theme in his discourse on kingship at the first great assembly:

If ye shall keep the commandments of my son, or the commandments of God which shall be delivered unto you by him, ye shall prosper in the land, and your enemies
shall have no power over you. (Mosiah 2:31)

The negative version of this formula we find in Abinadi's message to King Noah at Mosiah 11:23, 25:1

Except this people repent and turn unto the Lord their God, they shall be brought into bondage; and none shall deliver them, except it be the Lord the Almighty
God.ï¿½

And except they repent in sackcloth and ashes, and cry mightily to the Lord their God, I will not hear their prayers, neither will I deliver them out of their afflictions.

Deliverance is a common theme among Old Testament writers (although nowhere near as common as it is in the book of Mosiah), and its presence in the book of
Deuteronomy suggests cultic uses. In Deut. 26, for example, the people are commanded to bring firstfruit offerings when they come into the land of their inheritance. In
handing their basket of offerings to the priest, they are instructed to say, before the Lord:

A Syrian ready to perish was my father, and he went down into Egypt, and sojourned there with a few, and became there a nation, great, mighty, and populous:

And the Egyptians evil entreated us, and afflicted us, and laid upon us hard bondage:

And when we cried unto the Lord God of our fathers, the Lord heard our voice, and looked on our affliction, and our labour, and our oppression:

And the Lord brought us forth out of Egypt with a mighty hand, and with an outstretched arm, and with great terribleness, and with signs, and with wonders:

And he hath brought us into this place, and hath given us this land, even a land that floweth with milk and honey.

And now, behold, I have brought the firstfruits of the land, which thou, O Lord, hast given me. (Deuteronomy 26:5-10)

By and large, the Israelites felt obliged to confine the bondage and redemption theme within the story of the exodus, but the Nephites experimented freely with the
image, continually giving it new life by adapting it to their own national and personal situations. Thus Nephi interpreted his family's flight from Jerusalem as having been
equivalent to Israel's exodus out of Egypt. He used their escape out of the hands of Laban to soften Laman and Lemuel's hearts (1 Ne. 7:11).

The authors and compilers of the record of Zeniff, the account of Alma, and the original book of Mosiah used the captivity and deliverance of the peoples of Limhi and
Alma in a similar way. It is significant that the angel who appeared to Alma the Younger should command him to "remember the captivity of thy fathers in the land of
Helam, and in the land of Nephi" (Mosiah 27:16).

Another archetypal version of the formula begins with the people in bondage and places much of its emphasis on the saving power of Jehovah. In the Psalm of Nephi,
Nephi recalls all the times that God has delivered him out of the hands of his enemies, and he turns to Jehovah: "I have trusted in thee, and I will trust in thee forever" (2
Ne. 4:34).

We find this same stress on absolute trust in the Lord in the deliverance of the people of Limhi. Although their escape from the land of Nephi was effected by the
cunning of Gideon and the knowledge that Ammon had brought with him from Zarahemla, trust in Jehovah was given central place (Mosiah 7:33).

The miraculous deliverance of Alma and his people is also attributed to the Lord. In comparison with the exodus of the Limhites, made possible by the drunkenness of
their guards, the people of Alma were delivered through a sleep the Lord caused to come upon the Lamanites (Mosiah 23:23-24).

It is clear that this was written to fulfill the prophecy of Abinadi in Mosiah 11:23-25: "and none shall deliver them, except it be the Lord the Almighty God" (Mosiah
11:23). The emphasis on the "mighty power" of God recalls the signs and wonders of Deut. 26.

Not surprisingly, the deliverance theme took on particular meaning in the wars against the Lamanites. Once again, the emphasis is on trusting in the strength of Jehovah,
rather than relying on their own physical advantages. In the book of Mosiah, Zeniff typifies the first of these patterns:

Yea, in the strength of the Lord did we go forth to battle against the Lamanites; for I and my people did cry mightily to the Lord that he would deliver us out of the
hands of our enemies, for we were awakened to a remembrance of the deliverance of our fathers.

And God did hear our cries and did answer our prayers; and we did go forth in his might. (Mosiah 9:17-18)

We do not know what["cry[ing] mightily to the Lord" meant, but it occurs so often in this context that we must understand it to be some kind of prebattle ritual. Alma's
son Helaman wrote to Moroni a decade or more after his father's departure: "we trust God will deliver us, notwithstanding the weakness of our armies, yea, and deliver
us out of the hands of our enemies" (Alma 58:37). There would also appear to have been a ritual thanksgiving after a victorious battle in which Jehovah was praised for
delivering the people. Alma 45:1 records fasting and prayer, as well as a form of worship that involved great rejoicing, "because the Lord had again delivered them
out of the hands of their enemies." We find this same pattern of deliverance and rejoicing alluded to in Omni 1:6-7; Alma 49:28-30;62:48-52; and 3 Nephi 4:28-33.

Because of the cultic obligation to give thanks to God for his deliverance after a victorious battle, the boastings of King Noah and his people were offensive to the
Lord. We are told in Mosiah 11:19 that following a great military victory against the Lamanites, the people of Noah "were lifted up in the pride of their hearts; they did
boast in their own strength." After this deliberate act of rebellion against Jehovah, a prophet was sent among them to warn that if they did not repent they would be
delivered into the hands of their enemies. We see this pattern repeated in Helaman 4:12-13 and in Mormon 3:9-16, in which Mormon refuses to lead the Nephites into
battle because they have boasted in their own strength and sworn oaths of vengeance.

One of the variations on the deliverance theme that emerged in the Book of Mormon was the teaching that obedience to the commandments would bring prosperity in
the land. There might be reason for considering this an entirely separate theme, except for the many passages in which bondage and deliverance occur in conjunction
with this covenantal promise. The most famous revelation of this covenant, the one which later Book of Mormon writers recalled time and time again, was the blessing
given by Lehi to his people shortly before his death (2 Ne. 1:7, 9).

There  seems(c)
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                 be little doubt that thereMedia
                               Infobase     is some cultic or ligurgical pattern behind all this. The language of these bondage and deliverance passagesPage
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captivity, deliverance, and out of the hands of is used repeatedly. When combined with images from the Exodus (Egypt, the Red Sea, etc.) and rarely used names for
deity-such as "the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob"-it is difficult to avoid the conclusion of some underlying pattern that the Book of Mormon writers felt obliged to
follow.
the land. There might be reason for considering this an entirely separate theme, except for the many passages in which bondage and deliverance occur in conjunction
with this covenantal promise. The most famous revelation of this covenant, the one which later Book of Mormon writers recalled time and time again, was the blessing
given by Lehi to his people shortly before his death (2 Ne. 1:7, 9).

There seems to be little doubt that there is some cultic or ligurgical pattern behind all this. The language of these bondage and deliverance passages such as bondage,
captivity, deliverance, and out of the hands of is used repeatedly. When combined with images from the Exodus (Egypt, the Red Sea, etc.) and rarely used names for
deity-such as "the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob"-it is difficult to avoid the conclusion of some underlying pattern that the Book of Mormon writers felt obliged to
follow.

One further observation should be made, however, before leaving this aspect of the book of Mosiah. In 1965, John Sawyer published an article in Vetus Testamentum
entitled "What Was a Mosï¿½iaï¿½?" Reprinted by the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, this study analyzed the use throughout the Old
Testament of a Hebrew word usually translated as "savior" or "deliverer."

The traits of a mosï¿½iaï¿½ are summarized in the following terms:

a. a mosï¿½iaï¿½ is a victorious hero appointed by God;

b. he liberates a chosen people from oppression, controversy, and injustice after they cry out for help;

c. their deliverance is usually accomplished by means of a nonviolent escape or negotiation;

d. the immediate result of the coming of a mosï¿½iaï¿½ was "escape from injustice, and a return to a state of justice where each man possesses his rightful property";

e. on a larger scale, "final victory means the coming of mosï¿½iï¿½ im to rule like Judges over Israel."

Thus we read, in Isa. 19:20, a passage that might have been available to the Nephites through the brass plates: "And it shall be for a sign and for a witness unto the
Lord of hosts in the land of Egypt: for they shall cry unto the Lord because of the oppressors, and he shall send them a saviour, and a great one, and he shall deliver
them." The mosï¿½iaï¿½ here, of course, is none other than Moses. In Judg. 3:9 and 15, we again see the term used to describe heroes whom the Lord has raised up
to deliver his people. In this sense of the word, we can think of Ammon, Gideon, and Alma the Elder as mosï¿½iï¿½im or "saviors." Indeed, Gideon is described in
precisely these terms: "Now the name of the man was Gideon; and it was he who was an instrument in the hands of God in delivering the people of Limhi out of
bondage" (Alma 1:8). Not only is this a book of Mosiah; it is also a book of mosï¿½iï¿½im. The very name focuses the reader on one of the central themes-Jehovah's
deliverance of his people when they obey his commandments and trust in his strength.

   George S. Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," in Literature of Belief, ed. Neal E. Lambert (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center,
Brigham Young University, 1981), 245-62; Richard L. Bushman, "The Book of Mormon and the American Revolution," in Book of Mormon Authorship, ed. Noel B.
Reynolds (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1982), 189-211; Terrence L. Szink, "Nephi and the Exodus," in Rediscovering the Book
of Mormon , 38-51; S. Kent Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 30/3 (1990): 111-26. Brown is sensitive to the underlying
deliverance theme in his study, and Reynolds acknowledges this theme briefly in "Nephi's Political Testament," in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon, 222.

  On the issue of the victory celebration after battle, see the Song of Deborah in Judg. 5; the celebration of David in 2 Sam. 6; Mowinckel The Psalms in Israel's
Worship, 2:27-28; Theodor H. Gaster, comp., The Dead Sea Scriptures, 3rd ed. (New York: Anchor Books, 1976), 416-18, 422-23; and the list in Soggin, Judges ,
94, 96.

   John Sawyer, "What Was a Mosï¿½iaï¿½?" Vetus Testamentum 15 (1965): 475-86.

  Welch, "What Was a 'Mosiah'?" in Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 105-7.

    Alma the Elder is so portrayed at Mosiah 24:17. This passage is a good example of the lengths to which the author of the book of Mosiah went to portray Alma as
a latter-day Moses.

5. the Revelation of Christ in the Book of Mosiah

Sawyer also says of the word mosï¿½iaï¿½ that "in the language of the prophets, especially Deutero-Isaiah, it is one of the titles of the God of Israel." Given this
further perspective on the name mosï¿½iaï¿½, the third of the key themes of the book of Mosiah-the revelation of Jesus Christ as the God of Israel and the foundation
of the religion of Christ among the people of Nephi-becomes especially relevant. Such a revelation was necessary because, until King Benjamin's final great assembly,
the peoples of Mosiah and Zarahemla were apparently living the law of Moses without any awareness of the doctrine of Christ that had been revealed to Jacob and
Nephi four hundred years earlier.

It is often assumed by readers of the Book of Mormon that Lehi brought with him from the Old World a religious framework that included a complete understanding of
Jesus Christ. But, at least insofar as the Book of Mormon itself is concerned, we must conclude that Lehi and his family had come to appreciate only a small part of the
doctrine of Christ prior to the patriarch's death. For example, the name of Christ was revealed to Jacob only after the flight of the people of Nephi out of the land of
their first inheritance, while the full name, Jesus Christ, was apparently revealed to Nephi some years later (2 Ne. 10:3;25:19). In 2 Ne. 25:26, Nephi writes that he and
his brother "talk of Christ, we rejoice in Christ, we preach of Christ, we prophesy of Christ," and yet a few chapters earlier they did not even seem to know his name.

The only passage inconsistent with this interpretation of the doctrine of Christ is 1 Nephi 10-14. But as I have noted elsewhere, this is a difficult passage, which appears
to have been written by Nephi many years after the surrounding material in 1 Nephi.

Titles such as the Holy Ghost, the Lamb of God, and the Son of God are unique to this section of the book and disappear abruptly at the conclusion of 1 Ne. 14. Of
even greater interest is the use of the title Jesus Christ in the Original Manuscript of 1 Ne. 12:18. These words were changed to the Messiah in 1837, perhaps because
the occurrence here of Jesus Christ appeared to Joseph Smith to be anachronistic (given that the name of Jesus Christ was not revealed until 2 Ne. 25:19). If, as seems
likely, the writing of these five chapters should be dated closer to the writing of 2 Ne. 25, then Jesus Christ-or their Nephite equivalent-may indeed be the words that
Nephi wrote upon the small plates at this passage.

When we isolate 1 Nephi 10-14 and study the language actually used by the Nephite prophets, it becomes clear that Nephi and his brother Jacob were trying to
introduce new religious understandings among their people. Moreover, they were perhaps unsuccessful in this endeavor, at least insofar as their public religious
observances were concerned. In an incident that apparently occurred toward the end of Jacob's life, the Nephite prophet was confronted by a conservative member of
the community,
 Copyright       Sherem, who
            (c) 2005-2009,    made a formal
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                                            Corp.     that Jacob was trying to "convert the law of Moses into the worship of a being which ye say shall come many
hundred years hence" (Jacob 7:7).
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In this small tribal community, Jacob was apparently concerned to avoid a confrontation with Sherem. Sherem told Jacob, "I have sought much opportunity that I might
When we isolate 1 Nephi 10-14 and study the language actually used by the Nephite prophets, it becomes clear that Nephi and his brother Jacob were trying to
introduce new religious understandings among their people. Moreover, they were perhaps unsuccessful in this endeavor, at least insofar as their public religious
observances were concerned. In an incident that apparently occurred toward the end of Jacob's life, the Nephite prophet was confronted by a conservative member of
the community, Sherem, who made a formal accusation that Jacob was trying to "convert the law of Moses into the worship of a being which ye say shall come many
hundred years hence" (Jacob 7:7).

In this small tribal community, Jacob was apparently concerned to avoid a confrontation with Sherem. Sherem told Jacob, "I have sought much opportunity that I might
speak unto you" (Jacob 7:6). Moreover, as John W. Welch has argued, when Sherem finally did confront Jacob, he did so by making three formal charges under the
law of Moses: blasphemy, false prophecy, and causing public apostasy. None of this bespeaks great confidence on Jacob's part, but it does suggest that whatever
success he had had in preaching the doctrine of Christ among the people, it was not such that he could be complacent about a charge of blasphemy for preaching about
Jesus Christ.

Furthermore, when we look to the language of Jacob's descendants, recorded in the minor books of the small plates of Nephi, with the exception of Enos's private
experience in the wilderness, the doctrine of Christ disappears entirely after the book of Jacob. As for Enos's descendants, we are informed that they were strict in
keeping the law of Moses, but all language that would suggest a belief in the doctrine of Christ disappears from the text. It is possible, of course, that this omission is a
comment on Jacob's descendants and not on the people of Nephi as a whole, but when it is combined with the very real threat to Jacob and the gospel of Christ that
was posed by Sherem, a plausible case could be made that Nephi and his brother were unsuccessful in their bid to establish the doctrine of Christ as the official religion
of the Nephites.

In these circumstances, the revelation of Christ during the first great assembly in the book of Mosiah takes on even greater significance. Benjamin delivered the doctrine
of Christ in a form that is slightly different from the way that it was preached by Nephi and Jacob, declaring it to be a recent revelation from an angel of God (Mosiah
3:2-27). After four hundred years, what had brought about this religious reformation?

We are explicitly told in the book of Omni and again in the Words of Mormon that Amaleki gave the small plates of Nephi to King Benjamin. We are not told just
when this occurred, but given the account that Amaleki gives of King Benjamin's wars against the Lamanites, we must assume that it was after he had been on the
throne for many years but before the assembly described in Mosiah 2-6. What we cannot be certain about is whether King Benjamin had read the small plates. Given
the strong association that we have already observed between these cultic assemblies and the reading of newly discovered scriptures, we must leave open the
possibility that Benjamin did read the book of Nephi to the people on this occasion. If so, then it is possible that it was the revelation of the doctrine of Christ that he
found in the small plates of Nephi that prompted Benjamin to seek the revelation recorded in the third chapter of Mosiah.

Nevertheless, Benjamin does not seem to have a complete knowledge of the doctrine of Christ. The covenantal process described in Mosiah 5, through which the
people took upon themselves the name of Christ, bears some similarities to the baptismal covenant, but no reference is made to baptism itself. Indeed, if the Book of
Mormon record is to be relied on, we must conclude that baptism was not introduced among the people of Nephi until the second great assembly of Mosiah three
years later.

At this second great assembly in 121 B.C. , Mosiah followed his father's example and read to the people from newly found or newly written scriptures, which carried
yet another revelation of Jesus Christ as their centerpiece. The Zeniffites had left Zarahemla many years before the revelation of Christ by King Benjamin at his final
cultic assembly. It is probable, then, that they had brought with them a religion that knew only the law of Moses. When Abinadi confronted the priests of Noah and
inquired what it was that they taught, their answer was, "We teach the law of Moses" (Mosiah 12:28).

Having corrected their misconceptions about the law of Moses, Abinadi revealed a new religion, the doctrine of Christ. To Abinadi, the coming of the son of God was
evident in the teachings of Moses and all the prophets who had prophesied since the world began. It is reasonable to conclude that Abinadi was blessed with spiritual
insights not immediately obvious to his peers.

Once again a prophet of God was revealing Christ to a people who had previously known only the law of Moses. And yet again we find a prophet using language
which suggests that the name of Christ has only recently been made known (Mosiah 15:21).

Abinadi's doctrine of Christ differs somewhat from that of Nephi and King Benjamin, especially in his discourse on the relationship between the Father and the Son.
Latter-day Saint theologians have struggled for decades with Abinadi's language in Mosiah 15:2-4, when the simplest and most natural explanation for the curious
wording surely lies in the fact that he had developed his doctrine in isolation based on inspired reading of ancient scriptures.

At Mosiah's third and final assembly, the reading of the manifestation of Christ to the brother of Jared again revealed Christ to the Nephites. In Mormon's version of the
book of Mosiah, of course, any reference to this aspect of the plates of Jared was removed; but it must have come as a marvelous surprise to Mosiah and his people to
discover in those ancient records yet another manifestation of Jesus Christ to a prophet more than a thousand years before. It is possible that the compiler of the book
of Mosiah intended the conversion of Alma the Younger to perform this function in the third and final stage of the cycle.

What we can conclude is that at each of the three great assemblies of Mosiah, the revelation of Christ held a central place in the ceremonies. Why the revelation of
Christ should have been important in a tract that was written principally for political ends is a question that cannot be pursued in full here, but deserves some comment.
First, among ancient peoples questions of political order and spiritual well-being were intimately connected. Moreover, as Noel B. Reynolds has noted in his study of
the book of Nephi, the doctrine of Christ was central to the political question among Book of Mormon peoples: "Who has the right to rule?"

This is almost precisely the situation in which Alma found himself when attacked by Amlici over his right to govern. Nehor and his followers had not only challenged
Alma's political legitimacy, they had also questioned the doctrine of Christ and thus the entire Nephite tradition. Given this reading of the events in Alma 1-3, it should
come as no surprise to us to find that after their rejection by the Nephites, the Amlicites went over to the Lamanites and fully embraced their tradition. Indeed, after
recording this defection, Alma paused to take note of the differences between the Nephite and Lamanite traditions (Alma 3:11-12). Furthermore, in the book of
Mosiah-which, according to my analysis, was at least partially compiled by Alma or one of his followers at about this same time-we find the most explicit version of
these two foundation traditions written anywhere in the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 10:12-17).

If Reynolds's assessment of the Nephite cultural heritage is correct, then in persecuting those who had taken upon themselves the name of Christ, Nehor and Amlici
were challenging the very foundations of Nephite society (Alma 1:19). This was far deeper than an attack upon the church or the institution of judgeship. The order of
Nehor posed a direct threat to the tradition that defined the Nephite identity and kept their society intact in the face of external military and cultural encroachment. A
book written at this time in defense of the Nephite tradition should therefore give the doctrine of Christ a prominent place.

  Sawyer, "What Was a Mosï¿½iaï¿½?" 476.

  Gary L. Sturgess, "The Book of Mormon as Literature," in 1982 Symposium on the Book of Mormon (Sydney: The Student Association of The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, University of Sydney, 1982); copy in the FARMS collection.
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   John W. Welch, "Sherem's Accusations against Jacob," Insights (January 1991): 1.
  Sawyer, "What Was a Mosï¿½iaï¿½?" 476.

  Gary L. Sturgess, "The Book of Mormon as Literature," in 1982 Symposium on the Book of Mormon (Sydney: The Student Association of The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, University of Sydney, 1982); copy in the FARMS collection.

   John W. Welch, "Sherem's Accusations against Jacob," Insights (January 1991): 1.

  See n. 3 above on the origins of the practice of baptism among the Zarahemla Nephites.

   The First Presidency under Joseph Fielding Smith attempted to settle disquiet over this passage in 1916: see "The Father and the Son-A Doctrinal Exposition by the
First Presidency and the Twelve," reproduced in James E. Talmage, Articles of Faith (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1968), 466-73.

  Reynolds, "Nephi's Political Testament," 226.

6. Reaching Out to the Lamanites in the Land of Nephi

The book of Mosiah carries within it the paradox of both fighting against and reaching out to the Lamanites. In Mosiah 9, for example, we are told that Zeniff, who had
been a Nephite spy among the Lamanites, had come to believe that the Nephite traditions about the Lamanites were not entirely true and concluded that there was
good among the Lamanites. He thus was concerned that they should not be destroyed. Acting upon this belief, Zeniff led a group of settlers back into the land of Nephi
and entered into a treaty with the Lamanites that enabled his people to live among them.

In time he came to regret his confidence in the Lamanite leaders; indeed, Zeniff wrote some of the harshest words in the Book of Mormon about the Lamanite traditions
toward the Nephites. The Zeniffites fought bloody wars against the Lamanites and later delivered themselves into bondage and suffered deeply at the hands of their
Lamanite masters.

In the second half of the book, however, another mission to the Lamanites is recorded, a mission that was intended to convince the descendants of Laman and Lemuel
of the falseness of their traditions and to break down their hatred toward the Nephites. This was not only a religious mission, but a mission of political goodwill through
which the sons of Mosiah hoped to bridge the cultural barriers that had separated the two peoples (Mosiah 28:1-2).

In both cases, the attempt was not only to reach out to the Lamanites, but to reclaim the land of Nephi and the temple that Nephi had built there four hundred years
earlier. Just how this particular theme was meant to serve the primary messages of the book of Mosiah is not at all obvious, but it would be wrong to assume that the
compiler was not capable of building inconsistency into his work. There are strong textual reasons for associating these passages with Alma the Younger, and it may be
that, in spite of the immediate need to reinforce the Nephite traditions, the author or compiler was also seeking subtly to transform them.

7. Conclusion: the Structure and Purpose of the Book of Mosiah

Based on this analysis, the book of Mosiah takes on a loosely chiastic structure built around the three great royal ceremonies of King Mosiah in 124, 121, and 92 or 91
B.C.     These may or may not have been associated with the ancient Feast of Tabernacles, but they had some connection to the cultic obligations required of Israel
under the law of Moses and appear to have been influenced heavily by the religious tradition associated with the book of Deuteronomy. At each of these assemblies,
the king taught his people from newly discovered scriptures and centered his message around three key themes-the nature of kingship, Jehovah's deliverance of his
people, and the revelation of Jesus Christ.

In addition, the compiler of the book of Mosiah appears to have wedged in between these assemblies a secondary-level theme that emphasized a residual obligation to
the Lamanites and to the land of Nephi which, three generations before, had been surrendered to the Lamanite nations.

This structure was carefully planned and skillfully executed. It is possible, of course, that Mormon provided this framework during his editing of the Nephite plates in the
fourth century A.D. The reasons for rejecting such a thesis include the obvious editorial intervention of Mormon at Mosiah 28:19. Why would the compiler have gone
to the trouble of constructing a carefully balanced book focused around the three great assemblies, and then so obviously disturb that balance by editing out one of the
key lectures? Moreover, given the evidence of the unamended Printer's Manuscript, we must consider it a real possibility that Mormon did not think of Mosiah as a
separate book.

Furthermore, given the wealth of written material that Mormon must have had available, why would he have written a book with this particular complex of messages?
Nothing in the book of Mosiah would suggest that it was intended for Mormon's latter-day readers.

Who then might have need of a cultic history of the reign of King Mosiah which, on the one hand, lionized the last of the Nephite kings, and, on the other, used the
king's own words to discredit the institution of kingship? The answer, as I have suggested above, may well have been Alma the Younger or one of his followers, who
needed such a book to assist in their efforts to counteract the assault that had been mounted by Nehor and his followers on the church and on Alma's chief judgeship.

  For the book of Mosiah as a grand chiasm, see John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 10/1 (1969): 82.

Notes and Communications-More on the Silver Plates From Lehi's Jerusalem

William J. Adams, Jr.

In the Spring 1994 issue of the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies, I described the discovery, unwrapping, and translation of silver plates found in a Jerusalem burial
site that dates just before the Babylonian captivity. This time frame is that of Lehi and his family. The importance of this find for Book of Mormon studies is that
sacred texts were written on precious metal plates, and thus Lehi's search for the plates of Laban and his writing on precious metal plates are real possibilities.

A recent issue of Biblical Archaeology Review gives additional importance to these plates in the article "10 Great Finds," by Michael D. Coogan. Dr. Coogan was
asked to sift through all the archaeological finds in Palestine and determine the ten most significant for biblical archaeology. In doing so he tried to list finds that are
representative of whole areas of endeavors. For example, one of his choices was the Gibeon water system. Not only is it a marvel by itself, but it also represents other
engineering feats of the Israelites.

Coogan selected these plates as one of his ten great finds because, in the overall picture of biblical archaeology, they "are the earliest inscriptions containing a text also
found in the Bible." These texts represent the work of scribes, such as those of the Dead Sea Scrolls, who preserved the Bible for us. He concludes that the
significance of the texts "is inversely proportionate to their size, for they are our earliest witnesses to the text of the Bible."
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  William J. Adams, "Lehi's Jerusalem and Writing on Metal Plates," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 3/1 (1994): 204-6.

  Michael D. Coogan, "10 Great Finds," Biblical Archaeology Review 21/3 (May-June 1995): 36-47.
Coogan selected these plates as one of his ten great finds because, in the overall picture of biblical archaeology, they "are the earliest inscriptions containing a text also
found in the Bible." These texts represent the work of scribes, such as those of the Dead Sea Scrolls, who preserved the Bible for us. He concludes that the
significance of the texts "is inversely proportionate to their size, for they are our earliest witnesses to the text of the Bible."

  William J. Adams, "Lehi's Jerusalem and Writing on Metal Plates," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 3/1 (1994): 204-6.

  Michael D. Coogan, "10 Great Finds," Biblical Archaeology Review 21/3 (May-June 1995): 36-47.

  Ibid., 45.

Notes and Communications-the Marketplace

Wallace E. Hunt, Jr.

In relating the story of Nephi 2 's praying on his tower after returning to his home in Zarahemla from the land northward, Mormon adds a seemingly immaterial
description of the tower's location when he places it "in the garden of Nephi, which was by the highway which led to the chief market" (Hel. 7:10). Significantly, this is
the only place in the Book of Mormon where the word market appears.

One hardly notices the words chief market in this particular chapter, and upon deeper perusal of the verse, the use of the two words at first seems unnecessary. Why
add this description? If Joseph Smith were authoring the book, there would be no need to include such a description. In fact, any unusual word or description could
jeopardize the integrity of the work. After all, the native Americans with whom he was familiar had no marketplaces!

We can, however, draw several conclusions from Mormon's inclusion of the phrase chief market. First, the description was important to include, since he was limited
for space and therefore would have included only words, phrases, and events that he felt were significant. Also, this description signifies that cities in this time period
not only had more than one market, but that one of the markets was either larger or more significant than the others.

If we look at Mesoamerica, the area most current Latter-day Saint scholars believe is the land of the Book of Mormon, we find that reference to a market
(marketplace) is not only proper but crucial to Mormon's description of Nephi's praying and its effect upon the people. Some two million Maya live in Mesoamerica
today. They hold close to their old ways, practicing their traditional skills of farming and craft work and seldom marrying outside the Maya natives. The marketplace is
a continuing and important part of their culture. Most Mesoamerican scholars acknowledge the existence of marketplaces in ancient Mesoamerica. J. Eric Thompson
comments, "The present-day markets of highland Guatemala are enchanting, colorful, and thought-provoking, but they are but pale shadows of the markets in pre-
Columbian times." Willey indicates that "The high development of the market as an institution and the rise of specialized merchants is distinctively Mesoamerican,"
and "Markets were emphasized in native Mesoamerica as they are today."

The ancient Mesoamerican markets were probably held out in the open. They were generally located in the main plaza or courtyards next to the temples, just as they
are located near churches today. In most of these markets, the merchants would have little cover over their stalls other than those made of straw or wood. This
material, of course, would not endure the ravages of time to tell us the precise size and placement of their markets.

Many scholars also acknowledge the existence of main or central (chief) marketplaces as well as satellite or smaller markets in large towns or cities. Nash, commenting
on present-day life in middle America, states, "Around the major market are a series of market places" which "specialize and carry a reduced selection of the goods
available in the central market." According to Morley and Brainerd, "The most important economic institution of the ancient Maya was the centralized market."
Ross Hassig's research reveals "the possibility of a central market" near Monte Alban's north slope. William Sanders notes at Tlatelolco, "aside from the main market
there were numerous local food markets all over the city." After a four-year study of the settlement pattern of the Maya city of Sayil comprising a site of some 4.5
square kilometers, Sabloff and Tourtellot developed a map of the site, displaying what they believe "might have been the central marketplace."

Bernal Diaz's account of the "great market" of Tlatelolco is probably the earliest firsthand description of a Mesoamerican market. Diaz gives a very vivid account,
including the size and complexity of the markets, the variety of goods found therein, and even descriptions of the judges and constables who supervised these activities.
His fellow soldiers, who had been in many parts of the world, commented that "they had never seen a market so well laid out, so large, so orderly, and so full of
people." Interestingly, in this same dialogue Diaz also comments on the beauty and number of Montezuma's gardens and describes the courts and enclosures on the
road to the market.

I have walked on market day on the rocky gravel road leading to the chief market in San Juan Chamula, Guatemala. Early in the morning the road was busy. Men and
women were on their way to sell and purchase wares. Many walked barefoot, proudly carrying their goods on their heads or backs. Some had children tagging along.
This experience gave me the distinct feeling of being in another time period. This market, like the one in Diaz's account, was well organized. It also had its constables.
This was not a market for the tourists, but one for the natives. This activity was important to their way of life, just as it had been in the days of Cortez, and just as it must
have been in the early time period of the Book of Mormon people.

To stand on the road leading to a marketplace can be an especially moving experience when one is observing a routine that has been followed for millennia. It was easy
for me to envision Nephi's garden on the road to the chief market and the attention that a prayer offered from his prayer tower would attract. Thus Mormon, being
intimately familiar with the markets of his day, surely knew that his description of Nephi's garden and tower as being on the road to the chief market was very important
in adequately conveying the impression of the large number of people who would hear Nephi praying and who would quickly assemble to hear him speak.

Again, we find the small details in the Book of Mormon consistent with modern-day findings. In addition, this easily overlooked yet very significant information lends
credence to the modern-day placement of the Book of Mormon city of Zarahemla in Mesoamerica.

  To demonstrate the significance of his severe abridgment, Mormon stated four times that in abridging the Nephite records, he wrote "less than a hundredth
part" (Morm. 1:5; Hel. 3:14; 3 Ne. 5:8;26:6).

  J. Eric S. Thompson, The Rise and Fall of Maya Civilization, 2nd ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1966), 222.

  Gordon R. Willey et al., "The Patterns of Farming Life and Civilization," in Handbook of Middle American Indians, 15 vols., ed. Robert Wauchope et al. (Austin:
University of Texas, 1964-76), 1:461-62.

   Morley and Brainerd comment: "Although no conclusive physical evidence of ancient markets exists,ï¿½their antiquity is assumed." However, they identify at Tikal a
"large rectangular assemblage of multi-room buildings that seems to have served as Tikal's major market." Sylvanus G. Morley and George W. Brainerd, The Ancient
Maya,   rev. Robert
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             (c) 2005-2009,    4th ed. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), 59, emphasis added.
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  Manning Nash, "Indian Economies," in Handbook of Middle American Indians, 6:87.
University of Texas, 1964-76), 1:461-62.

   Morley and Brainerd comment: "Although no conclusive physical evidence of ancient markets exists,ï¿½their antiquity is assumed." However, they identify at Tikal a
"large rectangular assemblage of multi-room buildings that seems to have served as Tikal's major market." Sylvanus G. Morley and George W. Brainerd, The Ancient
Maya, rev. Robert J. Sharer, 4th ed. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), 59, emphasis added.

  Manning Nash, "Indian Economies," in Handbook of Middle American Indians, 6:87.

  Morley and Brainerd, The Ancient Maya, 249, emphasis added.

  Ross Hassig, War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica (Berkeley: University of California, 1992), 35.

  William T. Sanders, "Settlement Patterns in Central Mexico," in Handbook of Middle American Indians, 10:27.

  Jeremy A. Sabloff and Gair Tourtellot, "Beyond Temples and Places," in New Theories on the Ancient Maya, ed. Elin C. Danien and Robert J. Sharer (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania, 1992), 159.

  Bernal Diaz, The Conquest of New Spain, trans. J. M. Cohen (London: Penguin, 1963), 231-35.

Notes and Communications-Noah Webster and the Book of Mormon

Matthew Roper

"The Book of Mormon critics," wrote Hugh Nibley in 1959, "have made an art of explaining a very big whole by a very small part. The game is to look for some
mysterious person or document from which Joseph Smith might have gotten a few simple and obvious ideas and then cry triumphantly, 'At last we have it! Now we
know where the Book of Mormon came from!' " Nibley's observation finds support in a recent article published by anti-Mormon writers Jerald and Sandra Tanner.
   While the Tanners' article is largely devoid of merit, it provides an excellent illustration of Nibley's point.

After perusing the pages of James Adair's book The History of the American Indians, the Tanners triumphantly announce what they describe as a "startling
discovery." According to our zealous researchers, Adair's work contains a passage so similar to phrases found in Book of Mormon descriptions of Nephite
fortifications "that we could not escape the conclusion that Joseph Smith either had the book in hand or a quotation from it when he was writing the Book of Mormon."
    The passage as cited by the Tanners reads:

Through the whole continent, and in the remotest woods, are traces of their ancient warlike disposition. We frequently met with great mounds of earth, either of a
circular, or oblong form, having a strong breast-work at a distance around them, made of the clay which had been dug up in forming the ditch on the inner side of the
enclosed ground, and these were their forts of security against an enemyï¿½.About 12 miles from the upper northern parts of the Choktah country, there standï¿½two
oblong mounds of earthï¿½in an equal direction with each otherï¿½.A broad deep ditch inclosed those two fortresses, and there they raised an high breast-work, to
secure their houses from the invading enemy.

The Tanners report that they were first struck by the words their forts of security: "These identical words are found in the book of Alma!" (Alma 49:18). In addition to
this "striking parallel," these forts of security, surprisingly enough, are said to secure their occupants against an enemy. The Tanners further note parallel words and
phrases such as the word breastwork (Alma 53:4) and a reference to the ditch and to mounds or banks of earth, which had been dug (Alma 49:18). "We find it
extremely hard to believe that all of these similar word patterns could happen by chance." Since, as the Tanners argue, none of these words or phrases occur in the
Bible, "The evidence seems to indicate that the source was Adair's book."

In regard to the above comparison, several observations are in order. First, Adair's description is limited to one short paragraph, while the Book of Mormon references
are spread out over four different chapters. Second, when one compares the two texts with each other it is obvious that the words do not appear in the same order-
plagiarism might have been more plausible if the words had appeared in the same order. Some phrases are linked in Adair and yet divided up in a disjointed fashion in
the Book of Mormon text and vice versa. Third, even where parallel words occur in the two texts they are not necessarily being used in the same way. Adair, for
instance, uses the word equal to refer to distance, while the Book of Mormon passage uses equal in reference to opportunity. While the word breastwork is used in
both passages, the Adair passage refers to a breastwork of clay while the Book of Mormon describes a "breastwork of timbers" against which earth was banked.
There is no mention of "timbers" in the Adair passage.

Finally, and perhaps most significantly, both Adair's description and Joseph Smith's translation of the Book of Mormon are describing fortifications for warfare and
would be expected to use similar English language to describe them. This can be rather easily demonstrated by examining the definitions of words associated with the
concept of fortification. To illustrate this point we will list several words that appear in Adair's account with their definitions from Noah Webster's 1828 English
dictionary:

FORT, nï¿½.1. A fortified place;ï¿½a place surrounded with a ditch, rampart, and parapet, or with palisades, stockades, or other means of defense; also, any building
or place fortified for security against an enemy.

FORTIFICATION, nï¿½.2. The art or science of fortifying places to defend them against an enemy, by means of moats, ramparts, parapets and other bulwarks. 3.
Works erected to defend a place against attack. 4. A fortified place.

FORTIFY, v.tï¿½.1. To surround with a wall, ditch, palisades or other works, with a view to defend against the attacks of an enemy; to strengthen and secure by forts,
batteries and other works of art; as to fortify a city, town, or harbor. 2. To strengthen against any attack.

BREAST-WORK, nï¿½.In fortification, a work thrown up for defense; a parapet.

BANK, nï¿½.1. A mound, pile or ridge of earth, raisedabove the surrounding plain, either as a defense or for other purposes.

DITCH, nï¿½.The primary sense is a digging or place dugï¿½.1. A trench in the earth made by diggingï¿½for making a fence to guard enclosures or for preventing an
enemy from approaching a town or fortress.

SECURE, v.t. To guard effectually from danger; to make safe. Fortifications may secure a city.

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How   are we(c)  2005-2009,
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definitions found in Webster? Did Joseph Smith have both volumes of Webster's 1828 English dictionary "book in hand" while he dictated that text to his scribe? After
all, with the exception of proper names, nearly every word found in the Book of Mormon can also be found in Webster. Must we now acknowledge Webster's
enemy from approaching a town or fortress.

SECURE, v.t. To guard effectually from danger; to make safe. Fortifications may secure a city.

How are we to explain such "striking" similarities between the fortification vocabulary found in Adair's work, certain passages in the Book of Mormon, and those
definitions found in Webster? Did Joseph Smith have both volumes of Webster's 1828 English dictionary "book in hand" while he dictated that text to his scribe? After
all, with the exception of proper names, nearly every word found in the Book of Mormon can also be found in Webster. Must we now acknowledge Webster's
dictionary as a primary source for the Book of Mormon narrative? Few critics of the Book of Mormon would take such a proposition seriously.

Given the fact that the Book of Mormon is describing fortifications of warfare it should not surprise us that Joseph Smith, an early nineteenth-century translator, should
use such words and phrases to describe defensive fortifications of an ancient American group. This example aptly illustrates one of the pitfalls faced by those seeking to
identify nineteenth-century sources for the Book of Mormon. Many nineteenth-century parallels touted by critics as examples of Book of Mormon borrowings are, in
fact, nothing of the kind, but are simply part of the English vocabulary of the translator's day.

   Hugh Nibley, "The Grab Bag," in Hugh Nibley, The Prophetic Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 175. "If someone will show
me how to draw a circle," cries the youthful Joseph Smith, "I will make you a fine Swiss watch!" So Joachim or Anselm or Ethan Smith or Rabelais or somebody takes
a stick and draws a circle in the sand, and forthwith the adroit and wily Joseph turns out a beautiful running mechanism that tells perfect time! This is not an
exaggeration. The Book of Mormon in structure and design is every bit as complicated, involved, and ingenious as the works of a Swiss watch, and withal just as
smoothly runningï¿½. The writer of that book brought together thousands of ideas and events and knit them together in a most marvelous unity. Yet the critics like to
think they have explained the Book of Mormon completely if they can just discover where Joseph Smith might have got one of his ideas or expressions!" (Ibid.)

  Jerald and Sandra Tanner, "The Book of Mormon: Ancient or Modern," Salt Lake City Messenger 84 (April 1993): 5-10.

   James Adair, The History of the American Indians (London: Dilly, 1775).

  Tanner and Tanner, "The Book of Mormon: Ancient or Modern," 5.

  Ibid., 6, emphasis in original.

  Ibid.

  Noah Webster, An American Dictionary of the English Language, 2 vols. (New York: Converse, 1828), s.v. "fort."

  Ibid., s.v. "fortification."

  Ibid., s.v. "fortify."

  Ibid., s.v. "breast-work."

  Ibid., s.v. "bank."

  Ibid., s.v. "ditch."

  Ibid., s.v. "secure."

Notes and Communications-Cities and Lands in the Book of Mormon

John A. Tvedtnes

Throughout the Book of Mormon, the terms city and land seem to be interchangeable. There is a city of Nephi and a land of Nephi, a city of Zarahemla and a land of
Zarahemla, and so forth. Evidently, each city controlled a certain territory or land that was designated from the name of the city. This is especially clear in Alma 50:14,
where we read of the construction of a new site: "They called the name of the city, or the land, Nephihah."

The pattern followed by the Nephites (and by the Lamanites when they became sedentary) was evidently brought from the Old World. In ancient Israel, the cities were
places of refuge for farmers in surrounding villages. In time of war, the peasants could flee to the protection of the city walls, where arms were stored for defense.
This is precisely what we find described in Mosiah 9:14-16.

In the law of Moses, cities assigned to the Levites were required to have pastures extending 2,000 cubits (roughly 3,000 feet) outside the walls (Num. 35:5).
Because of this, the rabbis took the word place in Ex. 16:29 to mean a walled city, and restricted inhabitants to a maximum 2,000 cubits' walk on the Sabbath, giving
us the "Sabbath day's journey" of Acts 1:12.

Archaeological excavations in the fields surrounding the ancient site of Gezer disclosed six stones from the second century B.C. on which the words border of Gezer
were inscribed in Hebrew and Greek. Clearly, biblical cities, like those of the Book of Mormon, controlled nearby land. Hence, we read of "the king of Ai, and his
people, and his city, and his land" (Josh. 8:1) and of the city of Hebron, its suburbs (perhaps "pasturage"), fields, and villages (1 Chronicles 6:55-56).

It should therefore not be surprising to find that cities are sometimes called by the term land in the Bible. Tappuah is called a land in Josh. 17:8, but a city in Josh. 16:8.
Jeremiah prophesied that Jerusalem would become "a land not inhabited" (Jer. 6:8; cf. 15:5-7).

The Mesha or Moabite stela of the ninth century B.C. provides contemporary archaeological evidence for the interchange of city and land. The text, reporting the
rebellion of Mesha, king of Moab, against Israel, lists a number of "lands" which are known from the Bible to be cities. Internal evidence also implies that they are cities,
since Mesha noted that he had "built" these lands.

The reason that lands were named after their principal cities was that some cities controlled other nearby sites. In the account of the assignment of lands to the tribes
under Joshua, we frequently read of "cities with their villages." In some cases, a known city is named and is said to have other cities, towns, or villages under its
dominion. Thus, we read of "Heshbon and all her cities" (Josh. 13:17), "Ekron, with her towns and her villages" (Josh. 15:45), "Megiddo and her towns" (Josh. 17:11),
and "Ashdod, with her towns and her villages" (Josh. 15:47).
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Clay tablets written in the fourteenth century B.C. and found at el-Amarna in Egypt use the term land for Canaanite sites known to have been ancient cities. For
example, one text speaks of the "town of Rubutu," while another mentions the "land of Rubutu." The first of these also speaks of the "land of Shechem" and "the
The reason that lands were named after their principal cities was that some cities controlled other nearby sites. In the account of the assignment of lands to the tribes
under Joshua, we frequently read of "cities with their villages." In some cases, a known city is named and is said to have other cities, towns, or villages under its
dominion. Thus, we read of "Heshbon and all her cities" (Josh. 13:17), "Ekron, with her towns and her villages" (Josh. 15:45), "Megiddo and her towns" (Josh. 17:11),
and "Ashdod, with her towns and her villages" (Josh. 15:47).

Clay tablets written in the fourteenth century B.C. and found at el-Amarna in Egypt use the term land for Canaanite sites known to have been ancient cities. For
example, one text speaks of the "town of Rubutu," while another mentions the "land of Rubutu." The first of these also speaks of the "land of Shechem" and "the
land of the town of Gath-carmel" (both ancient cities) and says of Jerusalem, "this land belongs to the king." A third text mentions the lands of Gezer, Ashkelon, and
Jerusalem.

Lehi and Nephi seem to have known the designation of Jerusalem as both a city and the land it governed. The phrase land of Jerusalem is found in 1 Nephi 3:9-
10;7:2. We read that Lehi dwelt "at Jerusalem in all his days" (1 Ne. 1:4), but he evidently did not live in the city of that name. After coming to Jerusalem, where Laman
visited Laban in his house (1 Ne. 3:11, 23), Lehi's sons, thinking to purchase the brass plates from Laban, "went down to the land of [their] inheritance" (1 Ne. 3:22) to
gather up their wealth. They then "went up again" to Jerusalem (1 Ne. 3:23) and offered their wealth in exchange for the plates. Laban chased them away and, after a
time, they returned to "the walls of Jerusalem" (1 Ne. 4:4), and Nephi "crept into the city and went forth towards the house of Laban" (1 Ne. 4:5). From this, it appears
that Lehi dwelt in the "land" of Jerusalem, but not in the city itself, as did Laban.

Alma 7:10 contains a prophecy that Christ would be born in "Jerusalem which is the land of our forefathers" (Alma 7:10). Critics of the Book of Mormon typically use
this as evidence of error in the text and conclude that it invalidates the book as an authentic ancient document. They attribute the error to Joseph Smith, whom they
believe to be the author of the Book of Mormon. This presupposes, however, that Joseph Smith was ignorant of the fact that Jesus was born in Bethlehem, not
Jerusalem, which is hardly likely. It is much easier to believe that the denomination of Jerusalem as a "land" was deliberate. In view of the evidence we have seen thus
far, this was perfectly in keeping with ancient Near Eastern tradition. Even were it not so, there would be nothing wrong with Alma, author of the passage, using
Nephite geographical terminology to denote the place of Jesus' birth. To the Nephites, whose society revolved around cities controlling larger lands, it would have been
perfectly logical to place Bethlehem in the land of Jerusalem.

But there is evidence that, even in the Old World, Bethlehem was considered to be part of the "land of Jerusalem." One of the Amarna texts speaks of "a town in the
land of Jerusalem" named Bï¿½t-NINIB. Some scholars give the name as Bï¿½t-Lahmi, which is the Canaanite equivalent of the Hebrew name rendered Beth-lehem in
English Bibles.

We conclude that Lehi's descendants in the New World followed authentic Old World custom in denominating each land by the principal city in the land.         This kind
of detail lends evidence to the authenticity and antiquity of the Book of Mormon text.

  In the Old Testament, we read of "fenced cities [and] country villages" (1 Sam. 6:18), of "unwalled villages" (Ezek. 38:11), and of "villages which have no wall" (Lev.
25:31). The term fenced is employed in the King James Bible to refer to "walled" cities.

  The King James Bible renders it "suburbs," though the Hebrew word refers to land held in common by all the residents of a city and perhaps originally referred to
pasture land.

   Ex. 16:29 reads, "Abide ye every man in his place, let no man go out of his place on the seventh day." The "Sabbath limit" of 2,000 cubits is defined in Mishnah,
Erubin 4:3; 5:7, and Sotah 5:3 (which refers to Numbers 35:4-5). Other references to the "Sabbath limit" are found in Mishnah, Shabbath 23:3-4; Erubin 3:4; 4:2-3,
11; 5:4-5; 7:11; 8:1; 10:2; Betzah 4:2; Rosh ha-Shanah 4:8, Ketuboth 2:10; Nedarim 7:5; Makkoth 2:7.

  For an English translation of the text, see James B. Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1969), 320-21.

   Josh. 13:23, 28;15:32, 36, 41, 44, 46-47 51, 54, 57, 59-60, 62;16:9;18:24, 28;19:6-8, 15-16, 22, 30-31, 38-39, 48;21:12. Sometimes the word daughters was
used in the Hebrew text to mean villages, in the sense of satellites (Ex. 21:25, 32; 2 Chr. 28:18; Neh. 11:25, 27, 30-31

  El Amarna 289, in Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Texts, 489; Taanach tablet 1, in ibid., 490.

  El Amarna 290, in ibid., 489.

  El Amarna 287, in ibid., 488.

   Hugh Nibley discussed this subject in Lehi in the Desert, The World of the Jaredites, There Were Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 6-
7, and in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3rd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 101-2.

  El Amarna 290, in Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Texts, 489, where the name is rendered Bit-Lahmi.

  For examples and discussion of the word pair city//land, see Kevin L. Barney, "Poetic Diction and Parallel Word Pairs in the Book of Mormon," in this issue, pages
37-38.

Notes and Communications-Examining a Nephite/Latter-Day Apostolic Parallel

Christian M. Ziebarth

It has long been recognized that the beginning chapters of 3 Nephi provide a type for the events that will precede the mil-lennial era and that 4 Nephi describes the
same type of society that will exist during the thousand years of peace. It is my belief that these portions of the Book of Mormon should be read with the purpose of
coming to an understanding of its larger allegorical application to the last days.

In studying how the conditions before the coming of the Savior to the Nephites so closely parallel prophecies of the latter times, we see powerful evidence that the
inspired writers of the Book of Mormon truly saw our day. Indeed, because of the great significance of the second coming of the Savior, the Lord prepared, preserved,
and provided this record of a people who had previously experienced the coming of the risen Christ.

Even as far back as 1840, the First Presidency issued a statement:

 Copyrightwith
Connected  (c) 2005-2009,   Infobase
               the building up         Media Corp.
                               of the Kingdom is the printing and circulation of the Book of[Mormon,ï¿½[which throws] a light on the proceedings of Jehovah
                                                                                                                                                     Page which
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have already been accomplished, and[mark[s] out the future in all its dreadful and glorious realities.
and provided this record of a people who had previously experienced the coming of the risen Christ.

Even as far back as 1840, the First Presidency issued a statement:

Connected with the building up of the Kingdom is the printing and circulation of the Book of[Mormon,ï¿½[which throws] a light on the proceedings of Jehovah which
have already been accomplished, and[mark[s] out the future in all its dreadful and glorious realities.

But have we collectively realized the extent to which this is the case? What is true of the large picture may also be true of its component parts. One possible parallel
between certain events from the Nephite era and in the time before the second coming of the Savior is examined here.

In the Book of Mormon we read of the chaos that was taking place immediately before the death of Christ in the Holy Land and his subsequent visit to the Nephites in
the New World. The situation was much the same then as it is in our day: political assassinations (3 Ne. 6:30), rejection of the prophets (3 Ne. 6:23;7:14), widespread
pride and class distinctions (3 Nephi 6:10-12), and those who were saying that Christ was delaying his coming, or, even yet, that there was no Christ. There were many
prophets sent to testify to the people of their wickedness and of the need for repentance. One of these prophets was Timothy. The Book of Mormon text declares that
Timothy's brother, Nephi, had the power to speak so that his listeners could not disbelieve his words (3 Ne. 7:18). Since this is the type of influence that comes from
preaching by the spirit, and we know that Timothy was of the spiritual stature to be chosen as one of the Nephite Twelve, we can surmise that Timothy also had the
power to speak so that the people could not disbelieve his words. Since the guilty take the truth to be hard (1 Ne. 16:2), they sought to shut the mouth of the prophet
and in this case did so by stoning him until he suffered death (3 Ne. 7:19). "Those who had so given themselves up to the spirit of the adversary feasted upon anger and
hatred and lost their appetite for the spirit of peace, joy, and love which accompany the gospel and the obedient spirit." Apparently, this provided a type of false
relief to those who slew him who felt they were then spared from the jarring and disconcerting words of one who made them aware of their guilt and impending
destruction. This false sense of comfort lasted only until Nephi, the brother of Timothy, exercised his priesthood power to raise him from the dead (3 Ne. 7:19;19:4),
which sent the wicked into a blind rage because they were then left without excuse (see 3 Nephi 7:18-20). Both Nephi and Timothy later became apostles when the
Lord came and visited and taught those who survived the destruction that occurred in America at the time of his death (see 3 Nephi 11:18-22;19:4).

Similar events are prophesied to occur in the latter days. John the Revelator told of "two prophets that are to be raised up to the Jewish nation in the last days" (D&C
77:15; see Revelation 11:3-12), likely "members of the Council of the Twelve or of the First Presidency of the Church," to testify of their wickedness. Their words
too would torment carnal minds until the only resort for those who will not heed their counsel to repent is to kill the prophets. In this case as well, the wicked people will
feel they are free from the hard truth, even so much as to send gifts to each other commemorating the slayings (Rev. 11:10). Once again they will be wrong, though, as
"after three days and an half the Spirit of life from God [enters] into them" possibly by one holding the keys of resurrection exercising that power, "and they [the two
prophets] stood upon their feet; and great fear fell upon them [the wicked people who had slain them or consented to their death] which saw them" (Rev. 11:11).
"What happens when the murdered do not stay dead? The ultimate power of the unrighteous fails, and with it all other forms of coercion and intimidation."

While there may not be a logical or causative link between the events in the book of Revelation and in 3 Nephi, we can note these similar elements:

1. A witness or witnesses testify of Christ and the need for repentance.

2. Those who hear the witnesses and are wicked take the truth to be hard and become angry.

3. The witnesses are killed.

4. The wicked see the slain witnesses restored to mortality or resurrected to immortality.

5. The wicked become even more angry or fearful.

By noting instances such as these we come to a greater appreciation of the superior wisdom and foresight of God, who is, in the final and true sense, the author of the
Book of Mormon.

  See Joseph Fielding McConkie, Robert L. Millet, and Brent L. Top, Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon, vol. 4, 3 Nephi through Moroni (Salt Lake
City: Bookcraft, 1992), 27, 205-6.

  E. Dale LeBaron, "The Book of Mormon: Pattern in Preparing a People to Meet the Savior," in Doctrines of the Book of Mormon, 1991 Sperry Symposium, ed.
Bruce A. Van Orden and Brent L. Top (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1992), 70-79.

  DHC 4:187.

  McConkie, Millet, and Top, Doctrinal Commentary, 4:33.

  Bruce R. McConkie, Doctrinal New Testament Commentary (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1973), 3:509.

  Richard D. Draper, Opening the Seven Seals: The Visions of John the Revelator (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1991), 123.

About the Contributors

William J. Adams, Jr., Ph.D., is a Learning Center Coordinator with Granite Community Education, Salt Lake City.

Kevin L. Barney, J.D. and LL.M., is an attorney with Katten Muchin & Zavis in Chicago.

William J. Hamblin, Ph.D., is associate professor of history at Brigham Young University.

Wallace E. Hunt, Jr., B.S., is a retired businessman and an avid collector of early Mormon Americana.

Matthew Roper is a senior in history at Brigham Young University.

Edgar C. Snow, Jr., J.D. and LL.M., is an associate with the Atlanta office of the law firm Jones, Day, Reavis & Pogue.

Gary L. Sturgess, LL.B., is the principal of Sturgess Australia, a Sydney-based public policy consultancy.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                          Page 440 / 919
John A. Tvedtnes, M.A., is senior project manager with the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies.

John W. Welch, J.D., is professor of law at the J. Reuben Clark Law School at Brigham Young University and the editor-in-chief of BYU Studies.
Edgar C. Snow, Jr., J.D. and LL.M., is an associate with the Atlanta office of the law firm Jones, Day, Reavis & Pogue.

Gary L. Sturgess, LL.B., is the principal of Sturgess Australia, a Sydney-based public policy consultancy.

John A. Tvedtnes, M.A., is senior project manager with the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies.

John W. Welch, J.D., is professor of law at the J. Reuben Clark Law School at Brigham Young University and the editor-in-chief of BYU Studies.

Christian M. Ziebarth, A.A., is majoring in psychology at BYU-Hawaii.

Book of Mormon Studies Spring 1996
Volume 5, Number 1,
Spring 1996

Foundation for Ancient Research and
Mormon Studies
Provo, Utah

Journal of Book of Mormon Studies is published semiannually.
ï¿½ 1996 Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America

Looking over Vs. Overlooking Native American Languages:
Let's Void the Void

Brian Darrel Stubbs

Abstract: The time-depth of the Romance language family (ca. 2,000 years) yields an abundance of similarities among languages descended from Latin: Spanish,
French, Italian, and so forth. The time-depth of Lehi is not much greater (2,600 years), yet no similar abundance of accepted linguistic evidence for Lehi's presence in
the Americas has emerged. Is this because of a lack of evidence or a lack of looking? We cannot know until we look. The relative absence of effort in Native American
languages relevant to Book of Mormon research is a huge void in Latter-day Saint scholarly endeavor. This paper discusses the value of and need to void this existing
void, and presents from one Native American language family an example of the possibilities.

Our traditional approach to language-related research regarding the Book of Mormon has been fairly thorough and productive in traditional directions, but an
established imbalance in that approach has left a void in what should be an important sphere of Latter-day Saint research: linguistic analysis of Native American
languages. Though the void is understandable for the past-because of limited data and too few scholars-both limits are now changing sufficiently to allow efforts toward
voiding this void.

As believers in the Book of Mormon, we adhere to the actuality that parties accompanying Lehi and Mulek left Jerusalem and arrived in the Americas some 2600 years
ago and that their descendants are among the Native Americans. The writings of John Sorenson and others suggest that descendants of those immigrant parties and the
geographical locations they originally occupied were much less than the pan-American assumptions of earlier generations. The immense linguistic variety in the
Americas suggests the same. Some 2,000 Native American languages comprise nearly 100 separate language families. That diversity leaves little doubt that many
peoples besides the groups of Lehi and Mulek contributed to pre-Colombian populations and languages. Nevertheless, whatever the original parameters of geography
and language for the Book of Mormon peoples, it is not unreasonable to expect that evidences of Hebrew or possibly Egyptian may survive in some languages of the
Americas.

Thus far the focus of Book of Mormon language research has been Hebrew, Egyptian, and the translated English text. This logical starting place, subject to careful
thought and study, has yielded enlightening results; nevertheless, another dimension awaits attention. Though the number of Latter-day Saint scholars knowing Hebrew,
Egyptian, or related languages has increased, we hardly suffer from an overabundance of those knowledgeable in ancient Near Eastern languages. In terms of
employability or marketability of that knowledge, some individuals may feel part of an overabundance, but in a strict academic sense for collective research purposes, in
light of what remains to be done, our resources are still fairly limited, especially if we consider the other sphere of research that remains quite untouched: Native
American languages.

What was the language of Mormon and Moroni? Debates among Latter-day Saint scholars center on Hebrew and Egyptian; however, both may be near misnomers for
the Lehi languages of A.D. 400. Between Lehi and Moroni was a span of approximately 1,000 years, and between Moroni and European contact was a little more
than 1,000 years. Thus Moroni was about midway between Lehi and European contact. The extent that Book of Mormon groups had been in contact with or had
mixed with non-Hebrew speakers by Moroni's time would likely parallel the degree of change in the languages of Lehi's posterity by A.D. 400. No known Native
American language is very similar to Hebrew (or Egyptian). Suppose that the American language(s) most similar to Hebrew were identified and that the amount of
change from Hebrew was interpolated over the more than two millennia since Lehi's arrival. If the Lehi languages of A.D. 400 had undergone about half the lexical and
grammatical change observable in the Native American language(s) most similar to Hebrew, that amount of change would leave Moroni's and the Lamanites' language
(s) of A.D. 400 more significantly different from either Hebrew or Egyptian than most suspect. Old English, largely because of foreign influences over the last 1,000
years, is essentially a foreign language to modern English speakers, though both forms are called "English"; and the language differences between Lehi's Hebrew and the
languages of his posterity 1,000 years later may have exceeded the changes in English in a similar length of time. Therefore, if Native American languages are not much
further removed in time from Moroni than was Lehi, maybe the contemporary end of the timeline can provide as many clues as Lehi's end, if not a greater number and
clearer clues. Thus why not investigate both ends of the language spectrum?

In any case, we know practically nothing about the languages in Moroni's day, but we do know something about the Hebrew and Egyptian of the Old World that Lehi
left, and we have hundreds of languages in the New World where he arrived. Why is nearly all of our Book of Mormon-related language research confined to only one
of two ends of the language spectrum? The two-language end is certainly easier to deal with than the 2,000-language end, but that cannot be perpetual justification for a
body of scholars in search of truth to ignore indefinitely a huge reservoir of research potential-Native American languages. An adjustment now seems desirable. In fact,
the present may be an optimum time for some to consider this larger sphere of research, since just now substantive quantities and qualities of data are accumulating for
comparative research in many Native American languages.

Since research in this "larger picture" requires a combination not common in scholarly preparation, most interested persons would need to expand their backgrounds.
Three  prerequisites-knowledge
 Copyright                        of Hebrew
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                                         Media  other Near Eastern languages, a foundation in historical linguistics, and a knowledge of a Native American
                                                                                                                                                    Pagelanguage
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family-qualify one for the work, so to speak. For those who already know Hebrew, adding a background in historical linguistics would allow investigation of a Native
American language family with some potential for results. For linguists accomplished in Native American languages, adding Hebrew or related languages to their
language repertoire would provide a similar package of prerequisites. Perhaps this oblique invitation might better apply to young prospective scholars still in the stage of
comparative research in many Native American languages.

Since research in this "larger picture" requires a combination not common in scholarly preparation, most interested persons would need to expand their backgrounds.
Three prerequisites-knowledge of Hebrew or other Near Eastern languages, a foundation in historical linguistics, and a knowledge of a Native American language
family-qualify one for the work, so to speak. For those who already know Hebrew, adding a background in historical linguistics would allow investigation of a Native
American language family with some potential for results. For linguists accomplished in Native American languages, adding Hebrew or related languages to their
language repertoire would provide a similar package of prerequisites. Perhaps this oblique invitation might better apply to young prospective scholars still in the stage of
preparation than to established scholars already set in research specialities.

Though I want to encourage, I must also, in all fairness, first caution against romanticized expectations of swift results. The realm of research in Native American
languages is infinitely fascinating, but for mortals possessing a mere lifetime, infinite fascinations can also be frustrations. Though most scholarly accomplishment requires
sizable portions of a lifetime, contrast the required language base for research endeavor in the ancient Near East vs. the Americas. A knowledge of half a dozen
languages (Hebrew/Phoenician, Arabic, Aramaic, Egyptian or Coptic, Akkadian, and Greek) provides one with a fairly complete array of ancient Near Eastern
languages. Would that six languages could do the same for a specialist in Uto-Aztecan, Hokan, or Penutian (each consisting of ca. 30 languages), or for one interested
in proposed relationships between Uto-Aztecan, Penutian, and Kiowa-Tanoan (involving three language families totaling more than 60 languages), or for one like myself
interested in a dozen language families, totaling a few hundred languages.

A second caution worth mentioning is that one not assume that Native American languages are less complex or easier to learn than Hebrew, Arabic, or Egyptian. Let
me express my own opinion on the matter. Though Arabic (but not necessarily Hebrew) may have a richer lexicon than what has been preserved or recorded for
most Native American languages, the structural complexities (phonological, morphological, and syntactic) of many, if not most, Native American languages leave
Hebrew, Arabic, and Egyptian easier to learn than, for example, Navajo (or any other Athapaskan language), Ute, Cora, most Hokan, most Penutian, or Kiowa-
Tanoan languages. On the other hand, not all Native American languages are so complex: for example, Hopi, Tarahumara, Quechua, and Muskoguean languages are
no more difficult and probably easier to learn than Arabic or Egyptian.

A third caution not to be overlooked is that Native American language families are, for the most part, linguistically more complex than Semitic. Few language families on
earth are so neat, clear-cut, and problem-free as Semitic. Though every language family has unresolved problems (e.g., exceptions to sound correspondences, etc.),
such problems apply to perhaps less than 10% of the Semitic lexicon, while 50% of the Uto-Aztecan cognate sets are complicated by departures from the understood
sound correspondences (cognates are words in related languages descended from the same word in a former parent language). Hokan and Penutian are still
hypotheses, since no one has yet been able to produce a convincing system of sound correspondences for either group. Though most linguists see sufficient similarity
within each group to think that they are separate groups of related languages, neither is yet a proven language family. I recently heard Margaret Langdon, the foremost
Hokanist for decades, say, "Some days I wonder if Hokan is a fantasy. "As for elusiveness from definitive linguistic analysis, Indo-European is somewhere between
Semitic and most Native American language families. One difference is that a virtual army of linguists has contributed solutions to Indo-European over the last century
and a half, while Native American language families typically attract perhaps ten to twenty linguists working on individual languages and three or four interested in
comparative work on the language family as a whole.

These observations hint at the volume of data and difficulties an Americanist faces; and in an effort to be both an Americanist and a Semitist, which I see as the only
total approach to Book of Mormon language matters, one can feel overwhelmed and wonder at the imbalance-that nearly all interested Latter-day Saint scholars seem
to focus on the two-language end, while ignoring the equally important 2,000-language end.

In any case, we must be cautious in our expectations of what we might find and in our interpretations of those findings. Even if a connection between Hebrew (or
Egyptian) and a Native American language family were established, it would not necessarily prove the Book of Mormon, since a Semitic element, if found, could
possibly have arrived independent of Lehi and Mulek. On the other hand, a lack of a connection would not necessarily disprove it either, since lack of a Near East
language element could be because of language loss or change among a people, as has happened often in the histories of language groups. For example, Aramaic had
replaced Hebrew as the common vernacular among the Jews by Jesus' time, and the Iberian populations adopted Latin under Roman rule. Yet the language of a
conquering people does not always prevail. In the Iberian Peninsula the Germanic Visigoths actually adopted the language of the people they conquered, speaking later
forms of Latin. Most Native Americans now speak English or Spanish, though hardly of Indo-European ancestry. Many more examples could be cited. In other words,
language and lineage may or may not have much to do with each other.

Nevertheless, a language element traceable to Northwest Semitic found among American languages would only strengthen the plausibility of the sacred record's
historicity in ancient America. Beyond that, if some tribal names or place names were found to match Hebrew forms of Book of Mormon peoples or places, or if
written records were discovered and deciphered, and their language found to be something linguistically between Old World Semitic and New World languages, or
their deciphered contents were to align with events or peoples mentioned in the Book of Mormon text, then it would be refreshing to have some answers and a new set
of questions.

In any case, we are admonished to "study and learn, and become acquainted . . .with languages, tongues, and people "(D&C 90:15), and comparative linguistic
research among Native American groups should hold a higher priority among Latter-day Saint scholars than it has, since those efforts can apply or relate to so many
interests relevant to Book of Mormon scholarship. Yet it seems fair to say that serious comparative linguistic investigation with respect to the Book of Mormon has
been a void in Latter-day Saint endeavor. Not only is it relevant to the other disciplines focusing on the Book of Mormon, but comparative linguistic research may
prove to be the very key to answers thus far evading other modes of investigation. It has the potential of giving us the basic vocabulary of certain ancient American
groups; relative percentages of Hebrew and Egyptian; possible identification of dialects, ethnic compositions, and places of departure; and more.

Also worth noting is the relative strength of comparative linguistic evidence. The nature of comparative linguistic evidence provides large bodies of data-several
thousand words per language-that is nonforgeable. Ruins and buildings yield some facts, though who built them is not always one of the facts revealed. Words of a
translation can be debated endlessly, and written records can feasibly be forged, but no one can fabricate a language family of several Native American tribes speaking
a variety of related languages.

In spite of the potential, it is important to note that no American Indian language has yet been shown to descend from or relate to a Near Eastern language, at least to
the satisfaction of the linguistic community. My research of over a hundred languages and several language families thus far has convinced me that no Native American
language so obviously and solely descends from Hebrew or Egyptian in the way that Spanish, French, and Italian so clearly descend from Latin. Nevertheless, even
though no pervasive appearance of Hebrew in the Americas has surfaced, hints of Hebrew occur in a number of language families.

Some language families contain more similarities to Hebrew than could be attributed to chance, while other language families tease with enough promising leads to merit
further investigation. However, in all such cases, if a Near Eastern linguistic element should prove verifiable, it seems clear that this element has mixed heavily with other
languages quite dissimilar to Hebrew or Egyptian, because all Native American languages have many features very different from Hebrew and Egyptian. This accords
well with Sorenson's views of "others in the land." Nonetheless, some languages may contain a Hebrew component. Because of the immensity of American linguistic
diversity, the nature of responsible linguistic investigation, and a current severe shortage of those interested and prepared to investigate, progress in rigorously sifting and
tracing the leads will necessarily be slow. Nonetheless, an example of the possibilities is in order.
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The language family that I have dealt with most is Uto-Aztecan (UA), in which I have identified substantial similarities with Hebrew. A short preview of the growing
case for a Hebrew element in UA seems appropriate for students of the Book of Mormon. Let me emphasize the word element, for UA languages are very different
languages quite dissimilar to Hebrew or Egyptian, because all Native American languages have many features very different from Hebrew and Egyptian. This accords
well with Sorenson's views of "others in the land." Nonetheless, some languages may contain a Hebrew component. Because of the immensity of American linguistic
diversity, the nature of responsible linguistic investigation, and a current severe shortage of those interested and prepared to investigate, progress in rigorously sifting and
tracing the leads will necessarily be slow. Nonetheless, an example of the possibilities is in order.

The language family that I have dealt with most is Uto-Aztecan (UA), in which I have identified substantial similarities with Hebrew. A short preview of the growing
case for a Hebrew element in UA seems appropriate for students of the Book of Mormon. Let me emphasize the word element, for UA languages are very different
from Hebrew in many ways. In other words, in addition to a Hebrew element in UA, any Hebraist learning or reading a UA language can readily see more differences
than similarities, supporting the other half of my thesis, that this Hebrew element is mixed heavily with non-Near Eastern elements.

In addition to numerous lexical similarities, some features of Northwest Semitic morphology are still productive in UA, i.e., are still functionally active, such as the
masculine plural suffix and niqtal prefix, while much more is fossilized, i.e., nonfunctional "frozen "patterns are detectable such as the feminine plural, qittel forms,
hiqtï¿½l and huqtal forms, etc. With that in mind, consider a few of some 1,000 identified similarities between Hebrew and Uto-Aztecan.

   See particularly John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985); and John L.
Sorenson, "When Lehi's Party Arrived in the Land, Did They Find Others There? "Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 1/1 (1992): 1-4. These two sources delineate
evidence suggesting much-less-than-hemispheric limits to Book of Mormon geography and populations.

   This opinion is based upon the following experience: two years on a Navajo-speaking mission; five years of Hebrew; three years of Spanish; three years of Arabic;
two years of German; one year each of Ancient Egyptian, Aramaic, and Sanskrit. Beyond languages backed by college credit, I am also presently compiling the largest
Tewa dictionary in existence and a dictionary on the White Mesa Ute dialect. I have also studied to varying degrees Tarahumara, Hopi, Papago, Nahuatl, Quechua,
Choctaw, and Samoan, and I have engaged in brief perusals of dozens of other languages. As a Uto-Aztecanist, I have published "The Labial Labyrinth in Uto-
Aztecan," in The International Journal of American Linguistics 61/4 (1995): 394-420; "The Comparative Value of Tubar in Uto-Aztecan" is scheduled to be published
in a memorial volume for Professor Wick Miller; I have a third article "The Elusive Liquids of Uto-Aztecan" in preparation for IJAL; and I am presently completing a
book entitled A Comparative Vocabulary of Uto-Aztecan Languages, which will be the largest work on comparative UA linguistics, adding comment and cognate sets
to all noticed thus far in the literature; and I have started another book entitled The Language Puzzle of the Ancient Pueblo or Anasazi.

  Sorenson, "When Lehi's Party Arrived in the Land, Did They Find Others There?" 1-4.

  Among Latter-day Saint scholars are a few Semitists, to whom queries regarding the validity of the Semitic data can be directed. As for Latter-day Saint Uto-
Aztecanists, I know of no others besides myself. Therefore, because it may be difficult for nonspecialists to assess the merit of proposed linguistic connections, it may
be well to mention that I have privately shared this material with five Uto-Aztecanists (linguists who have studied and published in UA linguistics) and four of the five
were quite overwhelmed at the quantity and quality of the evidence-two spoke very highly of it; two, in surprise, could hardly speak at all after seeing it; and the fifth did
not like the proposal generally, but offered no substantive refutations. For publications in Uto-Aztecan linguistics, see n. 2.

A Hebrew Element in Uto-Aztecan

The UA language family consists of the following languages:

Branch Language (abbreviation) Locale

North UA Western Numic Mono (Mn); Northern Paiute (NP) CA, OR, NV
Central Numic Panamint (Pn); NV
Shoshone (Sh); NV, UT, ID, WY
Comanche (Cm) TX
Southern Numic Kawaiisu (K); Chemehuevi (Ch); S. CA
Southern Paiute (SP); Ute (U) UT, CO
Takic Cahuilla (Ca); Luiseï¿½o (Ls); Serrano S. CA
(Sr); Cupeï¿½o (Cp); Gabrielino (Gb)
single-language Tubatulabal (Tb) S. CA
branches Hopi (Hp) AZ

South UA

Tepiman Oodham/Papago/Pima (Od) AZ, Mex
Northern Tepehuan (NT) Mex
Southern Tepehuan (ST) Mex
Cahitan Yaqui (Yq); Mayo (My) Mex
Sonoran Tarahumara (Tr); Guarijio (Wr) Mex
Tubar (Tbr); Eudeve (Eu) Mex
Corachol Cora (Cr); Huichol (Hch) Mex
Aztecan Nahuatl (N) Mex

For a pronunciation guide to the sounds as represented in this paper, see the appendix, Orthography and Pronunciation (pages 43-45), which I encourage the reader to
consult now. Abbreviations other than those listed above are found at the end of the appendix. Sources for lexical items from the various Native American and Semitic
languages are listed in the bibliography. A proto-language is a hypothesized parent language from which a group of related languages descended; an asterisk (*) before
a form or word signifies that it has been reconstructed by linguists as an unattested ancient or intermediate form in the parent language on the basis of comparisons of
related words (cognates) in the descendant languages.

Among the most interesting discoveries are certain similarities of UA forms to archaic voweling patterns in Northwest Semitic, the branch to which Hebrew belongs.

Hebrew UA

1 plural suffix -ï¿½m *-ima
2. passive/rfl/rcp prefix ni- *na-
3. perfect of ysb sit/dwell yasab *yasipa
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
UA  morphemes show some similarity with Masoretic Hebrew, though nothing exact: -ï¿½m and -ima; ni- and na-; yasab and yasipa. However, thePage            443Hebrew
                                                                                                                                                    facts that   / 919-
ï¿½m came from an earlier *-ima; the Hebrew niqtal (or nipcal) prefix ni- from an earlier *na-; and Hebrew yasab from an earlier *yasiba, all establish a nearly perfect
identity between pre-Hebrew (proto-Northwest Semitic) and proto-UA forms:
1 plural suffix -ï¿½m *-ima
2. passive/rfl/rcp prefix ni- *na-
3. perfect of ysb sit/dwell yasab *yasipa

UA morphemes show some similarity with Masoretic Hebrew, though nothing exact: -ï¿½m and -ima; ni- and na-; yasab and yasipa. However, the facts that Hebrew -
ï¿½m came from an earlier *-ima; the Hebrew niqtal (or nipcal) prefix ni- from an earlier *na-; and Hebrew yasab from an earlier *yasiba, all establish a nearly perfect
identity between pre-Hebrew (proto-Northwest Semitic) and proto-UA forms:

NW Sem UA

plural suffix *ima *-ima
reflexive/reciprocal prefix *na- *na-
sit, dwell *yasiba *yasipa

Furthermore, the verbal forms of both Northwest Semitic and UA contain semantic dimensions of *yasiba, which means "sit "and "dwell" in both families. That the UA
voweling patterns are quite equivalent to proto-Northwest Semitic voweling patterns is striking. The Hebrew Old Testament text as we have it, also known as the
Masoretic text, was voweled by the Masoretes some 1,200 to 1,300 years after Lehi and Mulek left Jerusalem. Thus that form of Hebrew known as biblical Hebrew is
only one dialect of ancient Hebrew, and is a very late dialect at that, far removed from Lehi and David. Though the consonants of the text, written much earlier, are
more reliable, the voweling patterns of the Masoretic dialect of Hebrew are as far removed in time from Lehi's Hebrew as U.S. Southern English is from Old English,
which two forms of English are also 1,200 years apart and are very different. Hebrew, as we know it, lost the short final vowels of proto-Semitic, but as seen in 1 and
3, those vowels are apparent in UA. However, not all UA forms preserve the phonology so well, for in most cases UA has phonologically reduced Semitic forms
greatly; nevertheless, archaic features do turn up sporadically.

It is worth noting that the above items help point to Northwest Semitic (as opposed to other branches of Semitic or Semitic generally) and sometimes, specifically
Hebrew, as having the closest affinity to UA.

masculine plural sit/dwell Arabic (South Sem) -una/ina wataba
Aramaic -ï¿½n yd ti b
Akkadian (East Sem) -u/-i a sabu
Ugaritic -uma/-ima a tib
pre-Heb/NW Semitic *-ima *yasiba
UA *-ima *yasipa

One can see that n and not m appears in the masculine plural suffix in Arabic and Aramaic, while East Semitic lacks both n and m. Only Northwest Semitic shows -ima.
Ugaritic belongs to Northwest Semitic as Hebrew does. So these all point to Northwest Semitic for the plural suffix. The forms for "sit/dwell" point even more
specifically to Hebrew. Proto-Semitic and South Semitic w corresponds to Hebrew y, and Ugaritic and East Semitic lack either initial w or y, all of which suggests
Hebrew. Likewise, Aramaic, Ugaritic, and South Semitic all show t (+) rather than s; the intersection of these two sets (y and s) points only to Hebrew in the verb
"sit/dwell," though UA shows the pre-Masoretic vowel i . UA o for Hebrew o (*a) to be seen in later examples also points to Hebrew.

For the data below, the left column generally contains a Hebrew form (an occasional Arabic or other Semitic form will be specified in the notes), and on the right are
UA forms. Consider additional lexical similarities:

Heb/Sem UA 4. baraq lightning berok lightning
5. *kilyah/kolyah kidney *kali kidney
6. katep/katpa shoulder *kotpa shoulder
7. sd kem/sikm shoulder *sï¿½ka/siku shoulder
8. a d am man *otam man, person
12. sippï¿½r bird *cipu(ri) bird

   ma/*-ima: For NW Sem *-ima, see Sabatino Moscati, ed., An Introduction to the Comparative Study of the Semitic Languages (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1964),
88 and 97, and John Huehnergard, Ugaritic Vocabulary in Syllabic Transcription, ed. Frank Moore Cross (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987), 296. For UA, the plural
suffixes in a representative sample of UA languages are as follows: Cp -im Hp -m N -me m; some show a vowel after the m (a , e, ï¿½); and some show a high front
vowel (i, e) before the m. Yq and My have -m suffixed to words ending in a vowel and -im suffixed to words ending in a consonant. UA languages tend toward CVCV
patterns; thus, two adjacent vowels usually level to something between the two or the second often is eliminated, which process would explain the reduction of -im to -
m after vowels. Something similar probably happened in the other UA languages that have no vowel before m, leaving -m or -mV in most UA languages. However, the
presence of a high front vowel in at least four UA languages is a reality to be reckoned with that Uto-Aztecanists have ignored. If the vowel before m were excrescent
in some way, a round vowel (o, u) would be more likely, but not i or e. The presence of a high front vowel before m strongly suggests an original high front vowel
before m that was lost in the other languages. A reconstruction of *-ima seems most plausible since all variations from that can be attributed to vowel leveling-final a
lowering i to e in Ca; and preceding i raising a to e or ï¿½ in some languages. As for N, Karen Dakin, Phonological Changes in Nahuatl: The Tense, Aspect, Mood
Systems, "International Journal of American Linguistics 45/1 (1979): 48-71, demonstrated that N -me came from an earlier *-ma. Wr has pairs like the following
(morpheme divisions are Wick Miller's in "Guarijio: Gramatica, Textos y Vocabulario, "1989): sg. suka-ni pl. suï¿½ki-ma to sew
sg. neha-ni pl. nehi-ma to hand over
sg. ola-ni pl. ori-ma to shell corn A morpheme division that includes the preceding vowel (which seems at least as reasonable) would yield sg. -ani and pl. -ima.

   *na-: Joshua Blau, A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1976), perhaps the foremost Hebrew linguist-grammarian, renders the earlier
voweling of the niqtal prefix as na- rather than ni-. He also lists examples that illustrate all three uses of the na- prefix: reflexive, reciprocal, and passive (ibid., 51).
Though reflexive and reciprocal are the most common uses of the prefix in UA and passive is the most common use in biblical Hebrew, all three meanings are employed
in Semitic and two of the three in UA. The semantic notions of reflexive, reciprocal, and passive often overlap in languages; for example, Spanish se is employed for all
three uses, and in English the same event could be described with either "burned himself "(reflexive) or "got burned "(passive). Illustrations of the na- prefix in three UA
languages are as follows: SP paqï¿½ vt. bathe na-vaqï¿½ bathe oneself
SP wï¿½-tonnoi vt. shake na-+wï¿½-tonnoi shake oneself
Hp ï¿½qala vt. greet s.o. naa-ï¿½qala cheer oneself up
Hp wï¿½ï¿½si brush, broom naa-wï¿½ï¿½si comb one's hair
Hp qï¿½y-ta to start a fire naa-qï¿½y-na burn oneself
Tr co- vt. hit with the fist na-co- fight with each other
Tr paba- vt. throw rocks at na-paba- throw rocks at each other *yasiba/*yasipa: Verbs of temporary state in Semitic (such as *yasiba "sit") generally exhibited i as the
medial vowel of the perfect (Moscati, Comparative Study of the Semitic Languages, 122). However, the medial i later changed to a in most Hebrew verbs because of
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                               Page
the closed stressed syllable created by the perfect suffixes (Blau, Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, 36; William Gesenius, Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar,                ed. E.444    / 919
                                                                                                                                                                      Kautzsch
and trans. A. E. Cowley, 2nd ed. [London: Oxford University Press, 1910], 120). Medial i is still apparent in the Aramaic form ydti b and Ugaritic a tib. In addition,
the short final vowels of proto-Semitic were lost in Hebrew (Moscati, Comparative Study of the Semitic Languages, 122, 170; Blau, Grammar of Biblical Hebrew,
Hp qï¿½y-ta to start a fire naa-qï¿½y-na burn oneself
Tr co- vt. hit with the fist na-co- fight with each other
Tr paba- vt. throw rocks at na-paba- throw rocks at each other *yasiba/*yasipa: Verbs of temporary state in Semitic (such as *yasiba "sit") generally exhibited i as the
medial vowel of the perfect (Moscati, Comparative Study of the Semitic Languages, 122). However, the medial i later changed to a in most Hebrew verbs because of
the closed stressed syllable created by the perfect suffixes (Blau, Grammar of Biblical Hebrew, 36; William Gesenius, Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, ed. E. Kautzsch
and trans. A. E. Cowley, 2nd ed. [London: Oxford University Press, 1910], 120). Medial i is still apparent in the Aramaic form ydti b and Ugaritic a tib. In addition,
the short final vowels of proto-Semitic were lost in Hebrew (Moscati, Comparative Study of the Semitic Languages, 122, 170; Blau, Grammar of Biblical Hebrew,
30). Thus, UA showing *yasipa in light of pre-Hebrew *yasiba, even though classical Hebrew has yasab, is rather astounding. The UA forms are as follows: Hopi
yesiva
Tr asiba
Od dahiva
ST daivo
Yq yesa Od and ST, as members of the Tepiman branch of UA, have d corresponding to UA y, and h corresponding to UA s. So they also point to UA *yasipa. For
the b and v elements, Uto-Aztecanists reconstruct *p, though b and v are exactly the allophonic variants of Hebrew/Semitic b (Hebrew yasab *yasiba). Some Uto-
Aztecanists consider the final -pa element to be a fossilized suffix of some sort, since Hp yesi and Tr asi and Od dahi are also verb forms of those verbs in those
languages.

  See *yasiba in n. 5.

  Wick R. Miller, Uto-Aztecan Cognate Sets (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), abbreviated as (UACS). UACS #262 lightning: My berok-tiria; Yq
and My berok/beok; Andres Lionnet, Los Elementos de la Lengua Cahita (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonona de Mexico, 1977); NT vï¿½pï¿½doxudami;
ST vï¿½pgi; Od vï¿½pï¿½qi; Od bebedki "thunder." In these words Hebrew b appears to correspond to UA *p, as it usually does, except in initial position. However,
considering that the vowels have assimilated to the consonants' point of articulation (baraq > berok raising and fronting before alveolarr and raising and backing before
uvularq , the NT-dox- and Yq/My-rok- syllables help show nicely the presence of all three consonants: a bilabial,r andk/q The two Od forms may be Tepiman dialect
variants or borrowings within Tepiman. Nevertheless, Odbebedki "thunder" shows nicely all three consonants as expected for Sembrq with a slight semantic change.

   SP kani "a "and Hpkele-vosna "aï¿½ "suggest PUA *kali. That form is possible in Northwest Semitic. Aramaic has both kolya and kulya. The Hebrew form appears
only in the pl. kdlayï¿½t, with a presumed singular of kilya, though the sg. is unattested. Nevertheless, a number of UA forms show a where Masoretic Hebrew shows
i.

   In light of Hebrew katep "shoulder" and Ar katip/katp "shoulder," consider Od kotva/kotova "shoulder"; Wr tehpba "back"and "shoulder"; and Trna-'tapu "push with
the shoulder." Wr alone shows the Sem vowel, though it is missing the first consonant; however, Tr is nearly missing the first consonant, but shows the frequently
occurring' fork in clusters, which makes the Wr clearer since t is nearly identical to Tr-Tr/Wr*'tep/*'tap Nevertheless, all three Semitic consonants are well represented
in their expected forms: UA*k *t *p

   Hebrew sekem/sikm "shoulder": Pn sikkum-pï¿½ "shoulder blade"; Sh sikkum-pï¿½ "shoulder blade"; Mn sihkuhpi "shoulder blade"; WM Ute sku-pï¿½ "shoulder";
Sr suka "shoulder"; Ls soka "shoulder"; Ca and Cp sek'a "shoulder"; Tr and Wr seka "arm, hand"; NT ï¿½ka "arm"; My koxm-im "arm(s)"; Yq komim "arm"; Hp
sï¿½kapci "scapula of sheep"; Hp sï¿½kakci "shoulder blade."

  Hebrew adam "man"; NT odami "person"; Od o'odham "person, tribesman, man"; ST odam "man"; Yq and My 'o'ow "man, person,"; pl. 'o'ow-im; Tbr oï¿½wi
"man"; Tr owï¿½ "male, macho"; Wr oï¿½ "male, macho."
The rounding effect of the 'aleph or glottal stop causes the initial vowel to be 'o (cf. 52-64). The Tepiman languages (NT and Od) preserve all else fairly well. Yq and
My often have r and ' alternations (cf. berok/be'ok "lightning") and with intervocalic d easily being perceived as intervocalic r (as it is in English), it only remains to
explain m > w (( dam > orom > o'ow ( In Tbr the intervening vowel was lost to create an alveolar-nasal cluster (dm (in which the alveolar became a nasal (n , and them
aw which was probably nasalized in this now extinct UA language; for *m becomes a nasalizedw in Ute very often. From that Tr and Wr wï¿½ male" were probably
derived, whether by similar development as Tbr or by borrowing from Tbr.

   Hebrew sippï¿½r "bird, small bird. "Tr cï¿½buri "chicks, baby birds"; Od sipug "bird, cardinal" Ca and Cp cï¿½ip (in compound words for birds); Wr cu'rukï¿½
"bird." Od s does correspond to UA c; therefore, Od sipu *cipu. The final g in Od is probably related to the final -kï¿½ syllable in Wr, both of which are probably
another morpheme of an older compound.

Sound Correspondences

Linguists have found that even though sounds change over time, the changes are not haphazard; sounds change in consistent patterns, such that a sound in one language
will quite consistently correspond to a particular sound in a related language. For example, the sound correspondences of English in the Indo-European language family
include f *p (i.e., f is from an original p or reconstructed proto-Indo-European *p); th *t; and h *k; and all three show a general trend of stops (p, t, k) becoming
fricatives (f, th, h):

English Latin father pater
foot ped-
three tres
thin tenuis
hound kan-is
heart kord-is
hundred kentum

Though many details remain to be worked out, a comparison of Hebrew or Semitic with Uto-Aztecan produces a fairly consistent pattern of sound correspondences,
which is perhaps the most important linguistic criterion for establishing a relationship between languages. Some of the basic Semitic-UA correspondences are as
follows:

Proto-Semitic/ Arabic Hebrew UA *b b *kw/p     *p p *p
*r r y/i
*c c w/o/u
*h h ho/w/o/u
*' ' w/o/u
*s s c
*d s c
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                      Page 445 / 919
*z s c
*t t c
*z z c
*h h ho/w/o/u
*' ' w/o/u
*s s c
*d s c
*z s c
*t t c
*z z c
*+ z t

Similar to the sound correspondence of Latin kw with Greek p in the Indo-European language family, UA kw corresponds to Hebrew b in predictable (dageshed)
positions. One exception to kw is the Tepiman branch of UA, in which Tepiman b corresponds to UA *kw; thus Tepiman b also corresponds to Hebrew b. Similar
to the correspondence of r to y/i in English creoles, Mayan, Athapaskan, and other language families, Hebrew/Semitic r corresponds to PUA *y/i for most UA
languages. The correspondences for Hebrew *r yield y in most UA languages, r in a few, and d in the Tepiman branch. The vowel i (as in free) is very similar
phonologically to y, as realized in repeating the sequence aia quickly, which comes to sound like aya. With those two sound changes in mind (Hebrew b > UA*kw
Hebrewr > UA *y/i), consider the following:

13. bsl/basal boil, ripen *kwasï¿½ boil, cook, ripen
14. dabba (Ar) keep locked *cakwa lock
dabb/sab lizard *cakwa lizard
(Ar/Heb)
15. basar flesh, penis *kwasiy tail, penis, flesh
16. sabber break *sakwi/ break, mess up,
sakway ruin
17. dabber speak *tï¿½wi tell, say
18. krr go in circles, *kiya have a round
dance dance
19. mrr go *miya go, travel, run
20. brr/bar(r) purify, select *kwiya take, keep
land, field *kwiya land, earth
grain *kwiya acorn
21. srq comb, card *siyuk comb
22. bsr cut off, enclose *kwacay wrap around,
to corner
23. bï¿½ in it *kwo > in, at
ko/bo

Semitic roots generally consist of three consonants, which employ a variety of voweling patterns for various noun and verb forms. Unless it is a non-qal (not a simple
stem) form, only the three consonants will be listed. In the first example of the Hebrew b- UA *kw correspondence, note that Hebrew bsl means both "boil" and
"ripen," and that UA kwasï¿½ also means "cook, boil, ripen." Among the UA correspondences for proto-UA *kw are b in the Tepiman branch, bw in Yq and My, and
w in Tr and others, but kw in most UA languages; thus Yq bwase, Od bahi, Tr wasi, and kwasï¿½ for most other languages means "cook, boil, ripen."

As for r > y note the similar pattern of the Semitic roots ending with double r onsistently matching UAiya ((18-20). That the Semitic rootbrr and the corresponding UA
formskwiya have similar sets of three diverse meanings is worth noting: "choose"/"take"; "land"/"land"; "grain"/"acorn."A similar semantic correspondence appears in
Semdabba/UA cakwa as both semantic dimensions of "lizard" and "lock/imprison" ccur in both language families. Also be aware that Sem and Ard s andz all
correspond to Hebrews and UAc ((ts which is the modern Hebrew pronunciation ofs).

The devoicing of Hebrew voiced stops has generally merged them with the voiceless stops in UA: non-dageshed         Hebrew b and Hebrew p both > UA *p Hebrewd
and Hebrewt both > UA *t; Hebrew g and Hebrew k both > UA *k.

24. gebï¿½m locust *kï¿½pi locust
25. daniy (Ar) low *tani below
26. dayeq siege-wall *tï¿½yï¿½qa wall
27. daqal (Ar) palm tree *taku palm tree
28. dqr/daqar pierce *tï¿½kiy cut, stick in

Both of the Hebrew pharyngeals generally cause rounding. The Hebrew voiceless pharyngeal fricative h corresponds to UA ho/hu (usually in initial position) or a round
vowel o/u/w without the h quality.

29. hes arrow *huc arrow
30. hrk/harak vi. move *hoyok vi. move
31. hpp rub, cleanse *upa bathe
32. hmr smear *humay smear
33. hll play the pipe *'ululu play the flute
34. 'hh (Ar) cough *'ohoho cough
35. srh cry, roar *cayau cry, yell
36. smh/yismah sprout *icmo-lini sprout, grow
37. slh rush *coloa flee

The Hebrew voiced pharyngeal-the Semitic cain-is a deep back guttural (voiced pharyngeal fricative) that simply yields rounding in UA-o, u, w-like the other
pharyngeal.

49. macalah stairs, ascent i'mola stairs
50. cgz grow old *wï¿½zgaca grow old
(of women) (of women)
51. dcw/daca (Ar) to name *tï¿½wa name
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Note the consistent pattern that when c and r are the second and third consonants in Hebrew (43-45), that UA shows uwi/uy ("hair, boy, forest").Page       446 / 919
                                                                                                                                                   Most interesting
about 43 is that the root scr "be hairy" yields a unique semantic combination in three Hebrew words meaning "hair," "barley" (as "hairy or bearded grain"), and a "buck-
goat "(as a hairy animal). Note that the same three semantic categories are contained in the Hopi stem sowi: sowi "hair"; sowiwa "a poor grade of corn "(hairy grain);
50. cgz grow old *wï¿½zgaca grow old
(of women) (of women)
51. dcw/daca (Ar) to name *tï¿½wa name

Note the consistent pattern that when c and r are the second and third consonants in Hebrew (43-45), that UA shows uwi/uy ("hair, boy, forest"). Most interesting
about 43 is that the root scr "be hairy" yields a unique semantic combination in three Hebrew words meaning "hair," "barley" (as "hairy or bearded grain"), and a "buck-
goat "(as a hairy animal). Note that the same three semantic categories are contained in the Hopi stem sowi: sowi "hair"; sowiwa "a poor grade of corn "(hairy grain);
sowi-t "jackrabbit"; sowiwa "deer" (both as hairy animals). Besides a three-way semantic correspondence, all three consonants agree as expected: s > s c > o/w; r > i .

The Semitic 'aleph or glottal stop (') is also prone to rounding effect in UA, as it is in Semitic on occasion (e.g., Ar sa'ala, and V tasawwala).

53. 'ï¿½s man *wï¿½si person Tr
54. 'ist- woman *wï¿½ti woman Hp
55. g'l/ga'al buy, redeem *kowa buy
56. qr' (Heb/Ar) call, cry te-koyoa howl N
koyo- coyote N
57. pl'/pala' be wonderful *palaw be pretty Ca
58. nb' (Ar) tell, inform navo- learn by hearing
Hp
59. pe'ah corner, powa/po'a/ hair (several
sideburn po languages)
60. *pa'r (Ar) mouse puwe-/pu'i- mouse
61. 'egï¿½z nut *woko pinion pinenut and
tree (several)
62. ya-'amï¿½n he believes yawamin believe Sr
63. ya-'amï¿½-ï¿½ he believes it yawayno believe it Gb
64. kam' (Ar) truffle kamo'-i sweet potato N;
kama'atu(m) kamwah sweet potato Cr
(Ug) truffle
65. tirmania truffle tï¿½mna/tï¿½mï¿½n potato Hp

The two forms for believe (62-63) are especially striking. First of all, seven segments (vowels or consonants) are present in the Hebrew form-four consonants and
three vowels. All seven segments (of the third person masc. sg. Hebrew form ya-'amï¿½n) match exactly as expected in the Sr form (yawamin). With four consonants
and three vowels, the probability of a word as lengthy as the Sr form, in light of 12 proto-UA consonants and 5 PUA vowels, aligning with the Hebrew form by chance
is one in two and a half million (1/12 x 5 x 12 x 5 x 12 x 5 x 12 = 1/2,592,000). The Gb form lost only m (yawain yawamin), but profoundly compelling for a Hebrew
connection is its slightly different meaning: "believe it," instead of "believe." To add a third person singular object to a verb in Hebrew, -o is suffixed, which yields "he
believes him/it." And in Gb we have both the meaning ("believe it") and exactly the Hebrew suffix (-o) to match the meaning that includes an object. Fossilized as the
morphology is, I might mention that most of the discernible Semitic morphology in UA is fossilized rather than productive. And as examples of fossilized Hebrew
morphology, the Sr and Gb pair (62 and 63) are astounding in themselves.

Note also the two Near East words for truffle that are similar to UA words for potato. Tirmania is not a Semitic word, but is a Near East word for truffle. Though the
truffle and potato are not exactly the same thing, they are both fleshy edible nodules appendaged to a root system growing underground, and UA has two words for
potato similar to two Mediterranean words for truffle.

Somewhat similar to the correspondence of English t and German ss in foot/fuss and street/strasse, Hebrew emphatic t and emphatic s (see the appendix) both
generally correspond to UA c, sometimes s, though s/c alternations are common within UA itself also. Following are examples of emphatic t:

71. hatab (Ar) firewood *ucakwi resin, pitch
72. matteh branch, rod ko-maci firewood
73. tabal dip s.th. cakwaï¿½- soak s.th. (N)

Hebrew initial r corresponds to UA t in initial position, except in Tr, in which it remained r:

74. r'y/ra'ah see *tï¿½wa see, find (several
languages)
75. raba b/rbb shoot (an arrow) *tokwa snap (of bow)
76. rcm to thunder *tom thunder, cloud,
winter
77. rbt (Ar) to tie, bind *tapic to tie
78. raqï¿½ac sky *tuku sky (several
languages)
79. rsï¿½ bad, wicked *tï¿½sï¿½w cause/do bad
80. rajul (Ar) man *tï¿½hoy man
81. ros head *toci head
82. 'arnab-ï¿½t rabbits *tavo-t rabbit(s) (several
languages)

The velar and uvular stops-k, q, and g-reduce to glottal stop (') or nothing in initial position or in consonant clusters.

83. kanap wing *'anap wing
84. kinnï¿½m gnats *'ani mosquito
85. geled/gild skin 'eld skin
86. gll/golla roll/ ball 'ola/ola ball
87. qarï¿½b near,soon 'ayobe soon (Tr)
88. qereb midst, inside *'ï¿½rap in the middle of
89. maktes mortar, *ma'ta- grinding stone,
grinding
 Copyrightstone
             (c)metate
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90. ka/kï¿½ you, your sg. *'ï¿½ you, your sg.
91. -kem, -kum you, your pl. *'ï¿½m you, your pl.
86. gll/golla roll/ ball 'ola/ola ball
87. qarï¿½b near,soon 'ayobe soon (Tr)
88. qereb midst, inside *'ï¿½rap in the middle of
89. maktes mortar, *ma'ta- grinding stone,
grinding stone metate
90. ka/kï¿½ you, your sg. *'ï¿½ you, your sg.
91. -kem, -kum you, your pl. *'ï¿½m you, your pl.

The term for grinding stone (89) is found throughout UA languages; in fact, the Aztec word mea-+ is the source for metate, borrowed into Spanish and English. Though
*mata is the usual reconstruction, the forms Tr ma'ta, Wr mahta, Od maccud, and My matta all suggest a consonant cluster, with Tr showing something very much like
k, since k in a cluster becomes a glottal stop very often, not only in this connection, but in English (dictate > di'tet), Polynesian, and many other languages. In addition to
the word for mortar or grinding stone atching quite well, two verbs in UA languages match the Hebrew perfect and imperfect, respectively. Hebrewmaktes s a nominal
form from the verbkts "pound, bray, grind": Aramaickdtas; Hebrewkata s The imperfect stem in Hebrew is -krtï¿½s nd no less than 17 UA languages have forms
showing * us (rind," which is exactly what we would expect with the general rising of vowels (though Hebrewo *u of proto-Semitic) and the disappearance ofk in a
cluster(-ktï¿½s > 'tus > tus ( as it also disappeared in the noun forms (maktes > ma'ta). In addition, consider Yq kï¿½tte "grinding flour" and Yq kï¿½ttasu "*make into
pieces." Though this stem does not exhibit the qittel form in the Masoretic text, the Yq forms match qittel forms of the perfect.

Consider the likelihood of all this matching by chance:

Heb katas/ grind Yq kitte/ grind, smash
*kittes kittasu
Heb -ktï¿½s grind (impf) UA *tus grind (in 17
UA languages)
Heb maktes mortar UA *ma'ta mortar or
grinding stone

The probability of three separate UA forms matching three very different and highly specific morphological patterns built on the same Semitic stem, all by chance, with
corresponding meanings, seems slim.

  See n. 17 below.

   See n. 17 below.

   The correspondence of bilabials (b, p, w ) and labio-velars (kw, gw) occurs often: in Indo-European (Greek p, Latin kw), Uto-Aztecan (*kw > , bw, , kw , Spanish
dialects, etc. Where my wife, Silvia Canelo, grew up, the Spanish dialect had such pronunciations asgweno ((bueno "good"),gwevo (( ueno "egg"), andgweso ((hueso
"bone"). n the phonology of the Masoretic dialect of Hebrew, Semiticb became spirant or fricativev (when following vowels and not doubled. Its pronunciation
remained the voiced bilabial stop when geminated (doubled) or in initial position or when following another consonant. Interesting in regard to UA is that Hebrew
dageshedb s correspond to UA*kw but non-dageshedb s correspond to UA*p and thus merged with Semp which also corresponds to UA *p However, a doubledpp
often also corresponds to UA *kw as does the doubledbb (The Wr form for bird in 13 above (Wrcu'rukï¿½ is an example, sinceu' is a typical reflex ofkw (in a cluster
(withr in this case). The whole matter requires more investigation; nevertheless, it generally appears that the nearer a Hebrew allophone is to the upper left corner in the
paradigm below, the greater the probability of a correspondence with UA*kw and the nearer it is to the lower right corner, the more likely is a correspondence with
UA*p ((> p/v). bb b v pp p f A thorough treatment of the labial complexities from a strictly Uto-Aztecan point of view is treated in Stubbs, "Labyrinth in Uto-Aztecan,"
374-420.

  A clear correspondence of r to y exists in the Mayan language family. Lyle Campbell, Quichean Linguistic Prehistory (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1977), 97-. A less clear correspondence of r to y/i exists in Athapaskan. Harry Hoijer, Studies in Athapaskan Languages (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1963), 19: Ingalik: srus bear sran summer zru+ black
Kutchin: syï¿½ bear syï¿½ summer zrei black
Navajo: sa s bear si summer zin black English creoles show similar phenomena: for > o, fi, foe Derek Bickerton, oots of Language ((Ann Arbor: Karoma, 1981), 61.
So to find anr toy/i correspondence in the Hebrew-UA connection is not so unusual; nevertheless, thoughy is the reflex in most of UA, UA*y corresponds to Tepimand
andr itself appears on occasion in some of the Sonoran languages.

   Arabic dabb "lizard"and dabba "take hold of, keep under lock, to bolt"; Hebrew sab "lizard" (*sabb). (Keep in mind Ar d =Hebrew s.) This is an unusual semantic
pair from the same root, which I assume to be understood in the lizard's grasp being perceived like a lock. Nevertheless, regardless of the semantic connection, UA has
the same unusual pair of meanings as Semitic: Ca caxwa-l (cakwa) "lizard" and N cakwa "to enclose, lock up." Consider also Ls cakwi hold, catch; Cp cakwe "grab,
cling to"; Eu capa- "grab," and Od saku "hold in the palm," for Od s = UA c.

  Hebrew basar "flesh" has a secondary meaning of penis (Ezek. 16:26;23:20). In UA it means "tail" in most languages, "penis" in Hp, and "flesh" in NT. Interestingly,
Coptic sat/set means both "tail" and "penis" a Near Eastern language with a similar semantic combination as is found in UA. Thomas O. Lambdin, Introduction to
Sahidic Coptic (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1983), 266.

  Hebrew sabber (qittel impf stem) "to break, break in pieces"; Hp sakwi-ta "break off, tear down, ruin"; Ca sakway "to mess up"; SP cukkwi "crush."

   Hebrew dabber (qittel impf) "to speak, talk." Mn tï¿½ï¿½hkwii "tell, say"; SP tï¿½kwinna to tell a story. Also of interest, from the Sem root is a noun Hebrew dabar
"word, thing." Consider Tr tabiri "thing" and N tepi "small thing." Note also the UA *kw correspondence for Hebrew doubled bb, and the UA *p correspondence for
intervocalic nongeminated Hebrew b (cf. n. 18 above).

  Sem krr/krkr (a derived form of krr; see BDB 502) "go in circles, dance. "SP kiya "to have a round dance."

  Ar mrr/marra "go, travel." UA *miya "go"; Mn miya; Sh mia; Ute miya; Sr mi, miaaTo; Tb miy; Od med (remember Od d *y).

   The three diverse semantic dimensions of Semitic brr are the verbal meaning "select, choose" the noun Hebrew bar "field," Ar barr "land"; and Hebrew bar "grain."
UA has three similar sets of meanings: the verbal meaning in N kwi "take"; the meaning of land in UA *kwiya "land, earth, dirt" in Ls, Od, Tr, Wr, My, Tbr, Cr; and a
grain in UA *kwi/kwiya "acorn" in SP, Ute, Cp, Ls, Gb, Sr, Hp. In some of those languages, the kwi is combined with other suffixed morphemes.

  Aramaic and late Hebrew srq/saraq "to comb, card"; UA *siyuk "to comb"; Tb siuk "to comb" Ute ciyuwey "to comb"; perhaps Ca suyavis "comb," n.
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  Hebrew bsr/basar "to enclose, cut off, make inaccessible." Ute kwocayai "to wrap around"; Od biis "to corner." Od b corresponds to UA *kw; and Od s/s to UA
*c. So the consonants all correspond perfectly, though the vowels have other possible explanations.
grain in UA *kwi/kwiya "acorn" in SP, Ute, Cp, Ls, Gb, Sr, Hp. In some of those languages, the kwi is combined with other suffixed morphemes.

  Aramaic and late Hebrew srq/saraq "to comb, card"; UA *siyuk "to comb"; Tb siuk "to comb" Ute ciyuwey "to comb"; perhaps Ca suyavis "comb," n.

  Hebrew bsr/basar "to enclose, cut off, make inaccessible." Ute kwocayai "to wrap around"; Od biis "to corner." Od b corresponds to UA *kw; and Od s/s to UA
*c. So the consonants all correspond perfectly, though the vowels have other possible explanations.

  Hebrew bï¿½ "sit" actually consists of two parts: the consonant b "in" can be prefixed to any noun or pronoun meaning "in something"; the -o is a suffix for third
person singular masculine nouns.

   See n. 17.

  Hebrew gebï¿½m "locust" (*gebim). SP qï¿½:vi "locust" (*kï¿½pi).

  Ar daniy "low." N ani "below"; and perhaps UACS #35 *tena "below."

  Hebrew dayeq "siege-wall." Hp tï¿½yï¿½qa "wall."

   Hebrew deqel "palm tree"; Ar daqal "palm tree." UA *taku "palm tree"in My, Tr, Wr, Eu, Tbr, and Hch. We would normally expect ï¿½ instead of u, but the two
are close; either a Spanish-speaking ear not hearing the distinction or Spanish influence changing ï¿½ to u could explain it.

  Hebrew dqr/daqar "pierce." UA *tekiy "cut"; N teki "cut"; Hp tï¿½kï¿½ "cut"; Od cekid "vaccinate, drive a stake"; Ca ceki/ciki "stick in." Od shows the third
consonant, since Od d corresponds to UA *y and Hebrew r, as well as Od c corresponding to UA t before high vowels.

   Hebrew hes and hesï¿½ "arrow." UACS #9 arrow: SP uu; Hp ho-hï¿½; NT ui; Od 'us arrowhead; Sr hoc. Od s and Sr c both equate to final c; Hp o=PUA *u; and
all these forms plus others show initial hu/u for the pharyngeal h; thus, all add up quite nicely to UA *huc(i), exactly as expected for Sem hes(i), since in hypothetical
*hueci, the second vowel of a diphthong seldom survives.

  Hebrew hrk "set in motion"; Ar haruka "move." UACS #296 move: Tb 'oyog-at/'oyok "be moving"; Hp hoyo (sg.), hoyok-ya (pl.) "move."

  Hebrew hpp "rub, cleanse." Tr ï¿½ba "bathe"; Wr u'upï¿½ "bathe"; Eu ï¿½va- "bathe"; Yq 'ubba "bathe"; My 'ubba "bathe"; Hch 'ï¿½ia "bathe." Hch ï¿½ = PUA *u.

  Hebrew hmr "cover or smear" (with asphalt). Ca humay "smear, paint."

  Hebrew hll "to play the pipe." Tb lulu'/'ululu' "play the flute," and others.

  Ar 'hh/'ahaha "to cough." UACS #105 to cough: Hp 'ï¿½hï¿½hï¿½-ta; Ca 'u'uhu; Tb hoh-/'ohoh; and others.

  Hebrew srh "cry, roar." Tb cayau "yell."

  Hebrew impf yismah "sprout" (of trees, grass); N icmo-lini "sprout, grow." Nouns in various UA languages meaning "grass" also fit, but require more explanation.

  Hebrew slh "rush." N coloa "flee, run swiftly."

  Hebrew macalah "steps, stairs, ascent." Wr i 'mola "stairs"; Wr i 'mola-ni "to have an ascent or climb" (of a road, path).

  Ar cagaza "to grow old" (of women); caguz "old woman, old man." Tr wegaca "to grow old" (of women); Od oks "old woman." The Semitic and Tr verbs not only
match phonologically and semantically in "grow old," but specifically "of women." The Od form may also be a likely match in that Od s corresponds to UA c; thus,
outside of a vowel reduction between the two consonants, Od as well as some of the following may be connected with this root also: UACS #473 *'ok "woman": NT
oks; Cr 'ukari "old woman"; Hch 'uka. Perhaps also N okic-i "man," if originally "old man."

  Ar d cw/daca "to call, summon, name." UACS #300 *tewa "name"; this common UA word has either a nominal or verbal reflex in a number of UA languages.

  Hebrew 'ï¿½s "man"; with negatives "no one." Tr wesi (*wï¿½si) "someone": with negatives "no one."

   Hebrew 'eset/'i st- "woman, wife." Hp wï¿½ï¿½ti "wife." All quite as expected, if from the possessed form 'i st-, since s in clusters disappears but often leaves its
trace in the vowel ï¿½. Perhaps SP wicci "great grandmother."

  Hebrew g'l/ga'al "redeem, pay for." N kowa "buy"; Ca 'u'uwe "buy."

  Hebrew and Ar qr' "call, cry." N te-koyoa "howl"; N koyo-"coyote."

  Hebrew pe'ah "corner, sideburn." UA *powa/po'a "hiar" in several languages.

  Ar *pa'r "mouse." Mn puwe-; SP pu'i -; Ute pu'ï¿½y-; Sr pa'i s; Hp pï¿½hsa all meaning "mouse."

  The term tirmania "truffle" is probably not of Semitic origin, but it is a Mediterranean term for a kind of truffle, whatever its origin. Charles Heimsch, The
Encyclopaedia Americana (New York: Americana Corporation, 1962), s.v. "truffle."

  For Od usabi "resin, pitch," the s of Od corresponds to UA c, so all is as expected, though most non-dageshed Hebrew b's would be p/v in Od rather than b (=UA
*kw).

  Hebrew matteh "staff, rod, branch." Hp komaci "firewood" (*ku/ko=fire).

   Two closely related roots, Hebrew rbb/rabab/robb "shoot" and Hebrew rby/raba "shoot" compare with Ute tokwa "snap" (of bow) for the doubled b and Ch tavi
"hit, stone s.th. "for the second form, as well as perhaps Hp tï¿½ï¿½ "throw" and several other UA languages.
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  Hebrew rcm "to thunder"; Hebrew racam "to thunder," n. Sh tompai "thunder"; Ca tawva-l "thunder"; Od toahim "thunder"; words for "thunder," "cloud," and
"winter" seem to overlap in UA. (Hp L *w) UACS #93 *tom "cloud": Mn to "cloud"; Mn to-yaqa "thunder"; Cm tomoa- "cloud"; Ls toma-wut "thunder"; ST tuva'; Wr
  Hebrew matteh "staff, rod, branch." Hp komaci "firewood" (*ku/ko=fire).

   Two closely related roots, Hebrew rbb/rabab/robb "shoot" and Hebrew rby/raba "shoot" compare with Ute tokwa "snap" (of bow) for the doubled b and Ch tavi
"hit, stone s.th. "for the second form, as well as perhaps Hp tï¿½ï¿½ "throw" and several other UA languages.

  Hebrew rcm "to thunder"; Hebrew racam "to thunder," n. Sh tompai "thunder"; Ca tawva-l "thunder"; Od toahim "thunder"; words for "thunder," "cloud," and
"winter" seem to overlap in UA. (Hp L *w) UACS #93 *tom "cloud": Mn to "cloud"; Mn to-yaqa "thunder"; Cm tomoa- "cloud"; Ls toma-wut "thunder"; ST tuva'; Wr
tomuari "cloud." Miller also compares these forms with UACS #467 *tomo "winter" (several languages).

  Ar rbt/rabata/-rbit "to tie, bind." UACS #438 *tapi/tapic "to tie": SP tahpica-: Cr ratapi'iste; Hch -tapi "knotï¿½, tie a knot."

  Hebrew rsc "be wicked, guilty." Tr rasewa "fornicate"; Tr rasewa-me "permissive person"; Tb tï¿½swan "cause s.o. evil"; Tb tï¿½sï¿½ "be bad"; SP -rï¿½ssu'ai-na'ai
"not heeding, paying no attention"; perhaps Tr risiwa/risoa "pain, suffering, hardship."

  Ar rajul "man "(*ragul). Tr rehoy "man"; Wr tihoï¿½ "man"; Od ce'oj "man"; Kiowa togul "young man." The three UA forms (Tr, Wr, Od) point to *tï¿½hoy,
suggestive of Sem ragul, with a change of g > h andl > y/i/e like r (which happens often but is not treated in this brief summary). The second consonant's sound change
could use stronger support; the first and third, however, are common and consistent. Most intriguing and supportive for UA *tï¿½hoy "man* "is Kiowa togul "young
man" which shows perfectly all three consonants, including the g and l (initial *r > t *g =g *l =l , with the first vowel assimilating to the second.

  Hebrew ros "head"; Ar ra's- "head." SP tocci "head"; Ch toc(i) "head." A short paper does not allow treatment of all matters; nevertheless, items 16, 21, and 54 are
additional examples that show the tendency of Semitic s corresponding to Numic c.

  Hebrew kanap "wing." UACS #465 *'ana "wing" (also "arm" and "feather"): Tr 'ana; Hch 'ana; SP a apu-/a apï¿½ï¿½; Tb 'anambï¿½ï¿½-l; Od 'a 'an; and others.
SP and Tb show the third consonant p, the others only the first and second.

  Hebrew kinnï¿½m "gnats." UACS #288 mosquito: SP 'a i ; Mn 'anipi; Cm 'animui; Cr huna.

  Hebrew geled/gild- "skin." Od 'eldag "skin" (of person); Od 'eldaj "hide" (of animal).

  Hebrew gll/galal "to roll"; gullah "basin, bowl " (from round shape); gel/galal (ball of) "dung." Hp ï¿½lï¿½ "loop, circle, coil"; Hp ï¿½la "hair-whorl, tire"; Hp ï¿½lï¿½la
"bend"; Od 'ola "ball, sphere,"; and other UA forms.

  Hebrew qereb="inside" Tepiman languages show *'era/*erap "in."

Pronouns

In any comparative study, pronouns are an important consideration. Elaborating on the second person pronouns cited above (90 and 91), we note that the UA second
person pronouns correspond to the suffix (object and possessive) pronouns of Hebrew. Consider a more complete array of forms:

singular plural

Tb imbi imbumu
Ch ï¿½mï¿½ mï¿½mï¿½
Hp 'ï¿½m 'ï¿½ma
Yq 'empo 'eme'e
SP immi- mwï¿½mmwi-
Cp i-/e-/e'e imi-/eme-/em'em
Ca 'e 'em
Hp 'ï¿½- 'ï¿½mi- (possessive pronouns)
Cr mu'e mu'en
Yq -a'e -a'em (enclitic pronouns)
My -'e -'em (enclitic pronouns)
Heb/Sem -ka/-k(i) -kem/*-kum

Given k > ', those UA languages below the line show a similar singular and plural distinction as Hebrew. The others appear to correlate with something similar to what
happened in English; just as English pl. ou eplaced sg.thou as second person singular, uch that sg. and pl.you (in English both derive from what was originally only
plural, likewise half the UA languages (above the line) appear to derive both their second person sg. and pl. forms from the plural as seen by an abundance ofm (which
signifies plural in Hebrew (and UA). However, some UA languages-those below the line-appear to have maintained the singular-plural distinction, as seen by lack of
finalm in the singular forms, but inclusion of finalm s in the plural forms.

Though UA second person pronouns generally parallel Hebrew suffix pronouns, one UA language shows both the independent/subject pronouns and the above
object/possessive pronouns for second person plural. Consider the Tarahumara forms:

92.
Ar/PrSem 'antum (indep prn) -kum (obj/suffix prn)
Heb 'attem (indep prn) -kem (obj/suffix prn)
Ar/PrSem -tum (sbj prn on pf v)
Heb -tem (sbj prn on pf v)
Tarahumara tumuhe (sbj prn) emi (dative/obj prn)

The above are a profound match of subject pronouns (left column) and object pronouns (right column) for Semitic and Tarahumara. In addition to the subject pronoun
suffixes for perfect verb forms, Hebrew also has prefixes on imperfect verb forms, and the second person singular Hebrew prefix is identical with the Nahuatl second
person singular prefix (ti-):

93. Hebrew Nahuatl

verb stem -rbas
 Copyright        lie down -koc
             (c) 2005-2009,      sleep Media Corp.
                              Infobase
you sg. ti-rbas you sg. lie down ti-koc you sg. sleep
                                                                                                                                                       Page 450 / 919

The above verb, by the way, also corresponds. The consonant cluster in Hebrew causes a dageshed (doubled) b, which in turn corresponds to UA kw, and r (which is
93. Hebrew Nahuatl

verb stem -rbas lie down -koc sleep
you sg. ti-rbas you sg. lie down ti-koc you sg. sleep

The above verb, by the way, also corresponds. The consonant cluster in Hebrew causes a dageshed (doubled) b, which in turn corresponds to UA kw, and r (which is
y/i in UA) after i is basically invisible, and the vowel reduces or assimilates to the kw, as happens often in UA itself. Thus Hebrew ti-rbas > *ti-kwac > *ti-kwc > Nti-
koc.

Unlike other UA languages, whose pronouns agree more with Hebrew independent and suffix pronouns, Nahuatl singular pronouns parallel Semitic imperfective verb
prefixes, as if derived from a verb form:

94. NW Sem sg. NW Sem pl. Nahuatl

1st person e-/'a- I (verb) ni-/na- we (verb) ne'wa I
2nd " ti-/ta- you (verb) ti-/ta- te'wa you
3rd " yi-/ya- he (verbs) yi-/ya- ye'wa he

Note the pattern of n as first person, t as second person, and y as a third person consonant in both Nahuatl and Semitic, though the 1st person singular verb prefix in
Semitic is an exception. Moving from second person to first person pronouns, consider some UA first person singular pronouns (I, me, my):

95. Independent (I) suffix (object and possessive: me, my)

Heb 'anï¿½, anokï¿½ -nï¿½, -ï¿½
Ch nï¿½ï¿½
SP nï¿½
Tb nik
Hp nï¿½' i-
Ca ne'
Od 'ani
Tr ne

96. One other first person pronoun in Tr is highly specific. In addition to independent pronouns, subject-of-verb prefixes, and object/possessive suffixes, Hebrew also
has nonaffixed object pronouns in the form of 'oti "me," oto "him," ota "her," etc. Though I have not noticed any of the others, the first-oti "me"-is quite comparable to
the Tr accusative (object) pronoun of Tr ti "me," only missing the first segment (o), but Tr tends to lack first segments in comparative UA as well.

Many third person pronouns appear similar as well:

97. sg. he/she/him, his pl. they/them/their

Semitic hu/huwa/hi/hiya/-ï¿½ hem/hum/-am
SP u humwi
Yq hu (that) hume (those), 'am, -ame
Ca he-, hi- hem-
Hp -'am

These four languages represent four separate branches of UA-Numic, Sonoran, Takic, and Hopi respectively. The functions of third person pronouns in UA languages
are often served by demonstratives, thus eliminating older third person pronouns; however, many of those demonstrative pronouns (that/those) are similar to Semitic
third person pronouns. As Langacker notes, the pronominal systems of UA "undergone extensive modification, so that definitive reconstruction will have to await
extensive research." That is exactly correct; nevertheless, numerous Semitic-looking elements are to be found in UA pronominal systems, though mixed considerably
with other, non-Semitic characteristics-thus again the conclusion of substantial mixing of some kind.

  Ronald W. Langacker, An Overview of Uto-Aztecan Grammar, vol. 1, Studies in Uto-Aztecan Grammar (Arlington: The University of Texas at Arlington and
Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1977), 124, 126.

Vav-Consecutive Fossilized in Nahuatl

98. A partial and oversimplified explanation of the vav-consecutive in Hebrew is that a prefixed wa- changes imperfect verb stems to past. Most Nahuatl verbs form
the past tense by prefixing o- and dropping the last vowel:

peawa undress o-peaw- undressed
(if not 3rd sg., insert pron.) o-ti-peaw you undressed
neki want o-nek- wanted
pawia chew o-pawi- chewed
posoni boil o-poson- boiled, bubbled
(of liquid)

In Hebrew, the jussive is used with the vav-consecutive, and the jussive also drops existing final vowels in Hebrew and Arabic, as do the Nahuatl verbs with prefixed
o-:

Heb prefix Heb wa- + juss Ar indic Ar juss

yisbeh take captive wa-yisb took captive yaktubu write yaktub

For wa- to become o- is natural enough. Consider Spanish ojalï¿½ "would that " from Arabic wa-sa ca-allah "and/if God wills." Therefore, the Hebrew vav-
consecutive and the Nahuatl past tense have these things in common: they both prefix rounded elements (wa- and o-), then a pronominal prefix, then the stem, then they
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both        (c) 2005-2009,
     drop final             Infobase
                vowels, and they      Media Corp.
                                 both change  an imperfect stem to perfect (loosely stated).                                                    Page 451 / 919

99. Another curious set in UA which parallels Hebrew morphology has to do with the Hebrew root nky/naka "to smite." This stem does not appear in the simplest or
yisbeh take captive wa-yisb took captive yaktubu write yaktub

For wa- to become o- is natural enough. Consider Spanish ojalï¿½ "would that " from Arabic wa-sa ca-allah "and/if God wills." Therefore, the Hebrew vav-
consecutive and the Nahuatl past tense have these things in common: they both prefix rounded elements (wa- and o-), then a pronominal prefix, then the stem, then they
both drop final vowels, and they both change an imperfect stem to perfect (loosely stated).

99. Another curious set in UA which parallels Hebrew morphology has to do with the Hebrew root nky/naka "to smite." This stem does not appear in the simplest or
qal form in Hebrew much, but is very commonly used in the hiqtï¿½l and huqtal in Hebrew. Forms parallel to the Hebrew participles of hiqtï¿½l and huqtal are also
common words in UA languages.

The Hebrew participles are makke (*mankey) "smiter, smiting "and mukke "(one) smitten." One of the most pervasive stems in UA is *muki " die, be sick, dead "
found in no less than 13 UA languages (UACS #128a), which matches the passive (huqtal participle mukke) both phonologically and semantically. In addition are
words in several UA languages reconstructing to *mek "kill" (UACS #128d) and *mak "hit" (UACS #233), which again parallel the Hebrew active participle (Hebrew
makke), both phonologically and semantically. The Cahuilla pair show both in the same language: Ca -muk- "get sick, die"; Ca -mek- "kill." (Again note the general
rising of vowels in the changes from Semitic to UA.)

Another dimension of the Hebrew verb is "punishment, send judgment." In light of that compare the Nahuatl na- form: N miki "die"; N na-miki "bring upon oneself,
incur a fine or punishment." The similarities (lexical, morphological, and semantic combinations) between UA and Semitic number about 1000. Therefore, this brief
summary contains only 10% of them. One question that naturally comes to the mind of an Hebraist or Semitist is the lack of some of the basic words, such as semes
"sun" and yad "hand." Three possibilities come to mind. First, as emphasized throughout this paper, UA is not solely descended from Hebrew in any sense, but rather
appears to have a Northwest Semitic element that has mixed heavily with non-Semitic elements. Second, UA could be more a Mulekite base with a Lehite overlay
(both in addition to whatever else). We know next to nothing about the composition of the Mulekite group. We do not know whether they built a ship or hired one. If
the latter, the crew or those aboard were likely an international mix-Phoenicians, Greeks, and Arabs-and if so, the Mulekite language within a generation could well
have been a creole or hybrid of who knows how many languages. That would be one possible explanation among many for the Nephites' inability to understand them
after only four centuries. The river Sidon being named after the Phoenician capital Sidon speaks for a Phoenician element among them, since Sidon is hardly part of the
ancient Israelite domain. Third, we do not know Lehi's nor Ishmael's dialect; that eventual knowledge is bound to be surprising in some ways. Nibley elaborates the
Arab-like qualities of the Lehi-Ishmael party: that Ishmael's name is reminiscent of the father of the Arabs; that Manasseh, of all the tribes, mixed and associated with
the Arabs more frequently than any of the twelve tribes; and the Arabic nature of names like Lehi, Laman, Lemuel, and Sam. Nibley's observations and the
surprising proportion of Arabic vocabulary in UA are mutually consistent with each other.

Returning to the whereabouts of some basic Hebrew vocabulary, a look at UA occasionally suggests that some basic vocabulary could have been replaced by semantic
extensions of other Semitic vocabulary. For example, the common Semitic word laila "night" is not found. However, the UA word for "night" (found in many UA
languages) is tuk, and it also means "black," "dark," and the "fire went out." Hebrew d ck means "to go out" (of a fire), and phonologically the match is exactly as
expected: devoicing of d > t round vowel for the pharyngealcain andk When the "fire goes out" at night, it is then "dark black ight, "and the word from Hebrewd ck
appears to be the source of UAtuk ("night" (as well as "dark, black, fire go out"). Many are the examples of such extensions of some Hebrew words into new semantic
domains.

Another array of curiosities involves the UA words for "man." All four of them are traceable to Semitic, but they occur in exactly the opposite frequency typical of
Hebrew. The most frequent word for "man" in Hebrew is 'ï¿½s, which is found in only Tr wesi (wï¿½si) and only in a certain phrase with a negative, meaning "no one,
no man," which is one of the typical uses of Hebrew ï¿½s. The second most common word in Hebrew is a d am, and that is found in about five UA languages (*otam).
(Keep in mind for both 'ï¿½s and 'a d am, that the initial 'aleph or glottal stop is a source of rounding in UA.) Least common in Hebrew is zakar "male/man" (Ar d akar,
Aram dakar), while most common in UA is *taka "man." Hebrew z is a merger of two proto-Semitic consonants, *z and *d, that appear in Arabic as z and d , and in
Aramaic as z and D. Interestingly, some evidence suggests that UA also distinguishes these as UA *c and *t, respectively; thus the stop t in UA correspondes to proto-
Semitic d .

Heb/Sem UA

100. zakar (Ar d akar; male, man *taka man
Aram dakar)
101. zd 'eb (Ar d i'b) wolf *tï¿½'ï¿½p wolf
102. zaqan/ziqn- (Akk) chin, beard *tï¿½'n mouth

Fourth and most curious is UA *tï¿½hoy "man," suggestive of the most common Ar word for man: rajul.

  Hugh W. Nibley, "aand the Arabs, "in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3rd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 71-83.

  UA *taka "man" in several languages.

  Hebrew zd'eb "wolf"; Ar di'b "wolf. " SP tï¿½va "wolf"; Tb tï¿½aic "wolf"; Cr ï¿½:ra'abe "wolf"; Hch ï¿½rawe "wolf"; and perhaps Od see'e "wolf," though Od
should show c rather than s for UA t.

  Hebrew zaqan "beard, chin"; likewise Ar daqan and Akk ziqnu. Several UA languages show *ten(i) "mouth"; however, again Tr shows the crucial glottal stop as a
vestige of the lost uvular in a cluster: Tr re'na.

  See nn. 74 and 82.

Egyptian

Of great interest are some UA lexemes that may match Egyptian. For example, both the Hebrew word for "lion" and the Egyptian word for "lion" appear in UA
languages. Keep in mind that the glottal stop (') or Semitic 'aleph corresponds to UA w or some round vowel, since both of these words show that correspondence:

52. Heb 'arï¿½ lion UA *wori mountain lion
103. Eg m'i lion UA *mawiya mountain lion
Cpt mui lion

Ancient Egyptian, like many ancient Near Eastern languages, exhibited only consonants (i or y recorded as a consonant). The UA word mawiya "mountain lion" is
found in several
 Copyright       UA languages,
            (c) 2005-2009,      and it shows
                            Infobase   Media all three consonants of the Egyptian word very nicely. Also of interest is that in Coptic-a later form of Egyptian in which
                                              Corp.                                                                                                   Page 452 / 919
vowels were written-one can see that the glottal stop also resulted in rounding (u) as is typical in UA: Coptic mui "lion." Though not altogether consistent, the same
consonants that yield rounding in the change from Hebrew to UA often exhibit a similar tendency in the change from ancient Egyptian to Coptic:
Cpt mui lion

Ancient Egyptian, like many ancient Near Eastern languages, exhibited only consonants (i or y recorded as a consonant). The UA word mawiya "mountain lion" is
found in several UA languages, and it shows all three consonants of the Egyptian word very nicely. Also of interest is that in Coptic-a later form of Egyptian in which
vowels were written-one can see that the glottal stop also resulted in rounding (u) as is typical in UA: Coptic mui "lion." Though not altogether consistent, the same
consonants that yield rounding in the change from Hebrew to UA often exhibit a similar tendency in the change from ancient Egyptian to Coptic:

Egyptian Coptic

hbs clothe hoves cover, clothe
htp happy, at peace, hotep be reconciled,
set set (of sun)
s' back soi back
scy sand so sand
c' great o/o great
cnh live/life oneh live
crf bag, enclose orev enclose

However, exceptions also exist: Eg rc "sun," Cpt re "sun." Consider other similarities between Egyptian and UA:

104. Eg nmi travel, *n ï¿½a wander, go about
traverse
105. Eg rn young Tr rana brood, litter,
(of animals) child
(Remember that initial r is UA t, except it remained r in Tr.)
106. Eg nb all, every Tr nepi a lot, too much
107. Eg rc sun *tawe sun, day
108. Cpt tevet fish *pa-top/ fish
pa-tap (pa=water)

For items 105 and 107, remember that Tr r=Hebrew r=UA *t in initial position; therefore, the Tr form rawe "day" is equivalent to UA *tawe found in Eu, Yq, My, Wr,
and Hp, all of which match nicely the Egyptian word rc "sun," with the expected w for the pharyngeal cain. In regard to item 108, we might mention that v is an alternate
form of p in both Coptic and UA.

Other Egyptian examples exist, but these are sufficient to show that if UA was, in part, a Lehite language, then a certain amount of Egyptian vocabulary worked its way
into the spoken language, just as Latin words entered English via Latin as a liturgical or written language of religious record. The proportions of Egyptian are not great
compared to the amount of Hebrew, as we would expect; nevertheless, any Egyptian vocabulary at all is significant.

Book of Mormon Peoples

One may also wonder if there is any evidence in UA to suggest that UA peoples may be in part remnants of Book of Mormon peoples. From a number of possibilities,
consider two.

1. Hopi masaw/masawï¿½ "supreme deity, supernatural judge" fits nicely the three consonants of massï¿½h or massï¿½ah (Messiah). The final h is the pharyngeal h,
which yields w or rounding in UA; therefore, outside of the missing vowel i , all else and especially the three consonants are as expected.

2. The word for Nephite in Hebrew would be nepi/nefi, depending on how much the Nephite language was subject to the spirantization (of *p to f) evident by the time
the Masoretes imposed their dialect or allophonic variants on the text. UA languages are split: some show a similar spirantization of Hebrew *p to v rather than f, while
others retain p. This would suggest that the spirantization evident in the Masoretic dialect may not have occurred when this American dialect of Hebrew left Palestine,
since some UA languages do not show it, but that a similar (though slightly different) spirantization occurred later in some UA languages also. Either way, the
intervocalic form of Hebrew p is p or v in UA, not f as in the Masoretic dialect, though Egyptian has both p and f. In addition, the -ite ending of English biblical
nationalities is a mistaken adoption of the feminine adjectival ending showing -t and is incorrect. In Hebrew, words featuring persons of an ethnic group simply use the
suffix -i (as the vowel in free); for example, a Moabite is moabi, an Ammonite is ammoni, an Israelite is israeli, as said of Israelis in modern Israel today. Thus a Nephite
would be nepi/nepiy/nepi (a long vowel at the end, however one chooses to represent it). Plural Nephites would contain the plural suffix -ï¿½m or earlier -ima, and
would thus be nepiyyï¿½m or with a typical reduction of that long string of fairly identical high front vowels (i/y) and the older ending as is found in UA (-ima), we
would have nepima or nepima. Pima happens to be the tribal name of two UA groups in the Tepiman branch of UA and is missing only the first syllable ne - of what
would otherwise be the expected plural form of Nephites in Hebrew. Another name for a group in the same branch (Tepiman) of UA is nevome. Remember that the
final a of our UA reconstruction *-ima is often e or ï¿½ in most UA languages. Likewise, for a vowel to assimilate to a round vowel (i > o when adjacent to one bilabial
is common enough, and herei (is caught between two bilabials (v andm , which would make the changei > o even more likely; furthermore, v is a form of UA *p
between vowels. In essence, the UA tribal name Nevome is easily derivable from Nepima (Nephites).

Though it is too early to say definitively, the above tribal names (e.g., nevome *nepima) and several other factors suggest a possibility worth considering: could the UA
peoples be in part surviving Nephite or Mulekite populations in the land northward or in northern extensions of the land northward, since the UA tribes form a fairly
contiguous chain from Mexico City northward up through western Mexico to the US Southwest? Of course, few, if any, UA areas would be the areas that the Book of
Mormon authors referred to as having "'bodies of water and many rivers" and "houses of cement" (Helaman 3:3-, 7;6:6;7:1); nevertheless, some of them, at least, could
be northern extensions of the areas spoken of. In 55 B.C. some 5,400 families departed out of Zarahemla for the land northward, and Hagoth built ships to transport
more to the land northward (Alma 63:3-). Nearly a decade later in 46 B.C. "An exceedingly great many. . .went forth unto the land northward. . . .And they did travel
to an exceedingly great distance" (Helaman 3:3-). Consider the following factors:

1. If Mesoamerica is the area of Book of Mormon history, as proposed by Sorenson and most Latter-day Saint archaeologists, north of that is a fairly unbroken
continuum of UA speaking groups stretching from Mexico City northward to Southern California and the US Southwest. The Aztecs arrived (or was it returned?) well
after Book of Mormon times, but what of the closely related Cora, Huichol, and other UA languages just north of Nahuatl-speaking areas? Even if the Mexico City
area was inhabited late by UA speakers, points just north have long been UA areas.

2. Hagoth's ships launched into the west sea to sail to the land northward (Alma 63:5), and it is precisely the western coastal and mountainous areas of western Mexico
that UA peoples inhabit. The existence of a regular timber-shipping industry along the western coasts of a land northward (Hel. 3:10) from anywhere in Mesoamerica
would have the western coast of Mexico, the habitat of UA speakers, as a likely candidate for the west coast of the land northward.
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3. The Anasazi culture of the US Southwest includes UA peoples (Hopi) and other UA relatives (Tanoan pueblos in New Mexico), and archaeologically the Anasazi
appear about the time of Christ, which date accords well with Hagoth and the times of this northward expansion.
2. Hagoth's ships launched into the west sea to sail to the land northward (Alma 63:5), and it is precisely the western coastal and mountainous areas of western Mexico
that UA peoples inhabit. The existence of a regular timber-shipping industry along the western coasts of a land northward (Hel. 3:10) from anywhere in Mesoamerica
would have the western coast of Mexico, the habitat of UA speakers, as a likely candidate for the west coast of the land northward.

3. The Anasazi culture of the US Southwest includes UA peoples (Hopi) and other UA relatives (Tanoan pueblos in New Mexico), and archaeologically the Anasazi
appear about the time of Christ, which date accords well with Hagoth and the times of this northward expansion.

4. The Pima and O'odham of Arizona (UA groups) are the most likely candidates as the continuation of the Hohokam culture, though that is yet debated. The
Hohokam are known for their connections with Mexico, though they date a little earlier than the Anasazi, perhaps 300 B.C.

5. Some Uto-Aztecanists suggest that the linguistic center of gravity for the northern half of the UA language family is near the California-Arizona border just above the
mouth of the Colorado River that empties into the Gulf of Baja California (see fig. 1). If some Nephite ships happened to sail farther northward than usual, keeping
near the coastline, they would likely go inside the tongue of Baja California, and the ultimate destination would be the top of the Gulf of Baja California, near the point
of origin of the northern UA languages.

6. No matter who built the houses of cement, nearly all the Southern UA languages have a common word for "adobe" (sami). The word adobe was not in the 1830
edition of Webster's Dictionary, and Joseph Smith may not have been familiar with the term adobe. If not, his use of cement may refer to or at least partly include
adobe. And if that is so, could not the pueblo builders, who anciently were as much in Mexico as the US Southwest, be northern extensions of those who built
houses of cement?

Figure 1. Approximate Locations of Uto-Aztecan Languages.

7. Wilford Woodruff expressed a view that the pueblo builders of New Mexico were in part Nephites.

8. The rugged mountains of western Mexico appear to be the homeland of the Southern UA groups. If the Nephite-Mulekite populations were in these mountains
around A.D. 400 when Lamanites were striving to hunt down and kill all Nephites, the ruggedness of the terrain would be a wonderful protection and provide
thousands of hiding places. Or this area may have been beyond reach of, or not involved in, all that happened through the final destruction of the Nephites. The linguistic
evidence suggests that it is from these areas that many of the Southern UA languages appear to have spread.

9. And last, but hardly least, are a few UA tribal names such as nevome (*nepima "Nephites") that suggest the UA peoples may be in part remnants of Book of
Mormon peoples.

  Another etymology has been suggested for Pima; as Dunnigan puts it, "The most frequently cited folk etymology for the origin of the word Pima is that it is a
corruption of the O'odham expression pi 'an'maat, literally 'don't know.' Supposedly, this was the native's answer to the first interrogations in Spanish"; quoted from
Timothy Dunnigan, "Lower Pima," in Handbook of American Indians, vol. 10, ed. Alfonso Ortiz (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983), 229.

  Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting.

  I heard Wick Miller cite this view, whether his own opinion or in conference with other Uto-Aztecanists, I am not sure. Nor am I sure it matters, since Wick Miller
was probably the foremost Uto-Aztecanist until his recent untimely death.

  Adobe is a borrowing into English from Spanish, though ultimately from Arabic, Coptic, and Egyptian probably; nevertheless, its first occurrence in print in English is
1834, after the Book of Mormon's publication, and it did not become a commonly used word in English until several decades after Joseph Smith 'time. OED 1:123.

  Wilford Woodruff in a letter to John Taylor and Council, dated 15 September 1879, expressed this view. "Nephites Found in New Mexico," in A Book of Mormon
Treasury (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1959), 222-27.

Conclusions

In conclusion, UA as a language family exhibits more similarities with Hebrew than could be attributed to coincidence; nevertheless, that Hebrew element is obviously
mixed with other language elements very different from Hebrew. The Hebrew features, along with other factors, combine to suggest that the formation or spread of UA
peoples may have involved Book of Mormon peoples in part, and, more specifically, perhaps Nephite or Mulekite populations that had spread northward from lands
more central to the Book of Mormon record.

A more balanced approach to Book of Mormon language research could be immensely beneficial in the long run. Hebrew, Egyptian, and the English translation have
thus far been the sole focus of Latter-day Saint scholars publishing on Book of Mormon language matters. Exclusive concern with those three areas of interest has left
Latter-day Saint scholarship at an impasse on many points, while the huge arena of Native American languages remains largely untouched by Latter-day Saint scholars,
though obviously these languages must be dealt with eventually. While the English text has yielded important insights to our analysts, only when Latter-day Saint
scholars delve into Native American languages as well can we consider a comprehensive approach to Book of Mormon language matters to be underway. The
neglected dimension of research (in Native Americana) could well prove to be the key to many questions impossible to answer by means of Hebrew, Egyptian, and the
English text alone.

The hints and leads exist, but they must be searched and worked rigorously. Responsible linguistic investigation of Native American languages in conjunction with Near
Eastern languages should be a natural realm of research for Latter-day Saint scholarship and interests. We claim and proclaim knowledge of some ancient American
groups, yet our void of attention to Native American languages for a century and a half subsequent to those claims could border on embarrassment if allowed to
continue. A people's language is a window to their past and is often the most voluminous repository of hard data relevant to their origins and past. In light of the
potential of Native American languages, it seems time for a change-change from overlooking them to looking them over in linguistically competent ways. True, the
required research investment would be considerable. Comparable to the difference between miles and light-years, the effort would better be measured in units of
linguist-lives than in man-hours. Nevertheless, rather than all interested scholars dipping for linguistic depth in the phrasings of the English translation, would that a few
explore the ocean of Native American languages and acquire the necessary background to enter this forgotten realm of research and help void the void.

Appendix

Orthography and Pronunciation

The phonetic(c)representation
Copyright        2005-2009, used   in thisMedia
                              Infobase     paperCorp.
                                                is fairly standard linguistic phonology. The phonetic symbols are as follows:
                                                                                                                                                        Page 454 / 919
Vowels
Appendix

Orthography and Pronunciation

The phonetic representation used in this paper is fairly standard linguistic phonology. The phonetic symbols are as follows:

Vowels

a as in father, saw, rod
e roughly as in fame, say, raid
i as in fee, see, reed
o as in foe, so, road
u as in Sue, rude
ï¿½ high central vowel, not in English, a high schwa
d the schwa or midcentral vowel, as in but, cut, come
ï¿½ midfront rounded vowel as in German and Hopi
Long vowels will be represented with a macron as in a, i
Nasalized vowels will be underlined: a .

The vowels of Masoretic Hebrew-segol and cere e-will both be represented as e, since both are substantial alterations of earlier Semitic vowels (i and a usually), and it
is pointless to be painfully specific regarding Masoretic vowels anyway, since many of them are phonological variants of a late dialect that come from only three vowels-
a, i, u-in pre-Hebrew or Northwest Semitic.

Vowels are described according to the tongue's position in the mouth when pronounced; thus i is high-front, the schwa d is mid-central, etc.

front central back

high i ï¿½ u
mid e d o
low a

Consonants

Most consonants are pronounced more or less as in English; nevertheless, a full presentation of consonants follows:

bi-labial dental alveolar palatal velar uvular pharyngeal glottal

stop vcless p t k q '
voiced b d g
affric. vcless c,s (Hb) c
voiced j
fric. vcless f ,t (Hb) s s x h h
voiced v z z g C
nasals m n
liquids r,l

Explanations and additional sounds

ï¿½The c is a ts sound, very common in UA, as in hats.
The palato-alveolars have the hashmark:
c=ch as in chop; j as in judge; s=sh as in shop; z=zh as in azure.
The pharyngeals of Semitic are represented by:
h voiceless pharyngeal fricative (as opposed to English h);
Cvoiced pharyngeal fricative, the Semitic Cain, as in SaCudi CArabia.
The velar nasal as in sing.
The dental fricatives: as in breathe and they, and t as in breath and think.
is the lateral stop tl of Nahuatl, which corresponds to UA *t.
t is the emphatic t of Hebrew and Semitic.

Hebrew emphatic s is a merger of three proto-Semitic consonants that are still distinguished in Arabic; that is, Arabic s , d , and z all correspond to Hebrew s.

Three s sounds in Semitic are all distinguishable in Hebrew; however, they all merged to simply s in UA:

proto-Semitic Hebrew Arabic

s1 s shin s
s2 s sin s
s3 s samech s

The beged-kafat letters, which spirantized in non-dageshed positions in the Masoretic dialect (b > v p > f, etc.) will not show that spirantization in this paper, since it is
not a feature of proto-or original Hebrew and may not apply to other dialects of ancient Hebrew. Some of the UA languages show similar spirantization; others do not.
Likewise, Arabic f will also be represented in its original form *p since that is how it remains in UA.

Abbreviations other than those listed in the text

ï¿½Akk = Akkadian
Ar = Arabic
Aram  = Aramaic
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Cpt = Coptic
Eg = Egyptian
Heb = Hebrew
Abbreviations other than those listed in the text

ï¿½Akk = Akkadian
Ar = Arabic
Aram = Aramaic
Cpt = Coptic
Eg = Egyptian
Heb = Hebrew
impf = imperfect
indep = independent
masc = masculine
n = noun
obj = object
pf = perfect
pl = plural
prn = pronoun
PrSem = proto-Semitic
PUA = proto-Uto-Aztecan
rcp = reciprocal
rfl = reflexive
sbj = subject
sg = singular
Sem = Semitic
s.o. = someone
s.th. = something
UA = Uto-Aztecan
UACS = Uto-Aztecan Cognate Sets
Ug = Ugaritic
v = verb
vi = verb intransitive
vt = verb transitive

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Lane, Edward W. An Arabic-English Lexicon. London: Williams and Norgate, 1863-1893.

Langacker, Ronald W. An Overview of Uto-Aztecan Grammar. Vol. 1 of Studies in Uto-Aztecan Grammar. Arlington: Summer Institute of Linguistics and University
of Texas at Arlington, 1977.

Lionnet, Andres. Los Elementos de la Lengua Cahita. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonona de Mexico, 1977.

Lionnet, Andres. El Idioma Tubar y los Tubares. Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana, 1978.

Lionnet, Andres. "Relaciones Internas de la Rama Sonorense. "Amerindia 10 (1985): 25-58.

Mathiot, Madaleine. A Dictionary of Papago Usage. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1976.

Miller, Wick R. Uto-Aztecan Cognate Sets. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967.

Miller, Wick R. Newe Natekwinappeh: Shoshone Stories and Dictionary, ed. Jesse D. Jennings. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1972.

Miller, Wick R. "Uto-Aztecan Languages." In Southwest, ed. Alfonso Ortiz. Vol. 10 of Handbook of North American Indians, gen. ed. William C. Sturtevant.
Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1983.

Miller, Wick R. "Computerized Data Base for Uto-Aztecan Cognate Sets." 1988.

Miller, Wick R. "Guarijio: Gramatica, Textos y Vocabulario. "1989.

Moscati, Sabatino, ed. An Introduction to the Comparative Study of the Semitic Languages. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1964.

Nibley, Hugh. "Lehi and the Arabs." In An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3rd ed., 71-83. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988.

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Zepeda, Ofelia. A Papago Grammar. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1983.

Zigmond, Maurice L., Curtis G. Booth, and Pamela Munro. Kawaiisu: A Grammar and Dictionary with Texts. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.

Historical Narrative Literary Narrative-Expelling Poetics From the Republic of History

Alan Goff

'Tis the good reader that makes a good book.

Emerson

Abstract: Postivist historiography has always maintained an impermeable boundary between history and literature. But positivism is itself a historical sediment whose
time is now past. Recent literary theory and historiography emphasize the continuities between history and literature. Under the domination of historiography by a
positivist epistemology (from about 1880 to 1960), history attempted to free itself from its literary heritage; more recently theorists from a number of disciplines have
recognized that history, both ancient and modern, has been informed by literary motifs, themes, and strategies. The repetition of the exodus literary pattern, for example,
through the Bible, the Book of Mormon, and Christian history does nothing to bring into question the historical status of the events. The exodus patterns evident in
Mosiah do not force the Book of Mormon to surrender historical claims just because they also happen to be literary.

It ought to be a cardinal rule of interpretation that a researcher's readerly incapacities ought not to work in favor of that reader's ideology. Since recent literary and
narrative theory have compromised a simplistic relationship between historical language and the past, the notion that all reading is an ideological act has dominated
academic disciplines. Historical writing is itself a literary genre: that is, the moral of narrative theory. Narrative history threatens traditionalist conceptions of history, but
the uninitiated might easily misrepresent the implications that follow.

Brent Metcalfe claims that the Book of Mormon isn't historical because it possesses "literary patterns." What seems obvious to Metcalfe (so obvious he advances the
position without argumentation) is that literature and history are mutually exclusive, and he cites sources to support that position: "Recent literary theory focuses on the
complex and attenuated relation between language and the 'real' world"; Metcalfe then cites fifteen sources from these fields, claiming the authority of recent literary
and narrative theory. An examination of these theories and the writing of history should be fruitful. These fifteen sources radically undermine Metcalfe's claims, so when
I cite Metcalfe's own authorities I will place the typographical symbol dagger (ï¿½) just before the footnote.

Metcalfe claims to read the Book of Mormon without ideological commitments, while opponents approach it with ideological preconceptions:

Both apologetic and critical scholars are led by prior assumptions, but they differ fundamentally. Apologists assume that the Book of Mormon is historical and from this
they develop methods to sustain authenticity. The critical scholar's interpretation depends not on a proposition made by a text or tradition but on a methodology for
exploring the broader context which structures and authorizes such claims. Ideally, within the critical mode, methods lead to conclusions instead of conclusions leading
to methods.

This claim is worth testing. I will provide a discussion of the current state of literary and narrative theory (pointing out how it undermines rather than supports Metcalfe's
fictions), briefly sketch how Metcalfe's claim that the Book of Mormon must be fictional rather than historical would require the reader to reject the historicity of the
Bible and numerous events nobody has ever questioned as historical (although I don't have the space here, this "hermeneutical principle" would also require the
rejection of Herodotus, Thucydides, and virtually all history written in antiquity and classical antiquity (excepting perhaps only Polybius), and I will then apply a literary
reading of the Zeniffite narrative in Mosiah pointing to its overwhelming use of exodus typology.

    Brent Lee Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions," Dialogue 26/3 (Fall 1993): 168 n. 48. I can cite only a few of Metcalfe's misrepresentations of these
fifteen sources.

  Ibid., 156.

Literature and History: Two Fictive Projects

Not content just to write bad history, Metcalfe is also intent on expanding his range to include bad literary criticism. But major impediments obstruct this appropriation:
literary theory and historiography. Metcalfe's ideology requires a stout wall between literature and history: for example, he claims that chiastic arrangement is a sign of
literary structure, thus disqualifying the text as a historical document,

Because Book of Mormon apologists say that chiasmus is an intentional literary device, they must conclude that chiasmus can arrange historical episodes. At a minimum
this means that some historical details of the Lehite story may not have occurred in the order presented in the narrative. Apologists must also allow for the possibility
that some historical incidents never actually happened but were fictions imposed on the text to complete a chiastic structure designed to convey a moralistic or
theological teaching.

This claim assumes a series of implicit and uncritical ideological positions. Fortunately, narrative theory, literary theory, and historiography have critically analyzed these
very claims.

Claiming
 Copyright that
              (c)history and fiction
                  2005-2009,         are distinct
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                                                   Corp.     (not overlapping categories) requires engaging a range of historians and literary critics; it entails
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dominant contemporary position in historiography, not just assuming the dominant position from three decades ago. Insisting that a narrative can't be historical because
it exhibits literary patterns requires attention to these theorists because they claim that all history contains literary patterns. History and fiction belong to a family of
narratives, all possessing "literary" structure through imposing conventional patterns on time; therefore, one can't distinguish between history and literature solely on the
This claim assumes a series of implicit and uncritical ideological positions. Fortunately, narrative theory, literary theory, and historiography have critically analyzed these
very claims.

Claiming that history and fiction are distinct enterprises (not overlapping categories) requires engaging a range of historians and literary critics; it entails addressing the
dominant contemporary position in historiography, not just assuming the dominant position from three decades ago. Insisting that a narrative can't be historical because
it exhibits literary patterns requires attention to these theorists because they claim that all history contains literary patterns. History and fiction belong to a family of
narratives, all possessing "literary" structure through imposing conventional patterns on time; therefore, one can't distinguish between history and literature solely on the
basis of traditional motifs or formal structure.

That Metcalfe would attempt vicariously to baptize these literary and critical theorists into his Church of Humanity is an implausible compliment to literary theory.
Literary theory is unlike most other disciplines, in which overt positivist claims are still often heard thirty years after those claims became untenable. To see Kermode,
White, Jameson, Eagleton, feminist critics, and others impressed into Metcalfe's navy is an acute irony. Since Metcalfe attempts to align narrative theory with his own
positivism, let me sketch a better picture of narrative theory.

In American historiography a thin outer crust of very bright historians, well informed about theoretical concerns, rejects positivist truth claims. But the mass of
practitioners is not only theoretically uninformed, but positively antitheoretical, viewing theory as an obstacle to creating history rather than as an asset. In unguarded
moments they express their positivist epistemology, usually in two situations: (1) when explaining why you should believe her or his explanation rather than a rival's or
(2) when attempting to describe the nature of historical understanding. So why would positivists such as Metcalfe draw on the authority of literary criticism?

Oddly, literary theory has become central for all the social disciplines, largely because of the linguistic turn. Literary critics developed sophisticated models of language
use. Thirty years ago, all disciplines borrowed models and methods from the sciences; now leading theorists in other disciplines are borrowing models from literary
theory and linguistics. Historiographical debate has moved away from being modeled on the sciences and toward linguistics and literary criticism, away from explanation
and toward textuality. But once researchers realized that language controls its users as much as its users control language, they realized that translation, metaphor,
fiction, literary influence, and the referential claims of language were problematical for their research also. The transparency between language and the world could no
longer be taken for granted:

In the first half of the century, English and American philosophers tried to develop theories of knowledge that would serve as a bedrock foundation for the truths
discovered in the natural sciences. For this endeavor, they needed a well-developed logic and an explanation of how, relying on sense data, words can be accurately
linked to the world. "Fiction," in this context, meant a false connection between words and things, or reference to something that doesn't exist. Because of technical
difficulties that arose in the development of this theory, more recent philosophers have conceived of truth not as a relationship between statements and reality but as an
offshoot of the conventions involved in language use. Stating a true proposition is, after all, only one use of words.ï¿½

This linguistic turn takes a particularly heavy toll on historians who require a simple relationship between the world and their representations of it:

The silent shared conspiracy of all historians (who otherwise agree on nothing these days) is to talk about the past as though it were really "there." The whole of
historical discourse is calculated to induce a sense of referential reality in a conceptual field with no external reference at all.

History is meaning imposed on time by means of language: history imposes syntax on time. As the form of writing whose central purpose is to affirm our consciousness
of a shared experience over generations of one external and real world, history has a great investment in mimesis-the ability to imitate reality. Here, of course, is where
historians balk, for, alas, the mimetic abilities of prose are common to fiction and history without distinction. fiction's persuasive force, its "sense of reality," results from
an author's ability to offer the reader a suggestive array of fictional elements that satisfy the requirements of possible reality in a shared world of writer and reader. The
historian, using techniques that differ only a little from those of a novelist, has to persuade the reader no only of the possible reality of his array of verbal elements, but
that those on display in the text are "guaranteed" by their relation (reference, logical inference) to things outside the text, and thus the result is a real mimesis.

One ought not to sharpen the enemy's weapons on the enemy's wheel and then impale oneself on them.

Narrative and language are the new compass points in historiography rather than method and science. The narrative turn coincides with the failure of scientism in the
human studies. "Mimesis and narration have returned from their marginal status as aspects of 'fiction' to inhabit the very center of other disciplines."ï¿½
Representational problems have shattered simplistic mimetic models. Historians add too much to the record in selection, ordering, plotting, and tone to be thought of as
uninvolved, neutral, and unbiased. History also went through a scientistic period: "History stopped telling stories and aspired to science. Romanticism was elbowed
aside by positivism: the certainty of an ultimately observable, empirically verifiable truth." History is complex and inseparable from ideological and presentist
concerns. Schama tells stories which, while admitting the existence of a boundary between history and fiction, recognize that the boundary is variable, ragged:

Though these stories may at times appear to observe the discursive conventions of history, they are in fact historical novellas, since some passages (the soldier with
Wolfe's army, for example) are pure inventions, based, however, on what documents suggest. This is not to say, I should emphasise, that I scorn the boundary between
fact and fiction. It is merely to imply that even in the most austere scholarly report from the archives, the inventive faculty-selecting, pruning, editing, commenting,
interpreting, delivering judgements-is in full play. This is not a naï¿½vely relativist position that insists that the lived past is nothing more than an artificially designed text.
(Despite the criticism of dug-in positivists, I know of no thoughtful commentator on historical narrative who seriously advances this view.) But it does accept the rather
banal axiom that claims for historical knowledge must always be fatally circumscribed by the character and prejudices of its narrator.

The imaginative, ideological, and mimetic faculties of the historian deeply impact historical narrative; the ideological purposes of historical narrative are often
accomplished through the imaginative. The difference between novels and histories is that histories are tremendously over-plotted, leaving nothing to chance: "No
amount of pontificating about facts and evidence, research, archives, or scientific methods can get around the central fictionality of history, which is its unrelenting
meaningfulness. Nothing could be more unreal, more flagrantly fictional, or more necessary."

Metcalfe fails to inform his readers that this conjunction of historical and literary narrative has shifted the historiographical center of gravity a continent away: toward the
idea that historical narrative is fictive narrative. Historians invent, are poets in the more fundamental form of poiesis-they create. When researchers claim that
historians engage in science, relying solely on empirical reality, such claims are positivistic:

The traditional argument would be to differentiate between factual and fictional narrations. Historical narration is usually defined as dealing only with facts and not with
fictions. This differentiation is very problematical, and finally not convincing, because the all-important sense of history lies beyond the distinction between fiction and
fact. In fact it is absolutely misleading-and arises from a good deal of hidden and suppressed positivism-to call everything in historiography fiction which is not a fact in
the sense of a hard datum.

Under the heading "Narrative Conventions in History,"ï¿½ Martin deals with this problem. Until the eighteenth century history was a branch of literature. But by the
nineteenth century, historians had abandoned rhetoric to claim scientific status. But recent explorations by Danto and Hayden White show how similar fictional and
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historical narratives are. "Louis Mink remarks that at present we have no standards or even suggestions for determining how the connections between     events  in fictional
narratives might differ from those in history."ï¿½ The strategies of narration are the same for fiction and history: "In history, Hayden White says, the tail wags the dog;
the conventions of narration determine whether or not an event under a description will be a 'fact.'"ï¿½ The return of literature directly challenges conceptions of
the sense of a hard datum.

Under the heading "Narrative Conventions in History,"ï¿½ Martin deals with this problem. Until the eighteenth century history was a branch of literature. But by the
nineteenth century, historians had abandoned rhetoric to claim scientific status. But recent explorations by Danto and Hayden White show how similar fictional and
historical narratives are. "Louis Mink remarks that at present we have no standards or even suggestions for determining how the connections between events in fictional
narratives might differ from those in history."ï¿½ The strategies of narration are the same for fiction and history: "In history, Hayden White says, the tail wags the dog;
the conventions of narration determine whether or not an event under a description will be a 'fact.'"ï¿½ The return of literature directly challenges conceptions of
history as science:

There was a time when historians thought they had escaped the "merely literary," when they thought they had established historical studies on the solid foundation of
objective method and rational argument. But recent developments in literary criticism and the philosophy of language have undermined that confidence. Now, after a
hundred-year absence, literature has returned to history, unfurling her circus silks of metaphor and allegory, misprision and aporia, trace and sign, demanding that
historians accept her mocking presence right at the heart of what they had once insisted was their own autonomous and truly scientific discipline.

An acute epistemological crisis has resulted. Orr modifies Stephen Dedalus's comment that "Historyï¿½is the nightmare from which I am trying to awake!" to "literature
is the nightmare from which history is continually trying to awake!" History's mimetic double is fiction. In the nineteenth century, upon history's discovery of its
similarity to fiction, it attempted to be more like science, originating positivistic history. But fiction keeps returning to haunt the language and house of history.
Recent cultural history has been dominated by literary criticism. This influence doesn't turn history into a version of fiction, but requires the abandonment of simplistic
representational claims:

The fictive, imaginary dimension in all accounts of events does not mean that the events did not actually happen, but it does mean that any attempt to describe events
(even as they are occurring) must rely on various forms of imagination. Furthermore, all accounts of historical realities must inevitably rely on a philosophy of history. In
other words, one cannot write history without both philosophy and fictional narratives, and one cannot simply affirm the disciplinary distinction that historians use to
separate themselves from philosophers and literary authors.

Histories are as conventionally ordered as are fictional narratives, using the same conventions.

Critics of the narrative turn tend to see opposing positions reductively; I am not collapsing history and fiction into each other. Are there reasons for preferring one
historical account to another? Yes, but those reasons are always tentative, historical, contextual, and ideological. Ideology is inescapable, but we have traditions of
evaluation, providing some critical tools in evaluating arguments. History is rhetorical. We come to complex mixtures of agreement and conflict over matters historical,
but resolution must come from within the conversation: no outside notion such as objectivity, realism, or method will resolve our conflicts. The reasons for preferring
one interpretation over another are also pragmatic: what are the results of choosing a particular interpretation? All history is presentist, but some more so. Martin is right
that the following stance is extreme:

In their emphasis on the conventional nature of realism, some recent theorists seem to imply that there is no reason to consider one fictional narrative more realistic than
another, since we have no absolute standard that would enable us to assess the accuracy of different conventions. Likewise, since history and biography are always
narrated from one or another ideological perspective, it can be argued that what they present as reality is in fact an arbitrary (conventional) view of it.ï¿½

The adoption of an "absolute standard" is the key notion here. Why draw a positivist notion into the argument and then go to the opposite extreme of relativism? The
lack of absolute standards doesn't entail the absence of standards.

This strong family resemblance between fiction and literature is threatening only if the historian keeps "rigidly defining history according to the nineteenth-century
scientific theory that posits a radical distinction between fact and philosophy or between fact and fiction." These insights from the way historical language works
reject positivism:

History, of course, cannot simply emulate fiction, because historians must deal with what actually happened in the past. According to White and LaCapra, however, the
contemporary representation of that past can and should transgress the methodological borders that our positivistic ancestors have bequeathed to the historical
profession.

Recent literary theory does attenuate the relationship between language and the "'real' world," but not in the way Metcalfe requires. Metcalfe claims a distinction
between the way "apologists" and "critical" researchers read that is undermined by the way he reads. Everyone works from assumptions-ideological assumptions-to
conclusions; Metcalfe's naive Baconian inductivism isn't supported by his sources. Metcalfe's movement from ideology, to sources, to conclusion is illustrated by his
(mis)appropriation of literary theory.

Metcalfe notes, correctly, that "recent literary theory focuses on the complex and attenuated relation between language and the 'real' world." Both recent literary
theory and recent historical theory attenuate the relationship between language and the "real" world. Most egregious of his recommendations is that readers peruse
Hayden White. Metcalfe holds to a view of "critical" history that only those who believe in religion bring ideologies to their interpretation; "critical" commentators bring
presuppositions but no ideologies and then apply neutral methods. But Metcalfe's sources claim the historian's language has a problematical relationship to reality.
Positivist historians often believe in the neutral application of methods, without preconceived ideas or ideological contamination. The distinction between "true or
empirical" narratives and "fictional" ones can't be upheld by narrative theory. Historical narrative is fictive; fictional narrative is historical:

So if we wish to demonstrate that the narrative genre as a whole refers to historicity as a whole, it is necessary to shatter the appearance of asymmetry between true
narrative and fictional narrative at the level of reference. In other words, it must be shown that all narratives make, in a certain sense, a referential claim.

The argument divides into three steps. (1) It is necessary to establish that there is more fiction in history than the positivist conception of history admits. (2) Then it must
be shown that fiction in general, and narrative fiction in particular, are more mimetic than the same positivism allows. (3) These two prior points being granted, I shall
suggest that the references of empirical narrative and fictional narrative cross upon what I provisionally called historicity or the historical condition of man.

The most important and inescapable consequence of narrative theory is its application to the historian's own position. The historian imaginatively reconstructs the
record:

For positivism, the task of history is to uncover the facts which are, as it were, buried in documents, just like, as Leibniz would have said, the statue of Hercules was
lying dormant in the veins of marble. Against the positivist conception of the historical fact, more recent epistemology emphasises the "imaginative reconstruction" which
characterises the work of the historian.

Metcalfe also recommends Auerbach and Hayden White. The following are conclusions inescapable from these theorists:
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However, the decisive step was taken when categories stemming from literary criticism, and more precisely from the semiotics of the narrative, were transferred to the
field of history. History could then be explicitly treated as a "literary artefact," and the writing of history began to be reinterpreted according to categories which were
variously called "semiotic," "symbolic" and "poetic." In this respect, the most influential works were Auerbach's Mimesis, Northrop Frye's Anatomy of Criticism and
characterises the work of the historian.

Metcalfe also recommends Auerbach and Hayden White. The following are conclusions inescapable from these theorists:

However, the decisive step was taken when categories stemming from literary criticism, and more precisely from the semiotics of the narrative, were transferred to the
field of history. History could then be explicitly treated as a "literary artefact," and the writing of history began to be reinterpreted according to categories which were
variously called "semiotic," "symbolic" and "poetic." In this respect, the most influential works were Auerbach's Mimesis, Northrop Frye's Anatomy of Criticism and
Kenneth Burke's A Grammar of Motives, to which we may add the critique of the visual arts in Gombrich's Art and Illusion and the general theory of symbolic
representation in Nelson Goodman's Languages of Art. These works have given rise to a general concept of the fictional representation of reality, the horizon of which
is sufficiently broad to encompass both the writing of history and fiction, whether the latter be literary, pictorial or plastic.

We find in the work of Hayden White a good illustration of this "poetic" approach to the writing of history.ï¿½It would remain to be shown that contemporary
historians, whose university status makes them more concerned to present themselves as "scientific" rather than "literary," lend themselves to the same analysis.
Nevertheless, what seems to me to be of general significance in White's study is his attempt to establish, initially at the level of plot, the correlation between works of
fiction and works of history.

Metcalfe's misprision of narrative theory undermines the notion that "critical" historians begin from neutral assumptions and apply neutral methods. More accurately,
narrative theory claims that all human historicity is narrative and all narrative ideological:

There does, in fact, appear to be an irreducible ideological component in every historical account of reality. That is to say, simply because history is not a science, or is
at best a protoscience with specifically determinable nonscientific elements in its constitution, the very claim to have discerned some kind of formal coherence in the
historical record brings with it theories of the nature of the historical world and of historical knowledge itself which have ideological implications for attempts to
understand "the present," however this "present" is defined.ï¿½

All history is ideological and that ideology is revealed as you analyze the historian's metaphorics and rhetoric.

Part of Metcalfe's rhetoric is the notion that "apologists" inject ideology from the beginning then find a method to support that position; ironically, this is Metcalfe's
approach in his (mis)use of literary theory.

All historical and social practices that seemed so natural are now understood for what they are: not expressions of nature but expressions of history. Some recent
rhetorical analyses of the tropes employed in the writing of history suggest, in effect, that history and fiction are interchangeable genres.

Metcalfe claims that two Book of Mormon narratives are sufficiently similar to negates historicity of the book. For Metcalfe, the representation of two kings, Noah and
Riplakish, is so similar that they must be the same character invented by the same mind: "Everything we know about the Jaredite ruler bears an analogue to the corrupt
Nephite king. These mirrorings suggest that one narrative may depend on the other, and that only one, or perhaps neither, represents a factual account of historical
events." If one uses "literary devices," one isn't writing history in this positivist scheme: "Still, allowing for a literary device, questions regarding historicity remain since
it is possible that Noah and Riplakish were actually monogamists but were portrayed as polygamists to accentuate their debauchery. If Noah and Riplakish existed
anciently, the historicity of every detail of their biographical sketches is nonetheless uncertain." Here is the positivist claim that historians don't add anything to
accounts they write, only novelists do.

It is as risky for apologists to stake claims of Book of Mormon historicity on evidence from literary studies as it is on evidence from theories of geography. In fact,
emphasis on literary phenomena may be even more precarious, since careful attention to literary features underscores the complicated relation between language and
reality. Even if one could plausibly argue for the antiquity of the Book of Mormon within this context, the historicity of every Book of Mormon person and event would
be suspect. Apologists must delineate why sacred fiction has greater religious merit when written by ancient prophets than a nineteenth-century prophet.

This last statement is a classical formulation of the positivist division of history and literature. For a positivist, the patterns in history are inherent in the events themselves
rather than part of the productive contribution of the historian. But this position can no longer be argued from contemporary historiography.

Metcalfe's sign of the literary/fictional nature of the Book of Mormon is in narrative theory a sign of all historical writing. White is the primary expositor of the idea that
writing history is a poetic act that shapes and defines the narrative, inevitably: he emphasizes how the historian's consciousness shapes the material to ends the historian
may or may not be aware of:

On this level, I believe, the historian performs an essentially poetic act, in which he prefigures the historical field and constitutes it as a domain upon which to bring to
bear the specific theories he will use to explain "what was really happening" in it.ï¿½

White isn't alone in undermining boundaries between fiction and history: "Ricoeur does not erase the distinction between literary fiction and historiography, as I have
been accused of doing, but he does scumble the line between them by insisting that both belong to the category of symbolic discourse and share a single 'ultimate
referent.'"ï¿½ That ultimate referent is a symbolic transformation of temporality. But whether by historian or novelist,

narrative discourse does not simply reflect or passively register a world already made; it works up the material given in perception and reflection, fashions it, and
creates something new, in precisely the same way that human agents by their actions fashion distinctive forms of historical life out of the world they inherit as their
past.ï¿½

Ricoeur attacks the positivist separation of historical from fictive narrative.

A robust conviction animates historians. Whatever may be said about the selective aspect of the gathering, conserving, and consulting of documents, or about their
relationship to the questions historians put to them, or even about the ideological implications of all these maneuvers, the recourse to documents does indicate a dividing
line between history and fiction. Unlike novels, historians' constructions do aim at being reconstructions of the past. Through their critical examinations of documents,
historians are subject to what once was.

Ricoeur undermines this notion: "White's recourse to tropology runs the risk of wiping out the boundary between fiction and history."

White is aware of the problem but emphasizes the historian's imagination, the historian's creative and poetic act:

With this declaration, White is not very far from what I shall consider below as the interweaving reference of fiction and history. But since he hardly shows us what is
realistic in all fiction, only the fictional side of the purported realistic representation of the world is accentuated.
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Look at Ricoeur reading White on literature and history:

But what history borrows from literature can by no means be limited to the level of composition, hence to the moment of configuration. What is borrowed also involves
With this declaration, White is not very far from what I shall consider below as the interweaving reference of fiction and history. But since he hardly shows us what is
realistic in all fiction, only the fictional side of the purported realistic representation of the world is accentuated.

Look at Ricoeur reading White on literature and history:

But what history borrows from literature can by no means be limited to the level of composition, hence to the moment of configuration. What is borrowed also involves
the representative function of the historical imagination. We learn to see a given series of events as tragic, as comic, and so on. What it is, precisely, that makes for the
perenniality of certain great historical works, whose scientific reliability has been eroded by documentary progress, is the appropriateness of their poetic art and their
rhetoric with respect to their way of "seeing" the past.

Narrative theory doesn't deny historical reference; it does, however, problematize it. How we conceive narrative is partly a function of the ideological presuppositions
we bring to stories. In a similar manner, literature can have an impact on the world; literature is doubly ideological and this is the dialectic in which we must see
narrative:

We might try to deny the problem, and take the question of the impact of literature on everyday experience as not pertinent. But then we paradoxically ratify the
positivism we generally fight against, namely, the prejudice that only a datum that is given in such a way that it can be empirically observed and scientifically described is
real. We also enclose literature with a world of its own and break off the subversive point it turns against the moral and social orders.

This narrative understanding undermines positivist positions requiring a radical break between literature and history. Positivism claims that historians don't truck in fiction
and that fiction is radically distinct from history. But for Ricoeur, and narrative theory generally, fiction and history are referential in complex and interrelated ways:

In this sense, fiction would borrow as much from history as history borrows from fiction. It is this reciprocal borrowing that authorizes my posing the problem of the
interweaving reference between history and narrative fiction. This problem can be avoided only by a positivist conception of history that would not recognize the aspect
of fiction in its reference through traces, and by an antireferential conception of literature that would not recognize the importance of the metaphorical reference in all
poetry.

The strong division between history and literature, in which the former simply reports the facts without embellishment and the latter is all invention, is a form of
positivism. This claim is essential to Metcalfe's discussion of the Book of Mormon:

Source-oriented [biblical] critics often imply that they deal in hard facts and consign "aesthetic" analysis to its fate at the none too reliable hands of the literary coterie. If
seriously entertained, this is a delusion, bearing the name of positivism with none of its excuses and facilities. There is simply nothing here to be positive about-no, or
almost no, facts concerning the sources of the Bible apart from those we ourselves make by inference from the Bible as source. The movement from text to reality
cannot but pass through interpretation.ï¿½

Sternberg devotes a long section entitled "Fiction and History" to Metcalfe's position, what Sternberg labels "positivism,"ï¿½ noting that fiction and history are always
intermingled.ï¿½ The historian engages in a fictive task, which is not to say that history and fiction are the same. For Sternberg "there are simply no universals of
historical vs. fictive form": "Nothing on the surface, that is, infallibly marks off the two genres. As modes of discourse, history and fiction make functional categories that
may remain constant under the most assorted formal variations and are distinguishable only by their overall sense of purpose."ï¿½

Alter too radically undermines the notion that literary and historical prose are two distinctively different approaches to writing: "history is far more intimately related to
fiction than we have been accustomed to assume."ï¿½ It is too simplistic either to collapse history into fiction or insist on a radical disjunction. To make the narrative
turn you must recognize a profound fictive element in history, in science, in lived experience. So when Alter calls the Bible "historicized prose fiction," this isn't a
simplistic reduction of biblical writing to novelist creation.ï¿½ An implication of Alter's narrative theory is that history is also historicized prose fiction.

Narrative theory has become deeply imbedded in historiography. We all are born into the world and inherit narratives. Some of us just make distinctions among those
narratives-labeling historical narratives as fundamentally different from mythical, legendary, or fictional narratives. Recently the New Testament has passed in some
people's minds from history to myth. Until recently, those espousing distinctions between types of stories (separating historical narratives from others based on fidelity to
external reality) actually thought the nature of the world justified such distinctions. But recently, doubt has been cast on whether historical narratives are more rational or
truthful than other narratives. While historians are trained to remind readers of the provisional nature of the historical record, they haven't been trained to remind
themselves or their readers of the fictive nature of historical writing:

In general there has been a reluctance to consider historical narratives as what they most manifestly are: verbal fictions, the contents of which are as much invented as
found and the forms of which have more in common with their counterparts in literature than they have with those in the sciences.ï¿½

The constructed nature of historical narrative works is similar to the constructed narratives of the fiction writer:

It is sometimes said that the aim of the historian is to explain the past by "finding," "identifying," or "uncovering" the "stories" that lie buried in chronicles"; and that the
difference between "history" and "fiction" resides in the fact that the historian "finds" his stories, whereas the fiction writer "invents" his. This conception of the historian's
task, however, obscures the extent to which "invention" also plays a part in the historian's operations.ï¿½

Metcalfe's ideological position deconstructs because, "History and fiction have always been notoriously porous genres, of course." Metcalfe's own sources have
pioneered the destruction of this distinction. Hayden White presents a radical challenge to positivists who claim method as a historical approach free of ideology, who
claim a history distinct from fiction:

If the distinction between history and philosophy of history had been basic to historians, the most sacred boundary of all was that between history and fiction, and
nothing outraged historians more than White's blurring of that dividing line. White did not deny that the historian dealt with events which were, in principle, observable,
and which had a specific location in time and space, while imaginative writers were not so restricted. But for him the differences between a work of history and a novel
were both less interesting and less significant than the similarities. They resembled each other not just in form, but in aim as well.

Metcalfe doesn't inform his readers because his ideology refuses to recognize that narrativist approaches seriously threaten his own metaphysics of history: "Historians
as well as philosophers came to realize that for those committed to the defense of historical objectivity, a literary or narrativist orientation was dangerous."

This narrativist historiography concludes that the ideological and the fictive contributions of the historian are closely related. White's idea that fiction and history share so
much that any attempt to drive them apart will result in failure is one resisted by most historians. Theoretically sophisticated historians have come to agree with him on
this point since he made it in 1974:
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I know that this insistence on the fictive element in all historical narratives is certain to arouse the ire of historians who believe that they are doing something
fundamentally different from the novelist, by virtue of the fact that they deal with "real," while the novelist deals with "imagined," events.ï¿½
This narrativist historiography concludes that the ideological and the fictive contributions of the historian are closely related. White's idea that fiction and history share so
much that any attempt to drive them apart will result in failure is one resisted by most historians. Theoretically sophisticated historians have come to agree with him on
this point since he made it in 1974:

I know that this insistence on the fictive element in all historical narratives is certain to arouse the ire of historians who believe that they are doing something
fundamentally different from the novelist, by virtue of the fact that they deal with "real," while the novelist deals with "imagined," events.ï¿½

This notion is an antidote to the simplistic idea that historians are ideology free. "It may be observed that if historians were to recognize the fictive element in their
narratives, this would not mean the degradation of historiography to the status of ideology or propaganda. In fact, this recognition would serve as a potent antidote to
the tendency of historians to become captive of ideological preconceptions which they do not recognize as such but honor as the 'correct' perception of 'the way things
really are.'" Instead, recognizing the fictive element in history would permit the historian to be more self-conscious about the imaginative and symbolic he or she imbues
in historical writing.

By drawing historiography nearer to its origins in literary sensibility, we should be able to identify the ideological, because it is the fictive, element in our own discourse.
We are always able to see the fictive element in those historians with whose interpretations of a given set of events we disagree; we seldom perceive that element in our
own prose. So, too, if we recognized the literary or fictive element in every historical account, we would be able to move the teaching of historiography onto a higher
level of self-consciousness than it currently occupies.ï¿½

For White, history is in a sorry state because it attempted to emulate science and forgot its roots in imagination and literature.

History's literary turn has been so dramatic over the past 30 years that Kermode's statement from 1966 is no longer true: "Nobody, so far as I know, has ever tried to
relate the theory of literary fictions to the theory of fictions in general."ï¿½ Theorists have since related literary fictions to historical fictions, as Kermode anticipates:

But that there is a simple relation between literary and other fictions seems, if one attends to it, more obvious than has appeared. If we think first of modern fictions, it
can hardly be an accident that ever since Nietzsche generalized and developed the Kantian insights, literature has increasingly asserted its right to an arbitrary and
private choice of fictional norms, just as historiography has become a discipline more devious and dubious because of our recognition that its methods depend to an
unsuspected degree on myths and fictions.ï¿½

Recognition that historical narratives are fictive poses tremendous challenges to traditionalist history. Ignorance of the fictive nature of history results in myth. Historians
subscribe to myths; the question is whether or not they will do so consciously and critically: "We have to distinguish between myths and fictions. Fictions can degenerate
into myths whenever they are not consciously held to be fictive."ï¿½ Historians lapse into mythology in refusing to hold myths such as the history/literature dichotomy
as fictive.

Kermode's position was prescient and anticipated much of what White, LaCapra, and Kellner say today; but it wasn't commonplace in the 1960s:

The recognition, now commonplace, that the writing of history involves the use of regulative fictions, is part of the same process. World history, the imposition of a plot
on time, is a substitute for myth.ï¿½The decline of paradigmatic history, and our growing consciousness of historiography's irreducible element of fiction, are, like the
sophistication of literary plotting, contributions to what Wild called "the decay lying." We fall into "careless habits of accuracy."ï¿½

Resorting to narrative is to complicate (not deny or denigrate) the concept of accuracy itself.

  Ibid., 168.

  Jane Caplan, "Postmodernism, Poststructuralism, and Deconstruction: Notes for Historians," Central European History 22 (September-December 1989): 260-61.

  Wallace Martin, Recent Theories of Narrative (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 182.

  Nancy F. Partner, "Making Up Lost Time: Writing on the Writing of History," Speculum 61 (1986): 97.

  Martin, Recent Theories of Narrative, 7.

  Simon Schama, Dead Certainties (Unwarranted Speculations) (New York: Knopf, 1991), 306.

  Ibid., 322.

  Partner, "Making Up Lost Time," 102.

  Jï¿½rn Rï¿½sen, "Historical Narration: Foundation, Types, Reason," History and Theory Beiheft 26 (1987): 87.

  Ibid., 89.

  Martin, Recent Theories of Narrative, 71-75.

  Ibid., 73.

  Ibid., 74.

  David Harlan, "Intellectual History and the Return of Literature," American Historical Review 94 (1989): 581.

  Linda Orr, "The Revenge of Literature: A History of History," New Literary History 18 (1986): 1-2.

  Ibid., 3.

  Ibid., 5.

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  Lloyd S. (c) 2005-2009,
           Kramer,         Infobase
                   "Literature,       Media
                                Criticism, andCorp.                                                                                          Page
                                               Historical Imagination: The Literary Challenge of Hayden White and Dominick LaCapra," in The New    463History,
                                                                                                                                                Cultural / 919
ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 97-98.
  Ibid., 3.

  Ibid., 5.

  Lloyd S. Kramer, "Literature, Criticism, and Historical Imagination: The Literary Challenge of Hayden White and Dominick LaCapra," in The New Cultural History,
ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 97-98.

  Ibid., 101-2.

  Martin, Recent Theories of Narrative, 79.

  Kramer, "Literature, Criticism, and Historical Imagination," 102.

  Ibid., 107.

  Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions," 168 n. 48.

  Paul Ricoeur, "The Narrative Function," in Hermeneutics and the Human Sciences, ed. John B. Thompson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 289.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 290.

  Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), 21.

  David Tracy, Plurality and Ambiguity: Hermeneutics, Religion, Hope (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1987), 36.

  Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions," 170.

  Ibid., 170-71.

  Ibid., 171.

  White, Metahistory, x.

  Hayden White, The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 175.

  Ibid., 178.

  Paul Ricoeur, Time and Narrative, trans. Kathleen Blamey and David Pellauer, 3 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984-88), 3:142-43.

  Ibid., 154.

  Ibid., 311 n. 39.

  Ibid., 185-86.

  Ibid., 1:79.

  Ibid., 82.

  Meir Sternberg, The Poetics of Biblical Narrative: Ideological Literature and the Drama of Reading (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 16.

  Ibid., 23-35.

  Ibid., 26-28.

  Ibid., 30.

  Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic, 1981), 24.

  Ibid., 24.

   John Passmore, "Narratives and Events," History and Theory Beiheft 26 (1987): 69.

  Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 82.

  White, Metahistory, 6-7.

  Linda Hutcheon, "'The Pasttime of Past Time': Fiction, History, Historiographic Metafiction," in Postmodern Genres, ed. Marjorie Perloff (Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 1988), 56.

   Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 600.

  Ibid., 624.
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  White, Tropics of Discourse, 98.

  Ibid., 99.
   Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 600.

  Ibid., 624.

  White, Tropics of Discourse, 98.

  Ibid., 99.

  Frank Kermode, The Sense of an Ending: Studies in the Theory of Fiction (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 36.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 39.

  Ibid., 43.

Recurrence in History

Metcalfe claims that thematic recurrence can mean a denial of historicity, but this non sequitur requires further examination. Lehi and his party leave Jerusalem and travel
three days. The three day's journey is an exodus motif; consequently, the text surrenders referential claims for Metcalfe:

The length of the journey (three days) seems to depend on a literary motif from Exodus. Given this dependence, one wonders how Sorenson can confidently identify
the lengths of other Book of Mormon migrations, which may also be motific or symbolic rather than literal, especially when points of departure and arrival are not
known. In other words, the specific details of a history are at worst compromised by, and at best are always filtered through, literary forms and conventions as well as
linguistic structures.

All history is in question if literary forms, conventions, and linguistic structures are fictional signs. The unstated assumption is that conventionality mitigates the historical
claims of a narrative:

Why should the presence of convention preclude reference to reality? The truth is almost exactly converse. All reference to reality (including pointing with the finger) is
conventionally ordered. Language is an immensely rich system of conventions and is the best means we have of referring to the real.

This statement is representative of a broad challenge to simplistic mimetic principles. Alter develops a framework for understanding allusion, the tradition, and the
conventions by which reality is shaped by heritage. The Bible is a most allusive text and this allusiveness explains the resort to exodus terminology.

Such promiscuous borrowing occurs again and again in literary history not because of any poverty of imagination but rather because the language in which the literary
imagination speaks is constituted by all the antecedent literary works available to the writer.

How one reads that tradition is crucial to understanding predecession, the anxiety of influence, canon.

For Alter, Joshua's river crossing not only builds on the Reed Sea story, but also develops subtle allusion to other narratives: the hiding of Moses in the ark, the story of
the spies. The complex allusive weave depends on readers being as culturally literate as the writer. Metcalfe's "method" of interpreting repetition in narrative is not
only contrary to current literary theory but is also just another regurgitation of the positivist claim that the historian reports events as they really happened.

I will raise the issue of recurrence using the exodus theme. Metcalfe doesn't tell his readers that if you accept his proposition, you would not only have to reject the
historical claims of the Book of Mormon but also the Bible and virtually all other ancient writing. Metcalfe's principle is ethnocentric, anachronistic, and presentist by
insisting that all narrative, ancient and modern, be governed by his own philosophy of history.

I will comment a little on the pervasiveness of the exodus theme in the Bible. If you take up Metcalfe's position, then you have to explain why you are applying these
principles exclusively to the Book of Mormon. Just how recurrent is the exodus theme in the Bible?

At one time I planned to write on Patterns of Deliverance in the Bible, believing that there must be several of about equal eminence. I soon discovered that there was
none remotely comparable to the exodus. That epic stands out in imposing its presuppositions and categories on others. Of course, different patterns do exist, but they
are very minor in comparison. At first sight one would think that such a general one as that dominant in the book of Judges must be independent: calamity befalls the
children of Israel when they turn from God, but he relents when they "cry" to him. From that phraseology alone, however, it is obvious that even here the exodus is
serving as model: God had been moved by the "cry" of those oppressed in Egypt.

How many biblical stories would you brand as products of the same mind and fictional because they match the exodus pattern? (1) Abraham's departure from
Mesopotamia, (2) Jacob's encounter with Laban, (3) the Philistine capture and return of the ark, (4) the series of oppressions and deliverances in Judges, (5) the return
from Babylonian captivity, (6) Esther's near escape with her people from a pogrom, (7) Jesus' status as a new Moses, (8) Paul's portrayal of the Christian experience
as a new exodus, with baptism representing the passage through the Red Sea, (9) the repetition of the exodus in the book of Hebrews. Dozens more are possible.

Biblical believers have seen exoduses being reenacted in their own lives: that is, until Christians and Jews were converted to a religion called modernity and then
mistook these typological exercises to be mere literary tropes:

In the Bible, however, the matrix for allusion is often a sense of absolute historical continuity and recurrence, or an assumption that earlier events and figures are timeless
ideological models by which all that follows can be measured. Since many of the biblical writers saw history as a pattern of cyclical repetition of events, there are
abundant instances of this first category of allusion.

Alter focuses on the Joshua story as a repetition of the Israelites' passage from Egypt. A sophisticated approach to the text sees in the narrative parallel an
intentional, artful effect. Metcalfe dismisses the Book of Mormon for having a hermeneutic it must have if the writers were Hebraic. Metcalfe's gaffes about literary
concerns are evident: "Attention to other literary forms and structures can be similarly problematic. One striking literary phenomenon in the Book of Mormon is the
instance of narratives which mirror each other." Metcalfe refers to the similarities between the Noah and Riplakish narratives:

B. H. Roberts's contention that storyline repetitions may simply be evidence of Joseph Smith's "amateurishness" is too simplistic. The Book of Mormon and other
Mormon scriptures espouse a radically cyclical view of history in which clandestine brotherhoods, theology, heresy, conversion, apostasy, ritual, socio-economics,
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politics, and(c)
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antebellum thought is seen as a reverberation of former ideas revealed by God, the devil, or humankind.
instance of narratives which mirror each other."      Metcalfe refers to the similarities between the Noah and Riplakish narratives:

B. H. Roberts's contention that storyline repetitions may simply be evidence of Joseph Smith's "amateurishness" is too simplistic. The Book of Mormon and other
Mormon scriptures espouse a radically cyclical view of history in which clandestine brotherhoods, theology, heresy, conversion, apostasy, ritual, socio-economics,
politics, and so on are repeating facets of human existence. From this perspective the Book of Mormon accommodates nineteenth-century theology precisely because
antebellum thought is seen as a reverberation of former ideas revealed by God, the devil, or humankind.

By now, you are unlikely to take anything solely on Metcalfe's authority. You are hardly likely to accept Metcalfe's claims when appealing to authorities because he
cites texts to support his position that more realistically have to be read in opposition.

So what do we do with Metcalfe's claim that the Book of Mormon precisely accommodates Joseph Smith's environment? What is the source of this cyclical view of
history so prevalent in nineteenth-century America?

Biblical belief, like other belief systems (including positivism), imposes a particular epistemology and ontology on the believer (some epistemologies and ontologies are
more flexible than others, but that seems a different essay). Biblical belief requires a typological commitment. Because the Bible overwhelmingly emphasizes repetition,
Puritans, African slaves, Mormons, and many others saw history repeating itself in their own experiences. More important, Metcalfe surely can't be ignorant of the
fact that recurrence dominates the biblical milieu. His sources emphasize this repetitive quality as do many of the studies Metcalfe criticizes. Many sources affirm
biblical repetition:

The Deuteronomic history affords some pertinent examples of how given actions (usually taken to be of real significance) have been repeated later in the deeds of
others. In Joshua, for instance, the Jordan crossing was consciously likened to the Exodus and the traversing of the Red Sea (Josh. iv 23, and see verses 6, 7, 21, cf.
Deut. vi 20; Exod. xii 26-27), and Joshua came to possess the attributes of a "second Moses." We are meant to recognize, too, that the first crossing of the Jordan was
later re-enacted by Elijah and Elisha, who both struck the water with a mantle (2 Kgs ii 8, 14). The interesting Captivity-Exodus motif also makes an appearance. This
motif was present in prophetic works at the time of the Exile, when a disaster comparable to the Egyptian bondage had occurred.

The cyclical quality of biblical historiography isn't restricted to just the Pentateuch. Trompf notes the Chronicler's view of history as recurrent, and the positivist
attitude proclaiming historians shouldn't be involved in the conceptual shaping of the material just doesn't apply to biblical writers:

Thus when the Chronicler wished to suggest that older actions or activities were re-enacted in more recent times, and when he adjusted his description of older events
to strengthen the desired impression, he was doing history as he understood it and his disclosure of significances in events was integral to his historiographical enterprise,
and was not just passing theological reflection over and above his narrative.

Admittedly one should be cautious here. It is all very well to write off parallelisms, correspondences or even re-enactment in the Chronicler's history, but was he really
concerned with historical recurrence? Were his chief concerns really rather different-to legitimate certain post-exilic cultic offices (von Rad), or to illustrate religious
continuity between the monarchical and restoration periods (Ackroyd), or to write a series of midrashim on the Hexateuch (Gouldner)? Certainly his sense of
precedence and continuity cannot be denied, but why should we suppose that such a sense automatically excludes notions of historical repetition? We moderns, of
course, tend to treat parallelism, foreshadowing and the like as a rather anaemic variation on the recurrence idea, suggesting the loosest, least precise of repetitions. We
may even want to argue that once we include parallelism under the umbrella of recurrence then the idea of recurrence has become too broad to be meaningful. But can
we impose our logical distinctions on archaic minds which share a different conceptual framework? The ancient historian usually worked out such correspondences,
however allusively, with the utmost seriousness; they brought cohesion and deep significance to his narrative qua history.

The repetitive quality of biblical narrative is most notable when two narratives are seemingly versions of the same event, Metcalfe's charge against the Book of Mormon:

The two most distinctively biblical uses of repeated action are when we are given two versions of the same event when the same event, with minor variations, occurs at
different junctures of the narrative, usually involving different characters or sets of characters.ï¿½The recurrence of the same event-the sameness being definable as a
fixed sequence of narrative motifs which, however, may be presented in a variety of ways and sometimes with ingenious variations-is what I have called "type-scene,"
and it constitutes a central organizing convention of biblical narrative.ï¿½

Zakovitch uses the same terminology as Metcalfe-mirrorings and repetitions-but to quite different effect, with a more sophisticated textual theory:

I will examine the narrators' use of covert allusions to other narratives known to them and to their audience; specifically, instances where the biblical narrator shaped a
character, or his or her actions, as the antithesis of a character in another narrative and that character's actions. The new creation awakens in the reader undeniable
associations to the source story; the relationship between the new narrative and its source is like that between an image and its mirrored reflection: the reflection inverts
the storyline of the original narrative. Thus, the discerning reader, considering the implicit relation between the two narratives-the original and its reflection-and observing
how the new character behaves contrary to the character upon which he or she is modeled, will evaluate the new hero in light of the model, both with regard to the
action and the lack of action. In addition, the comparison created between the two stories sheds new light on the source story and its protagonist.

I call these "inverted" stories reflection stories.

Zakovitch concludes his examination of how some Genesis stories reverberate throughout the Bible by claiming that reading biblical literature with some canonical
consciousness is essential; the stories are meant to refer to each other, and only the most inadequate readers assume a simplistic relationship between narrative
analogies:

In contrast to what we have been taught by biblical scholars in the past who isolated literary units and analyzed them with no interest in their canonical content, one
realizes that the biblical narrators did not function in a cultural-literary vacuum but constructed their stories in dialogue with existing compositions known to their
audience. The narrators propound a riddle to their readers, from whom they expect a high level of sophistication-a reader who absorbs the links and discerns the
relationships between stories and their sources and who will take note of the contrasts between protagonists of the stories. The biblical narrator expects readers to
become active partners, leaving to them the job of evaluating characters but equipping them with an important (though covert) tool: the reflection story. I invite all
students of the Bible to place the phenomenon of reflection stories on their agendas.

Metcalfe charges Joseph Smith with reflecting a biblical notion rather than a modern one and the presence of that biblical mentality in the Book of Mormon is evidence
of the book's modern origin. It is a mind-boggling argument.

So if the idea of recurrence in antebellum America were adequately developed, we would say that antebellum Puritans, Mormons, and black slaves had a better
understanding of the Bible and biblical ontology than does Metcalfe; just because events are related to traditional themes doesn't mean they are nonhistorical.

To argue that recurrence in the Book of Mormon could only come from antebellum America requires more discussion. Scholarship overwhelmingly contradicts his
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position. If "reverberations" in antebellum America derive from the Bible, then Metcalfe has a much more difficult task; if such recurrence exists in all cultures revering
the Bible, how can Metcalfe single out one (antebellum America) as the source? Simply, Metcalfe commits himself to that position as an ideological presupposition and
then casts about for a method to support that commitment.
So if the idea of recurrence in antebellum America were adequately developed, we would say that antebellum Puritans, Mormons, and black slaves had a better
understanding of the Bible and biblical ontology than does Metcalfe; just because events are related to traditional themes doesn't mean they are nonhistorical.

To argue that recurrence in the Book of Mormon could only come from antebellum America requires more discussion. Scholarship overwhelmingly contradicts his
position. If "reverberations" in antebellum America derive from the Bible, then Metcalfe has a much more difficult task; if such recurrence exists in all cultures revering
the Bible, how can Metcalfe single out one (antebellum America) as the source? Simply, Metcalfe commits himself to that position as an ideological presupposition and
then casts about for a method to support that commitment.

We have finally agreed: a "radically cyclical view of history" was present in antebellum America. For Metcalfe, this can only mean that Joseph Smith absorbed it from
his culture; a cyclical view of history is helpful to a novelist because you can recycle old plots. But must repetitions of the exodus pattern mean that the stories are
fictional or the product of the same mind, as Metcalfe requires?

Think of some Americans who subscribed to typology. Puritans modeled their migration on the exodus. The exodus theme was constant in their daily life.
Presumably, Puritans were fictional characters and their historical accounts in which they use exodus typology novelistic inventions.

Walzer notes a typological exodus reenactment in a 1960 sermon. The preacher "acted out" a type of the Hebrews in slavery, relating it to the congregation's own
experience with American apartheid. He was at the time studying the exodus as a type in the Puritan Revolution. He cites Oliver Cromwell who called the exodus "the
only parallel of God's dealing with us that I know in the world." Cromwell also warned against the return to Egyptian slavery that would constitute a restoration of the
monarchy. Since that sermon, Walzer has "found the Exodus almost everywhere."

If the Puritans had developed a different notion of typology (Luther's is the example Lowance gives) they would not have had the resources with which to develop a
"sense of continuity between their own mission and Old Israel's Exodus from Egypt." Since the reformation, Protestants were urged to view their lives as typological
reenactments of biblical events.

Metcalfe's principle would also turn the slavery of millions of Africans and their descendants into a mere novelistic plot structure. But their notion of recurrence resulted
from a typological identification across time and culture with the Israelites. The relationship between language and historical event is too complex for such principles.

Some spirituals were codes for black aspirations.      These slaves sang of Israel's exodus and put themselves in the place of the escaped slaves.        For the slaves,

Songs based on Old Testament stories were not simply a source of comfort and identification; they were in fact spiritual vehicles by means of which enslaved Africans
transported themselves into the actual experience of the Israelites in bondage, utilizing biblical accounts of ultimate victory to sustain their parallel visions of victory in
America.

The exodus has a protean quality for all oppressed people, but the more similar the circumstances, the more effective the identification. It wasn't the Bible in general that
the slaves typologically relived, but the exodus:

But the preeminent relevance of the Old Testament for blacks, as many of the most famous spirituals bear witness, was found in the story of the Exodus. The Egyptian
captivity of the people of Israel, their miraculous deliverance from the hands of the pharaohs, and their eventual possession of the land promised by God to their
ancestors-this was the inspiration to which the black believer so often turned in the dark night of the soul.

Whenever the Judeo-Christian tradition is made known to an oppressed people, the scenario of election, captivity, and liberation in the Old Testament seems to have a
special appeal. The story of the deliverance of Israel from slavery has always been understood as the prototype of racial and nationalistic redemption-the divine
revelation of the transhistorical meaning of historical experience.

These slaves relived the Israelite experience,     but nobody would consign that life to fictional status.

No historian would consign the lives of millions of slaves to fiction just because they thought typologically; if you dismissed events grounded in typology, you would
dismiss as fictional virtually all history written before the eighteenth century. You can disagree with the philosophy of history buttressing biblical typology: but you
would have put at risk your own historical presuppositions as products of particular historical circumstances.

Other Americans saw Old Testament history repeating itself in their own circumstances. The exodus archetype structured the Latter-day Saints' journey to the Great
Basin. A strong typological connection existed between biblical Israel's exodus and the Mormon exodus. Recurrence, like the historically linear positivism of
Metcalfe, is an idea the historian brings with him or her, a strategy of emplotment the historian uses to derive meaning from history. You can critique a typological view
of history only from within some other view of history.

  Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions," 161-62.

  Robert Alter, The Pleasures of Reading in an Ideological Age (New York: Touchstone, 1989), 54, citing A. D. Nutall's The New Mimesis.

  Ibid., 113.

  Ibid., 116-19.

  David Daube, The Exodus Pattern in the Bible (London: Faber and Faber, 1963), 11-12.

  Robert Alter, The World of Biblical Literature (New York: Basic Books, 1992), 117.

  Ibid., 117-23.

  Ibid., 123-24.

  Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions," 169.

  Ibid., 169 n. 51.

  I can easily recall a number of other groups who saw the exodus repeated in their lives: Dutch reformers under the control of Spain, French Huguenots during the
wars of religion,
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                                          Africa,Corp.
                                                 liberation theologians.                                                                         Page 467 / 919
  I provided bibliographic information for this position about the biblical conception of history in my master's thesis (Alan Goff, "A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts:
Historicism, Revisionism, Positivism, and the Bible and the Book of Mormon" [master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1989], 171-87). Metcalfe has apparently
  Ibid., 169 n. 51.

  I can easily recall a number of other groups who saw the exodus repeated in their lives: Dutch reformers under the control of Spain, French Huguenots during the
wars of religion, Boer settlers in South Africa, liberation theologians.

   I provided bibliographic information for this position about the biblical conception of history in my master's thesis (Alan Goff, "A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts:
Historicism, Revisionism, Positivism, and the Bible and the Book of Mormon" [master's thesis, Brigham Young University, 1989], 171-87). Metcalfe has apparently
read this thesis (Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions" 155 n. 7) but chooses not to cite that rather large literature that would undermine his ideological point.
In Michael Quinn's terminology, this would make Metcalfe a "dishonest apologist," for Quinn claims: "Contrary to Honey and Peterson, writers are certainly 'dishonest
or bad historians' if they fail to acknowledge the existence of even one piece of evidence they know challenges or contradicts the rest of their evidence. If this omission
of relevant evidence is inadvertent, the author is careless. If the omission is an intentional effort to conceal or avoid presenting the reader with evidence that contradicts
the preferred view of the writer, that is fraud whether by a scholar or a non-scholar, historian or other specialist. If authors write in a scholarly style, they are equally
dishonest if they fail to acknowledge any significant work whose interpretations differ from their own." D. Michael Quinn, "Introduction," in D. Michael Quinn, ed., The
New Mormon History: Revisionist Essays on the Past (Salt Lake City: Signature, 1992), xiii n. 5.

  G. W. Trompf, "Notions of Historical Recurrence in Classical Hebrew Historiography," in Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament, ed. J. A. Emerton
(Leiden: Brill, 1979), 214.

  Ibid., 215.

  Ibid., 218-19.

  Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative, 181.

  Yair Zakovitch, "Through the Looking Glass: Reflections/Inversions of Genesis Stories in the Bible," Biblical Interpretation 1/2 (July 1993): 139.

  Ibid., 151-52.

  Avihu Zakai, Exile and Kingdom: History and Apocalypse in the Puritan Migration to America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 65-66.

  Ursula Brumm, American Thought and Religious Typology (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1970), 46-47.

  Michael Walzer, Exodus and Revolution (New York: Basic, 1985), 3-4.

  Ibid., 4.

  Mason I. Lowance, Jr., The Language of Canaan: Metaphor and Symbol in New England from the Puritans to the Transcendentalists (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1980), 27.

  Barbara K. Lewalski, Protestant Poetics and the Seventeenth-Century Religious Lyric (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 131.

   James H. Cone, The Spirituals and the Blues: An Interpretation (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1972), 32-33.

  Arthur C. Jones, Wade in the Water: The Wisdom of the Spirituals (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1993), 44.

  Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion: The "Invisible Institution" in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 249.

  Jones, Wade in the Water, 42-43; cf. Raboteau, Slave Religion, 250.

  Gayraud S. Wilmore, Black Religion and Black Radicalism, 2nd ed. (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1983), 37.

  Raboteau, Slave Religion, 311.

  Norman F. Cantor and Richard I. Schneider, How to Study History (New York: Crowell, 1967), 58-60.

   James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976), 223. Eugene England, Brother Brigham (Salt Lake
City: Bookcraft, 1980), 102-7.

  Leonard J. Arrington and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-day Saints (New York: Vintage, 1979), 96. Jan Shipps, Mormonism: The
Story of a New Religious Tradition (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), 81.

Exodus in Mosiah

Metcalfe selects only a few exodus elements from the Book of Mormon to support his position that any "literary" elements indicate a fictional text. Being selective has
the advantage of not requiring a sophisticated reading. If the exodus elements in the Book of Mormon are pervasive, does that strengthen Metcalfe's case that the book
is a novel? But any biblical milieu, any biblical ontology requires exodus patterns. Metcalfe places the Book of Mormon in a double-bind: (1) if the book demonstrates
exodus patterns, it is fiction or (2) if the book doesn't exhibit exodus patterns, then it isn't genuinely Hebraic. But there are more sophisticated ways of reading complex
texts:

Whether viewed positivistically or seen as an inspired text, the Bible is the beginning of a trajectory leading toward full freedom and equality for all persons. This
movement has its initial historical stimulus, perhaps, in the Exodus, the liberation of Hebrew slaves from Egyptian bondage. This event, which they saw as divinely
caused, has served as a model for ancient Israel and its heirs, Judaism, Christianity and Islam-a model for interpreting subsequent events such as the repeated
deliverances of Israel and of the Jewish people, the "exodus" of Jesus (for that is what Luke 9:31 calls his death) and the hegira of Muhammed. It has also served as a
model of conduct: "You shall not oppress a resident alien; you know the heart of an alien, for you were aliens in the land of Egypt" (Ex. 23:9).

ICopyright
 will restrict(c)
               my2005-2009,
                  analysis to the Zeniff Media
                              Infobase   narrative. Nephi consciously reenacts the exodus in his departure from Jerusalem.
                                                 Corp.                                                                         So too, when Zeniff leads Nephites into the
                                                                                                                                                       Page 468 / 919
wilderness reclaiming the land of Nephi, he overtly recalls the language of Nephi:

Nephi Zeniff
caused, has served as a model for ancient Israel and its heirs, Judaism, Christianity and Islam-a model for interpreting subsequent events such as the repeated
deliverances of Israel and of the Jewish people, the "exodus" of Jesus (for that is what Luke 9:31 calls his death) and the hegira of Muhammed. It has also served as a
model of conduct: "You shall not oppress a resident alien; you know the heart of an alien, for you were aliens in the land of Egypt" (Ex. 23:9).

I will restrict my analysis to the Zeniff narrative. Nephi consciously reenacts the exodus in his departure from Jerusalem.    So too, when Zeniff leads Nephites into the
wilderness reclaiming the land of Nephi, he overtly recalls the language of Nephi:

Nephi Zeniff

I, Nephi, I, Zeniff,
a. having been born of a. having been taught in all THE
goodly parents, LANGUAGE OF THE
b. therefore I was taught NEPHITES, and
somewhat in all the a. having had a knowledge of
the learning of my father; land of Nephi, or of
and the land of our fathers'
a. having seen many afflictions first inheritance, and
in the course of my a. having been sent as a spy
days, nevertheless, among the Lamanites that I
a. having been highly favored might spy out their forces,
of the Lord in all my days; that our army might come
yea, upon them and destroy
a. having had a great knowledge them-but when
of the goodness I saw that which was good
and the mysteries of God, among them I was desirous
b. therefore I make a record that they should not
of my proceedings in my be destroyed.
days. b. Therefore, I contended
b. Yea, I make a record in with my brethren in the
THE LANGUAGE OF MY wilderness (Mosiah 9:
FATHER (1 Ne. 1:1-2) 1-2)

This archaizing approach invokes Nephi's exodus as a frame for Zeniff's. Nephi's beautifully balanced first sentence set up by both pronoun and noun followed by four
absolute clauses before the sentence hurries on to its conclusion is a gorgeously written periodic sentence in English. The three absolute clauses conclude with the
sentence adverb therefore, adding emphasis to the three clauses individually and in parallel. Zeniff has constructed a similar sentence that through indirection in the third
absolute clause gets lost in the wilderness of grammar as Zeniff does in the narrative (Mosiah 9:4). Moreover, Nephi uses his four absolute clauses to praise God,
which naturally leads to the conclusion (therefore) that he should keep a record of God's saving acts.

Zeniff's record is deliberately archaizing, but so is the surrounding text. When Limhi hears from the Zarahemla colony, he invokes not only the Israelite exodus, but also
the exodus of Nephi out of Jerusalem-as parallel cases of God's salvation, for God will do the same for them:

Therefore, lift up your heads, and rejoice, and put your trust in God, in that God who was the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob; and also, that God who brought
the children of Israel out of the land of Egypt, and caused that they should walk through the Red Sea on dry ground, and fed them with manna that they might not perish
in the wilderness; and many more things did he do for them.

And again, that same God has brought our fathers out of the land of Jerusalem, and has kept and preserved his people even until now; and behold, it is because of our
iniquities and abominations that he has brought us into bondage. (Mosiah 7:19-20)

Zeniff's three absolute clauses move the narrative forward, but to violence and war; like Nephi, Zeniff ends up contending "with [his] brethren in the
wilderness" (Mosiah 9:2).

While spy stories are common in the Deuteronomistic history (Judges 7:9-15;18:1-10, 14, 17; Joshua 2:1-24;6:25;7:2; 2 Sam. 10:3), this spying out of the land evokes
the twelve spies Moses sent to survey the land (Num. 13). Moses enjoins his spies to discover if the land is "good or bad" (Num. 13:19). Zeniff wants to inhabit the
land rather than destroy the current inhabitants because he "saw that which was good among them [and] I was desirous that they should not be destroyed" (Mosiah
9:1). God saw that which was good in the creation and saw in the new creation of a chosen people a new, but similar genesis: when Moses is born his mother looks on
him and pronounces him good (Ex. 2:2). The connection between Moses' birth and the creation was seen by the rabbis long ago. Documentary critics note the
combination of the word to see and the pronouncement that the object seen is good is present in both passages: "in the spirit of good creation, the author of Ex. 2:10
borrows the words of Genesis." Similarly in the Zeniff story, "when I saw that which was good among them [the Lamanites] I was desirous that they should not be
destroyed" (Mosiah 9:1).

Seeing something good (kï¿½ tï¿½b) occurs six times in the creation and again in the story of Adam and Eve (Gen. 3:6), when the nephilim look on the daughters of
men (kï¿½ tï¿½b) (Gen. 6:2), when Moses' mother sees that he is good (kï¿½ tï¿½b), and the phrase appears twice in Joseph story (Gen. 40:16 and 49:15). As you
might expect with such parallels, Kikawada and Quinn see the Joseph story as parallel to the primeval history, particularly the Babel story; in both stories a "dispersion
or exodus" results. Already, the destiny of the Zeniff colony is foreshadowed.

Zeniff negotiates for possession of the land. They till the ground and "did begin to multiply and prosper in the land" (Mosiah 9:9), just as the children of Israel did in
Egypt, for "the children of Israel were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceedingly mighty; and the land was filled with them" (Ex. 1:7).
This causes the Lamanite king to "grow uneasy" (Mosiah 9:11). Just as the new king of Egypt grows uneasy, saying, "Behold, the people of the children of Israel are
more and mightier than we" (Ex. 1:9).

Stratagem must be resorted to "lest by any means my people should wax strong in the land, and that they [the Lamanites] could not overpower them and bring them
into bondage" (Mosiah 9:11). So also with the Egyptian king, "let us deal wisely with them; lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there falleth out any war,
they join also unto our enemies" (Ex. 1:10). The exodus story is connected to the Babel story. Pharaoh's deception is matched in the Zeniff story: "Come let us deal
shrewdly with them, lest they multiply." In Babel the people say "let us build a city and a tower whose top is in the sky, let us make a name, lest we be scattered upon
the face of the whole earth." Likewise, in Zeniff's story, the king of the Lamanites "began to grow uneasy, lest by any means my people should wax strong in the
land" (Mosiah 9:11). "This particular grammatical structure-habah + cohortative + 'lest'-seems to occur only one other place in the whole Bible," in the Babel story.
So while Pharaoh "deals wisely" with the Israelites, the Lamanite king also has a plan to bring the Zeniffites into bondage (Mosiah 9:10).
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The inevitable hostilities soon follow. Zeniff recounts the conflict in technical exodus terminology: "In the strength of the Lord did we go forth to battle against the
Lamanites; for I and my people did cry mightily to the Lord that he would deliver us out of the hands of our enemies, for we were awakened to a remembrance of the
shrewdly with them, lest they multiply." In Babel the people say "let us build a city and a tower whose top is in the sky, let us make a name, lest we be scattered upon
the face of the whole earth." Likewise, in Zeniff's story, the king of the Lamanites "began to grow uneasy, lest by any means my people should wax strong in the
land" (Mosiah 9:11). "This particular grammatical structure-habah + cohortative + 'lest'-seems to occur only one other place in the whole Bible," in the Babel story.
So while Pharaoh "deals wisely" with the Israelites, the Lamanite king also has a plan to bring the Zeniffites into bondage (Mosiah 9:10).

The inevitable hostilities soon follow. Zeniff recounts the conflict in technical exodus terminology: "In the strength of the Lord did we go forth to battle against the
Lamanites; for I and my people did cry mightily to the Lord that he would deliver us out of the hands of our enemies, for we were awakened to a remembrance of the
deliverance of our fathers" (Mosiah 9:17). Their circumstances recall previous acts of deliverance. The people cry and the Lord "hears" (Mosiah 9:18). The pattern is
an exodus pattern:

And it came to pass in process of time, that the king of Egypt died: and the children of Israel sighed by reason of the bondage, and they cried, and their cry came up
unto God by reason of the bondage.

And God heard their groaning, and remembered his covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and with Jacob. (Exodus 2:23-24)

Sometimes the term mosï¿½ac is used ("but there is no mosï¿½ac") in the context of the cry for help. Sometimes it is used without the connection to the cry. Many
times the cry is heard and the Lord sends a mosï¿½ac.

This pattern of captivity/cry/deliverance reverberates throughout the Bible: "We often hear the 'cry' of the children of Israel.ï¿½It occurs in the story itself, in the
references to the story and in other stories fashioned on the exodus." When the Zeniffites are in peril, they cry, God hears, and God delivers.

The cry to Yahweh is also important to the Deuteronomist. In spite of Israel's sinning since the time of Joshua, their destruction could nevertheless be averted by the cry
to Yahweh. Judges 3:7-11 is paradigmatic of the Judges pattern. It introduces individual stories of deliverance:

And the children of Israel did evil in the sight of the Lord, and forgat the Lord their God, and served Baalim and the groves.

Therefore the anger of the Lord was hot against Israel, and he sold them into the hand of Chushan-rishathaim king of Mesopotamia: and the children of Israel served
Chushan-rishathaim eight years.

And when the children of Israel cried unto the Lord, the Lord raised up a deliverer to the children of Israel, who delivered them, even Othniel the son of Kenaz, Caleb's
younger brother. (Judges 3:7-9)

This time, the Zeniffites are delivered from captivity. But the Judges pattern is one of continuing cycles of wickedness and the need for further mosiahs. Following hard
upon this deliverance, the circumstances change.

Just as the change from welcome aliens in Egypt to unwelcome strangers results in the state slavery of the Israelites, the Zeniffites too go from freedom to slavery. For
22 years peace persists. But conditions deteriorate with a change in kingship (Mosiah 10:6). This situation is parallel to the arising of a "new king over Egypt, which
knew not Joseph" (Ex. 1:8).

The exodus pattern is also explicit in the penalties Abinadi pronounces. Just as the Philistines suffer plagues (1 Samuel 5:6-11;6:4, 6), just as the Egyptians suffer
plagues (Exodus 8-9), the Zeniffites too experience plagues (Mosiah 12:4-7). Some of these pestilences conjure exodus parallels.

The exodus typology of plagues and pestilence also prefigures events. Genesis 13:1-2 has Abram departing Egypt with cattle, gold, and silver. This occurs after God
has sent a plague on Pharaoh's house, just as the Israelites departed Egypt with gold and silver jewelry after God sent a plague. Plagues are necessary ingredients in
departures from Egypt wherever they occur.

Abinadi also must reteach Noah and his priests the law of Moses because none knows or teaches it (Mosiah. 12:26-37). Abinadi is a new Moses come down to
reassert the law of Moses in a crucial time in Nephite history. Nephi not only invokes Moses and the exodus (1 Nephi 17:40-42) and accuses his brothers of rebelling
against him as the Israelites did against Moses; Abinadi does as well. Nephi, like Moses come from the mountain, is "filled with the power of God" (1 Ne. 17:48). His
brothers retreat in fear. So too Abinadi invokes the Moses model and the contestants dare not touch him: "Now it came to pass after Abinadi had spoken these words
that the people of king Noah durst not lay their hands on him, for the Spirit of the Lord was upon him; and his face shone with exceeding luster, even as Moses' did
while in the mount of Sinai, while speaking with the Lord" (Mosiah 13:5).

Moses' glow was important in establishing him as God's selem (Heb. "image") or agent. He glowed when his leadership was challenged or to provide testimony that
God spoke through him (Exodus 34:31-35). "This act of removing his veil before God and the people must be understood as Moses' response to the crisis of
leadership suffered by the Israelites." Abinadi is, of course, executed after he delivers his message. Noah is willing to forgive any trespass against God, but not
against Noah. The legal charge against Abinadi is that he claims God will come down among his people (Mosiah 17:8). Blasphemy is the crime, but Noah will let
Abinadi off: Abinadi doesn't have to withdraw this "blasphemy" but does have to "recall all the words which thou hast spoken evil concerning me and my
people" (Mosiah 17:8).

Abinadi's preaching seems to have no effect on Noah and his people. Abinadi seems to have made only one convert. Alma hears, believes, and repents. He flees into
the wilderness and forms his own community. Alma's communal baptism is a type of the Red Sea crossing.

Noah dies and Limhi is made king. His generation will pay for the sins of Noah: they are in bondage to the Lamanites having to pay half their possessions in tribute
(Mosiah 19:26). This is slavery pure and simple.

Deliverance terminology occurs so often throughout the Book of Mormon that the attentive reader must address it. Slavery terminology had a heavy impact on Hebrew
tradition. It isn't surprising, then, at the beginning of the Zeniff narrative to have Egyptian slavery, the Lehi group's escape from Jerusalem, and the Zeniff group's
bondage typologically compressed into a unity:

For behold,
a. we are in bondage
b. to the Lamanites,
c. and are taxed
c. with a tax which is grievous to be borne.
And now, behold,
a. our brethren will deliver us out of our bondage,
b.Copyright   (c) 2005-2009,
   or out of the                Infobase Media Corp.
                  hands of the Lamanites,                                                                                                                 Page 470 / 919
c. and we will be their slaves;
a. for it is better that we be slaves
c. and are taxed
c. with a tax which is grievous to be borne.
And now, behold,
a. our brethren will deliver us out of our bondage,
b. or out of the hands of the Lamanites,
c. and we will be their slaves;
a. for it is better that we be slaves
b. to the Nephites
c. than to pay tribute
b. to the king of the Lamanites. (Mosiah 7:15)

This passage equates slavery and taxation. This isn't surprising considering the Israelite context had a fine distinction between the two. Tax levies could be paid off
through forced labor-corvï¿½e. In fact, this verse should be juxtaposed to Benjamin's speech, proclaiming his prohibition of slavery and not burdening his people with
taxes (Mosiah 2:13-14). Benjamin says he prevented slavery and worked with his hands so as not to impose taxes which would be "grievous to be borne" (Mosiah
2:14). The account later connects taxation and the people's labor (Mosiah 11:6).

Limhi continues this vein when he declares a few verses later that his people will soon "no longer be in subjection to our enemies" (Mosiah 7:18). He sees some analogy
between their own circumstances and (1) the Israelites in Egypt as well as (2) the Lehites as they made their exodus from Jerusalem:

Rejoice,
a. and put your trust in God,
a. in that God who was the God of Abraham, and Isaac and Jacob;
a. and also, that God who
b. brought the children of Israel out of the land of Egypt
b. and caused that they should walk through the Red Sea on dry ground,
b. and fed them with manna that the might not perish in the wilderness;
b. and many more things did he do for them.
And again
a. that same God has
b. brought our fathers out of the land of Jerusalem,
b. and has kept and preserved his people even until
now (Mosiah 7:19-20)

Lest we miss the message, Limhi tells us, using this technical word brought, that the king of the Lamanites has deceived them, "bringing this people into subjection or
into bondage" (Mosiah 7:22), which bondage consists of the "tribute" paid to the Lamanites: which is "grievous to be borne" (Mosiah 7:23; cf. 1 Ne. 17:25).

The recitation of God's saving acts reminds us of Nephi's reference to the Israelites' being "brought out of bondage" (1 Ne. 17:25) followed by a recitation of the saving
acts: Red Sea, manna, water. Nephi invokes Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and the exodus (1 1 Ne. 17:40). Murmuring, the party refers to Nephi's having "brought them out
of the land of Jerusalem" (1 Ne. 16:35) and desires to appoint a captain to return. The Lord himself is quoted using the same terminology because he did "bring you out
of the land of Jerusalem" (1 Ne. 17:14). When Limhi explicitly uses this technical terminology, he combines both salvation and slavery terminology:

Once the chains of captivity have been broken, the pilgrim God leads those he has redeemed along the road. He brings them out of Egypt and brings them up to a land
promised to their ancestors. These two causative verbs of movement also become technical terms to describe the Exodus. "To bring out," also employed for the
liberation of a slave or a prisoner, is a synonym for "to rescue, redeem"; it is found countless time in the account of the Exodus, often in legal formulas.

The formula even precedes the exodus. It is applied in Gen. 15:7 to Abram's departure from Chaldea (see also Neh. 9:7). Weingreen connects the formula to the
Decalogue, suggesting that rabbinic stories of Abraham's conflict with Nimrod may be based on ancient sources. This makes Abraham the prototype of Israelite heroes
confronting heathen rulers. Nimrod is then a Pharaoh-figure, just as Laban is, just as Pharaoh is, just as the king of Lamanites is, just as Amulon is, just as the Soviet
Communist Party leader was.

Just as the Israelites are made to serve in "bitter" and "hard bondage" (Ex. 1:14), so too are the Zeniffites forced to endure "heavy burdens upon their backs" (Mosiah
21:3). You fill in the blanks:

And the _____s evil entreated us, and afflicted us, and laid upon us hard bondage:

And when we cried unto the Lord God of our fathers, the Lord heard our voice, and looked on our affliction and our labour, and our oppression:

And the Lord brought us forth out of _____ with a mighty hand, and with an outstretched arm, and with great terribleness, and with signs and wonders. (Deuteronomy
26:6-8)

Until the people repent, the Lord is under no compulsion to deliver them. Because the Zeniffites had been forewarned, "the Lord was slow to hear their cry because of
their iniquities" (Mosiah 21:15). He does listen (just as 1 Sam. 8:18 says the Lord will not listen to the people's cries when they are enslaved by their king), after the
lesson is learned.

The Lord hears the cry of the oppressed, finding a way to "bring out" the enslaved. Exodus 6:2-8 and Genesis 17:1-8 are closely connected with the emphasis on
covenant. God "hears" the cries which remind him of the covenant, just as in Genesis 9:14-16 God "sees" the rainbow which reminds him of the covenant. Limhi and
his people "covenant with God to serve him and keep his commandments" (Mosiah 21:31).

After the Zeniffites repent, the Lord lightens their burdens (Mosiah 21:15). The deliverance must await a mosiah . Gideon, the deliverer, proposes that he be the king's
servant and "deliver this people out of bondage" (Mosiah 22:4). The word mosï¿½ac was one used in the Bible "invariably implying a champion of justice in a situation
of controversy, battle or oppression. In the legal language of Deuteronomy it can be applied to anyone who happens to be at hand" (cf. Deut. 22:27).

The Israelite request for a king parallels the exodus when Yahweh virtually quotes himself: Saul is to "save my people out of the hand of the Philistines" (1 Sam. 9:16),
just as Moses delivered "my people" from the Egyptians (Exodus 3:7-10).

The Zeniffites are "in the yoke of bondage" and "burdened" (Mosiah 21:13) by their oppressors. They "cry unto their God that he would deliver them out of their
afflictions" and they "cry mightily" for a deliverer (Mosiah 21:14). But the Lord is "slow to hear their cries because of their iniquities" (Mosiah 21:15), although by
 Copyrighttheir
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                                                   and began to soften the hearts of the Lamanites" (Mosiah 21:15).                                     Page 471 / 919

The oppression, cry to the Lord, deliverance from oppression pattern is continued from Judges into 1 Samuel. Hannah cries to the Lord, who hears and grants her
just as Moses delivered "my people" from the Egyptians (Exodus 3:7-10).

The Zeniffites are "in the yoke of bondage" and "burdened" (Mosiah 21:13) by their oppressors. They "cry unto their God that he would deliver them out of their
afflictions" and they "cry mightily" for a deliverer (Mosiah 21:14). But the Lord is "slow to hear their cries because of their iniquities" (Mosiah 21:15), although by
lightening their burdens he "did hear their cries and began to soften the hearts of the Lamanites" (Mosiah 21:15).

The oppression, cry to the Lord, deliverance from oppression pattern is continued from Judges into 1 Samuel. Hannah cries to the Lord, who hears and grants her
petition (1 Samuel 1:10-11): her barrenness

is a reflex of the bitterness of the Israelites because of the oppression of the Egyptians. They cry to God; he hears their cry and remembers his covenant. Moses is sent
to bring them out of the house of slavery. The Lord remembers Hannah, and Samuel comes to relieve her misery, to blunt her rival's provocations.

Samuel is the mosiah who delivers his people from bondage as well as the mosiah who delivers his mother from her afflictions. The word mosï¿½ac is often a verb with
several synonyms: some that indicate deliverance from danger and some that indicate help in danger. Many of these synonyms, however, do not carry the content of
a savior who rights injustices. This is different from mosï¿½ac, which "appears most often, not in contexts of violence or physical danger, but in situations of injustice;
that is he is always on the side of justice, and in this differs from all the synonyms; that when the subject is mentioned it is always God or His appointed hero; and finally
that one occurrence in the language of the lawcourt suggests an original forensic meaning"; in 2 Kgs. 13:5 the people are endangered by the Syrians, the Lord gives
them a mosï¿½ac, they escape the danger. "The result of the coming of a mosï¿½ac on to the scene was escape from injustice, and a return to a state of justice where
each man possesses his rightful property." Knowing that the context of mosï¿½ac calls for a forensic cluster of meanings makes more poignant the fact that Noah is
called an unjust king who dealt unjustly with Abinadi, that Noah confiscated property, that Noah oppressed through enslavement.

A savior/deliverer comes forward-Gideon (Mosiah 22:1-9) followed by a stealth-by-night escape. In the exodus, the Israelites despoil their hosts-a common motif in
exoduses. Abraham is expelled by a Pharaoh afflicted by "great plagues" (Gen. 12:17), but not before acquiring animals and property (Gen. 12:16). So too in Gerar,
Abimelech thrusts him out with a similar catalogue (Gen. 20:14). Isaac mirrors Abraham in Gerar: Isaac passes his wife off as his sister, Abimelech reproves him for the
ruse, and he departs with great possessions (Genesis 26:13-14).

Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob are exemplars of the rabbinic rule, "what happens to the fathers is a sign to the sons." Jacob is portrayed as a slave to his uncle Laban; he
serves seven years for Rachel and seven for Leah. Like the Israelites and Zeniff, Jacob is deceived by his uncle while in a foreign land (Gen. 29:25). As Moses says to
Pharaoh, Jacob says to Laban: "Let me go" (Gen. 30:26) so they make a deal: Jacob gets all the speckled livestock. But cunningly, Laban removes all speckled and
spotted animals to avoid their reproduction.

Jacob doesn't just serve the 14 years for his two wives-he serves 20. Why the extra six years? Laban is portrayed as a slave driver and later Hebrew law specified that
slaves must be freed in the seventh or sabbath year: Laban is Pharaoh and Jacob is Israel. So what does Jacob do? He "stole away unawares" (Gen. 31:20). Jacob
doesn't just flee empty-handed, but he fleeces Laban, taking the familiar goods (Genesis 31:17-18).

The Israelites also despoil their hosts of flocks, cattle, and jewels (Ex. 12:35, 38), for the Lord did not want the Israelites to go away bereft (Ex. 3:22;11:2). The ark
narrative also contains an exodus theme: the Philistines return the ark with gold presents.

So after getting the Lamanite guards drunk, the Zeniffites

depart by night into the wilderness with their flocks and their herds. . . . And they had taken all their gold, and silver, and their precious things, which they could carry,
and also their provisions with them, into the wilderness. (Mosiah 22:11-12)

The catalogue of possessions connects these Israelites with the other exoduses.

Limhi escapes, rejoining the Zarahemla colony. The Lamanites following Limhi run across two other groups: the Amulonites and Alma's group. Even before being
enslaved, Alma 1 portrays their situation under Noah in exodus terminology. When the people ask Alma to be their king, he responds much as Samuel did: the
presence of kings invites bondage. The only way to be delivered from a wicked king is to follow the exodus pattern: "Remember the iniquity of king Noah and his
priests.ï¿½And now I say unto you, ye have been oppressed by king Noah, and have been in bondage to him and his priests" (Mosiah 23:9, 12). But as Alma 2 will be
raised up as a deliverer/ mosiah , here Alma 1 says, "After much tribulation, the Lord did hear my cries, and did answer my prayers, and has made me an instrument in
his hands in bringing so many of you to a knowledge of his truth" (Mosiah 23:10). More trials await this group, for

they were brought into bondage, and none could deliver them but the Lord their God, yea even the God of Abraham and Isaac and of Jacob. And it came to pass that
he did deliver them, and he did show forth his mighty power unto them" (Mosiah 23:23-24).

Although these priests of Amulon are charged with teaching the Mosaic law, Abinadi indicts them for not even knowing the law. While Noah asks, "Who is the Lord,
that shall bring upon my people such great affliction?" (Mosiah 11:27), Pharaoh also asks "Who is the Lord, that I should obey his voice to let Israel go? I know not the
Lord, neither will I let Israel go" (Ex. 5:2). Not only is Noah like Pharaoh, these priests of Noah also "knew not God" (Mosiah 24:5) and taught the Lamanites nothing
about God.

As the Israelites were forced into state slavery and had "taskmasters to afflict them with their burdens" (Ex. 1:11, italics added), the people of Alma are in bondage and
"have tasks [put] upon them, and put taskmasters over them" (Mosiah 24:9) so that they suffered greatly, "so great were their afflictions that they began to cry mightily
to God" (Mosiah 24:10). The Lord sees the afflictions of the Israelites and promises to deliver them (Exodus 3:7-8). The cry to the Lord is fundamental to the
relationship between God and his chosen people in all times. The pattern of oppression, cry, the Lord hearing and redeeming his people from slavery is common,
both as the Israelites recounted the past and related that past to the present.

So too the Lord comforts Alma's people: "The voice of the Lord came to them in their afflictions, saying: Lift up your heads and be of good comfort, for I know of the
covenant which ye have made unto me; and I will covenant with my people and deliver them out of bondage" (Mosiah 24:13). The actors are God and his people, not
Moses or other intercessors.

That the Lord remembers the covenant reminds us of the earlier exodus (Exodus 6:5). In what Sawyer calls the "situation-contexts" of the uses of mosï¿½ac,
oppression is assumed and then deliverance. The Lord promises to deliver the Zeniffites from bondage (Mosiah 24:16-17). This time the Lord, not Alma, is the
mosiah (Mosiah 24:21):

When the Lord comes down, it is in order to rescue. Here we come upon a new element with respect to the patriarchs: the Israelites are trapped in a situation of
oppression, and so God does not merely invite them to leave home; he comes to loose the chains that keep them captive. In the Exodus story the divine call takes the
form of a liberation: God must intervene to vanquish a resistance, symbolized here by the quasi-divine figure of Pharaoh. God opens the doors of captivity that human
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strength is unable to unlock. The verbs "to rescue, deliver" (Ex. 5:23;18:10, etc. and-still more-"to redeem" (Ex. 15:13; Ps. 77:15, etc. become almost technical
to describe the action of God and the identity of his people. God is the rescuer, the Redeemer (Ps. 78:35;19:14), and they as a result, "the redeemed of the Lord that
he redeemedï¿½" (Ps. 107:2).
When the Lord comes down, it is in order to rescue. Here we come upon a new element with respect to the patriarchs: the Israelites are trapped in a situation of
oppression, and so God does not merely invite them to leave home; he comes to loose the chains that keep them captive. In the Exodus story the divine call takes the
form of a liberation: God must intervene to vanquish a resistance, symbolized here by the quasi-divine figure of Pharaoh. God opens the doors of captivity that human
strength is unable to unlock. The verbs "to rescue, deliver" (Ex. 5:23;18:10, etc. and-still more-"to redeem" (Ex. 15:13; Ps. 77:15, etc. become almost technical terms
to describe the action of God and the identity of his people. God is the rescuer, the Redeemer (Ps. 78:35;19:14), and they as a result, "the redeemed of the Lord that
he redeemedï¿½" (Ps. 107:2).

Alma then leads a stealthy escape from the taskmasters (Mosiah 24:18-20). The Israelites' escape by stealth and despoiling the Egyptians was an ancient "alternative
climax for the Exodus theme," although the Passover climax later dominated the exodus story.

The people of Alma escape, return to Zarahemla, and are assimilated by the larger group of Nephites. The narrative continues with Nephites repeating the pattern of
wickedness, bondage or peril, repentance and cry to the Lord, a mosiah is sent from the Lord, the people enjoy prosperity, and fall into wickedness again. But before
that cycle recurs, the Nephites fundamentally reflect on institutions of leadership. Like the Israelites in Judges, the Nephites must find a way to convey the saving acts of
God from generation to generation, for "there were many of the rising generation that could not understand the words of king Benjamin, being little children at the time
he spake unto his people; and they did not believe the tradition of their fathers" (Mosiah 26:1). So too among the Israelites, "there arose another generation after them,
which knew not the Lord, nor yet the works which he had done for Israel" (Judg. 2:10). So the Lord must continually raise up judges/ mosiah s to deliver the people.

The pattern continues, only Mosiah's and Alma's sons are the greatest disturbers of peace (as Eli's and Samuel's sons are). So ironically, Alma 2 himself is the first
judge who is also a mosiah . Alma 1 served two of the final Nephite kings: Alma 2 is the [p.100] first judge who "cries" to the Lord "that he would deliver them out of
the hands of their enemies" (Alma 2:28). Alma then has a face-to-face battle in which he "cried" saying: "O Lord, have mercy and spare my life, that I may be an
instrument in thy hands to save and preserve this people" (Alma 2:30). Samuel is a deliverer in line with the deliverance of the judges, which is built on the exodus
pattern. Israel "cries" to the Lord (1 Sam. 7:8; Ex. 2:23;3:7) which is followed by the Lord's "delivering them from the hands of their enemies." "It would appear that
once again an ensuing battle is framed in terms of the exodus. The reader is led to interpret a victory on Israel's part as a new divine saving deed upon which a renewed
covenant may be based." The judges cycle follows the pattern of apostasy-oppression-cry for help. The two roles of the judge were (1) to ensure justice (Judg. 4:5;
1 Samuel 7:15-17) and the term for this role is sï¿½pet, "judge" and (2) to deliver Israel from foreign domination, for which the term is mosï¿½ac, "deliverer."

The exodus motif predominates in the Bible and the Book of Mormon. Positivists who claim that literary repetition is the hallmark only of fiction, must reject both the
Bible and the Book of Mormon as superficial, repetitive novels.

  Michael D. Coogan, "The Great Gulf between Scholars and the Pew," Bible Review 10 (June 1994): 48, 55.

  Goff, "A Hermeneutic of Sacred Texts," 133-54.

  Isaac M. Kikawada and Arthur Quinn, Before Abraham Was: The Unity of Genesis 1-11 (Nashville: Abingdon, 1985), 114-15.

  Ibid., 115.

  Ibid., 121.

  Ibid., 117.

   John Sawyer, "What Was a Mosï¿½ac?" Vetus Testamentum 15 (1965): 476-77.

  Daube, The Exodus Pattern in the Bible, 27.

 Hans W. Wolff, "The Kerygma of the Deuteronomic Historical Work," in The Vitality of Old Testament Traditions, ed. Walter Brueggemann and Hans Walter
Wolff, 2nd ed. (Atlanta: Knox, 1982), 87.

 A. D. H. Mayes, "The Period of the Judges and the Rise of the Monarchy," in Israelite and Judaean History, ed. John H. Hayes and J. Maxwell Miller (Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1977), 292.

  Umberto Cassuto, The Documentary Hypothesis and the Composition of the Pentateuch, trans. Israel Abrahams (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1961), 79.

  H. Hirsch Cohen, The Drunkenness of Noah (Mobile: University of Alabama Press, 1974), 74-75.

  George S. Tate, "The Typology of the Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," in Literature of Belief: Sacred Scripture and Religious Experience, ed. Neal E.
Lambert (Provo: BYU Religious Studies Center, 1981), 252-53.

  Brother John of Taize, The Pilgrim God (Washington, DC: Pastoral, 1985), 32.

  J. Weingreen, "'Bringing Out' in Gen. 15:7," in Words and Meanings, ed. Peter R. Ackroyd and Barnabas Lindars (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968),
212-13.

  Richard N. Boyce, The Cry to God in the Old Testament (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), 63.

  Sawyer, "What Was a Mosiac?" 476.

  Lyle M. Eslinger, Kingship of God in Crisis: A Close Reading of 1 Samuel 1-12 (Sheffield: Almond, 1985), 306.

   Peter D. Miscall, 1 Samuel: A Literary Reading (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 11.

  Sawyer, "What Was a Mosiac?" 477 n. 7.

  Ibid., 479.

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  Eslinger, Kingship of God in Crisis, 211.
  Sawyer, "What Was a Mosiac?" 477 n. 7.

  Ibid., 479.

  Ibid., 480.

  Eslinger, Kingship of God in Crisis, 211.

  S. Kent Brown, "The Exodus Pattern in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 30/3 (1990): 114.

  Boyce, The Cry to God in the Old Testament, 74-75.

  George W. Coats, Moses: Heroic Man, Man of God (Sheffield: JSOT, 1988), 59-60.

  Sawyer, "What Was a Mosiac?" 478.

  Taize, The Pilgrim God, 31.

  E. W. Nicholson, Exodus and Sinai in History and Tradition (Oxford: Blackwell, 1973), 55-56.

  Eslinger, Kingship of God in Crisis, 239.

  Daniel I. Block, "The Period of the Judges: Religious Disintegration under Tribal Rule," in Israel's Apostasy and Restoration: Essays in Honor of Roland K.
Harrison, ed. Avraham Gileadi (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1988), 40.

Conclusion

Modern thought has largely defined itself in opposition to religion, particularly Christian religion. Through the past three hundred years the Enlightenment, the major
branch of modernity, dominated Western culture by gradually convincing religious adherents to see their own commitments less through biblical lenses and more through
Enlightenment ones. The Enlightenment was a great cultural watershed, but its unreflective and dogmatic battle against religious belief has distorted its own better nature,
especially under the dominant form of Enlightenment in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries-positivism. Many elements of the Enlightenment (its emphasis on
emancipation and partly its emphasis on the individual) need to be refocused and reasserted.

We now stand at another similarly important cultural watershed. It usually goes by the name of postmodernism, but I am uncomfortable with that designation because
only part of the confrontation with the Enlightenment is properly postmodernist. Various movements (hermeneutics, poststructuralism, analytic philosophy after the
linguistic turn, literary and narrative theory, communitarianism) have combined to confront and at times undermine the Enlightenment.

Mormon intellectuals have gone about their business largely ignorant of the ongoing dramatic change in their intellectual disciplines. This is particularly true of Mormon
intellectuals defining themselves in opposition to Mormon teachings. Brent Metcalfe is the first of these writers to enlist the disciplines of narrative and literary theory. He
doesn't consider that this literature (powerfully post-and antipositivist) is in opposition to his position; he instead wrenches these stances out of historical context to
provide implausible rhetorical support. In historiography, these disciplinary revolutions have explicitly attacked the foundations of that old-thought and have so far
undermined them as to make the movement in Mormon studies a relic, an irrelevancy, a dogmatic sect, a superstitious hangover from less enlightened times. This first
(mis)appropriation of narrative and literary theory augurs badly for the Mormon intellectual community; Metcalfe's flotsam is better abandoned and new materials used
in the construction of a sea-worthy vessel; while Mormon historians slept, every plank in the ship of historiography was switched from the decaying lumber of modernity
to the new materials of postmodernity. This "postmodernism" has yet systematically to define itself in relation to older positions such as religious belief. My guess is that
it inherits too much of the Enlightenment it so often fights against to surrender its secularist tendencies. The past is always inhabited by the present: but we ought not to
permit ill-, un-, and misinformed versions of that present masquerading as neutral and objective history to succeed in their propagandistic aspirations, neither let them
wear the regalia of scholarship just because they dress up in voices and footnotes. Historians and historical writers are ineluctably immersed in language and literary
imagination. They may say with Caliban, "The red-plague rid you for learning me your language" and your narrative theory, but still they must face this brave new
world bravely.

  Shakespeare, The Tempest, 1.2.363-64.

The Literary Structure and Doctrinal Significance of Alma 13:1-9

James T. Duke

Abstract: Alma's sermon at Ammonihah includes a remarkable passage (Alma 13:1-9) that contains a main chiasm as well as four shorter chiasms and four alternates. It
also uses synonymia, cycloides, repetition, and an important Nephite idiom (rest). In addition, this passage explains the doctrine of the priesthood, the eternal nature of
Christ and the priesthood, and introduces the doctrines of a preparatory redemption and the rest of God.

ï¿½In the middle of his inspiring sermon concerning the priesthood to the apostate people of Ammonihah, Alma uttered a phrase that normally would be used to bring a
sermon to a conclusion: "And thus it is. Amen." However, Alma did not terminate his sermon but continued speaking. What, then, was the purpose of using such an
expression in the middle of a sermon? In this case the phrase signals the completion of a chiasm, a literary form in which important ideas are presented and then
repeated in reverse order.

Literary Structure

The study of the literary structure of the Book of Mormon has taken great strides since John Welch first identified several chiasms in the Book of Mormon. Noel
Reynolds found that 1 Nephi is divided into two parallel sections and that each section concludes with the phrase "And thus it is. Amen." The identification of
numerous chiastic and parallelistic literary forms in hundreds of passages in the Book of Mormon by the contributors to Donald Parry's reformatted text is a noteworthy
achievement.

The portion of Alma's sermon found in Alma 13:1-9 is a beautiful and complicated work of both doctrine and literature. It includes a main chiasm with eight major
elements and a turning point. It also includes four shorter chiasms, four extended alternates, and several other literary forms. The main chiasm that binds the other
elements together may be diagrammed as follows:
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   John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 10 (1969): 69-84.
The portion of Alma's sermon found in Alma 13:1-9 is a beautiful and complicated work of both doctrine and literature. It includes a main chiasm with eight major
elements and a turning point. It also includes four shorter chiasms, four extended alternates, and several other literary forms. The main chiasm that binds the other
elements together may be diagrammed as follows:

   John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon," BYU Studies 10 (1969): 69-84.

  Noel B. Reynolds, Book of Mormon Authorship: New Light on Ancient Origins (Provo, UT: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1982), 58.

  Donald W. Parry, The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted according to Parallelistic Patterns (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1992). The analysis of Alma 13:1-9 in that
work differs significantly from my analysis.

Main Chiasm ( Alma 13:2-9)

A order of his Son (v. 2)
B ordained (v. 3)
C called (v. 3)
D foreknowledge of God (v. 3)
E prepared (v. 3)
F foundation of the world (v. 5)
G Only Begotten Son (v. 5)
H high priesthood (v. 6)
I his rest (v. 6)
H' high priesthood (v. 7
G' his Son (v. 7)
F' foundation of the world (v. 7)
E' prepared (v. 7)
D' foreknowledge of all things (v. 7)
C' called (v. 8)
B' ordained (v. 8)
A' order of the Son (v. 9)

The reverse parallelism of these key words in Alma 13:2-9 may not be apparent when one first examines those verses because the key words are used in many other
places within those verses. As the analysis on the following pages will show, most of those additional instances of these key words are part of other literary forms that
are intertwined with the main chiasm. When those other forms are abstracted out of these verses, the remaining instances of the key words form a clear reverse
parallelism.

In explaining the priesthood to the people of Ammonihah, Alma taught the doctrine of priesthood authority by expressing it in the form of a chiasm. He then called the
attention of the people of Ammonihah to the chiastic structure of his sermon by uttering the phrase "And thus it is. Amen." In written form, the beginning of the chiasm is
more difficult to identify than the conclusion because there is no formula that signals the start of a chiasm. As he spoke it, Alma may have indicated the beginning of the
chiasm with a gesture or some other behavior that would have been recognized by his listeners.

One may wonder whether Alma produced such literary forms subconsciously without the intention of doing so. Such speculation may be advanced because none of us
can tell what Alma's intentions might have been. However, Alma's extensive use of chiasms and dozens of other literary forms, and the dearth of such forms in the
literature produced by other learned writers, lends weight to the argument that the form and substance of many passages in Alma's writings found in the Book of
Mormon could have been painstakingly crafted to accomplish the parallelistic features we can now discover. Personally I have no doubt that the chiasms and other
literary forms found in this passage were intentionally produced by Alma for the benefit both of the Ammonihahites and of latter-day readers.

In discussing this passage of scripture, I will first examine the literary expressions found in this part of Alma's sermon. I will then discuss briefly some of the doctrinal
teachings it introduces. As a disclaimer, I need to indicate that I am not an expert on either literary forms or theology. Instead I am an interested reader of the Book of
Mormon who treasures its message and inspiration.

The Overall Pattern of the Main Chiasm

Alma 13:1-9 displays an elaborate and intricate literary structure. The passage is sophisticated and worthy of the same author who gave us the extensive chiasm found
in Alma 36. Because of this complexity, I have not attempted to diagram the passage in its entirety, but will rather identify some of the more important "parallelistic"
features. This nine-verse passage contains the following identifiable sections:

  On the structure of Alma 36, see John W. Welch, "Chiasmus in Alma 36" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1989), 49-51.

Short Chiasms Within the Main Chiasm

Several shorter but very interesting chiasms are presented within the structure of the main chiasm.

First Short Chiasm (Alma 13:2-3)

A And those priests were ordained
B after the order of his Son,
C in a manner
D that thereby the people might know
C' in what manner
B' to look forward to his Son for redemption.
A' And this is the manner after which they were ordained

Second Short Chiasm (Alma 13:3)

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B in the first place being left to choose good or evil;
B' therefore they having chosen good,
A' and exercising exceeding great faith,
A' And this is the manner after which they were ordained

Second Short Chiasm (Alma 13:3)

A on account of their exceeding faith and good works;
B in the first place being left to choose good or evil;
B' therefore they having chosen good,
A' and exercising exceeding great faith,

Third Short Chiasm (Alma 13:3-4)

A are called with a holy calling, yea, with that holy calling
B which was prepared with, and according to,
B' a preparatory redemption for such.
A' And thus they have been called to this holy calling

Fourth (Split) Chiasm (Alma 13:4-5)

A on account of the hardness of their hearts
and the blindness of their minds [synonymia],
B while, if it had not been for this they might have had as great privilege as
their brethren.
B' Or in fine, in the first place they were on the same standing with their
brethren;
a thus this holy calling
b being prepared
c from the foundation of the world
A' for such as would not harden their hearts,

These chiasms require little comment. They are short but generally clear and easily identifiable. The last (fourth) short chiasm is split or segmented by the insertion of an
extended alternate before the closing element is presented.

Extended Alternates

An extended alternate is a literary form in which three or more ideas or elements are presented and then repeated in the same order. In Alma 13:1-9, four extended
alternates are presented, including an alternate to introduce the main chiasm and three other alternates presented within the main chiasm.

First Alternate (Alma 13:1)

a And again, my brethren, I would cite your minds forward
b to the time when the Lord God
c gave these commandments unto his children;
a and I would that you should remember
b that the Lord God
c ordained priests, after his holy order

Second Alternate (Alma 13:1-2)

a ordained priests, after his holy order
b which was after the order of his Son
c to teach these things unto the people.
a And those priests were ordained
b after the order of his Son
c that thereby the people might know

Third (Split) Alternate (Alma 13:3, 5)

a being called
b and prepared
c from the foundation of the worldï¿½
a thus this holy calling
b being prepared
c from the foundation of the world

Fourth (Split) Alternate (Alma 13:6, 8)

a And thus being called by this holy calling,
b and ordained
c unto the high priesthood . . .
a being called with a holy calling,
b and ordained with a holy ordinance,
c and taking upon them the high priesthood of the holy [repetition] order,
a which calling,
b and ordinance,
c and high priesthood,

I have called the third and fourth extended alternates "split alternates" because the second repetition of the components of the alternate is intentionally divided or
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                the first presentation         Corp. This gives the passage a "musical" and creative feeling much as a refrain is played over andPage
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                                                                                                                                                                 a somewhat
unpredictable manner.
c and high priesthood,

I have called the third and fourth extended alternates "split alternates" because the second repetition of the components of the alternate is intentionally divided or
separated from the first presentation of these elements. This gives the passage a "musical" and creative feeling much as a refrain is played over and over in a somewhat
unpredictable manner.

Synonymia

Synonymia is a literary form in which the author presents a series of words or phrases that are synonyms or have complementary meanings. The following synonymia
are found in this passage.

while others would reject the Spirit of God
on account of the hardness of their hearts
and the blindness of their minds (Alma 13:4)

who is full of grace,
equity,
and truth (Alma 13:9)

The expression "hardness of heart" is a Hebrew and Nephite idiom, an expression that doesn't mean exactly what it says but has symbolic significance. The words
reject, hardness, and blindness all mean essentially the same thing. By presenting two synonyms of reject, Alma emphasizes the significance of the rejection of the spirit
of God. On the other hand, grace, equity, and truth are not identical but are used in a complementary manner. Such "complementary triples," as I call them, are found
numerous times in the Book of Mormon and help us to understand that gospel principles complement and support each other.

Cycloides

Cycloides is the repetition of a phrase in a circular or cyclical fashion, often in an unpredictable manner. This literary form is well represented by the following phrases,
which are almost identical and which occur in three contiguous verses.

being without beginning of days or end of years
(Alma 13:7)
is without beginning or end (Alma 13:8)
who is without beginning of days or end of years
(Alma 13:9)

The doctrinal significance of these phrases will be discussed below.

Repetition

Repetition involves duplicating or reiterating a word many times in a single passage of scripture. This serves to emphasize the word and bring it to the attention of the
hearer or reader. However, such repetition also violates traditional English standards of writing that caution against repeating a word frequently. In the nine verses of this
passage, the following words are repeated as indicated:

"calling" (7 times) and "called" (5 times)
"holy" (11 times)
"ordained" (6 times) and "ordinance" (3 times)
"order" (8 times)
"priesthood" (4 times) and "priests" (3 times)
"Son" (6 times)
"prepared" (5 times) and "preparatory" (1 time)
"God" (5 times)
"manner" (3 times)
"faith" (3 times)
"foundation of the world" (3 times)
"beginning and end" (3 times)

Discussion of Literary Forms

The inclusion of four smaller chiasms and four alternates within the main chiasm is not unusual in the Book of Mormon. However, this passage is augmented with
interesting combinations. The main chiasm is introduced with an extended alternate. One extended alternate is linked to a second alternate, with the last line of the first
alternate serving as the first line of the second alternate. Again this combination of styles is not unusual in the Book of Mormon. Further, other parallel elements such
as synonymia, cycloides, and repetition are introduced.

Another significant aspect of this passage is the overlapping of several literary elements. A form such as a smaller chiasm will begin and then be interrupted by another
form, usually an alternate. Then the suspended chiasm is completed. The contrast created by this intermingling of literary forms is exceptional. Every word seems to be
where Alma intended it to be, yet some words are repeated again and again for emphasis. The passage brings to mind a Bach fugue with counterpoint and contrast.

The Parry book identifies another complex chiasm in the last half of the larger chiasm that extends into verse 10, that is, past the formulaic conclusion of the main
chiasm. This latter chiasm is linked to the fourth short chiasm and also encompasses several parallel forms. For the sake of brevity it can be outlined as follows:

A ordained
B holy order
C a high priesthood
b order of his Son
c without beginning of days or end of
years
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d calling
e ordinance
C a high priesthood
b order of his Son
c without beginning of days or end of
years
D ordained
d calling
e ordinance
f high priesthood
d calling
e ordinance
f high priesthood
C' a high priests
b order of the Son
c without beginning of days or
end of years
B' holy order
A' ordained

This chiasm is similar to others identified in merging chiastic and parallel literary forms.   Alma did not waste words, but instead combined many literary forms into a
tightly woven fabric with significance and beauty.

  See Parry, Book of Mormon Text Reformatted.

  Ibid., especially the diagrams of Alma 30:4-12, Alma 29:1-7, and Alma 29:8-17, for example.

  Ibid, 227.

  Ibid., 260, 269, 281-82, 351-52, 429.

Doctrinal Principles in Alma's Sermon

Alma's purpose was not just to produce poetry or sophisticated literary forms. His primary purpose was to teach gospel principles to a fallen people who were led by
corrupt lawyers and other so-called intellectuals. Such men almost certainly would not accept the simple truths of the gospel as taught by a humble servant of God, even
one who had been their chief judge. Alma was preaching to a hostile audience, he was in personal danger, and his situation required that his words be spiritual in
content but also captivating and appealing in presentation. I believe Alma used language and literary forms that were familiar and easily recognized by his audience, yet
at the same time would be so crafted as to impress, fascinate, and influence them.

There need be no conflict between the literary expression of gospel truths and the truths themselves. Other scriptures, both ancient and modern, make extensive use of
literary expressions to teach gospel principles. Most notably, the Old Testament is poetic to its very core, and Alma's listeners were biological and cultural descendants
of the Israelite prophets who wrote the Old Testament.

In the remainder of this article I will discuss the doctrinal rather than the literary aspects of Alma's sermon, with special reference to the doctrines of the priesthood, the
meaning of the phrase "without beginning of days or end of years," the doctrine of a preparatory redemption, and the rest of God.

The Priesthood

The major elements of the chiasm emphasize the important ideas Alma wished the Ammonihahites and readers today to know about the priesthood. These elements-
order of his son, ordained, called, foreknowledge of God, prepared, foundation of the world, Only Begotten Son, and high priesthood-reveal and teach much about the
priesthood. They tell us, first, that the priesthood is named after the Son of God. The priesthood in the Book of Mormon is referred to simply as "the order" or "his
order." In the latter days, the Lord revealed to Joseph Smith a pattern for naming and understanding the priesthood.

Alma's sermon explains that people who accept the priesthood in mortality were called and prepared to accept it before the foundation of the world and with the
foreknowledge of God. Both in this world and in the preexistence, men were "left to choose good or evil," and "having chosen good, and exercising exceedingly great
faith," were called to hold the priesthood. These may be the clearest verses in the Book of Mormon concerning the doctrine of the preexistence and of the eternal
nature of human agency.

The priesthood is received through ordination in a public manner so that all people are able to recognize and accept the priesthood and those who hold it. Further, this
ordination is done in such a way that "the people might know in what manner to look forward to his Son for redemption" (Alma 13:2). A close connection exists
between the ordinances of the priesthood and the redemptive sacrifice of the Savior. Finally, the passage teaches that the priesthood is a calling received from the
presiding priesthood authority.

  For thorough discussions of the doctrine of the priesthood, see John W. Welch, "The Melchizedek Material in Alma 13:13-19," in By Study and Also by Faith:
Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, ed. John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1990), 2:238-72, and Robert
W. Millet, "The Holy Order of God," in The Book of Mormon: Alma: The Testimony of The Word, ed. Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate Jr. (Provo, UT:
Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1992), 61-68.

   Doctrine and Covenants 107:1-4.

  See Abraham 3:22-26 and Millet, "Holy Order," 69.

Without Beginning of Days or End of Years

The phrase without beginning of days or end of years is a poetic phrase that means eternal, infinite, and immortal. It is repeated three times in the form of a refrain or
cycloides. Alma used the phrase not only for doctrinal instruction but also for emphasis and contrast. Its repetition serves not only to accentuate the eternal nature both
of Christ and the priesthood, but also to introduce another poetic element into the main sermon.

Each  time the
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the reference is to the priesthood. The higher priesthood, being the priesthood after the order of the Son, is also eternal, as is the "calling, and ordinance" of the
priesthood. The eternal nature of God, of the Son, and of the priesthood is thus clearly taught in these passages. Further, one of the great contributions of the
revelations given to the prophet Joseph Smith is the knowledge that all human beings are coeternal with God (D&C 93:29). Thus all of God's children also are "without
The phrase without beginning of days or end of years is a poetic phrase that means eternal, infinite, and immortal. It is repeated three times in the form of a refrain or
cycloides. Alma used the phrase not only for doctrinal instruction but also for emphasis and contrast. Its repetition serves not only to accentuate the eternal nature both
of Christ and the priesthood, but also to introduce another poetic element into the main sermon.

Each time the meaning is slightly different. The last time this phrase is used, it is the Lord Jesus Christ who is eternal or without beginning and end. In the first two uses,
the reference is to the priesthood. The higher priesthood, being the priesthood after the order of the Son, is also eternal, as is the "calling, and ordinance" of the
priesthood. The eternal nature of God, of the Son, and of the priesthood is thus clearly taught in these passages. Further, one of the great contributions of the
revelations given to the prophet Joseph Smith is the knowledge that all human beings are coeternal with God (D&C 93:29). Thus all of God's children also are "without
beginning of days or end of years."

The Doctrine of a Preparatory Redemption

Alma used the phrase "preparatory redemption," but he did not elaborate on this doctrine. While its meaning is central to the message of Alma's sermon, we are left to
ponder the eternal significance of this phrase. Teachings found in both the Book of Mormon and the Doctrine and Covenants enable us to understand this comforting
doctrine. In his sermon on the atonement found in 2 Ne. 9, Jacob described what would happen to all of us upon our deaths if there had been, or was not to be, an
atonement.

O the wisdom of God, his mercy and grace! For behold, if the flesh should rise no more our spirits must become subject to that angel who fell from before the presence
of the Eternal God, and became the devil, to rise no more.

And our spirits must have become like unto him, and become devils, angels to a devil, to be shut out from the presence of our God, and to remain with the father of lies,
in misery, like unto himself. (2 Nephi 9:8-9)

According to Jacob, if there had been no atonement, as soon as we experience death in mortality our spirits would go to be with Satan. We would become like those
spirits who initially followed Satan and became his "angels" and who are in a state of misery. Like them, we would be shut out from the presence of God.

Was this the situation of the people who died before the Savior's atonement took place in the meridian of time? Did the spirits of people who died before the
redemption go to live with Satan? No. Instead their spirits were received into paradise or spirit prison, depending on their righteousness in mortality (Alma 40:11-14).

As revealed to President Joseph F. Smith (D&C 138), at the time of the atonement and death of Christ, an innumerable company of the spirits of the just were
gathered together in one place. They were awaiting the advent of the Son of God and were filled with joy and gladness while anticipating the day of their deliverance
from the bands of death. When Christ appeared to them in the spirit world, they rejoiced in their redemption, their countenances shone, and they sang praises unto
Christ's holy name (D&C 138:12-24). Rather than being with Satan, the spirits of the just were in paradise awaiting the visit of Christ and their own resurrection. While
this revelation specifically applies to the spirits of the just, or people who lived righteous lives in mortality, there is no indication that, before Gethsemane, the spirits of
either good or evil persons were consigned to outer darkness to live with Satan.

This leads to the conclusion that the atonement of Christ had prior effects, or effects antecedent to the actual time of his atonement. These prior effects may be called a
"preparatory redemption." The spirits of those who died before Christ's death were saved from the awful effects of sin and death and they were able to be in paradise
(or prison) rather than in outer darkness. They were not resurrected until Christ's resurrection, because Christ was the "firstfruits of them that slept" (1 Cor. 15:20; 2
Ne. 2:8). But there was a preparatory redemption so that the full effects of spiritual death were not visited upon them.

This doctrine was explained further by King Benjamin in his great sermon to the people of Zarahemla about 124 B.C., that is, before the atonement of Christ.

And the Lord God hath sent his holy prophets among all the children of men, to declare these things to every kindred, nation, and tongue, that thereby whosoever
should believe that Christ should come, the same might receive remission of their sins, and rejoice with exceeding great joy, even as though he had already come among
them. (Mosiah 3:13)

Time seems to have been an important element in the resurrection, so that all who died before the resurrection of Christ could not be resurrected until after he was
resurrected. But time seems to have had no effect on the spiritual redemption. The redemption of Christ had preparatory effects, or effects prior to the time of the
atonement of Christ.

The Rest of God

Often the most significant aspect of any chiasm is the "turning point," the word or phrase that comes at the middle of the chiasm. Alma chose as his turning point the
word "rest," which is referred to in other places as "my rest," the "rest of God," or "the rest of the Lord." The rest of God is defined in D&C 84:24 as "the fulness of
his glory," by which we may infer that people who enter into the rest of God are able to live in the presence of God in the "fulness of his glory." Let us examine further
the meaning of this passage.

And this greater priesthood administereth the gospel and holdeth the key of the mysteries of the kingdom, even the key of the knowledge of God.

Therefore, in the ordinances thereof, the power of godliness is manifest.

And without the ordinances thereof, and the authority of the priesthood, the power of godliness is not manifest unto men in the flesh;

For without this no man can see the face of God, even the Father, and live.

Now this Moses plainly taught to the children of Israel in the wilderness, and sought diligently to sanctify his people that they might behold the face of God;

But they hardened their hearts and could not endure his presence; therefore, the Lord in his wrath, for his anger was kindled against them, swore that they should not
enter into his rest while in the wilderness, which rest is the fulness of his glory. (D&C 84:19-24)

These verses indicate a connection between seeing the face of God, having the power of the priesthood, having the key of the knowledge of God, and entering into the
rest of God.

Alma also understood that entering into the rest of God meant seeing the face of God and experiencing his fulness, and that this could only be accomplished through the
power of the higher priesthood. In the broader context within which Alma's sermon on priesthood appears, Alma referred to rest four times before the sermon (in Alma
12:34-37) and four times in the concluding portions of the sermon (Alma 13:12, 13, 16, and 29). Alma consciously emphasized the word "rest," repeating it again and
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In a sense, the word rest is an idiom in that its meaning is broader than the word implies. Rest doesn't just refer to lying in bed or doing no work. Rest is possible only
Alma also understood that entering into the rest of God meant seeing the face of God and experiencing his fulness, and that this could only be accomplished through the
power of the higher priesthood. In the broader context within which Alma's sermon on priesthood appears, Alma referred to rest four times before the sermon (in Alma
12:34-37) and four times in the concluding portions of the sermon (Alma 13:12, 13, 16, and 29). Alma consciously emphasized the word "rest," repeating it again and
again to accentuate the importance of the concept.

In a sense, the word rest is an idiom in that its meaning is broader than the word implies. Rest doesn't just refer to lying in bed or doing no work. Rest is possible only
through the atonement of Christ and is earned through faith, repentance, and not hardening our hearts (Alma 12:37). Later, in his sermon to his son Corianton
concerning life after death, Alma expounded on the term rest (Alma 40:11-12). The Savior also discussed rest in his final recorded visit to the twelve disciples (3 Ne.
27:19). Another indicator of the significance of the term rest to Book of Mormon prophets is found in the last verse of the book of Enos, in which the prophet Enos
bids farewell to his people and expresses his assurance of eternal life.

And I soon go to the place of my rest, which is with my Redeemer; for I know that in him I shall rest. And I rejoice in the day when my mortal shall put on immortality,
and shall stand before him; then shall I see his face with pleasure, and he will say unto me: Come unto me, ye blessed, there is a place prepared for you in the mansions
of my Father. Amen. (Enos 1:27)

These scriptural passages afford the hope and comfort that all the faithful saints who have been valiant in the service of God and who have kept his commandments and
loved their fellow beings may confidently look forward to the rest of God.

  See Millet, "Holy Order," 71-75, and Robert J. Matthews, "The Probationary Nature of Mortality," in The Book of Mormon: Alma , 57-60.

Conclusion (2)

Alma 13:1-9 is a complex and significant literary and doctrinal passage. It teaches the tenets of the priesthood and its connection to the atonement, to the preexistence,
and to faith and obedience. It also introduces the doctrines of the preparatory redemption and of the rest of God. Alma's sermon not only expresses important doctrinal
teachings in a relatively short space, but it also presents these teachings within a passage of exceptional literary beauty and complexity. It is my wish that readers of the
Book of Mormon may find inspiration, instruction, and wisdom as they study and ponder this beautiful passage of scripture.

From Presence to Practice: Jesus the Sacrament Prayers the Priesthood and Church
Discipline in 3 Ne. 18 and Moroni 2
(From Presence to Practice: Jesus, the Sacrament Prayers, the Priesthood, and Church Discipline in 3 Ne. 18 and
Moroni 2-6)

John W. Welch

Abstract: This paper explores several relationships between the texts in Moroni 2-6 and the words and deeds of Jesus in 3 Ne. 18. The opening chapters of Moroni
contain the words which Jesus Christ spoke to the twelve when he ordained them to the high priesthood, the words used by the Nephites in administering the
sacrament, and also a few words by Moroni about baptism, church membership, congregational worship, and ecclesiastical discipline. This study demonstrates that
these instructions and procedures were rooted in the words and deeds of the resurrected Jesus in 3 Ne. 18, as he administered the sacrament, gave instructions to his
disciples, and conferred upon the twelve the power to bestow the gift of the Holy Ghost. Thus, one can appreciate the extent to which Nephite ecclesiastical
procedures were based directly on the Savior's instructions and ministry. Those practices, essential to the Restored Gospel, came from that divine source.

When Jesus appeared to the Nephites at the temple in Bountiful, he taught them many important things: he proclaimed the doctrines of his eternal gospel; he manifested
his true identity as the resurrected Son of the Father; he ordained elders to lead the church; he taught and administered essential ordinances of the kingdom of God,
including baptism, the gift of the Holy Ghost, and the sacrament; he gave instructions about who should be allowed to partake of the sacrament and how the church
should continue to function after his departure from their midst. Many of Jesus' instructions about these church practices and procedures are found in 3 Ne. 18, the last
chapter in the account of Jesus' first day among the Nephites. The purpose of this paper is to point out extensive similarities between those guidelines established by
Jesus in 3 Ne. 18 and the priesthood policies and practices preserved by Moroni in Moroni 2-6. In effect, those five chapters of the book of Moroni constitute a sort
of Nephite General Handbook of Instructions, describing the proper procedures that were followed by the Nephites in ordaining men to the priesthood, bestowing the
gift of the Holy Ghost, administering the sacrament, performing the ordinance of baptism, regulating church membership, conducting church meetings, and barring
unrepentant members from bringing iniquity into the church. The topics in Moroni 2-6 are essentially the same important subjects covered by Jesus, especially in 3 Ne.
18.

Recognizing the close relationship between the words in Moroni 2-6 and the instructions of Jesus in 3 Ne. 18 leads to at least two conclusions: the first observation is
historical, namely, to point out that the Nephites expressly and meticulously implemented the instructions of the Lord in the conduct of their religious observances and
priesthood performances; the second is a lesson for our day, namely, to heighten our appreciation of the fact that the wording and the requirements for ordinances
which we teach and practice in the Church of Jesus Christ today came from the voice and presence of the Savior himself. By examining the intertextuality of these
passages in 3 Nephi and Moroni, we can trace the language of those ordinances from divine presence to church practice. This relationship can be firmly established by
examining three cases in some detail, namely, the sacrament prayers, ordinations to the priesthood, and guidelines regarding church participation and disciplinary
procedures.

The Sacrament Prayers

Latter-day Saints most commonly turn to Doctrine and Covenants 20:76-79 to find the texts of the sacrament prayers that they regularly use on Sundays. In fact,
however, the words for these prayers, which B. H. Roberts admiringly referred to as the "prayer perfect," came not solely by revelation in this dispensation, but were
known centuries ago to the Nephites. These prayers were first revealed in this dispensation when Moroni chapters 4 and 5 were translated by Joseph Smith. The
linguistic history of these prayers, accordingly, can be viewed in light of Nephite civilization and inspiration. Especially relevant to the prayers recorded in Moroni 4-5
are the words of Jesus in 3 Nephi 18:5-12.

The setting for the administration of the sacrament in 3 Ne. 18 was deeply spiritual. Jesus ministered the sacrament to those assembled in Bountiful following a rich
outpouring of the spirit. During that day, the people in Bountiful had beheld the resurrected Christ, had been taught the main commandments of his gospel (3 Nephi 12-
14), and were told great prophecies of things to come (3 Nephi 16:1-20); their sick had been healed (3 Nephi 17:5-10), and their souls were filled (3 Ne. 17:17) "so
great was the joy of the multitude that they were overcome" (3 Ne. 17:18). They bathed Jesus' feet with their tears and they knelt down upon the earth before him (3
Ne. 17:13) Jesus instructed them to arise as he blessed them and their children because of their faith (3 Nephi 17:19-20). After a spiritual manifestation of fire and
angels (3 Ne. 17:24), the people bore record of the truth of what they had seen and heard (3 Ne. 17:25). Little wonder that the Nephites desired to commemorate
this extraordinary day by ceremoniously remembering and religiously repeating the words they heard Jesus speak on that occasion.
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The words which Jesus spoke as he administered the sacrament in 3 Ne. 18 are as follows (the italicized words look ahead to the wording of the sacrament prayers in
Moroni 4-5):
great was the joy of the multitude that they were overcome" (3 Ne. 17:18). They bathed Jesus' feet with their tears and they knelt down upon the earth before him (3
Ne. 17:13) Jesus instructed them to arise as he blessed them and their children because of their faith (3 Nephi 17:19-20). After a spiritual manifestation of fire and
angels (3 Ne. 17:24), the people bore record of the truth of what they had seen and heard (3 Ne. 17:25). Little wonder that the Nephites desired to commemorate
this extraordinary day by ceremoniously remembering and religiously repeating the words they heard Jesus speak on that occasion.

The words which Jesus spoke as he administered the sacrament in 3 Ne. 18 are as follows (the italicized words look ahead to the wording of the sacrament prayers in
Moroni 4-5):

He said unto the disciples: Behold there shall one be ordained among you, and to him will I give power that he shall break bread and bless it and give it unto the people
of my church, unto all those who shall believe and be baptized in my name.

And this shall ye always observe to do, even as I have done, even as I have broken bread and blessed it and given it unto you.

And this shall ye do in remembrance of my body, which I have shown unto you. And it shall be a testimony unto the Father that ye do always remember me. And if ye
do always remember me ye shall have my Spirit to be with you.

And it came to pass that when he said these words, he commanded his disciples that they should take of the wine of the cup and drink of it, and that they should also
give unto the multitude that they might drink of it. . . .

And when the disciples had done this, Jesus said unto them: Blessed are ye for this thing which ye have done, for this is fulfilling my commandments, and this doth
witness unto the Father that ye are willing to do that which I have commanded you.

And this shall ye always do to those who repent and are baptized in my name; and ye shall do it in remembrance of my blood, which I have shed for you, that ye may
witness unto the Father that ye do always remember me. And if ye do always remember me ye shall have my Spirit to be with you. (3 Nephi 18:5-8, 10-11)

The similarities between these words of Jesus and the Nephite sacrament prayers in Moroni 4-5 are abundant and apparent, as the following comparison looking back
to 3 Ne. 18 demonstrates:

Moroni 4-5 3 Ne. 18

O God, the Eternal Father, we ask the Father in my name
ask thee in the name of thy Son (3 1 Ne. 18:20)
Jesus Christ, to bless and he took of the bread and break
sanctify and blessed it (3 Ne. 18:3)
this bread to the souls of all unto all those who (3 Nephi

those who partake of it; that 18:5)
they may eat in remembrance of this shall ye do in remembrance
the body of, of my body which I have shown
unto you (3 Ne. 18:7)
thy Son and witness unto thee, it shall be a testimony unto
O God, the Eternal Father the Father (3 1 Ne. 18:7)
that they are willing to take that ye are willing to do
upon them (3 Ne. 18:10)
the name of thy Son, and that ye do always remember me
always remember him, and keep (3 Ne. 18:7)
his
commandments which he hath that which I have commanded
given them, you (3 Ne. 18:10)
that they may always have his ye shall have my Spirit to be
Spirit to be with them, Amen. with you (3 Ne. 18:7)
O God, the Eternal Father, we ask the Father in my name
ask thee in the name of thy Son, (3 Ne. 18:20)
Jesus Christ, to bless and
sanctify this wine to the souls of take of the wine (3 1 Ne. 18:8)
all those who all those who (3 Ne. 18:5)
drink of it, that they they did drink (3 Ne. 18:9)
may do it in remembrance of do it in remembrance of my
the blood blood (3 Ne. 18:11)
of thy Son, which was shed for them; which I have shed for you (3 Ne. 18:11)
that they may witness unto thee, that ye may witness unto the
O God, the Eternal Father, Father (3 1 Ne. 18:11)
that they do always remember that ye do always remember
him, me (3 Ne. 18:11)
that they may have his Spirit ye shall have my Spirit
to be with them. Amen to be with you (3 Ne. 18:11).

The close relationship between the words of Jesus in 3 Ne. 18 and the basic terms of the sacrament prayers found in Moroni 4-5 is readily apparent. Virtually every
component in the two sacrament prayers has a precise counterpart in the express words of Jesus himself.

The prayer on the bread draws heavily on phrases from 3 Ne. 18:3, 5, 7 and 10, such as "all those who," "in remembrance of my body," "a testimony unto the
Father," "that ye are willing to," "always remember me," "which I have commanded you," and "have my spirit to be with you." In the prayer, these phrases become "the
souls of all those who," "in remembrance of the body of thy Son," "witness unto thee, O God, the Eternal Father," "that they are willing to," "always remember him,"
"commandments which he hath given them," and "have his Spirit to be with them."

In an even more concentrated fashion, the language of the prayer on the water is almost entirely found in the words of 3 1 Ne. 18:11. For instance, the line "do it in
remembrance of my blood, which I have shed for you" appears in the prayer as "do it in remembrance of the blood of thy Son, which was shed for them." The phrase
"witness unto
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"have my Spirit to be with you" stand as the promise "that they may have his Spirit to be with them."

Moreover, the words of the salutation, "O God, the Eternal Father,"     and the language of the petition, "we ask thee, in the name of thy Son, Jesus Christ"   are also
"commandments which he hath given them," and "have his Spirit to be with them."

In an even more concentrated fashion, the language of the prayer on the water is almost entirely found in the words of 3 1 Ne. 18:11. For instance, the line "do it in
remembrance of my blood, which I have shed for you" appears in the prayer as "do it in remembrance of the blood of thy Son, which was shed for them." The phrase
"witness unto the Father that ye do always remember me" becomes "witness unto thee, O God, the Eternal Father that they do always remember him," while the words
"have my Spirit to be with you" stand as the promise "that they may have his Spirit to be with them."

Moreover, the words of the salutation, "O God, the Eternal Father," and the language of the petition, "we ask thee, in the name of thy Son, Jesus Christ" are also
present in 3 Ne. 18, where Jesus instructed the people that they should put up their petitions to the Father in the name of Jesus Christ: "Whatsoever ye shall ask the
Father in my name, which is right, . . . it shall be given" (3 Ne. 18:20).

It is not known for sure when the Nephite sacrament prayers took the form that they now have in Moroni 4-5, but one can confidently assume that this occurred at
least very soon after the appearance of Jesus in 3 Nephi, and quite possibly at the time of Jesus' appearance itself, for the record states that Nephites observed the
sacrament again with Jesus and that they continued to do so from that time onward (3 Ne. 20:3;26:13). The fact that they so dutifully recorded, preserved, and used
the words of Jesus in general, together with the fact that they were commanded to use specific words in performing the ordinance of baptism (3 Ne. 11:27), gives
considerable assurance that the Nephites began using the sacrament prayers as we know them at a very early time and that they did not change them during the four
hundred years between the times of Jesus and Moroni.

Several possibilities must be considered in wondering how the final language of these prayers may have taken shape: (1) it is possible that, before he departed, Jesus
himself may have given the Nephites the very words found in Moroni 4-5;(2) one of the disciples may have prepared those texts, receiving personal approval from
Jesus either during his open ministry among the Nephites or in a subsequent private visitation; or (3) one of the disciples soon after the departure of Jesus may have
been inspired to crystalize the language of those prayers, drawing heavily on the words spoken by Jesus in 3 Ne. 18.

Evidence that Jesus did not use the very prayers now found in Moroni 4-5 when he personally blessed and administered the bread and wine to the Nephites in 3 Ne.
18, however can be adduced from several facts. The text in 3 Nephi 18:5-11 appears to report the precise words Jesus spoke on that particular occasion. The text
reports what "he said" (3 Ne. 18:5) and affirms that "he said these words" (3 Ne. 18:8). Moreover, when Moroni records the words used in priesthood ordinations, he
designates those words as "the words of Christ which he spake unto his disciples" (Moro. 2:1, 3), when he reports how the Nephites administered "the flesh and blood
of Christ unto the church," he records what "they said" (Moro. 4:2;5:2). but

Nevertheless, the resulting prayers in Moroni 4-5 are clearly derived from and closely connected with the words of Jesus in 3 Ne. 18. Certainly, it is easier to see
Moroni 4-5 emerging out of what Jesus said in 3 Ne. 18 than to assume that the connection flowed in the other direction, in which case 3 Ne. 18 would offer only an
abridgment or paraphrase of what Jesus actually said as he administered the sacrament at that time.

In particular, grammatical reasons make it is easier to understand Moroni 4-5 as a drawing upon 3 Ne. 18 than vice versa. The prayers of Jesus in 3 Ne. 18 are
personal, composed in the first and second person ("my" and "ye"), whereas the ecclesiastical prayers in Moroni 4-5 are written in the third person ("his" and "they").
For example, the prayers in Moroni use the third person plural ("they") when referring to the congregation where Jesus had used the second person plural ("you") in 3
Ne. 18; and the prayers refer to Jesus as "thy Son" and speak of "his Spirit," where Jesus had naturally referred to himself as "me" or had spoken of "my Spirit" in 3 Ne.
18. It is more likely that a Nephite would have revised the personal words of Jesus into general prayers than for an abridger to have created out of the third person
prayers a first and second person narrative in the words of Jesus. Thus, it would certainly appear that 3 Ne. 18 was the primary text which was followed closely and
faithfully by Moroni 4-5.

One difference between the words of Jesus in 3 Ne. 18 and the sacrament prayers in Moroni 4-5 is in the order of the commitments mentioned in the two sacrament
prayers. The prayer on the bread lists three requirements: that the people (1) be willing to take upon themselves the name of Christ, (2) always remember him, and (3)
keep his commandments. In this regard, the prayer in Moro. 4 is somewhat closer to language found in King Benjamin's speech than to the words of Jesus in 3 Ne. 18.
After his people had promised (1) to obey the will of God (Mosiah 5:5), King Benjamin imposed on them the further requirements that (2) they should "take upon
[them] the name of Christ" (Mosiah 5:8) and (3) "should remember to retain the name written always in [their] hearts" (Mosiah 5:12). The phrase "take upon them the
name" does not appear in 3 Ne. 18 in connection with the sacrament itself; rather, baptism "in my name" is mentioned as a prerequisite to partaking of the sacrament (3
Ne. 18:5, 11). These phrases in Moro. 4, therefore seem to recall the covenantal language of Benjamin's speech in specific, as well as the language of 3 Ne. 18 in
general.

Moreover, all three requirements of Benjamin's covenant are consolidated in Moro. 4 into a concise single text, whereas the bread and wine were administered by
Jesus in 3 Ne. 18 with separate requirements. In that instance, the bread was actually given by Jesus and received by the multitude only in connection with the third
stipulation, namely, as a "testimony unto the Father that ye do always remember me" (3 Ne. 18:7), but the prayer on the bread in Moro. 4 mentions all three. The wine
was ministered by Jesus only in conjunction with the stipulation that it stand as a "witness unto the Father that ye are willing to do that which I have commanded you" (3
Ne. 18:10), but the sacrament prayer on the wine in Moro. 5 only requires the people to witness that "they do always remember him." These differences converge,
however, upon the ultimate purpose of the sacrament: Moro. 4 and 5 both end with the requirement that "they do always remember him," which was mentioned by
Jesus in connection with both the bread and the wine (3 Ne. 18:7, 11). Perhaps this phrase was placed as the sole aspect in the prayer on the wine, just as it was the
final condition imposed by Benjamin upon his people, because it was the main and last point that Jesus made regarding the sacrament in 3 Ne. 18:11.

On the other hand, in a broader sense, the order of the three stipulations found in the prayer on the bread in Moro. 4 can be found in 3 Ne. 18. The concept of being
baptized in the "name" of Christ appears in verse 5 (it is also mentioned in 18:11, 16 and 30); "always remember" him appears in verse 7 (and again in 18:11); doing
"that which I have commanded you" is enjoined in verse 10 (likewise in 18:14). Thus, it is evident that these three conditions are each mentioned frequently in 3 Nephi
18:5-14, and attention is focused on them there in the same order in which they appear in Moro. 4.

Whatever the precise nature of the connection between the words of Jesus and the Nephite sacrament prayers, it is clear that many phrases in 3 Ne. 18 are identical to
those appearing in Moroni 4-5, coming from the personal and intimate words of Jesus himself. It is apparent that the words of Jesus have coalesced beautifully into the
sacrament prayers and that the Nephites observed the ordinance of the sacrament, as they were commanded, to do "that which ye have seen me do" (3 Ne. 18:24; see
also JST Matt. 26:25; JST Mark 14:24).

  Minutes from Stake Conference, San Fransisco Stake, 23-24 April 1932, quoted in its chronological order in "B. H. Roberts's Final Decade: Statements about the
Book of Mormon (1921-33)," collected by Truman G. Madsen (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1986).

   The dependence of D&C 20:75-79 on Moro. 4-6 is apparent. In the first printing of D&C 20 in the 1831 Painesville Telegraph, the section states: "And the manner
of baptism and the manner of administering the Sacrament are to be done as it written in the Book of Mormon." See Richard L. Anderson, "The Organization
Revelations," in Studies in Scripture: The Doctrine and Covenants , ed. Robert Millet and Kent Jackson (Sandy, UT: Randall, 1984), 121 n. 26. Other early sources
for D&C 20 refer the reader to "Book of Mormon, 575" in the 1830 edition in lieu of quoting the Book of Mormon prayers, or they place the material from Moro. 4-5
and 3 Ne. 11 in quotation marks. See Robert Woodford, "The Historical Development of the Doctrine & Covenants" (Ph.D. dissertation, Brigham Young University,
 Copyright
1974), 343. (c) 2005-2009,
             What appears toInfobase   Media
                              be an early     Corp.
                                          "copy"                                                                                               Page 287-91,
                                                 of the Articles and Covenants of the Church of Christ initialed by O.(?)C. and discussed by Woodford, 482 / 919
quotes the sacrament prayers and 3 Ne. 18:29-32 from the Book of Mormon, as well as D&C 17:8;18:9;22-25, 34, and thus originated after mid-June 1829. D&C
20:75-79 was therefore composed intentionally as a restatement of Moro. 4-5. The words of the prayers and the accompanying instructions are virtually identical in
of baptism and the manner of administering the Sacrament are to be done as it written in the Book of Mormon." See Richard L. Anderson, "The Organization
Revelations," in Studies in Scripture: The Doctrine and Covenants , ed. Robert Millet and Kent Jackson (Sandy, UT: Randall, 1984), 121 n. 26. Other early sources
for D&C 20 refer the reader to "Book of Mormon, 575" in the 1830 edition in lieu of quoting the Book of Mormon prayers, or they place the material from Moro. 4-5
and 3 Ne. 11 in quotation marks. See Robert Woodford, "The Historical Development of the Doctrine & Covenants" (Ph.D. dissertation, Brigham Young University,
1974), 343. What appears to be an early "copy" of the Articles and Covenants of the Church of Christ initialed by O.(?)C. and discussed by Woodford, 287-91,
quotes the sacrament prayers and 3 Ne. 18:29-32 from the Book of Mormon, as well as D&C 17:8;18:9;22-25, 34, and thus originated after mid-June 1829. D&C
20:75-79 was therefore composed intentionally as a restatement of Moro. 4-5. The words of the prayers and the accompanying instructions are virtually identical in
both places. As Joseph and Oliver drew together the governing principles of the newly organized Church, they were inspired to turn to the Book of Mormon for several
details regarding baptism, the sacrament, and other ordinances (compare D&C 20:73 with 3 Ne. 11:23-25).

   The origins of many words and phrases in the sacrament prayers can profitably be traced back into the early centuries on Nephite history, notably in the words of
Nephi in 2 Ne. 31-33 and int he covenant renewal speech of Benjamin in Mosiah 5, but it exceeds the present scope of this paper to pursue that useful and interesting
line of research and exegesis. For information along that line, see John W. Welch, "The Nephite Sacrament Prayers: Fromm King Benjamin's Speech to Moro. 4-
5" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1986) and "Our Nephite Sacrament Prayers," in Reexploring the Book of Mormon , ed. John W. Welch (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and
FARMS, 1992), 286-89.

   For purposes of comparision, one may note that each of these aspects spoken at the temple in Bountiful has a counterpart in Benjamin's speech. See the great
prophecies of Mosiah 3 and the phrase "we could prophesy of all things" (Mosiah 5:3), along with their rejoicing with "exceedingly great joy" (Mosiah 5:4), falling down
to the earth (Mosiah 4:1; cf. also 3 Ne. 11:12), being blessed with a great spiritual change (Mosiah 5:2), and testifying of the surety and truth of the words which had
been spoken (Mosiah 5:2).

   Note especially that the bread was eaten "in rememberance of" the body which Jesus "showed unto" them (3 Ne. 18:7), thus adding a profound dimension to the
sacrament symbolism over that which is found in the New Testament. There the bread represents the body "given for you" (Luke 22:19; cf. 3 Ne. 18:6) and "broken
for you" (1 Cor. 11:24; cf. 3 Ne. 18:6), but the idea of commemorating the body "shown unto" you is never mentioned in the King James Version of the Bible. The
Book of Mormon and the Joseph Smith Translation of the Bible both make it clear that the tokens are simply representations of Jesus' flesh and blood (see JST Matt.
26:25; Mark 14:22, 24).

   After Jesus' appearance to them, the Nephites as a whole would have become more explicitly sensitive to the relationship between the Father and the Son, especially
in light of the fact that Jesus taught them that he would ascend to his Father (e.g., 3 Ne. 15:1, 28:1) and saliently spoke of the "Father" apart from himself at least 169
times. In the earlier portions of the Book of Mormon, the distinctions between God the Father and his son Jesus Christ, though basically understood by the prophets of
those eras, are not always so clearly stated, which would have helped standardize post-Easter Nephite terminology.

   From early times, the prophets of the Book of Mormon had taught that things should be done in the name of Christ. The Nephites worshipped God in the name of
Christ (Jacob 4:5), baptized in his name (Mosiah 18:10), and prayed in the name of Christ (2 Ne. 32:9). An explicit reference to "asking" in the name of Christ is found
in Enos 1:15. The precise concept of "asking the Father in the name of Christ," however, may have taken on added significance in Nephite usage after it was
emphasized four times by Jesus in 3 Ne. 16:4;17:3;18:20;27:28. It also seems to have become a common expression of the Nephites after the time of Jesus (Morm.
9:21, 27; Moro. 7:26;10:4). Parenthetically it can also be noted that the sacrament prayers use the first person plural "we" in this petition.. The Nephite twelve were
commissioned as a group to administer the sacrament (3 Ne. 18:5;28), with one "among you" ordained to break and bless the bread. That disciple would have been
speaking on behalf of the group as he made this petition to the Father.

Ordinations to the Priesthood

A second instance of close textual relationship between 3 Ne. 18 and the priesthood procedural chapters at the beginning of the book of Moroni is found in the
passages that deal with the giving of priesthood powers to the disciples. Here also significant connections can be seen between the words of Jesus and the texts of
Moroni, as well as between the example set by the Lord and the subsequent religious practices followed by the Nephites.

As Jesus was preparing to ascend back into heaven at the end of his first day among the Nephites, he conferred upon the twelve the power to bestow the gift of the
Holy Ghost (they had received the power to baptize earlier in the day; see 3 Nephi 11:21-22). While the people in the multitude saw Jesus perform both these
ordinances, they did not hear the words that he spoke in the second instance:

And it came to pass that when Jesus had made an end of these sayings, he touched with his hand the disciples whom he had chosen, one by one, even until he had
touched them all, and spake unto them as he touched them.

And the multitude heard not the words which he spake, therefore they did not bear record; but the disciples bare record that he gave them power to give the Holy
Ghost. And I will show unto you hereafter that this record is true. (3 Nephi 18:36-37; the italicized words look ahead to similar words in Moro. 2; see below)

Although the words spoken by Jesus on this occasion do not appear in 3 Ne. 18, they were inscribed by Moroni on the plates as he completed the record of his
people. Evidently these words of Jesus were kept very sacred for almost four hundred years: if the Lord himself had not wanted the righteous multitude to hear these
words as he spoke them, it would have been hard for the disciples to justify speaking these words freely in the less sacred settings in which they routinely worked.
Nevertheless, despite the intervening years and historical changes that eventually occurred among the Nephites, close relationships between the report of this ordinance
in 3 Ne. 18 and the final account given by Moroni can readily be seen:

The words of Christ, which he spake unto his disciples, the twelve whom he had chosen, as he laid his hands upon them-

And he called them by name, saying: Ye shall call on the Father in my name, in mighty prayer; and after ye have done this ye shall have power that to him upon whom
ye shall lay your hands, ye shall give the Holy Ghost; and in my name shall ye give it, for thus do mine apostles.

Now Christ spake these words unto them at the time of his first appearing; and the multitude heard it not, but the disciples heard it; and on as many as they laid their
hands, fell the Holy Ghost. (Moroni 2:1-3; the italicized words relate back to specific wordings in 3 Ne. 18; see above)

Once again, the text recorded by Moroni is faithfully dependent upon the earlier account. In both instances, the twelve are called the "disciplesï¿½whom he had
chosen"; the manner of ordination by the laying on of hands is specified; the operative words bestowing "power" to "give the Holy Ghost" are the same; and the
certification that the "multitude heard it not" is consciously repeated. These words add further evidence of the high degree to which the Nephites venerated the words
that Jesus spoke while he was with them. Presumably these leaders used these words of Jesus as they, in turn, conveyed to their successors the same priesthood power
and authority that Jesus had given them.

Moroni goes on, in Moro. 3, to record the manner in which the disciples, who came to be "called the elders of the church," ordained priests and teachers:
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                        Page 483 / 919
After they had prayed unto the Father in the name of Christ, they laid their hands upon them, and said:
and authority that Jesus had given them.

Moroni goes on, in Moro. 3, to record the manner in which the disciples, who came to be "called the elders of the church," ordained priests and teachers:

After they had prayed unto the Father in the name of Christ, they laid their hands upon them, and said:

In the name of Jesus Christ I ordain you to be a priest, (or, if he be a teacher) I ordain you to be a teacher, to preach repentance and remission of sins through Jesus
Christ, by the endurance of faith on his name to the end. Amen.

And after this manner did they ordain priests and teachers, according to the gifts and callings of God unto men; and they ordained them by the power of the Holy
Ghost, which was in them. (Moroni 3:2-4)

Notably, the procedures utilized here again follow the instructions given by the resurrected Lord. First, the elders "prayed unto the Father in the name of Christ," just as
Jesus had originally told the disciples to do: "Ye shall call on the Father in my name, in mighty prayer" (Moro. 2:2). Second, they began the ordination by stating that it
was performed "in the name of Jesus Christ," just as he had instructed: "in my name shall ye give it" (Moro. 2:2). Third, they laid their hands upon those whom they
ordained, just as the Savior had done as he had ordained the twelve disciples. And fourth, the Nephite elders ordained priests and teachers "by the power of the Holy
Ghost, which was in them," the power that was bestowed upon them by Jesus himself. Thus, again, we can see the extent to which the Nephites followed the
instructions and example of the Lord and did as he had instructed them.

Guidelines for Church Participation and Discipline

Finally, Moroni's guidelines for the conduct of church meetings and discipline illustrate ways in which Nephite church practices diligently followed the instructions of
Jesus. Here again, we encounter many significant points of contact, this time between 3 Ne. 18 and Moro. 6.

Moroni reports that "the church did meet together oft, to fast and to pray, and to speak one with another concerning the welfare of their souls. And they did meet
together oft to partake of bread and wine, in remembrance of the Lord Jesus" (Moroni 6:5-6). In doing this, the church was obedient to the Lord who had commanded
the people to meet together often, to pray for each other, and to partake of the sacrament:

And behold, ye shall meet together oft; and ye shall not forbid any man from coming unto you when ye shall meet together, but suffer them that they may come unto you
and forbid them not;

But ye shall pray for them, and shall not cast them out; and if it so be that they come unto you oft ye shall pray for them unto the Father, in my name. (3 Nephi 18:22-
23)

And this shall ye always observe to do, even as I have done, even as I have broken bread and blessed it and given it unto you.

And this shall ye do in remembrance of my body, which I have shown unto you. (3 Nephi 18:6-7)

Concerning baptism and church membership, Moroni records that in order to be baptized, people were required to come forth with a broken heart and contrite spirit,
to take upon them the name of Christ, determined to serve him until the end. None were received unto baptism except

they came forth with a broken heart and a contrite spirit, and witnessed unto the church that they truly repented of all their sins.

And none were received unto baptism save they took upon them the name of Christ, having a determination to serve him to the end. (Moroni 6:2-3)

This report again parallels the words of the Lord in 3 Nephi, when he commanded, "that ye shall believe in me, and that ye shall repent of your sins, and come unto me
with a broken heart and a contrite spirit" (3 Ne. 12:19; see also Ps. 34:18; 2 Ne. 2:7; 3 Ne. 9:20; Ether 4:15; D&C 20:37), be "baptized in my name" (3 Ne.
11:23;18:5, 30), and "look unto me, and endure to the end" (3 Ne. 15:9; see also D&C 20:37). Although these words and phrases are not unique to the
commandments of Jesus in 3 Nephi, it seems evident, as is the case throughout Moroni 2-6, that the baptismal practices of the Nephites were consciously grounded in
the instructions given to them by the resurrected Lord.

After baptism, people were then "numbered among the people of the church of Christ" (Moro. 6:4). As Jesus had said, "I know my sheep, and they are numbered" (3
Ne. 18:31). Being so numbered allowed them to partake of the sacrament, for Jesus had directed his disciples to give the sacrament only to "the people of my church,
unto all those who shall believe and be baptized in my name" (3 Ne. 18:5).

Interestingly, although the requirement that the sacrament not be given to those who have not been baptized in the name of Christ is not to be found in the New
Testament, another very early (late first or early second century A.D.) Christian text known as the Didache, or the Teachings of the Apostles, contains a similar
instruction: "And let none eat or drink of your eucharist, but those baptized into [the] name of [the] Lord." Although this text was discovered well after the Book of
Mormon was translated by Joseph Smith, this early Christian document compares with the explicit instruction found in 3 Ne. 18:5.

Several other interesting parallels exist between the early Christian instructions and the Book of Mormon. For example, Didache 10:6 further dictates: "If anyone is holy
let him come: if any is not, let him repent." Similarly, the Lord in 3 Nephi 18:29-31 requires: "If ye know that a man is unworthy,ï¿½ye shall forbid himï¿½and if it so be
that he repenteth and is baptized in my name, then shall ye receive him,ï¿½but if he repent not he shall not be numbered among my people."

Moreover, the broken bread in Didache 9:4 and 10:1 is said to represent the people of the world "scattered upon the mountains" to be "gathered from the ends of the
earth into my Kingdomï¿½and from the four winds." Although not connected explicitly with the sacrament, 3 Nephi 16:4-5 (shortly before 3 Ne. 18) deals with this
very theme, namely, those "who shall be scattered forth upon the face of the earthï¿½will I gather in from the four quarters of the earth."

Furthermore, Didache 10:1-2, 5 declares that "after being filled" the people should give thanks for particular things, specifically, for God's "holy name which thou hast
made to dwell in our hearts, and for the knowledge and faith and immortality which thou didst make known to us through Jesus thy servant,ï¿½but above all that thou
art mightyï¿½to deliver thy Church from all evil and to perfect her in thy love and to gather together" those who have been sanctified. Similarly, after the Nephites "had
eaten and were filled" they were instructed particularly to "watch and pray" (3 Ne. 18:15, 18) to overcome evil, to be delivered from Satan, and to gather "together oft"
in pure convocations.

In addition, Didache 9:2-3 instructs the communicants to give thanks after the sacrament by saying, "We thank thee, our Father, for [that] which thou didst make
known to us through Jesus thy servant. To thee be the glory for ever." After partaking of the sacrament in 3 Ne. 20:9, the Nephites likewise "did cry out with one voice
 Copyright
and          (c) to
    give glory   2005-2009,  Infobase
                    Jesus whom         Media
                               they both      Corp.
                                          saw and heard." Perhaps the hymn that was sung in Jerusalem at the Last Supper (Matt. 26:30) was a hymn  Page    484 / 919
                                                                                                                                                      of praise.

Finally, one of the specific evils to be avoided, according to Didache 14:1, is avoiding disputations: "Let anyone who has a dispute with his fellow not come together
in pure convocations.

In addition, Didache 9:2-3 instructs the communicants to give thanks after the sacrament by saying, "We thank thee, our Father, for [that] which thou didst make
known to us through Jesus thy servant. To thee be the glory for ever." After partaking of the sacrament in 3 Ne. 20:9, the Nephites likewise "did cry out with one voice
and give glory to Jesus whom they both saw and heard." Perhaps the hymn that was sung in Jerusalem at the Last Supper (Matt. 26:30) was a hymn of praise.

Finally, one of the specific evils to be avoided, according to Didache 14:1, is avoiding disputations: "Let anyone who has a dispute with his fellow not come together
with you, until they are reconciled, that your sacrifice be not defiled." Thus, Jesus concludes his comments about the sacrament in 3 Nephi by saying: "Blessed are ye if
ye have no disputations among you" (3 Ne. 18:34). These, and possibly other aspects of the early Christian sacramental liturgy, may help place many of the words of
Jesus in 3 Ne. 18 in their ancient historical contexts.

Other aspects of the early Christian sacrament may also prove to be of interest to students of the Book of Mormon. There is considerable evidence that the feeding of
the multitudes with twelve baskets (Matt. 14:20; Mark 6:43;8:19; Luke 9:17; John 6:13; cf. the twelve loaves of the shewbread) originally had sacramental undertones.
   In the Coptic Gospel of the Twelve Apostles, for example, the feeding of the multitude was clearly eucharistic: Jesus there took five loaves, gave thanks, broke the
bread, and gave it to the crowd saying, "It is a mystery of my Father who has a part of my flesh." The multitude there was spiritually filled. Similarly, the sacrament in
3 Ne. 18 and 20 is not administered as an evening meal to a small group of disciples, but in a covenantal setting to the multitude as a whole (first to the disciples, and
then to the multitude), who ate and drank "to [the] soul and . . . were filled with the Spirit" (3 Nephi 20:8-9). In 3 Nephi 20:3-8, as in John 6 and in the Gospel of the
Twelve Apostles, the sacramental emblems were miraculously provided for the multitude. The post-resurrection sacramental account in 3 Nephi and the post-
resurrection meals also merit close comparison.

The truthfulness of the Book of Mormon, of course, does not hinge on the existence of early Christian parallels such as these, but the fact that we find such
requirements in both the Book of Mormon and in very early Christian writings corroborates the claim that Jesus taught the same gospel originally in the Old and New
Worlds and that the Book of Mormon reveals and restores to the modern world those plain and precious teachings of Jesus, many of which did not survive beyond the
earliest generations of Christians in the Old World.

Jesus anticipated that disputations and disobedience would arise among his followers. "And I give you these commandments because of the disputations which have
been among you. And blessed are ye if ye have no disputations among you" (3 Ne. 18:34). Hence, the need for frequent and sincere chastening, admonition,
exhortation, repentance, and forgiveness. Accordingly, in his last words to his disciples at the temple in Bountiful, Jesus gave them the following responsibility by way of
commandment:

that ye shall not suffer any one knowingly to partake of my flesh and blood unworthily, when ye shall minister it;

For whoso eateth and drinketh my flesh and blood unworthily eateth and drinketh damnation to his soul; therefore if ye know that a man is unworthy to eat and drink of
my flesh and blood ye shall forbid him.

Nevertheless, ye shall not cast him out from among you, but ye shall minister unto him and shall pray for him unto the Father, in my name; and if it so be that he
repenteth and is baptized in my name, then shall ye receive him, and shall minister unto him of my flesh and blood.

But if he repent not he shall not be numbered among my people, that he may not destroy my people, for behold I know my sheep, and they are numbered.

Nevertheless, ye shall not cast him out of your synagogues, or your places of worship, for unto such shall ye continue to minister; for ye know not but what they will
return and repent, and come unto me with full purpose of heart, and I shall heal them; and ye shall be the means of bringing salvation unto them. (3 Nephi 18:28-32)

Here Jesus charged those serving as apostles to prevent people, for their own good, from partaking of the sacrament unworthily. As much as one might want to partake
of the sacrament, to do so unworthily would not be a blessing but a condemnation, and "wo unto him whom the Father condemneth" (3 Ne. 18:33). Nevertheless, the
sinner is not to be excommunicated immediately, but is to be ministered to and given the opportunity to repent. Then, if repentance does not occur, the sinner is to be
numbered no longer among the people of the church, in order to prevent such parties from destroying the people of the church. But even at that, Jesus instructed that
excommunicants should not be isolated, ostracized, or banished (as was the practice under the law of Moses; see Num. 12:14; Ezra 10:8), but that they should be
allowed to enter the church's places of worship and should be ministered unto in hopes that they still might return and repent and come unto Christ with full purpose of
heart, so that he might heal them.

True to the practice we have seen before, the Nephites again modeled their church procedures on these words of Jesus. The elders of the church "were strict to
observe that there should be no iniquity among them" (Moro. 6:7). They fulfilled their obligation to protect the people of the church. The guilty were not convicted by
the elders lightly: "three witnesses of the church" were required in order to "condemn them before the elders" (Moro. 6:7), implementing the rule of witnesses in Deut.
19:15 most generously toward the accused: "One witness shall not rise up against a man for any iniquity,ï¿½at the mouth of two witnesses, or at the mouth of three
witnesses, shall the matter be established." Observing the precise words of Jesus, the Nephites would then remove from the records of the church the names of those
who brought iniquity into the church and would not repent: "And if they repented not, and confessed not, their names were blotted out, and they were not numbered
among the people of Christ" (Moro. 6:7; compare 3 Ne. 18:31). Still, the hand of fellowship and the healing embrace of forgiveness, as Jesus commanded, was
extended repeatedly to the sincerely repentant, forever: "But as oft as they repented and sought forgiveness, with real intent, they were forgiven" (Moro. 6:8; compare 3
Ne. 18:32).

   Didache 9:5; Hans Lietzmann, Mass and Lord's Supper: A Study in the History of the Liturgy, trans. Dorothea H. G. Reeve (Leiden: Brill, 1953), 743. Found also
in Kirsopp Lake, tr., The Apostolic Fathers (New York: Loeb Classical Library, 1930), 1:303-33, and in the Apostolic Constitutions VII.

  This requirement may have been implicitly understood in Paul's comments to baptized members in 1 Cor. 11:27, but it is nowhere expressly stated in the New
Testament.

  Paul states a similar requirement in considerably different terms: "But let a man examine [dokimazeto] himself" (1 Cor. 11:28).

  There is no parallel to this in eucharistic texts of the New Testament.

  See, e.g., Raymond E. Brown, The Gospel According to John (New York: Doubleday, 1966), 274; Hugh W. Nibley, Since Cumorah, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 175-77. Cf. also the multiplication of loaves by Elisha in 2 Kings 4:42-44.

  Eugï¿½ne Revillout, "Les Evangiles des Douze Apotres et de S. Barthelemy," Patrologia Orientalis (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1904), 133-34 (fragment 2).

  Consider(c)
Copyright     also2005-2009,
                   John 4:10-14, "livingMedia
                             Infobase    water,"Corp.
                                                 and the practice of the Ebionites, an early Christian sect, who "celebrated the mysteries with unleavened bread and mere
                                                                                                                                                      Page 485 / 919
water," according to Epiphanius, cited in Joseph A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (London: Chapman, 1971), 442, in connection
with the later.
  Eugï¿½ne Revillout, "Les Evangiles des Douze Apotres et de S. Barthelemy," Patrologia Orientalis (Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1904), 133-34 (fragment 2).

  Consider also John 4:10-14, "living water," and the practice of the Ebionites, an early Christian sect, who "celebrated the mysteries with unleavened bread and mere
water," according to Epiphanius, cited in Joseph A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (London: Chapman, 1971), 442, in connection
with the later.

  Consider material in Brown, Gospel According to John , 1093-1100.

  Some useful sources dealing with the sacrament in the early church include Brown, The Gospel According to John , 274; Louis Bouyer, Eucharist: Theology and
Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968); Maurice Goguel, The Primitive Church (New York: Macmillan, 1964);
Joachim Jeremias, The Eucharistic Words of Jesus (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1966); J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines (New York: Harper and Row, 1960
and revised editions); Lietzman, Mass and Lord's Supper.

  Similarly, one of the specific evils that the earliest Christians were also taught to avoid, according to Didache 14:1, was disputations: "Let anyone who has a dispute
with his fellow not come together with you, until they are reconciled, that your sacrifice be not defiled." Compare Matthew 5:23-26.

Conclusion (3)

The point of this paper is rather simple, namely, that the words used by the Nephites in administering the sacrament and in conducting the affairs of the Church of Christ
are virtually all, solidly and directly, rooted in the words spoken by the resurrected Jesus in 3 Nephi. In one sense, this observation is not surprising. One would expect
this result, namely, that the sacred narratives in the accounts of the presence of Jesus in 3 Nephi would become the basis of subsequent religious practices for all the
Nephites who should believe in Christ and in his appearance at Bountiful. In another sense, however, the degree to which this phenomenon operates might not have
been expected. The precision in usage and the persistence of the basic terms throughout these texts, which are separated from each other by many years and pages of
Nephite history, speak highly of the ancient authorship, of the faithful and logical orderliness, of the linguistic sensitivity, and of the historical validity of this religious
textual history. The Nephite usage bespeaks that of actual experience, enshrining in the institutional practices of a people the memory of a divine presence among them.

Numerous phrases in Moroni 2-6 that are exactly the same as terms in the words of Jesus show that the relationships between these two texts could not have been
random; these interconnections are too extensive, complex, and meaningful for them to have happened accidentally. And yet one may doubt that Joseph Smith, during
the translation and dictation process, was conscious of many of these specific details, except perhaps as an overall impression.

Moreover, detecting the close relationship between the words of Jesus and the words of these priesthood ordinances and procedures, many of which are still in regular
use in the Church today, enhances our appreciation of these sacred texts. In particular, the sacrament prayers in Moroni 4-5 have a rich and meaningful background.
When these prayers are read or heard, they should bring to mind the words and ministrations of Jesus himself at the meridian of time at the temple in Bountiful. When
Latter-day Saints partake of the sacrament, they observe not only the "sacrament of the Lord's Supper," but also what one might call the "sacrament of the Lord's
appearance," eaten in remembrance of his body which was shown unto them (3 Ne. 18:7), in remembrance of his blood that he alone shed to atone for all sin, in
remembrance of the eternal gospel that he personally preached, and in remembrance of the blessings that he then bestowed upon and still extends to all the righteous
who will come unto him.

Notes and Communications

Alma's Use of State in the Book of Mormon: Evidence of Multiple Authorship

Philip A. Allred

Joseph Smith claimed the Book of Mormon was a product of multiple ancient authors. Recent studies of the words and phrases used by the book's various writers
have provided evidence of this claim. The following notes on how the word state is employed in the Book of Mormon suggest that Alma 2 can be singled out as a
distinct author within the record.

  E.g., John W. Welch et al., "Words and Phrases," in Reexploring the Book of Mormon , ed. John W. Welch (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1992),
282-85; Roger R. Keller, "Mormon and Moroni as Authors and Abridgers," in ibid., 269-71; John L. Hilton, "Wordprints and the Book of Mormon," in ibid., 221-26;
and John W. Welch, "Three Accounts of Alma's Conversion," in ibid., 150-53.

   "The condition of a person or thing, as with respect to circumstances or attributes," Webster's Encyclopedic Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language (1989),
s.v. "state."

Statistical Significance

Eleven individuals in the Book of Mormon used the word state. Only Alma used the word to any degree of potential statistical significance. However, even though
an author's use of a word might potentially qualify for statistical significance, any statistical model that could be employed to determine such significance would
necessarily assume normal or similar topic distribution within the Book of Mormon. Because the different writers treated diverse subjects, there is no statistical way to
compare the probability of the different authors' use of state. Therefore, it is nearly impossible to prove objectively that an author's word usage is statistically
significant on the basis of word frequency alone.

Aside from the challenges of this statistical qualification, it is still possible to see Alma as a distinct author in the Book of Mormon. This can be done by examining his
use of state in contrast with other writers on three fronts: unusual concentrations of the word, resumptive rewording with state, and shared topic comparison.

Unusual Concentrations of the Word State

All but two of the eleven writers who used state did so infrequently and sporadically. In contrast, the recorded writings of Alma, and in one case, Lehi, contain
passages that display unusual concentrations of the word state. For example, Lehi uses the word four times in three verses when describing Adam and Eve's
paradisiacal existence in 2 Nephi 2:21-23. A far more impressive concentration of state appears in Alma 40, where Alma is teaching Corianton about the postmortal
existence.

Now, concerning the state of the soul between death and resurrection. . . .
ï¿½the spirits of those who are righteous are received into a state of happiness, which is called paradise, a state of rest, a state of peace.ï¿½
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Now this is the state of the souls of the wicked, yea, in darkness, and a state of awful, fearful looking for the fiery indignation of the wrath of God upon them; thus they
remain in this state, as well as the righteous in paradise, until the time of their resurrection.
existence.

Now, concerning the state of the soul between death and resurrection. . . .
ï¿½the spirits of those who are righteous are received into a state of happiness, which is called paradise, a state of rest, a state of peace.ï¿½

Now this is the state of the souls of the wicked, yea, in darkness, and a state of awful, fearful looking for the fiery indignation of the wrath of God upon them; thus they
remain in this state, as well as the righteous in paradise, until the time of their resurrection.

Now, there are some that have understood that this state of happiness and this state of misery of the soul, before the resurrection, was a first resurrection. (Alma 40:11-
12, 14-15)

Here in just five verses Alma employs the word ten times. Even more remarkable is the concentration in chapter 41 where in just two verses Alma uses state six times.

And now, my son, all men that are in a state of nature, or I would say, in a carnal state, are in the gall of bitterness and in the bonds of iniquity; they are without God in
the world, and they have gone contrary to the nature of God; therefore, they are in a state contrary to the nature of happiness.

And now behold, is the meaning of the word restoration to take a thing of a natural state and place it in an unnatural state, or to place it in a state opposite to its nature?
(Alma 41:11-12)

In chapter 42 Alma clusters his use of state again where it occurs six times in verses 10-13. In a work which claims to be written by multiple authors it certainly is
consistent to find one of these authors displaying an unusual usage of a particular word when the other writers do not.

Resumptive Rewording With State

In several instances Alma displays a tendency to reword with state. For example, in discussing the preparatory nature of mortal existence after the fall, Alma writes,
"And thus we see, that there was a time granted unto man to repent, yea, a probationary time, a time to repent and serve God" (Alma 42:4). Resuming this thought six
verses later, Alma renames this as a probationary state-"it became a state for them to prepare; it became a preparatory state" (Alma 42:10). Again three verses later he
repeats this rewording with "Therefore, according to justice, the plan of redemption could not be brought about, only on conditions of repentance of men in the
probationary state, yea, this preparatory state" (Alma 42:13).

Another example of Alma's tendency to reword with state is found approximately one hundred pages earlier. While visiting Gideon, Alma hoped to "find that ye were
not in the awful dilemma that our brethren were in at Zarahemla" (Alma 7:3). Three verses later Alma defines the dilemma when he resumes the thought with, "I trust
that ye are not in a state of so much unbelief as were your brethren" (Alma 7:6). After discoursing about the atonement he returns again to this topic and combines the
two earlier phrases. "For as I said unto you from the beginning, that I had much desire that ye were not in the state of dilemma like your brethren, even so I have found
that my desires have been gratified" (Alma 7:18). No other author in the Book of Mormon rewords with state-in this Alma stands completely unique.

When only one writer displays this kind of preference for a particular term when restating, especially a nonessential word like state, the reasonable reaction is to believe
that this writer is distinct within the larger work authored by other individuals.

Shared Topic Comparison

As noted above, because of the varied topics that the different writers of the Book of Mormon address, it is difficult to make statistical comparisons of their use of any
given word. On the other hand, a comparison is available between those passages where multiple writers address the same topic. One such topic is the concept of
agency. It is here that Alma's preference for state distinguishes him most clearly from the other writers of the Book of Mormon.

Because it is reasonable to expect that any given topic will generate some common language to describe it, it comes as no surprise that each of the four writers who
addressed agency-Lehi, Jacob, Alma, and Samuel-all used some form of the words act and choose. Yet when each passage is further analyzed, Alma's use of state
again distinguishes him from other Book of Mormon writers.

Wherefore, he gave commandments unto men, they having first transgressed the first commandments as to things which were temporal, and becoming as Gods,
knowing good from evil, placing themselves in a state to act, or being placed in a state to act according to their wills and pleasures.ï¿½

in the first place being left to choose good or evil; therefore they having chosen good, and exercising exceedingly great faith, are called with a holy calling. (Alma
12:31;13:3)

It is significant to note that both Lehi and Jacob used state elsewhere in their writings, so their capacity to have done so in passages relating to agency is not in question.
     Further, the presence of state is not the only difference between Alma and the others. Lehi, Jacob, and Samuel each include references to the word free when
discussing agency. Alma does not.

Of tangential interest, there is marked contrast between Alma and Joseph Smith when their writings about agency are compared. In Doctrine and Covenants 93:30-
31, Joseph revealed that "All truth is independent in that sphere in which God has placed it, to act for itself, as all intelligence also; otherwise there is no existence.
Behold, here is the agency of man." In comparison with Alma's passage in Alma 12:31, Joseph Smith writes about a sphere in which agency exists, while Alma writes
of a state of agency; their meanings are the same, but the language is decidedly different. Further, Alma only describes the principle, while Joseph actually names it as
agency. In fact, every major passage concerning the agency of man in the Doctrine and Covenants is marked with the words agency, agent, or agents. In direct
distinction, the Book of Mormon does not have a single reference to these words. This suggests that the use of state in the Book of Mormon was a feature of the
original text and not simply introduced by Joseph Smith.

Certainly Alma's distinction from his Book of Mormon counterparts is clear in the context of agency. He not only displays his preference for state uniquely when
addressing this topic, but he also elected not to use a key word that the other three authors employed.

Conclusion

Alma certainly stands distinct from the other authors in the Book of Mormon when his use of state is analyzed. Alma's unique concentration of state, his tendency to
reword with state, and his distinctive treatment of a shared topic involving state all point to him as a unique writer within the Book of Mormon. This is perfectly
consistent with Joseph's claims about the Book of Mormon. Also, the differences between the Book of Mormon and the other scriptures produced by Joseph Smith in
relation to the use of state are also what one would expect to find in the various publications of a prophet who both translated other's writings and received his own
prophetic material.
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  Abinadi, Alma 2 , Amulek, Benjamin, Jacob, Lehi, the Lord, Mormon, Moroni, Nephi, and an angelic visitor to Nephi all employed the word state; cf. Eldin Ricks,
Eldin Ricks's Thorough Concordance of the LDS Standard Works (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1995), 691-92.
reword with state, and his distinctive treatment of a shared topic involving state all point to him as a unique writer within the Book of Mormon. This is perfectly
consistent with Joseph's claims about the Book of Mormon. Also, the differences between the Book of Mormon and the other scriptures produced by Joseph Smith in
relation to the use of state are also what one would expect to find in the various publications of a prophet who both translated other's writings and received his own
prophetic material.

  Abinadi, Alma 2 , Amulek, Benjamin, Jacob, Lehi, the Lord, Mormon, Moroni, Nephi, and an angelic visitor to Nephi all employed the word state; cf. Eldin Ricks,
Eldin Ricks's Thorough Concordance of the LDS Standard Works (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1995), 691-92.

   An author must display at least one use of the word per one-thousand total words. Alma is the only author whose use of state qualifies in this preliminary way (Alma
used state 35 times in 19,137 total words, which equals nearly two instances per 1,000 words). The idea for this comparative figure is drawn from Roger R. Keller's
article entitled "Law and Commandments in the Book of Mormon" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1991). The full methodology is spelled out in a forthcoming book by Keller
entitled Author Uniqueness within the Book of Mormon: An Aid to Interpretation.

   For instance, even though Alma used state an unusual number of times in Alma 40:12-15, he is addressing the topic of the postmortal spirit world, which is unique to
him in the Book of Mormon. Hence, no statistical comparison can be made between Alma and the other writers in this case. I am indebted to Dr. John L. Hilton, BYU,
for explaining these critical points on statistical significance.

   Further evidence for this argument is found in the presence of another concentration of state approximately ninety pages earlier in Alma 12. Here again Alma clusters
his use of the word nine times starting in verse 12. As John W. Welch has elsewhere noted, even though Alma's words are found scattered among other's writings over
nearly one-fifth of the Book of Mormon, his words bear "the unmistakable imprints of a single distinctive person," in Reexploring the Book of Mormon , 153. For
instance, both Ammon and Amulek's words appear between Alma 12 and Alma 42-both employed state, but neither displays any concentration of the word; in fact,
they only expressed their message with state on one occasion each; see Alma 26:17 and 34:35 respectively. It is also significant to note that in Alma's initial conversion
account in Mosiah 27 he used state twice (Mosiah 27:25).

This is not to be equated with epanaleptic repetition, which is specifically employed for digressions within a single sentence; see Larry G. Childs, "Epanalepsis in the
Book of Mormon" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1986).

   Another rewording with state (though not necessarily resumptive), occurs in Alma 41:11-Alma writes that all men "have gone contrary to the nature of God;
therefore, they are in a state contrary to the nature of happiness."

   2 Nephi 2:26-27;10:23; Alma 12:31;13:3; and Helaman 14:30-31.

  See 2 Nephi 2:21-23 and 9:27 respectively.

   2 Nephi 2:26-27 (three times); 2 Ne. 10:23; and Hel. 14:30 (two times).

   Comparison between the four major works that Joseph Smith brought forth further suggest multiple authorship of the Book of Mormon. While the Book of Mormon
contains the term seventy-seven times (Ricks, Thorough Concordance, 691-92), the books of Abraham and Moses, as well as the entire Joseph Smith Translation of
the Bible lack even a single use of state. Of interest also, the Doctrine and Covenants contains the word only three times (71:1; 93:38; and 130:9) and the Joseph Smith
History employs the word only once (Joseph Smith-History 1:29). In addition, Joseph Smith's wording in Joseph-Smith History 1:29-in which he synonymously
couples state with standing-is interesting because the word standing only appears twice in the Book of Mormon and neither time with state; see Mosiah 4:11 and Alma
13:5.

  See Doctrine and Covenants 29:35-39;58:27-28; 93:30-31; and 101:78. Moses 4:3 and 7:32 also contain references to agency and Moses 6:56 refers to agents.

The Iliad and the Book of Mormon

John A. Tvedtnes

The Iliad, an ancient Greek epic written by Homer, tells the story of the Trojan War. Though Homer probably lived about 800 B.C., the date of the war itself is
generally acknowledged to be ca. 1200 B.C. Consequently, Homer's description of weapons and battle tactics can be said to be authentic for at least 800 B.C. and
perhaps earlier.

One of the results of the Trojan War and other conflicts of the time was the influx of Anatolian peoples from the area around Troy into the southeastern Mediterranean-
notably Egypt and Palestine. Known to the Egyptians collectively as the "sea peoples," they included such groups as the Philistines, whose weaponry, armor, and
chariots so impressed the Israelites (1 Sam. 13:5, 19-22

It is in this light that we note that some elements in the Book of Mormon have their parallels in the Iliad. For example, Laban's sword with its sheath, golden hilt, and
precious steel blade (1 Ne. 4:9) is reminiscent of the swords of some of the military leaders in Homer's epic. Menelaus had a silver-studded sword (Iliad 2.45; 3.361;
13.610; 14.405; 23.807-8) or a gold-studded sword (Iliad 11.29-30), and Hector is said to have given Ajax a silver-studded sword with a sheath (Iliad 7.303-4).
Achilles' sword was bronze with silver studs (Iliad 16.135-36) and had a silver hilt (Iliad 1.219-20). The god Apollo, who participated in the war, fought with a golden
sword (Iliad 5.509). We can also compare Nephi's steel bow (1 Ne. 16:18) to the silver bow carried by Apollo (Iliad 1.451; 5.517, 760; 7.58; 10.515; 21.229;
24.56, 758-59).

When describing the weaponry and armor of the Nephites, Alma notes that "also they were dressed with thick clothing" (Alma 43:19). In the Iliad, there are numerous
descriptions of the bronze weapons and armor, including breastplates and greaves worn on the arms and legs, as in the Book of Mormon passage. Of special interest is
that Iliad 2.830 draws our attention to the use of a linen breastplate, which might correspond to the "thick clothing" used by the Nephites.

Some of the battle tactics noted in the Iliad are also similar to those in the Book of Mormon, though there are notable differences that may be due to different terrain
and the passage of time. The Achaeans, for example, built a stone fortification wall and surrounded it by a ditch, placing sharp stakes at the top of the ditch, to slow
down any possible Trojan attack on their camp (Iliad 12.52-57). The Nephite general Moroni constructed similar fortifications (Alma 49:18; Alma 53:3-4).

In 1 Nephi 3:31-4:1, we read that Laban commanded a group of fifty men plus tens of thousands. Hugh Nibley has elicited evidence that there were, in the time of
Lehi, military units comprising fifty men that were called "fifty" in Babylonian records and concludes that Laban was a military commander with a local garrison of fifty
and a larger force in the field. He notes that this is borne out by the fact that, when Nephi came across him drunk in the streets, Laban was dressed in full armor and
wearing the precious sword (1 Nephi 4:7-9, 19). Homer tells us that Achilles brought to the Trojan War fifty ships with fifty men each and had five battalion leaders
among   them(c)
 Copyright    (Iliad 16.168-71).
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The Nephites were wont to fight for their wives, their children, and their lands (Alma 35:14;43:9;44:5;48:10;58:12). Indeed the Nephite general Moroni rallied his
forces with the cry to defend their religion, their freedom, their peace, their wives, and their children, writing these values on a piece of cloth that he called "the title of
In 1 Nephi 3:31-4:1, we read that Laban commanded a group of fifty men plus tens of thousands. Hugh Nibley has elicited evidence that there were, in the time of
Lehi, military units comprising fifty men that were called "fifty" in Babylonian records and concludes that Laban was a military commander with a local garrison of fifty
and a larger force in the field. He notes that this is borne out by the fact that, when Nephi came across him drunk in the streets, Laban was dressed in full armor and
wearing the precious sword (1 Nephi 4:7-9, 19). Homer tells us that Achilles brought to the Trojan War fifty ships with fifty men each and had five battalion leaders
among them (Iliad 16.168-71).

The Nephites were wont to fight for their wives, their children, and their lands (Alma 35:14;43:9;44:5;48:10;58:12). Indeed the Nephite general Moroni rallied his
forces with the cry to defend their religion, their freedom, their peace, their wives, and their children, writing these values on a piece of cloth that he called "the title of
liberty," which, after girding on his armor, he carried about (Alma 46:12-13). In a similar manner, during the Trojan War, Nestor admonished the Achaean troops to
remember their children, their wives, their property, and their parents, whether dead or alive (Iliad 15.659-66).

There are other similarities as well. For example, just as King Mosiah's son Ammon smote off the arms of a number of men who attacked him with clubs (Alma 17:27-
39;18:16), during the Trojan War King Menelaus cut off the arm of Hippolochus at the shoulder with a single sword-stroke (Iliad 11.145-47).

Such parallels lend authenticity to the stories told in the Book of Mormon and lead me to believe that the Nephite record accurately reflects, to a certain extent, the Old
World culture from which Lehi came. However, it would not surprise me to see the critics now adding the Iliad to the list of sources from which they believe Joseph
Smith got ideas for the Book of Mormon. Just how many books can this untutored nineteenth-century farm lad have read?

  The term is also found in the Bible in passages where the Hebrew reads "copper/bronze" (2 Sam. 22:35; Job 20:24; Ps. 18:34).

   Weapons made of precious metals are known from even earlier times. Tablets from the ancient Syrian city of Ebla (2600-2500 b.c.) speak of gold daggers, a silver-
bladed dagger, and silver bows (TM.75.G.1599 obverse III.2-4, VI.3-7, VII.1-3; TM.75.G.2070 obverse VIII.17).

  Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, The World of the Jaredites, There Were Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 97-98; Hugh W.
Nibley An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3rd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 126-27.

Eyewitness Descriptions of Mesoamerican Swords

Matthew Roper

Recent scholarship on Book of Mormon warfare suggests that the Mesoamerican weapon the macuahuitl fits the criteria for the Book of Mormon "sword." Recent
critics of this position have argued that the comparison is faulty. The macuahuitl, they argue, was merely a club studded with obsidian. "Such flexible interpretations,"
insists one recent critic, "suggest a lack of methodological rigor on the part of those already certain of the Book of Mormon's ancient historicity." It is noteworthy that
early Chroniclers of Mesoamerican culture such as Duran and Clavijero unashamedly describe this weapon as a sword. Modern Mesoamerican historians
commonly use similar terminology. In order to shed additional light on the issue I have provided extracts from Spanish accounts of those who encountered this
weapon in battle. As these examples clearly demonstrate, these witnesses almost universally describe the macuahuitl as a "sword" and in some cases these same
witnesses distinguish between several kinds of swords.

The Admiral thanked God for having shown him in a moment samples of all the goods of that country without exertion or exposing his men to any danger. He ordered
such things to be taken as he judged most handsome and valuable, such asï¿½long wooden swords with a groove on each side where the edge should be, in which the
cutting edges of flint were fixed with thread and bitumen (these swords cut naked men as if they were of steel).

Many bands of Indians came along the coast from the town of Champoton, as it is called, wearing cotton armour to the knees, and carrying bows and arrows, lances
and shields, swords which appeared to be two-handed, slings and stones.

Then they attacked us hand to hand, some with lances and some shooting arrows, and others with their two-handed cutting swords.

They were carrying their usual weapons: bows, arrows, lances of various sizes, some of which were as large as ours; shields, swords single and double handed, and
slings and stones.

Then they attacked us with their two-handed cutting swords.

When we met the enemy bands and companies, . . . they were armed with large bows and arrows, spears and shields, swords like our two-handed swords, and slings
and stones.

They carried two-handed swords, shields, lances, and feather plumes. Their swords, which were as long as broadswords, were made of flint which cut worse than a
knife, and the blades were so set than one could neither break them nor pull them out.

They put up so good a defence that they wounded some of our horses with their swords and lances.

These Indians put up a good fight with their arrows and fire-hardened darts, and did wonders with their two-handed swords.

But the passage was very difficult, for the Indians' shooting was extremely good, and they did us great damage with their spears and broadswords.

We did not dare break our formations, however, for any of our soldiers who was bold enough to break ranks and pursue their swordmen or captains was immediately
wounded and in great danger.

While we were at grips with this great army and their dreadful broadswords, many of the most powerful among the enemy seem to have decided to capture a horse.
They began with a furious attack, and laid hands on a good mare well trained both for sport and battle. Her rider, Pedro de Moron, was a fine horseman; and as he
charged with three other horsemen into enemy ranks-they had been instructed to charge together for mutual support-some of them seized his lance so that he could not
use it, and others slashed at him with their broadswords, wounding him severely, Then they slashed at his mare, cutting her head at the neck so that it only hung by the
skin. The mare fell dead, and if his mounted comrades had not come to Moron's rescue, he would probably have been killed also.

Their swordsmen and spearmen pressed us hard, and closed with us bravely, shouting and yelling as they came.

Their charging swordsmen were repelled by stout thrusts from our swords, and did not close in on us so often as in the previous battle.
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Then their swordsmen made a sudden attack on the fourth side, in the positive certainty that they would be able to carry off some of our men for sacrifice. But God
provided otherwise.
Their swordsmen and spearmen pressed us hard, and closed with us bravely, shouting and yelling as they came.

Their charging swordsmen were repelled by stout thrusts from our swords, and did not close in on us so often as in the previous battle.

Then their swordsmen made a sudden attack on the fourth side, in the positive certainty that they would be able to carry off some of our men for sacrifice. But God
provided otherwise.

Cortes gave them a mild answer.ï¿½"When I remember seeing us surrounded by so many companies of the enemy, and watching the play of their broadswords at such
close quarters, even now I am terrified. When they killed the mare with a single sword-stroke we were defeated and lost, and at that same moment I was more aware
of your matchless courage than ever before."

Montezuma had two houses stocked with every sort of weapon; many of them were richly adorned with gold and precious stones. There were shields large and small,
and a sort of broadsword, and two-handed swords set with flint blades that cut much better than our swords.

Then they described the weapons which the Mexicans used:ï¿½flint-edged two-handed swords.

At a difficult pass they attacked us with their broadswords, killing two of our soldiers and one horse, and wounding almost all the rest.

And the dogs fought back furiously, dealing us wounds and death with their lances and their two-handed swords.

The Tlascalans became like very lions. With their swords, their two-handed blades, and other weapons which they had just captured, they fought most valiantly and
well.

Some of their captains carried scythe-like lances made from the swords they had captured from us during the slaughter on the causeway; others had long straight
gleaming lances, which were also made from captured swords. Then there were archers and warriors with double-headed javelins, and with slings and stones, and their
two-handed swords.

The soldier Olea had been badly wounded by three sword-cuts and was losing blood.

The ensigns waved their banners and standards, and all carried bows and arrows, two-handed swords, javelins, and spear-throwers. Some also had double-edged
swords and long or short lances.

The Mexicans had erected many barricades and ramparts, so that it was impossible to cross except by swimming. Whenever an attempt was made hosts of warriors
were waiting for our men with arrows and slings and their various kinds of swords and lances.

Many Indians were attacking us, with swords captured when Cortes was defeated or with flint-edged broadswords, trying to prevent us from rescuing the launch.

They had likewise long Swords, which they used with both Hands, as we do our Scimitars or Falchions, made of Wood, in which they fixed sharp Flints.

As the Spaniards tried to capture one of them to find out where they were from, the Indians with two blows of their swords killed two horses, and also wounded two
Spaniards, and so defended themselves that not one of them was taken alive.

The marquï¿½s ordered all the arms taken out of the arsenal we have mentioned, which were bows and arrows, spears and slings, and wooden swords with flint
blades. There were about five-hundred cartloads, and he had them burned.

This Indian gave us signs of a place with many islands where there were caravels and men like ourselves, except they had large ears, and he said they had swords and
shields, and that there were many other provinces there.

Two horsemen who had gone on in front of me perceived several Indians wearing the feathers which they are accustomed to wear in time of war, together with swords
and shields.

They had neither arrows, darts nor stones with which to resist us, and they were fighting against our allies armed with swords and shields.

They usedï¿½cudgels and swords and a great many bows and arrows.ï¿½One Indian at a single stroke cut open the whole neck of Crist al de Olid's horse, killing the
horse. The Indian on the other side slashed at the second horseman and the blow cut through the horse's pastern, whereupon this horse also fell dead.

As soon as this sentry gave the alarm, they all ran out with their weapons to cut us off, following us with great fury, shooting arrows, spears and stones, and wounding
us with their swords. Here many Spaniards fell, some dead and some wounded, and others without any injury who fainted away from fright.

They have swords that are like broadswords, but their hilts are not quite so long and are three fingers wide; they are made of wood with grooves into which they fit
hard stones blades which cut like a Tolosa blade. One Indian I saw in combat with a mounted horseman struck the horse in the chest, cutting through to the inside and
killing the horse on the spot. On the same day I saw another Indian give a horse a sword thrust in the neck that laid the horse dead at his feet.

In another part they cut the stones for knives and swords, which is something very interesting to see, and they also make swords and shields.

The foremost horsemen met with fifteen Indians armed with swords.ï¿½In this fight the Indians slew two of their horses, as the Spaniards do witness, at two blows they
cut off a horse['s] head, bridle and all.

In their houses [i.e., armories] was great store of all kind of munitions which they use in their wars; as bows, arrows, slings, lances, darts, clubs, swords and bucklers,
and gallant targets.ï¿½Their swords are made of wood, and the edge thereof is flint stone, inclosedï¿½into a staff, with a certain kind of glue which is made of a root
called zacole and Teuxalli.

With their swords they cut spears, yea, and a horse neck at a blow, and make dents into iron, which seemeth a thing unprofitable and incredible.

   John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985), 262-63; William J. Hamblin and A.
Brent Merrill,
 Copyright (c)"Swords in theInfobase
               2005-2009,     Book ofMedia
                                      Mormon,"
                                            Corp.in Warfare in the Book of Mormon , ed. Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin (Salt Lake City:
                                                                                                                                            Page Deseret
                                                                                                                                                    490Book
                                                                                                                                                         / 919
and FARMS, 1990), 329-51; John L. Sorenson, "Viva Zapato! Hurray for the Shoe!" Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 324-31; William J.
Hamblin, "An Apologist for the Critics: Brent Lee Metcalfe's Assumptions and Methodologies," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 481-83.
With their swords they cut spears, yea, and a horse neck at a blow, and make dents into iron, which seemeth a thing unprofitable and incredible.

   John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985), 262-63; William J. Hamblin and A.
Brent Merrill, "Swords in the Book of Mormon," in Warfare in the Book of Mormon , ed. Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book
and FARMS, 1990), 329-51; John L. Sorenson, "Viva Zapato! Hurray for the Shoe!" Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 324-31; William J.
Hamblin, "An Apologist for the Critics: Brent Lee Metcalfe's Assumptions and Methodologies," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 481-83.

 Deanne G. Matheny, "Does the Shoe Fit? A Critique of the Limited Tehuantepec Geography," in New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical
Methodology, ed. Brent Lee Metcalfe (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993), 292-97.

  Brent Lee Metcalfe, "Apologetic and Critical Assumptions about Book of Mormon Historicity," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 26/3 (Fall 1993): 161 n.
27.

  Diego Durï¿½n, The History of the Indies of New Spain, trans. Doris Heyden (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994), 66, 76, 109, 135, 139, 150, 152-
53, 171, 198, 279, 294, 323, 375, 378, 412, 428, 437, 441, 451, 519, 552-53; Diego Durï¿½n, Book of the Gods and Rites and the Ancient Calendar, trans. Doris
Heyden and Fernando Horcasitas (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971), 124, 178-80, 234, 236.

  The macuahuitl "was equivalent to the sword of the Old Continent"; Francesco S. Clavijero, The History of Mexico, trans. Charles Cullen, 3 vols. (Philadelphia:
Budd and Bartram, 1804), 2:165.

  Hubert H. Bancroft, Native Races (5 vols. (San Francisco: Bancroft, 1883), 2:409-10; Philip Drucker, a Venta, Tabasco: A Study of Olmec Ceramics and Art
((Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1952): 202; Maurice Collis Cortï¿½s and Montezuma New York: Avon Books, 1954), 41, 91, 94, 97, 202;
Jon M. White, Cortes and the Downfall of the Aztec Empire ((New York: Caroll & Graf, 1971), 115; Ross Hassig, ztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion and Political
Control ((Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 33, 45, 50, 75, 80-86, 90, 92, 96, 101-2, 111, 116, 121, 143, 172, 290 n. 67; Ross Hassig, ar and
Society in Ancient Mesoamerica ((Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 7, 112-14, 122-23, 126-27, 137-39, 150-51, 153, 160, 162, 172-73, 177; Hugh
Thomas, onquest: Montezuma, Cortes and the Fall of Old Mexico ((New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993), 237.

   Samuel E. Morison, Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (New York: Heritage Press, 1963), 327; in each quotation
the mention of swords is italicized.

  Bernal Diaz, The Conquest of New Spain, trans. J. M. Cohen (New York: Penguin Books, 1963), 22.

  Ibid., 23.

  Ibid., 29.

  Ibid., 72.

  Ibid., 75.

  Ibid., 142-43.

  Ibid., 143.

  Ibid., 143.

  Ibid., 144.

  Ibid., 144-45.

  Ibid., 145.

  Ibid., 149.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 151-52.

  Ibid., 158.

  Ibid., 228.

  Ibid., 180.

  Ibid., 303.

  Ibid.

  Ibid., 305.

  Ibid., 341.

  Ibid., 342.

  Ibid., 355-56.
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  Ibid., 376.

  Ibid., 385.
  Ibid., 342.

  Ibid., 355-56.

  Ibid., 376.

  Ibid., 385.

  Antonio de Solï¿½s y Rivadeneyra, cited in Hassig, Aztec Warfare, 15.

  Andrï¿½s de Tapia, in The Conquistadors: First-Person Accounts of the Conquest of Mexico, ed. Patricia de Fuentes (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
1993), 29.

  Ibid., 42.

  Juan Dï¿½az, in The Conquistadors, 9.

  Hernï¿½n Cortï¿½s, Second Letter, 30 October 1520, in Hernando Cortes: Five Letters 1519-1526, trans. J. Bayard Morris (1928; reprint, New York: Norton,
1991), 41.

  Hernan Cortes, Third Letter, 15 May 1522, in Hernando Cortes, 224.

  Francisco de Auguilar, in The Conquistadors, 139-40.

  Ibid., 155.

  The Anonymous Conquistador, in The Conquistadors, 169.

  Ibid., 179.

  Francisco Lopez de Gomara, The Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast [sic] India, trans. Thomas Nicholas (London: Bynneman, 1578), 114.

  Ibid., 186-87.

  Ibid., 187.

Knowledge of Christ to Come

John A. Tvedtnes

And behold, he shall be born of Mary, at Jerusalem which is the land of our forefathers, she being a virgin. . . .

And he shall go forth, suffering pains and afflictions and temptations of every kind. . . .

And he will take upon him death, that he may loose the bands of death which bind his people; and he will take upon him their infirmities. (Alma 7:10-12)

To those who deny prophecy, it seems impossible that Alma could have known details such as these from the life of Christ, who had not yet been born. The earliest
Book of Mormon prophets, such as Lehi and his sons Nephi and Jacob, were aware of such things as Christ's name and title, his baptism by John, his teachings, his
selection of twelve apostles, his miraculous healings and casting out of devils, and his death on the cross (1 Nephi 10:7-10;11:27-33; 2 Ne. 10:3;25:19).

While the twentieth-century critical mind is hard-pressed to believe that details of Christ's life could be known long before he was born, early Christians readily
accepted the idea. Other documents indicate that Adam and other prophets knew of Christ's atonement.

For example, in the Book of the Rolls God declares to Adam, "I will send my dear Son; He will come down to the earth, He will be clothed with a body from a
Virgin of thy race, named Mary." The preexistent Christ tells Adam,

I will come down to thee, and in thy house will I dwell and with thy body will I be clothed.ï¿½I will fast forty days;ï¿½I will receive baptism;ï¿½I will be lifted up on the
cross;ï¿½I will endure lies;ï¿½I will be beaten with the whip;ï¿½I will taste vinegar;ï¿½my hands will be nailed;ï¿½I will be pierced with a spear;ï¿½I will thunder in the
height;ï¿½I will darken the sun;ï¿½I will cleave the rocks;ï¿½after three days, which I have spent in the grave, I will raise up the body which I took from thee.

On his deathbed, Adam told his son Seth,

God will come down to the earth.ï¿½He will be incarnate of a Virgin girl named Mary.ï¿½He will do wonders and signs openly; He will walk on the waves of the sea
as if walking on the dry land; He will rebuke the winds in a manifest way, and they will be led by His command. He will call to the waves of the sea, and they will
answer Him obediently. At His command the blind shall see, the lepers shall be cleansed, the deaf shall hear, the dumb shall speak, the deformed shall be straightened,
the lame shall spring up, the palsied shall rise and walk. Many rebels shall be led to God, those who have wandered shall be led aright, and devils shall be driven away.


We are struck with the similarity between these passages and ones found in the Book of Mormon, especially the prophecy of Alma cited at the beginning.

   The Book of the Rolls is a pseudepigraphic work known only from an Arabic version, though attributed to Clement, a disciple of Simon Peter. It reflects the same
tradition found in other ancient Christian works about the earliest generations of mankind, such as the Conflict of Adam and Eve with Satan, the Cave of Treasures, and
The Bee.

  Book of the Rolls f.96a, in Margaret D. Gibson, Apocrypha Arabica (London: Clay and Sons, 1901), 10.

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                                                                                                                                                        Helaman   / 919
                                                                                                                                                                14:20-22;
and 3 Nephi 8:17-20.
The Bee.

  Book of the Rolls f.96a, in Margaret D. Gibson, Apocrypha Arabica (London: Clay and Sons, 1901), 10.

  Book of the Rolls f.100b-10la, in ibid., 16; for the thunder, darkening of the sun, and rending of the rocks at Christ's crucifixion, see 1 Ne. 12:4, Helaman 14:20-22;
and 3 Nephi 8:17-20.

  Book of the Rolls f.100a-b, in ibid., 15.

Two Notes on Egyptian Script

John Gee

Moroni, at the end of his father's record, states, "we have written this record according to our knowledge, in the characters which are called among us the reformed
Egyptian" (Morm. 9:32). Since the publication of this statement many suggestions have been made concerning the identification of the script. This note is intended
to broaden the base of possibilities thus far considered by adding two hitherto unconsidered options.

   Moroni explicitly says that the term reformed Egyptian refers to the script rather than the language. I have dealt with the distinction between language and script in
John Gee, "La Trahison des Clercs: On the Language and Translation of the Book of Mormon," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 79-82, 94-99.

  A convenient summary of the suggestions is found in William J. Hamblin, "Reformed Eyptian" (Provo, UT: FARMS, 1995).

Abnormal Hieratic

Most discussions of reformed Egyptian deal with demotic. Yet "Demotic isï¿½derivedï¿½from one of two hieratic styles used in Lower Egypt itself." This other
style of hieratic script, abnormal hieratic, has not received attention and ought at least to be considered in discussions of reformed Egyptian. Michel Malinine, who
did the most work toward deciphering and publishing abnormal hieratic documents, did not like the term himself and preferred to call it "cursive thï¿½baine
tardive" (late Theban cursive) while Georg Mï¿½ller preferred the term "spï¿½thieratische Kursive," but Griffith's term, "abnormal hieratic," is the one that has
stuck. "'Abnormal hieratic' represents the final stage of the development of cursive writing in the New Kingdom, which was elaborated and used in the southern half of
Egypt and, in particular, at Thebes, and whose progressive changes can actually be followed, almost without interruption, from the end of the Eighteenth Dynasty until
the penultimate reign of the Saite Dynasty." An adaptation of hieratic characterized by "wild orthography," abnormal hieratic in its second phase was used in Egypt
mainly for legal and administrative purposes during the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties (727-548 B.C.), after which time it was replaced by demotic.
Though abnormal hieratic is usually thought only to have been used in southern Egypt, it has now been dubiously argued that it was used in northern Egypt as well.
Be that as it may, it is yet another modified Egyptian script available in Egypt in Lehi's day.

   Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, The World of the Jaredites, There Were Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 15; Stephen E. Thompson,
review of Southwestern American Indian Rock Art and the Book of Mormon , by James R. Harris, Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 4 (1992): 75-76.

  Ola el-Aguizy, "About the Origins of Early Demotic in Lower Egypt," in Life in a Multi-Cultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond, ed.
Janet H. Johnson (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1992), 94.

   So named by F. Ll. Griffith, see Jaroslav Caerny, "The Abnormal-hieratic Tablet Leiden I 431," in Studies Presented to F. Ll. Griffith (London: Egypt Exploration
Society, 1932), 46; Michel Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques en hiï¿½ratique anormal et en dï¿½motique, 2 vols. (vol. 1: Paris: Champion, 1953; vol. 2: Cairo:
Institut franï¿½ais d'archï¿½ologie orientale, 1983), 1:iv.

  Michel Malinine, "Une affaire conï¿½ernant un partage (Pap. Vienne D 12003 et D 12004)," Revue d'ï¿½gyptologie 25 (1973): 192.

   Quoted in Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," in Textes et langages de l'ï¿½gypte pharaonique: Cent cinquante annï¿½es de recherches 1822-1972: Hommage ï¿½
Jean-Franï¿½ois Champollion, 2 vols. (Cairo: Institute Franï¿½ais d'Archï¿½ologie Orientale, 1973), 1:31.

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:xiv.

  Georg Mï¿½ller, Hieratische Palï¿½ographie: Die aegyptische Buchschrift in ihrer Entwicklung von der fï¿½nften Dynastie bis zur rï¿½mischen Kaiserzeit, 3 vols.
(Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1927-36), 3:1.

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:iv. For the administrative purposes of early demotic, see ibid., 1:xvi.

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:ix; Sven P. Vleeming, "The Sale of a Slave in the Time of Pharaoh Py," Oudheidkundige mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum
van Oudheden te Leiden 40 (1980): 4, 13 n. 31. No trace remained by the second year of Alexander the Great (331 b.c.); see Richard Jasnow, "The Hieratic
Wooden Tablet Varille," in For His Ka: Essays Offered in Memory of Klaus Baer, ed. David P. Silverman (Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago,
1994), 100.

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:xix-xxi.

  Ibid., 1:ix-xiv; Michel Malinine, "Vente de tombes ï¿½ l'ï¿½poque saï¿½te," Revue d'Egyptologie 27 (1975): 169.

  El-Aguizy, "About the Origins of Early Demotic," 91-94.

Carved Hieratic

It is important to realize also that demotic, like hieratic (and abnormal hieratic), was usually written with a brush on papyrus until Ptolemaic times (third century B.C.),
when the Greek kalamos or reed pen began to be used. Hieratic from the beginning was a script adapted for brush on papyrus; for carving, hieroglyphics were used.
     After the conquest of Egypt by the Libyans ushered in the Twenty-first Dynasty, hieratic began to be used for carving in stone. During the Twenty-second
Dynasty, hieratic stelae containing official royal decrees became common; but hieratic disappeared from official decrees with the archaizing fashion of the Saite Period
(Twenty-sixth Dynasty). The ductus of hieratic (and demotic) that has been engraved is altered from that found on papyrus-carving tends to be more angular,
while   the brush
 Copyright        adapts itself well
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                                Infobase  Mediaforms-which
                                                  Corp.        makes it more difficult to read if one is not used to it. When engraved, hieratic and demotic
                                                                                                                                                         Pageare normally
                                                                                                                                                                  493 / 919
engraved in stone, but there are examples of demotic engraved into metal, including a bronze palette. Though, to my knowledge, no one has raised this objection
before, it is worth noting that a tradition of engraving forms of cursive Egyptian is attested by Lehi's day and that engraved forms of cursive do not necessarily
coincide with those forms produced by brush and ink.
when the Greek kalamos or reed pen began to be used. Hieratic from the beginning was a script adapted for brush on papyrus; for carving, hieroglyphics were used.
   After the conquest of Egypt by the Libyans ushered in the Twenty-first Dynasty, hieratic began to be used for carving in stone. During the Twenty-second
Dynasty, hieratic stelae containing official royal decrees became common; but hieratic disappeared from official decrees with the archaizing fashion of the Saite Period
(Twenty-sixth Dynasty). The ductus of hieratic (and demotic) that has been engraved is altered from that found on papyrus-carving tends to be more angular,
while the brush adapts itself well to rounded forms-which makes it more difficult to read if one is not used to it. When engraved, hieratic and demotic are normally
engraved in stone, but there are examples of demotic engraved into metal, including a bronze palette. Though, to my knowledge, no one has raised this objection
before, it is worth noting that a tradition of engraving forms of cursive Egyptian is attested by Lehi's day and that engraved forms of cursive do not necessarily
coincide with those forms produced by brush and ink.

What follows are selected lists of documents in abnormal hieratic    and carved hieratic    and a selected bibliography of works dealing with abnormal hieratic.

  Willy Clarysse, "Egyptian Scribes Writing Greek," Chronique d'Egypte 68/135-36 (1993): 188-89, 192-93.

  See Nicolas Grimal, A History of Ancient Egypt, trans. Ian Shaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 33-34.

   The importance of this for Old Testament history can hardly be understated. Without the problems caused by its western and southern flanks (Libya and Nubia),
Egypt would certainly have pursued its traditional course of dominating the Levantine littoral, which would not have allowed either a united or a divided Israelite
monarchy; the Israelites would have forever been fighting the Egyptians rather than the Philistines. For Egypt's foreign policy, see Donald B. Redford, Egypt, Canaan,
and Israel in Ancient Times (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), a book unfortunately marred by the author's obvious hostility toward the Bible and the
religions that sprang therefrom.

   For a recent study of the archaizing tendency of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, see Peter Der Manuelian, Living in the Past: Studies in Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-
sixth Dynasty (London: Kegan Paul International, 1994). This tendency is normally noted in the art of the period; see Gay Robins, Proportion and Style in Ancient
Egyptian Art (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994), 256-57. Although the archaizing tendency of art is normally associated with the Twenty- sixth Dynasty, it
started earlier in the Twenty-fifth Dynasty; ibid., 160; W. Stevenson Smith, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, rev. William Kelly Simpson (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1981), 408.

  Greek epigraphers used special tools in carving circular letters; see A. E. Raubitschek, "The Mechanical Engraving of Circular Letters," American Journal of
Archaeology 55 (1951): 343-44; C. G. Higgins and W. Kendrick Pritchett, "Engraving Techniques in Attic Epigraphy," American Journal of Archaeology 69/4 (1965):
369-70, plates 97, 99-100.

  Adel Farid, "Sieben Metallgefï¿½ï¿½e mit demotischen Inschriften aus Kairo und Paris," Revue d'ï¿½gyptologie 45 (1994): 117-32 and plates XIII-XVII.

  Cairo CG 30691 (Roman period), in Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Denkmï¿½ler, 1:80-82 and Tafel XXVI. This document is a temple inventory; for other
examples see Jasnow, "The Hieratic Wooden Tablet Varille," 99-112, and bibliography in p. 100 n. 10.

  Mï¿½ller, Hieratische Palï¿½ographie, 3:8.

   In 1953 Malinine knew of about 150 documents in early demotic and abnormal hieratic, of which about thirty at most had been published; Malinine, Choix des
textes juridiques, 1:iv. He said there were about forty texts in abnormal hieratic; ibid., 1:ix.

  This does not include incised hieratic ostraca that came to my attention too late to be included.

Selected Chronological List of
Abnormal Hieratic Documents

Document Date      Egyptian Date

P. Berlin 3063 21-22 Dyn
Berlin "Grundbuch" 21-22 Dyn
P. Berlin 10459 21-22 Dyn
P. Ermitage 2969 21-22 Dyn
P. Vienne 12011a 21-22 Dyn
P. Vienne 12011b 21-22 Dyn
P. Vienne 12011c 21-22 Dyn
P. Vienne 12013 21-22 Dyn
P. Brit Mus 10800 22 Dyn 14.2.3 ht.8 ?
P. Berlin 3048 833 B.C. 14 Takelot II
P. Leiden F 1942/5.15 728 B.C. 21.2.3 ht.8 Py
Vatican (10.574) 2038 c 726 B.C. 22 Py
Papyrus Cairo 30884 686 B.C. 5.1.smw.16 [Taharqa]
Papyrus Louvre E 3228 f 686 B.C. 5.3.smw.19 [Taharqa]
Papyrus Louvre E 3228 c 685 B.C. 6.2.mw.6 Taharqa
Papyrus Cairo 30841 686 B.C.[7.4.[x] Taharqa
Papyrus Cairo 30886 680 B.C. 13.2.smw.29 [Taharqa]
Papyrus Louvre 3168 [10] Taharqa
Cairo CG 30907 + 30909 669 B.C. 22 Taharqa
Papyrus Wien 12004 (4) Psammetichus I
Louvre Stele C 101 656 B.C. 8.2.3 ht Psammetichus I
Brooklyn 47.218.3 650 B.C. 14 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Wien 12003 647 B.C. 17.1.smw.13 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Vatican XL 643 B.C. 21.3.3 ht.12 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Wien 12002 639 B.C. 25 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Louvre E 2432 635 B.C. [2]9.3.smw.21 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Turin no.
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Papyrus Louvre E 7858 609 B.C. 2 Necho II
Papyrus Louvre E 7849 591 B.C. 5.4.smw.21 Psammetichus II
Papyrus Vatican XL 643 B.C. 21.3.3 ht.12 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Wien 12002 639 B.C. 25 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Louvre E 2432 635 B.C. [2]9.3.smw.21 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Turin no.
(248) 2121 617 B.C. 47.3.smw.18 Psammetichus I
Papyrus Louvre E 7858 609 B.C. 2 Necho II
Papyrus Louvre E 7849 591 B.C. 5.4.smw.21 Psammetichus II
Papyrus Brit Mus 10113 568 B.C. 20.2.smw.10 Apries
Papyrus Louvre E 7861 567 B.C. 3 Amasis Papyrus Louvre E 7848 558 B.C. 12 Amasis
Leiden I 431 556 B.C. 14 Amasis
Papyrus Brit Mus 10432 555 B.C. 15 Amasis
Papyrus Louvre E 7845 553 B.C. 17 Amasis
Papyrus Louvre E 7846 548 B.C. 22.3.smw.5 Amasis
Cairo CG 30657 546 B.C. 24 Amasis
Papyrus Louvre E 3168 ? 16.1.smw.26 ?
Papyrus Brooklyn
37.1799 E ? ? ?

   Conversion of the dates to our calendar here, and generally through the article follow those of Kenneth A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100-
650 B.C.), 2nd ed. (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1986). The format for the Egyptian date where given is taken from the Egyptian date formula of the documents
themselves, using Egyptian format. Thus the date 17.1.smw.13 Psammetichus I means: year 17, first month of harvest (summer), day 13 of Psammetichus I.
Restorations are in brackets.

  First eight items unpublished, see Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 1:32.

   I. E. S. Edwards, "Bill of Sale for a Set of Ushabtis," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 57 (1971): 120-24; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 35. Almost any king
of the Twenty-first Dynasty could fit this date.

 Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 34; Georg Mï¿½ller, Zwei ï¿½gyptische Ehevertrï¿½ge aus vorsaï¿½tischer Zeit (Berlin: Kï¿½nigliche Akademie der
Wissenschaften, 1918), 1-16 and Tafel I-II.

   Vleeming, "The Sale of a Slave," 1-17. This was the actual document that led to the rereading of the name Piankhy/Pianchi as Py; see Richard A. Parker, "King Py,
a Historical Problem," Zeitschrift fï¿½r ï¿½gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 93 (1966): 111-14; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 370 nn. 730-31,
582 ï¿½524; Heinz-Josef Thissen, "Chronologie der frï¿½demotischen Papyri," Enchoria 10 (1980): 106.

  Michel Malinine, "Une vente d'esclave ï¿½ l'ï¿½poque de Psammï¿½tique Ier (papyrus de Vatican 10574, en hiï¿½ratique ï¿½anormalï¿½)," Revue d'Egyptologie 5
(1946): 119-31; Parker, "King Py, a Historical Problem," 111-14; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33, 34; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 370 n.
731, 582 ï¿½ 524; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 4.

  Wilhelm Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Denkmï¿½ler, 3 vols. (Leipzig: Druglin, 1904; Strassburg: Fischbach, 1906; Strassburg: Schauberg, 1908; Berlin:
Reichsdruckerei, 1932), 2.1:194, 2.2:plate LXVII.

  Michel Malinine, "Transcriptions hiï¿½roglyphiques de quatre textes du Musï¿½e du Louvre ï¿½crits en hiï¿½ratique anormal," Revue d'Egyptologie 34 (1982-83):
94-95 and plate 4; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 4; Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt, plates xv-xvi.

  Michel Malinine, "Une jugement rendu ï¿½ Thï¿½bes sous la XXVe dynastie (pap. Louvre E. 3228c)," Revue d'Egyptologie 6 (1951): 157-78; Malinine,
"L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33, 34; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 4; Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt, plates viii-xi..

  Spiegelberg, Demotischen Denkmï¿½ler, 2.1:190; 2.2:plate LXV.

  Ibid., 2.1:194; 2.2:plate LXVII.

  Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 32-33 (dating to year 10 of Taharqa); Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 4.

   Spiegelberg, Demotischen Denkmï¿½ler, 2.1:196, 2.2:plate LXIX; Lï¿½ddeckens, ï¿½gyptische Ehevertrï¿½ge, 12-13; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 34
(dating to year 12? of Taharqa); Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5 (dating to year 22? of Taharqa); Thissen, "Frï¿½hdemotische Papyri," 107 (dating to year 13 of
Taharqa). Mï¿½ller, Zwei ï¿½gyptische Ehevertrï¿½ge, 7-16 and Tafel III.

  Malinine, "Une affaire conï¿½ernant un partage," 92-208; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5.

  Malinine, "Vente de tombes ï¿½ l'ï¿½poque Saï¿½te," 168-73; el-Aguizy, "About the Origins of Early Demotic," 102, plate 10.4.

  Richard A. Parker, A Saite Oracle Papyrus from Thebes in the Brooklyn Museum (Providence: Brown University Press, 1962), 1-34; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique
anormal," 35; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5.

  Malinine, "Une affaire conï¿½ernant un partage," 192-208; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5.

  F. Ll. Griffith, "An Early Contract Papyrus in the Vatican," Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 32 (1910): 5-10.

  Parker, Saite Oracle Papyrus, 24; Thissen, "Frï¿½hdemotische Papyri," 108.

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:102-108, 2:48-50, plate XIV; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33 (dating to year 19 of Psammetichus I), 35; Vleeming,
"Sale of a Slave," 5 (dating to year 29 of Psammetichus I).

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:117-124, 2:53-55; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 32-33, 35; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                   Page 495 / 919
  Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5.

  F. Ll. Griffith, "The Earliest Egyptian Marriage Contracts," Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 31 (1909): 212-20; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique
"Sale of a Slave," 5 (dating to year 29 of Psammetichus I).

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:117-124, 2:53-55; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 32-33, 35; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5.

  Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5.

  F. Ll. Griffith, "The Earliest Egyptian Marriage Contracts," Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 31 (1909): 212-20; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique
anormal," 33; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 5-6.

  Malinine, Choix des textes juridiques, 1:15-19, 2:5-6; Nathaniel J. Reich, Papyri jurisitischen Inhalts in hieratischen und demotischen Schrift aus dem British Museum
(Vienna: Hï¿½lder, 1914), 5-8; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 34, 35; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 6.

   Michel Malinine, "Deux documents ï¿½gyptiens relatifs au dï¿½pï¿½t (P. Louvre E. 7861 et P. Caire 30657)," Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archï¿½ologischen
Instituts Abteilung Kairo 16 (1958): 219-29; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33, 35; Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 6.

  Thissen, "Frï¿½hdemotische Papyri," 110.

   Cerny, "The Abnormal-hieratic Tablet Leiden I 431," 46-56 (dating to Taharqa); Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 34 (dating to Amasis); Vleeming, "Sale of a
Slave," 6.

   George R. Hughes, Saite Demotic Land Leases (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952), 9-17; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 34; Vleeming, "Sale of a
Slave," 6.

  Michel Malinine, "Trois documents de l'ï¿½poque d'Amasis relatifs au louage de terres," Revue d'ï¿½gyptologie 8 (1951): 135-41. Thissen, "Frï¿½hdemotische
Papyri," 111, does not consider this to be abnormal hieratic.

   Griffith, "Earliest Egyptian Marriage Contracts," 212-20; Erich Lï¿½ddeckens, ï¿½gyptische Ehevertrï¿½ge (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1960), 14-17; Malinine,
"L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 33 (dating to year 26); Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 6 (dating to year 22); Malinine, "Quatre Textes du Musï¿½e du Louvre," 99-100 and
plate 7.

  Spiegelberg, Demotischen Denkmï¿½ler, 2.1:95, 2.2:plate XLVIII; Malinine, "Deux documents ï¿½gyptiens," 219-29; Malinine, "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal," 35;
Vleeming, "Sale of a Slave," 6.

  Malinine, "Quatre textes du Musï¿½e du Louvre," 98 and plate 6.

  Richard Jasnow and Gï¿½nther Vittmann, "An Abnormal Hieratic Letter to the Dead (P. Brooklyn 37.1799 E)," Enchoria 19/20 (1992-93): 23-43.

Select Annotated Bibliography on Abnormal Hieratic

el-Aguizy, Ola. "About the Origins of Early Demotic in Lower Egypt." In Life in a Multi-Cultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond, ed. Janet
H. Johnson, 91-102. Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1992. A discussion of the development of demotic and abnormal hieratic, arguing that abnormal hieratic was also
available in the north, as evidenced in Louvre C101 and several Serapeum stelae.

Bakir, Abd el-Mohsen. Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt. Cairo: Institut franï¿½ais d'archï¿½ologie orientale, 1952. The standard discussion of Egyptian slavery, it is also the
first publication of several abnormal hieratic slave transactions.

Cerny, Jaroslav. "The Abnormal-hieratic Tablet Leiden I 431." In Studies Presented to F. Ll. Griffith, 46-56. London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1932). Publication of
an abnormal hieratic writing tablet.

Cerny, Jaroslav, and Richard A. Parker. "An Abnormal Hieratic Tablet." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 57 (1971): 127-31. The publication of a tablet dated
archaeologically to the reign of Taharqa containing two sales and a discussion of grain measures in Egypt at this period of time.

Edwards, I. E. S. "Bill of Sale for a Set of Ushabtis." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 57 (1971): 120-24. One of the few publications of an abnormal hieratic
document from the first period of abnormal hieratic.

Griffith, F. Ll. "The Earliest Egyptian Marriage Contracts." Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 31 (1909): 212-20. The publication of the transcriptions
of two marriage contracts in abnormal hieratic. Griffith had the uncanny ability to crack texts that no one else could; he here demonstrates it by the first transcription of
abnormal hieratic texts.

Griffith, F. Ll. "An Early Contract Papyrus in the Vatican." Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 32 (1910): 5-10. The publication of an abnormal hieratic
contract.

Hughes, George R. Saite Demotic Land Leases, 9-17. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1952. The publication of an abnormal hieratic land lease among a
collection of demotic land leases.

Jasnow, Richard, and Gï¿½nther Vittmann. "An Abnormal Hieratic Letter to the Dead (P. Brooklyn 37.1799 E)." Enchoria 19/20 (1992-93): 23-43. The publication
of an abnormal hieratic letter to the dead.

Lï¿½ddeckens, Erich. ï¿½gyptische Ehevertrï¿½ge, 14-17. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1960. A publication of many marriage contracts, most in demotic, but two in
abnormal hieratic.

Malinine, Michel. "Une affaire conï¿½ernant un partage (Pap. Vienne D 12003 et D 12004)." Revue d'ï¿½gyptologie 25 (1973): 192-208. Publication of two cessions
in abnormal hieratic.

Malinine, Michel. Choix des textes juridiques en hiï¿½ratique anormal et en dï¿½motique. 2 vols. vol. 1: Paris: Champion, 1953; vol. 2: Cairo: Institut franï¿½ais
d'archï¿½ologie orientale, 1983. A collection of legal texts in abnormal hieratic and demotic arranged chronologically according to subject. Volume 1 contains the
transliteration,
 Copyright (c) translations,
                 2005-2009,and  commentary,
                             Infobase  Media as  well as an introduction to abnormal hieratic, while volume 2 contains hieroglyphic transcriptions and
                                              Corp.                                                                                                    some 496
                                                                                                                                                    Page     plates./ 919

Malinine, Michel. "Deux documents ï¿½gyptiens relatifs au dï¿½pï¿½t (P. Louvre E. 7861 et P. Caire 30657)." Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archï¿½ologischen
Instituts Abteilung Kairo 16 (1958): 219-29. Publication of two legal documents in abnormal hieratic dealing with deposits.
in abnormal hieratic.

Malinine, Michel. Choix des textes juridiques en hiï¿½ratique anormal et en dï¿½motique. 2 vols. vol. 1: Paris: Champion, 1953; vol. 2: Cairo: Institut franï¿½ais
d'archï¿½ologie orientale, 1983. A collection of legal texts in abnormal hieratic and demotic arranged chronologically according to subject. Volume 1 contains the
transliteration, translations, and commentary, as well as an introduction to abnormal hieratic, while volume 2 contains hieroglyphic transcriptions and some plates.

Malinine, Michel. "Deux documents ï¿½gyptiens relatifs au dï¿½pï¿½t (P. Louvre E. 7861 et P. Caire 30657)." Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archï¿½ologischen
Instituts Abteilung Kairo 16 (1958): 219-29. Publication of two legal documents in abnormal hieratic dealing with deposits.

Malinine, Michel. "L'hiï¿½ratique anormal." In Textes et langages de l'ï¿½gypte pharaonique: Cent cinquante annï¿½es de recherches 1822-1972: Hommage ï¿½ Jean-
Franï¿½ois Champollion, 2 vols., 1:31-35. Cairo: Institute Franï¿½ais d'Archï¿½ologie Orientale, 1973. An historical overview of the scholarship on abnormal hieratic.

Malinine, Michel. "Une jugement rendu ï¿½ Thï¿½bes sous la XXVe dynastie (pap. Louvre E. 3228c)." Revue d'Egyptologie 6 (1951): 157-78. Publication of a court
case over the ownership of a slave in abnormal hieratic, with an analysis of the legal processes involved in the slave trade in Egypt.

Malinine, Michel. "Transcriptions hiï¿½roglyphiques de quatre textes du Musï¿½e du Louvre ï¿½crits en hiï¿½ratique anormal." Revue d'Egyptologie 34 (1982-83):
93-100. The hieroglyphic transcription of four abnormal hieratic documents in the Louvre.

Malinine, Michel. "Trois documents de l'ï¿½poque d'Amasis relatifs au louage de terres." Revue d'ï¿½gyptologie 8 (1951): 127-50. Publication of three documents
concerning the rental of parcels of land, one in early cursive demotic, one in abnormal hieratic, and one in early demotic.

Malinine, Michel. "Une vente d'esclave ï¿½ l'ï¿½poque de Psammï¿½tique Ier (Papyrus du Vatican 10574, en hiï¿½ratique ï¿½anormalï¿½)." Revue d'Egyptologie 5
(1946): 119-31. A publication of an abnormal hieratic sale of a slave.

Malinine, Michel. "Vente de tombes ï¿½ l'ï¿½poque saï¿½te." Revue d'Egyptologie 27 (1975): 164-74. The publication of two Saite period stelae containing the sale
of tombs, one of which (Louvre C101) was thought to be in abnormal hieratic, which Malinine denies.

Malinine, Michel, Georges Posener, and Jean Vercoutter. Catalogue des stï¿½les du Sï¿½rapï¿½um de Memphis, 2 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1968).
Publication of 252 stelae from the Serapeum of Memphis of which six (nos. 30, 33, 42, 58, 159, and 160) have been argued to have abnormal hieratic.

Mï¿½ller, Georg. Zwei ï¿½gyptische Ehevertrï¿½ge aus vorsaï¿½tischer Zeit. Berlin: Kï¿½nigliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1918. General overview of all
Egyptian marriage documents, but based on two abnormal hieratic documents, as the earliest examples of the genre.

Parker, Richard A. "King Py, a Historical Problem." Zeitschrift fï¿½r ï¿½gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 93 (1966): 111-14. The discussion of the date in P.
Leiden F 1942/5.15. This article forced a rereading of Shabako's predecessor's name from Pianchi/Piankhy to Py or Piye.

Parker, Richard A. A Saite Oracle Papyrus from Thebes in the Brooklyn Museum (Providence: Brown University Press, 1962), 1-34. Publication of an oracle papyrus
in abnormal hieratic, with an excursus by Jaroslav Cerny on oracles that is the standard work on ancient Egyptian oracles.

Pernigotti, Sergio. "Un nuovo testo giuridico in ieratico ï¿½anormaleï¿½." Bulletin de l'institut franï¿½ais d'archï¿½ologie orientale 75 (1975): 73-95. The publication of
an abnormal hieratic will.

Spiegelberg, Wilhelm. Die demotischen Denkmï¿½ler, 3 vols. Leipzig: Druglin, 1904; Strassburg: Fischbach, 1906; Strassburg: Schauberg, 1908; Berlin:
Reichsdruckerei, 1932. Part of the Catalogue gï¿½nï¿½ral des antiquitï¿½s ï¿½gyptiennes du Musï¿½e du Caire, this important corpus of demotic material includes
several papyri in abnormal hieratic. (There are three volumes, volume two comes in two parts; all parts have been published by different publishers.)

Thissen, Heinz-Josef. "Chronologie der frï¿½hdemotischen Papyri." Enchoria 10 (1980): 105-25. A Chronology of all 186 early demotic papyri including 42
abonormal hieratic documents that had been published to that point.

Vleeming, Sven P. "The Sale of a Slave in the Time of Pharaoh Py." Ouheidkundige mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden 40 (1980): 1-17. The
publication of what some consider to be the earliest abnormal hieratic document, P. Leiden F 1942/5.15, also including an overview of all abnormal hieratic documents
published to that date.

  For this genre of texts, see Alan H. Gardiner and Kurt Sethe, Egyptian Letters to the Dead Mainly from the Old and Middle Kingdom (London: Egypt Exploration
Society, 1928); Alan H. Gardiner, "A New Letter to the Dead," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 16 (1930): 19-22; Siegfried Schott, "Die Bitte um ein Kind auf einer
Grabfigur des frï¿½hen mittleren Reiches," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 16 (1930): 23 (unrecognized by editor); Michel Malinine, "Une lettre dï¿½motique ï¿½
Amï¿½nothï¿½s fils de Hapou," Revue d'ï¿½gyptologie 14 (1962): 37-43; Edward F. Wente, "A Misplaced Letter to the Dead," Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 6/7
(1975-76): 595-600; Robert K. Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1993), 180-83 (with bibliography).

Selected Chronological List of Carved Hieratic Documents

Monument Date

Brit Mus 138 21st Dyn?
Strasbourg 1588 22nd Dyn
Caves IFAO n de sï¿½questre
4456 22nd Dyn
Leningrad Ermitage 5630 c. 935 B.C. (year 10 of Sheshonq I)
New York MMA 10.176.42 c. 918 B.C. (year 6 of Osorkon I)
Chicago OIM 10511 823 B.C. (year 3 of Sheshonq III)

Glyptothï¿½que Ny-Carlsberg
E. 917 818-793 B.C. (reign of Pedubast I)
Louvre E 20905 808 B.C. (year 18 of Sheshonq III)
Brooklyn Mus 67-118 804 B.C. (year 22 of Sheshonq III)
Berlin 7344 798 B.C. (year 28 of Sheshonq III)
Strasbourg 1379
 Copyright (c)   796 B.C. (year
               2005-2009,       30 ofMedia
                           Infobase   Sheshonq III)
                                           Corp.                                                                                                     Page 497 / 919
Moscow I 1a 5647 795 B.C. (year 31 of Sheshonq III)
Cairo 21/3/25/15 794 B.C. (year 32 of Sheshonq III)
location unknown 784 B.C. (year 21 of Iuput I)
E. 917 818-793 B.C. (reign of Pedubast I)
Louvre E 20905 808 B.C. (year 18 of Sheshonq III)
Brooklyn Mus 67-118 804 B.C. (year 22 of Sheshonq III)
Berlin 7344 798 B.C. (year 28 of Sheshonq III)
Strasbourg 1379 796 B.C. (year 30 of Sheshonq III)
Moscow I 1a 5647 795 B.C. (year 31 of Sheshonq III)
Cairo 21/3/25/15 794 B.C. (year 32 of Sheshonq III)
location unknown 784 B.C. (year 21 of Iuput I)
Moscow I 1a 5648 c. 825-773 B.C. (Sheshonq III)
British Mus 73965 761 B.C. (year 7 of Sheshonq V)
location unknown 760 B.C. (year 8 of Sheshonq V)
Brooklyn Mus 67-119 753 B.C. (year 15 of Sheshonq V)
Cairo JdE 30972 749 B.C. (year 19 of Sheshonq V)
Farouk collection 732 B.C. (year 36 of Sheshonq V)

Cairo JdE 45549 788 or 730 B.C. (year 38 of unnamed king,
Sheshonq III, V?)
Cairo JdE 85647 c. 767-730 B.C. (Sheshonq V)
Louvre IM 3305 22nd Dyn?
Louvre IM 19 22nd Dyn?
Cairo 27/6/24/3 22nd Dyn?
Ashmolean Mus 1894-107b 724 B.C. (year 24 of Py)
Athens G3, 409 720 B.C. (year 8 of Tefnakht)
Stela Zagazig 714 B.C. (year 3 of Shabako)
New York MMA 55.144.6 711 B.C. (year 6 of Shabako)
Cairo JdE 28731 (year 6 of unnamed king)
Stela Suez 646 B.C. (year 19 of Psammetichus I)
Cairo CG 31086 Saite/Persian
Cairo CG 31094 (JdE 27145) Ptolemaic/Roman?

  Dates based on Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 470-72.

  Georg Mï¿½ller, Hieratische Lesestï¿½cke fï¿½r den akademischen Gebrauch, 3 vols. (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1910-27), 3:33-34. The text, according to Mï¿½ller, is a
Twenty-first Dynasty forgery; it purports to be from the Middle Kingdom.

  Dimitri Meeks, "Les donations aux temples dans l'ï¿½gypte du Ier millï¿½naire avant J.-C.," in State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, ed. Edward
Lipinski, 2 vols. (Leuven: Departement Oriï¿½ntalistiek, 1979), 2:665 # 22.0.6.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 666 # 22.0.30.

  Ibid., 666 # 22.1.10; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 291 n. 278.

  MMA 10.176.42 (unpublished), cited in Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 303 n. 323, and 304 n. 334; Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 666 #
22.2.6.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 668 # 22.8.3.

   Otto Koefoed-Petersen, Recueil des insciprtions hieroglyphiques de la glypotothï¿½que ny Carlsberg (Brussels: Foundation ï¿½gyptologique reine ï¿½lisabeth,
1936), plate V; Jean Yoyotte, "Un ï¿½trange titre d'epoque libyenne," Bulletin de l'institut franï¿½ais d'archï¿½ologie orientale 58 (1959): 97; Kitchen, Third
Intermediate Period in Egypt, 339-40 n. 536.

  Ibid., 668 # 22.8.18.

  Ibid., 668 # 22.8.22.

  Gï¿½nther Roeder, Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Kï¿½niglichen Museen zu Berlin, 3 vols. (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1913) 2:209; Meeks, "Les donations aux temples,"
669 # 22.8.28; Yoyotte, "Un ï¿½trange titre d'epoque libyenne," 98.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 669 # 22.8.30.

  Ibid., 669 # 22.8.31; Yoyotte, "Un ï¿½trange titre d'epoque libyenne," 97.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 669 # 22.8.32; Yoyotte, "Un ï¿½trange titre d'epoque libyenne," 99.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 671 # 23.2.21.

  Ibid., 681 # B 4.

  Stephen Quirke and Jeffrey Spencer, The British Museum Book of Ancient Egypt (London: Thames and Hudson, 1992), 201; Ian Shaw and Paul Nicholson, The
Dictionary of Ancient Egypt (London: British Museum, 1995), 162.

  Meek, "Les donations aux temples," 670 # 22.10.8.

  Ibid., 670 # 22.10.15; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 351 n. 609.

 Copyright (c) 2005-2009,
  W. Max Mï¿½ller,         InfobaseResearches,
                     Egyptological    Media Corp.                                                                                                Page
                                                  3 vols. (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1906-20), 1:54-55, plate 18; Meeks, "Les498  / 919
                                                                                                                                                        donations
aux temples," 670 # 22.10.19; for the correct attribution of the ruler, see Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 349-51 esp. 351 n. 610.
  Meek, "Les donations aux temples," 670 # 22.10.8.

  Ibid., 670 # 22.10.15; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 351 n. 609.

  W. Max Mï¿½ller, Egyptological Researches, 3 vols. (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1906-20), 1:54-55, plate 18; Meeks, "Les donations
aux temples," 670 # 22.10.19; for the correct attribution of the ruler, see Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 349-51 esp. 351 n. 610.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 670 # 22.10.36.

  Ibid., 681 # B 3.

  Ibid., 669 # 22.10.00a.

  Malinine, Posener, and Vercoutter, Catalogue des Stï¿½les du Sï¿½rapï¿½um de Memphis, 1:55; 2:plate XIX 61.

  Ibid., 1:87, 2:plate XXV 87.

  Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt, plates ii-iv.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 672 # 23.XV.24.

  Ibid., 672 # 24.1.8; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 372 n. 741.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 673 # 25.4.3; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 379 n. 772.

  Unpublished, references in Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 673 # 25.4.6; Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 379 n. 773.

  Meeks, "Les donations aux temples," 674 # 26.0.6.

  Ibid., 674 # 26.1.19.

  Spiegelberg, Demotischen Denkmï¿½ler, 1:12, Tafel I.

  Ibid., 1:25, Tafel V.

About the Contributors

Philip A. Allred has a B.A. in political science and is a candidate for a master's degree in theology from the University of Notre Dame. He serves as an instructor for the
Church Educational System in Idaho Falls, Idaho.

James T. Duke earned a Ph.D. in sociology from UCLA and is professor of sociology at Brigham Young University.

John Gee is currently a Ph.D. candidate in Egyptology at Yale University.

Alan Goff earned a D.A. in humanistic studies, with a dual emphasis on literary theory and continental philosophy, and is an adjunct professor of English at Glendale
Community College in Arizona.

Matthew Roper is a senior in history at Brigham Young University.

Brian Darrel Stubbs has an M.A. in linguistics and is an instructor at the College of Eastern Utah-San Juan Campus.

John A. Tvedtnes, who earned an M.A. in linguistics and an M.A. in Middle East studies (Hebrew), is senior project manager with the Foundation for Ancient
Research and Mormon Studies.

John W. Welch, J.D., is professor of law at the J. Reuben Clark Law School at Brigham Young University and the editor-in-chief of BYU Studies.

Book of Mormon Studies Fall 1996
Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies
Provo, Utah

Journal of Book of Mormon Studies is published semiannually.

ï¿½ 1996 Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies

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Production Editors: Shirley S. Ricks and Alison V. P. Coutts
FARMS Board of Trustees:
Chairman: Stephen D. Ricks
President: Noel B. Reynolds
Douglas M. Chabries
Donald W. Parry
Daniel C. Peterson
Michael D. Rhodes
David Rolph Seely
John W. Welch

To Our Readers:

The Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormons Studies (FARMS) encourages and supports research about the Book of Mormon, Another Testament of Jesus
Christ, and other ancient scriptures.

FARMS is a nonprofit educational foundation, independent of all other organizations. Its main research interests include ancient history, language, literature, culture,
geography, politics, and law relevant to the scriptures. Although such subjects are of secondary importance when compared with the spiritual and eternal messages of
the scriptures, solid research and academic perspectives alone can supply certain kinds of useful information, even if only tentatively, concerning many significant and
interesting questions about the scriptures.

It is hoped that this information will help all interested people to "come unto Christ" (Jacob 1:7) and to understand and take more seriously these ancient witnesses of
the atonement of Jesus Christ, the Son of God.

The Journal of Book of Mormon Studies is dedicated to the serious and faithful study of the text of the Book of Mormon and its historical, cultural, and theological
context. Original, rigorous, and carefully thought-out articles are published twice a year.

Opinions expressed in the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies are the opinions of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter-day Saints, Brigham Young University, the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, the editors, the advisory board, or anyone else.

Instructions to Authors:

Manuscripts should conform to the "Style Sheet for Submissions to the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies" included in the most current issue. They should be
submitted to FARMS Journal Editor, P.O. Box 7113, University Station, Provo, UT 84602. Deadlines for submission are October 1 for the spring issue and April 1
for the fall issue.

Subscribers' Notice:

Single copies of issues are $7.95. All back issues are currently available. Subscription is $15.00 for one year, $28.00 for 2 years, and $40.00 for 3 years. All
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Key to Abbreviations

CHC B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Corporation of the President, 1957)

HC Joseph Smith, History of the Church, ed. B. H. Roberts, 2nd ed. rev. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1878)

JD Journal of Discourses

The Book of Mormon Wars: a Non-Mormon Perspective

Massimo Introvigne

Abstract: The Protestant Bible wars were fought between fundamentalists, who initially claimed for the Bible the same "truth" that Englightenment claimed for science,
and liberals, who denied that historical "truth" could be achieved at all. In the present Book of Mormon wars the opposite seems to be true: the liberal camp appears
deeply rooted in the Enlightenment paradigm, while the orthodox (but not fundamentalist) position often uses postmodernist arguments, claiming that absolute objectivity
is a "noble dream" never achieved nor obtainable in historical studies. The article reviews the present Mormon controversies by comparing them to the discussions on
biblical interpretation in the Roman Catholic Church, as summarized in the semiofficial 1993 document "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church" by the Pontifical
Biblical Commission.

1. the Book of Mormon Wars

In 1976 Harold Lindsell, a founding faculty member of the Evangelical Fuller Theological Seminary in Pasadena, California, published his now famous book The Battle
for the Bible. Lindsell's book chronicled the battle for the doctrine of inerrancy of the Bible within the Southern Baptist Convention, the Lutheran Church-Missouri
Synod, and the Fuller Theological Seminary itself, where moderately liberal Bible scholars were teaching by the 1970s. While Lindsell's book is still a favorite among
American fundamentalists, Lindsell himself made clear that it would be inaccurate to reduce the large variety of Protestant positions on the Bible to two camps only-
liberal and fundamentalist-since, in fact, dozens of different positions between the two extremes seem to exist. Scholarly studies on Protestant fundamentalism, not to
mention the study of fundamentalism as a broader category not necessarily confined to the Protestant world, have boomed in the last two decades. Since the
publication of the movement's manifesto, The Fundamentals, between 1910 and 1915, fundamentalism was often represented as a reaction against science. Recent
scholarship, on the other hand, has suggested an alternative explanation, seeing fundamentalism as an attempt to secure for biblical truth the same certainty that science
enjoyed according to the Newtonian and positivist paradigm.

Evangelicalism and fundamentalism had, according to George M. Marsden, "a love affair with Enlightenment science" and hailed "objective scientific thought ... as the
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best friend of the Christian faith and of Christian culture generally." As there was only one "true" science (needless to say, not including evolutionPage    500
                                                                                                                                                       theories),   / 919
                                                                                                                                                                  so-the
fundamentalists reasoned-there could be only one objective "truth" about the Bible: that it was the inerrant, infallible Word of God. Marsden has proved that hostility to
science was originally foreign to fundamentalism and emerged as a later development, when science started to be secularized and to change its own paradigm.
enjoyed according to the Newtonian and positivist paradigm.

Evangelicalism and fundamentalism had, according to George M. Marsden, "a love affair with Enlightenment science" and hailed "objective scientific thought ... as the
best friend of the Christian faith and of Christian culture generally." As there was only one "true" science (needless to say, not including evolution theories), so-the
fundamentalists reasoned-there could be only one objective "truth" about the Bible: that it was the inerrant, infallible Word of God. Marsden has proved that hostility to
science was originally foreign to fundamentalism and emerged as a later development, when science started to be secularized and to change its own paradigm.
Fundamentalism, as a consequence, has been particularly hostile to late modernist and postmodernist assumptions that there is no "one science," but that science could
be a collection of conflicting points of view, often selected for practical purposes without necessarily implying that one is more "true" than the other. Paradoxically,
fundamentalism maintained the objectivity of "scientific truth" when this claim was no longer made by mainline science itself.

Nineteenth-century Latter-day Saints were certainly not biblical fundamentalists. Philip L. Barlow has demonstrated that, although they sincerely professed a strong
general belief in the Bible,

early Mormon leaders limited the authority of the Bible by (1) promulgating an extra-biblical canon, (2) placing primacy on living prophets over received Scriptures, (3)
representing Scriptures as but one source of truth among others, (4) stressing the corruptions in the received text of the Bible, and (5) dismissing portions of it as
uninspired.

Only in the twentieth century did the changing use of the King James Version of the Bible by Latter-day Saints exhibit some features of a Mormon "assimilation" to the
Protestant (conservative) establishment. D. Michael Quinn has emphasized the importance of the "fundamentalist" attitudes (and the association with the conservative
Protestant lobby during his diplomatic career) of J. Reuben Clark Jr. (1871-1961), who served as a member of the First Presidency from 1933 to 1961. Clark was
instrumental in importing the fundamentalist attitudes on the Bible into Mormonism. Recent Latter-day Saint editions of the King James Version have been
"Mormonized" through specific notes, but the notes, at the same time, have guided the readers toward what has been called a "fundamentalist" interpretation. While
"fundamentalism" is normally used in Latter-day Saint circles to designate the splinter groups who still practice polygamy or maintain nineteenth-century views no longer
regarded as orthodox by the Latter-day Saint Church, Armand Mauss has noted in the new Mormon attitudes toward the Bible one of the features showing that
contemporary Mormonism is in a phase of "retrenchment," where at both the popular and hierarchical levels, traits emerge that could be called "fundamentalist" in the
usual non-Mormon sense of the term.

In contemporary Mormonism the main battle is not about the Bible. Although it would be wrong to conclude that Latter-day Saint scholars are uninformed or
uninterested in non-Mormon biblical exegesis, what in other denominations is a battle for the Bible is in contemporary Mormonism a battle for the Book of Mormon.
This battle is fought not around interpretation, but around the very nature of the Book of Mormon. Is it what it claims to be? Or is it merely a product of Joseph Smith's
creative genius or religious imagination? (Those claiming that it is neither of the two, but a fraud, exclude themselves from the debate and join the ranks of mere anti-
Mormonism.) While the debate is not identical with the Protestant battle for the Bible, ultimately the question is whether the Book of Mormon-not unlike the Bible in the
Protestant controversy-is "true." Historians are more crucial to the Latter-day Saint debate than to the Protestant, for the obvious reasons that the Book of Mormon
was first published in 1830 and the circumstances of its translation are more open to historical research. While the Church-approved Encyclopedia of Mormonism
claims that "for most Latter-day Saints the primary purpose of scripture studies is not to prove to themselves the truth of scriptural records-which they already accept-
but to gain wisdom and understanding about the teachings of these sacred writings," in fact, the "truth" of the Book of Mormon may be defined in conflicting ways,
and the battle for the Book of Mormon has largely become the battle for Latter-day Saint history. Accordingly, essays on Latter-day Saint historiography-such as those
collected in Faithful History, published in 1992 -in fact concern the battle for the Book of Mormon not less than specific studies of Latter-day Saint scripture itself.

Faithful History, including some conservative together with a majority of liberal views, was published by Signature Books. Most of the liberal authors had been
published in the independent Latter-day Saint journals Dialogue or Sunstone. These journals also publish articles by conservative authors, and it would be inaccurate to
claim that they have a single, if hidden, liberal agenda (the more so since Latter-day Saint liberals exhibit a whole spectrum of different nuances). Signature also
published The Word of God in 1990 and New Approaches to the Book of Mormon in 1993, arguably the two most controversial liberal books in the battle for
the Book of Mormon. Signature was strongly criticized, to put it mildly, by conservative Latter-day Saints, one of whom-Stephen E. Robinson-went so far as to
propose a parallel between the Salt Lake City press and Korihor, "the infamous 'alternate voice' in the Book of Mormon," claiming that "in its continuing assault upon
traditional Mormonism, Signature Books promotes ... precisely these same naturalistic assumptions of the Korihor agenda in dealing with current Latter-day Saint
beliefs." In short, "Korihor's back, and this time he's got a printing press." Robinson's criticism was published in 1991 in the Review of Books on the Book of
Mormon , a publication started in 1989 by FARMS, the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, based in Provo, Utah, which epitomizes the
conservative (or, as it would prefer to say, orthodox) Latter-day Saint side in the battle for the Book of Mormon. The battle was not merely metaphorical, since
Signature asked its attorney to write to FARMS, threatening what FARMS called "the appeal to Caesar." Undeterred, in 1994 the Review of Books on the Book of
Mormon devoted an entire issue to a strongly worded attack on New Approaches to the Book of Mormon . Controversies on the Book of Mormon surely had a
role in the 1993-1994 excommunications of several liberal Latter-day Saint intellectuals; Metcalfe and another of the authors of New Approaches, David P. Wright,
were among those excommunicated.

It would be tempting-and the non-Mormon press has occasionally succumbed to the temptation-to label as "fundamentalists" the authors writing for FARMS
publications (including the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies) and as "modernists" those published by Signature Books and by the independent Latter-day Saint
journals, simply regarding the battle for the Book of Mormon as a Latter-day Saint version of the Protestant fundamentalist/modernist controversy and battle for the
Bible. The comparison would, however, be only partially accurate. Of course, Latter-day Saint conservatives share with Protestant fundamentalists a commitment to
sacred scriptures, to the support of denominational hierarchies, and, to some extent, to tradition. It is also probable that they would agree more readily with Protestant
fundamentalists than with liberal Protestants on issues like abortion or homosexuality. On these and similar attitudes and preferences, conservative Latter-day Saints
would, however, also agree with many Protestants who would never call themselves fundamentalists. More deeply, the basic epistemology of Latter-day Saint
conservatives is entirely different from the fundamentalist paradigm. We have mentioned earlier that-contrary to popular prejudice-Protestant fundamentalists, according
to the most recent scholarly interpretations, are in fact deeply committed to Enlightenment concepts of "objective knowledge" and "truth." Postmodern, anti-
Enlightenment epistemology is favored by their liberal counterparts. Not so in the Mormon controversy. Liberals, to start with, are staunch defenders of the
Enlightenment. Edward Ashment credits the Enlightenment with having "introduced a new morality of knowledge which is similar to that of today's scholarly world." He
approvingly quotes Van Harvey to the effect that "the Enlightenment was what one scholar has called a 'declaration of independence against every authority that rests
on the dictatorial command: Obey, don't think.'" Of course, very few historians would agree with such a caricature of pre-Enlightenment scholarship and with the
idea that the world had to await the Enlightenment to see "standards of truth and honesty" prevail. This is, however, not the point. More crucial, in order to
understand the peculiarities of the Mormon controversy, is that-unlike many Protestant modernists-Latter-day Saint liberals are persuaded that, thanks to Enlightenment
rationalism, an objective concept of "science" and "truth" may allow them to reach factual, empirical, "scientific" conclusions on the Book of Mormon and its origins.
Not surprisingly, the transition from a religious to this truly secularized perspective of history and knowledge has been described by David P. Wright as a "conversion
experience." He has offered a typical conversion narrative of how he "grew up a traditional Mormon," in college "found that many of the traditional historical
assumptions that [he] held did not make sense," and finally "by the end of [his] graduate education" came "to own the critical framework."

On the other hand, the late modernist and postmodernist position that knowledge is by no means objective and that "true," universally valid historical conclusions could
never  be reached,
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              (c) 2005-2009,   Latter-day SaintCorp.
                                        Media    conservatives. One of the most articulate expositions of this point of view has been advanced by David Bohn, a professor
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of political science at Brigham Young University. Bohn-in a 1994 Sunstone article summing up his position-argues, quoting Jacques Derrida and other postmodernist
luminaries, that historical conclusions are not "true" photographs of the reality but politically negotiated narratives. When liberal historians such as D. Michael Quinn use
"professionalism as a defense," Bohn retorts that they do not seem "to understand that these methodological claims of professional historiography are precisely what are
assumptions that [he] held did not make sense," and finally "by the end of [his] graduate education" came "to own the critical framework."

On the other hand, the late modernist and postmodernist position that knowledge is by no means objective and that "true," universally valid historical conclusions could
never be reached, is held by Latter-day Saint conservatives. One of the most articulate expositions of this point of view has been advanced by David Bohn, a professor
of political science at Brigham Young University. Bohn-in a 1994 Sunstone article summing up his position-argues, quoting Jacques Derrida and other postmodernist
luminaries, that historical conclusions are not "true" photographs of the reality but politically negotiated narratives. When liberal historians such as D. Michael Quinn use
"professionalism as a defense," Bohn retorts that they do not seem "to understand that these methodological claims of professional historiography are precisely what are
in question." It would do no good, Bohn insists, to retreat to a moderate position where objectivists may argue that "they are only trying to approximate neutrality and
objectivity." No, "they miss the point altogether," because "neutrality and objectivity cannot even be approximated." Bohn denies that we could work "within some
absolute universe"; we could only work "within agreed-upon universes whose boundaries and standards of measure are a product of history, defined by conventions
which for one reason or another we decide to use."

Bohn goes on to attack the Enlightenment paradigm, using the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl and the hermeneutics of Hans-Georg Gadamer. Similar arguments
have been used against the same targets by Louis Midgley, a recently retired professor of political science at Brigham Young University, and are largely presupposed
in many of the essays by FARMS scholars criticizing Metcalfe's New Approaches. Interesting as it is, Bohn's approach is not really typical of the position of
FARMS on postmodernism. Most FARMS scholars, while remaining interested in postmodernist theories, would rather favor a more moderate approach.
Conservative Latter-day Saints also often quote Peter Novick's indictment of objectivism and positivism in American historiography. Novick is representative of a
whole school of theoretical historiography claiming that "objective truth" for the historian is an objectivistic prejudice, a "noble dream" never to be achieved.
Interestingly, Novick addressed Latter-day Saint intellectuals at the 1988 Sunstone Symposium.

At this stage, an outside observer expecting conservative Latter-day Saints to adopt a fundamentalist view of truth, and liberal Latter-day Saints to adopt a
postmodernist one, may easily claim that something should be wrong. The attitudes are in fact almost reversed. Historical truth is regarded as a mere social product by
Latter-day Saint conservatives, while a rather naive sociology of knowledge claiming that historical-critical methodologies may indeed achieve "truth" lies behind the
liberals' attitude. The "love affair with Enlightenment science" of American fundamentalists described by Marsden does not find a counterpart among Latter-day Saint
conservatives; conversely, Enlightenment's claim for certainty and objectivity is still defended in the liberal camp. It is not surprising that liberals accuse "Mormon
apologists" almost of cheating.

Edward Ashment, the Enlightenment enthusiast contributing to Signature Books publications, whom FARMS prefers to describe as "a California insurance salesman
who once studied Egyptology," is suspicious of Latter-day Saint conservatives who "adopt a deconstructionist strategy when it serves their purpose" and accuses
them of being "relativistic." While accusing others of "relativistic" attitudes is a strange claim from scholars claiming to be part of the modern secular historiographic
tradition, it is true that Latter-day Saint conservatives, having embraced postmodernist attitudes on the social construction of "truth," should find a way to save the idea
that the religious tenets of Mormonism are, nevertheless, "true." At least some of them are well aware of the methodological and philosophical problems involved. First,
they claim that once contemporary sociology of knowledge has proved that all scholarly enterprises are politically conditioned, they, as Bohn writes, "much prefer
research in which no effort is made to hide the guiding prejudice of the writer over that which feigns neutrality." They could also resort to "the Mormon view of God,
time, and agency, . . . incompatible with traditional eschatologies and their metaphysical assumptions," and remind us that, after all, "Mormonism does not hold that God
is the final cause of every historical fact," thus allowing for a certain contradiction both in history and in human ability to grasp historical facts. Ultimately, however,
Latter-day Saint conservatives are persuaded that "the truth of the Restoration ... stands beyond the power of secular discourse to authorize or annul."

This position may easily be dismissed as a mere claim to faith and probably would be regarded as such by many scholars socialized in the secular tradition. It is,
however, not unique. While conservative Latter-day Saints use Gadamer and Husserl, other religious scholars, including Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, one of the most
prominent scholars in the Catholic Church before becoming one of the main officers in that denomination, have used the ideas of Karl Popper and his school in order to
claim that science, both natural and social, does not produce "truth" but only provisional theories capable of being "falsified" by subsequent and better, though still
provisional, new theories. Within this frame, science remains of course an important tool of knowledge, but its truth claims are somewhat bracketed. Although the
late Sir Karl Popper may have thought otherwise, Ratzinger and other religious scholars have proposed that the argument is only valid with respect to secular science,
while religion is situated in an entirely different domain where the Popperian paradigm is not applicable. Ultimately, such use of Popper (or, in a different context,
Gadamer) is premised on general metaphysical and theological options which are, in turn, difficult to evaluate in terms of "true" or "false." At any rate-although secular
scholars probably do not care to read it-there is a rich religious literature confronting the question of truth and arguing that "true" or "false" are still meaningful labels in
the field of theology and religion in a postmodernist world where they have lost their meaning (and rightly so, this literature claims) in both natural and social sciences. In
the Evangelical field, Professor Harold A. Netland has used similar arguments in favor of "Christian exclusivism" against relativist theologians such as Paul Knitter or
Wilfred Cantwell Smith. In the Roman Catholic world the absolute value of religious truth in a postmodern world has been forcefully argued by Pope John Paul II in
the most philosophically oriented of his encyclicals, Veritatis Splendor ("The Splendor of Truth Shines") of 1993. Again, both Evangelical texts such as Netland's and
Veritatis Splendor are not "fundamentalist" in any sense of the word. Fundamentalists, in fact, do not even bother to entertain the question of truth and would not accept
the idea that modern social sciences (including the sociology of science) have deconstructed the notion of "truth" with respect to our knowledge of both nature and
history. As we mentioned earlier, fundamentalists in general are rather entrenched in the defense of a general objectivistic paradigm of knowledge and would claim that
"legitimate" or "good" science is still capable of letting us know the "objective truth."

On the question of truth and the respective claims of science (natural and historical) and religion, Latter-day Saint conservatives are more similar to Catholic and
moderate Evangelical conservatives than to fundamentalists. They have, however, two problems that Latter-day Saint intellectuals, liberal and conservative alike, will
probably be compelled to explore more deeply in years to come. The first problem is peculiar to Mormonism. The Evangelical, and conservative Catholic, claim for
religious truth in the age of postmodernity ultimately appeals to a theological premise connected with the sovereignty of an omnipotent God. "Truth" in religion is a
participation of the absolute truth of God. It has been argued that the Latter-day Saint concept of a limited God does not allow for such claims. If God is limited,
theological "truth" should be not less provisional than historical or scientific "truth" as restricted by postmodern criticism. This argument has been advanced by anti-
Mormons such as Latayne C. Scott in a rather trivial way, mentioning the Latter-day Saint "open canon," the appeal to the "burning in the bosom" and even the
exaggerations of Elder Paul H. Dunn as evidence that Latter-day Saints do not really believe in "truth." Not all anti-Mormons, however, present their case in such a
simplistic way. Francis J. Beckwith, a lecturer on philosophy at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, has argued more astutely against any possible claim for an
absolute truth in Mormonism starting from the Latter-day Saint concept
of a limited God. Ultimately, I personally am not impressed
by Beckwith's arguments, but perhaps they deserve a closer scrutiny.

A second problem is common to Latter-day Saint and other Christian conservatives. Is the epistemological argument premised on Gadamer, Popper, or
postmodernism in touch with what the average, everyday Church members really feel and think? Common folks in the pews not only, of course, ignore or are unaware
of the very names of the likes of Gadamer or Popper, but are probably persuaded that both science (including social science and history) and religion produce "truth,"
without being aware of the semantic differences between the respective concepts of "truth" in religion and science.

Postmodernist defenses of Christianity, or Mormonism, may well remain of limited sociological relevance insofar as the average Church member is not even aware of
problems with the "truth" that history or science may offer. Postmodernist approaches to the "truth" of religion, the Bible, or the Book of Mormon are not, however,
anachronistic.
 Copyright (c)Sociological
                2005-2009,inquiries
                              Infobasetell us that
                                        Media      even among professionals, such as computer operators and medical doctors, belief in witchcraft andPage
                                                Corp.                                                                                                 magic is growing.
                                                                                                                                                             502  / 919
Popular faith in science is decreasing and approaching, in countries like Italy, what is probably an all-time low. Postmodernity as a reaction to the Enlightenment
paradigm is becoming more socially relevant. In this context Gadamer may not become a household name, but the possibility that science (including history) may
produce "truth" safer than that produced by religion will be increasingly questioned. And, if the socialization of the postmodern paradigm advances, conservatives will
without being aware of the semantic differences between the respective concepts of "truth" in religion and science.

Postmodernist defenses of Christianity, or Mormonism, may well remain of limited sociological relevance insofar as the average Church member is not even aware of
problems with the "truth" that history or science may offer. Postmodernist approaches to the "truth" of religion, the Bible, or the Book of Mormon are not, however,
anachronistic. Sociological inquiries tell us that even among professionals, such as computer operators and medical doctors, belief in witchcraft and magic is growing.
Popular faith in science is decreasing and approaching, in countries like Italy, what is probably an all-time low. Postmodernity as a reaction to the Enlightenment
paradigm is becoming more socially relevant. In this context Gadamer may not become a household name, but the possibility that science (including history) may
produce "truth" safer than that produced by religion will be increasingly questioned. And, if the socialization of the postmodern paradigm advances, conservatives will
enjoy a tactical advantage over liberals in future stages of the battle for the Book of Mormon.

2. a Non-Mormon Perspective

Although it is obvious that the Book of Mormon has its peculiarities and its interpretation is both similar and dissimilar from the interpretation of the Bible, I believe that
it may be useful to compare the Latter-day Saint approach to the Book of Mormon with the Roman Catholic approach to the Bible. The Roman Catholic Church is, in
fact, different from the Protestant churches insofar as it teaches that the Bible is not the only source of the Faith and that it coexists with the Tradition interpreted by the
infallible magisterium of Rome. While the Catholic canon is closed in contrast to the open Latter-day Saint canon, it is perhaps not entirely inappropriate to compare
(not to identify) the Catholic infallible magisterium with the living prophets in the Latter-day Saint Church. In both churches the relationship between a living magisterium
and the scriptural canon should be continuously negotiated. Accordingly, the Roman Catholic approach to the Bible may offer an interesting comparison for the Latter-
day Saint approach to the Book of Mormon. Perhaps the approach by the Church hierarchy (conveniently-even if not always appropriately-summarized by the
expression "the Vatican") is more interesting than the approach by professional Bible scholars. The latter are today socialized into a professional tradition including
Catholic, mainline Protestant, and secular scholars and may ignore the problem of the coexistence of the Bible as a source of authority in Catholicism with the Tradition
and the magisterium altogether. Without this coexistence, however, the Catholic Church would not exist as a distinctive community.

According to Pope John Paul II, two key documents by the magisterium have appeared on the Catholic approach to the Bible (apart, of course, from the constitution
Dei Verbum of Vatican II). The first is the encyclical Providentissimus Deus, published by Pope Leo XIII in 1893. John Paul II acknowledges that the purpose of his
predecessor was "especially to protect Catholic interpretation of the Bible from the attacks of rationalistic science." Providentissimus

appeared in a period marked by vicious polemics against the Church's faith. Liberal exegesis gave important support to these polemics, for it made use of all scientific
resources, from textual criticism to geology, including philology, literary criticism, history of religions, archeology and other disciplines besides.

Against this offensive "one could have reacted by anathematizing the use of science in biblical interpretation." John Paul II attests that Providentissimus, however, "did
not take this route" and rather tried to disassociate legitimate science from "preconceived opinions that claim to be based on science, but which in reality surreptitiously
cause science to depart from its domain." One result was, however, in the subsequent fifty years (1893-1943), a growing Catholic interest in the so-called "mystical"
exegesis, which scorned science in favour of experience and spirituality. The Church reacted with another important encyclical, Divino afflante Spiritu, published by
Pope Pius XII in 1943. Divino, in turn, could have simply condemned the wild use of mysticism and "spiritual" interpretations, suggesting to take more seriously the
historical-critical method, by then largely used by Catholic scholars. According to John Paul II, however, "Pius XII deliberately avoided this approach." On the contrary
he emphasized "the close unity of the two approaches," historical-critical and spiritual: each cannot deny the legitimacy of the other. John Paul II's conclusion is that
Providentissimus and Divino,

despite the great difference in the difficulties they had to face, ... are in complete agreement at the deepest level. Both of them reject a split between the human and the
divine, between scientific research and respect for the faith, between the literal sense and the spiritual sense.

This middle ground was reiterated by Vatican II in Dei Verbum. In 1993-one hundred years after Providentissimus and fifty years after Divino-the Pope asked the
Pontifical Biblical Commission to prepare a new position paper on the status of biblical interpretation in the Church. The report-"The Interpretation of the Bible in the
Church"-is not, strictly speaking, an official document of the Catholic magisterium. The Commission subsequent to Vatican II

is not an organ of the teaching office [magisterium], but rather a commission of scholars who, in their scientific and ecclesiastical responsibility as believing exegetes,
take positions on important problems of scriptural interpretation and know that for this task they enjoy the confidence of the teaching office.

That it is not a document of the magisterium is clearly reflected by the mention of a dissenting opinion on one point (on the "feminist approach" to the Bible) within the
Commission. On the other hand-legalities aside-the document was published with an endorsement by the Pope who recommended it as an "excellent work" and
with a "Preface" by Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, the highest authority in the Roman Catholic Church in matters of faith and doctrine. Accordingly, the document could
safely be taken as representing the present position of the Catholic hierarchy on biblical interpretation. I will discuss its general structure and its possible relevance for
the present controversies on the Book of Mormon.

The two parts of the document are premised on a distinction between exegesis and hermeneutics. Exegesis tries to collect as much information as possible about the
text, while hermeneutics offers more on the relationship between the text and its readers. It is important, according to the document, not to confuse questions of
exegesis and hermeneutics. Hans Georg Gadamer (as well as Martin Heidegger and Paul Ricoeur, all mentioned in the Latter-day Saint controversy) is quoted as
enormously relevant for hermeneutics, but relevant for exegesis only as far as the latter is in "absolute necessity of hermeneutical theory" for "a broader model of
interpretation." The first part of the document examines six styles or traditions of exegesis. All are (partially) acceptable, but none of them is "neutral"; they are based
on philosophical and theological presuppositions. These presuppositions should be identified, and some of them should be exposed as incompatible with the Christian
faith. The fact that the philosophical presuppositions of most approaches are not acceptable does not automatically imply that all the conclusions reached by scholars
within these traditions should be rejected. They should be carefully analyzed, and the identification of their hidden philosophical agenda should help the reader not to
regard each approach as "true" or universally valid, but as a component of a more complex picture.

The first approach examined by the document is the historical-critical method that studies "the historical processes which gave rise to biblical texts," by comparing
manuscripts, submitting texts to linguistic and semantic analysis, using the knowledge derived from historical philology, considering the literary genres and the personality
of the biblical writers involved. According to the Commission, if we want a "proper understanding" of the Bible, the historical-critical method is "indispensable." On the
other hand, Christians could not ignore that scholars using the historical-critical method are consciously or unconsciously socialized into a tradition dominated by
rationalism and secularism. This tradition has often been reductionist: trying to reduce the biblical text to its context. Although the historical-critical method remains
somewhat necessary, the Catholic scholar should correct the reductionist trends of its tradition "through the application of a more diversified semantics." These
comments seem to be relevant for the discussion on the Book of Mormon. Some liberal Latter-day Saint scholars have insisted on the application of the historical-
critical method as the only method of legitimate "scientific" interpretation. When applied to the Book of Mormon, the historical-critical method normally means that
the activities of Joseph Smith connected with the translation and publication of the text should be considered, usually within the context of his time. Some liberal Latter-
day Saints, as we mentioned earlier, describe their "conversion" to the historical-critical method as a tranforming experience and seem to believe that it is the only
method accepted today by the scholarly community. As the Catholic document of 1993 emphasizes, this is not the case. When dealing with the Book of Mormon we
could perhaps agree that the use of a historical-critical method is not less "indispensable" than when dealing with the Bible. The circumstances connected with its
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translation and publication are not irrelevant, but very relevant, and historians have a very legitimate task to perform. On the other hand, Latter-dayPage         503 / 919
                                                                                                                                                             Saint scholars could
not ignore the agenda of most historical-critical scholars with its rationalistic and secularist prejudices. In order not to become a victim of these prejudices, the best thing
Latter-day Saint scholars can do is not to regard the historical-critical method as "the" final and "true" method to approach the Book of Mormon. This method could,
the activities of Joseph Smith connected with the translation and publication of the text should be considered, usually within the context of his time. Some liberal Latter-
day Saints, as we mentioned earlier, describe their "conversion" to the historical-critical method as a tranforming experience and seem to believe that it is the only
method accepted today by the scholarly community. As the Catholic document of 1993 emphasizes, this is not the case. When dealing with the Book of Mormon we
could perhaps agree that the use of a historical-critical method is not less "indispensable" than when dealing with the Bible. The circumstances connected with its
translation and publication are not irrelevant, but very relevant, and historians have a very legitimate task to perform. On the other hand, Latter-day Saint scholars could
not ignore the agenda of most historical-critical scholars with its rationalistic and secularist prejudices. In order not to become a victim of these prejudices, the best thing
Latter-day Saint scholars can do is not to regard the historical-critical method as "the" final and "true" method to approach the Book of Mormon. This method could,
however, be extremely useful, particularly when its results are not taken uncritically at face value but are submitted to the examination of an appropriate sociology of
knowledge, capable of dealing with them in light of their methodological presuppositions.

Above all, it is important to realize that within the field of exegesis (to be coordinated, additionally, with the parallel field of hermeneutics) the historical-critical method is
not the only method adopted in modern scholarship: "The historical-critical method cannot claim to be totally sufficient. ... It necessarily has to leave aside many aspects
of the writings which it studies. It is not surprising, then, that at the present time, other methods and approaches are proposed which serve to explore more profoundly
other aspects worthy of attention." The second approach examined by the Vatican document uses "new methods of literary analysis," including rhetorical analysis,
narrative analysis or narratology, and semiotic analysis. These methods read the text as a coherent whole, without considering immediately the historical context. Again,
more often than not, this approach is conditioned by the prevailing philosophy in its tradition, structuralism. It should be used as carefully as the historical-critical method
but, showing that the text is "obedient to a precise linguistic mechanic of operation," it contributes to "our understanding of the . . . Word of God expressed in human
language."

The third approach discussed in the 1993 Catholic document regards the biblical texts as flowing from one great tradition, considering each text within the context of
scripture as a whole, comparing the interpretation of the text in Jewish and Christian exegesis and its reading in the history of the community. The relevance of this
approach for the Book of Mormon should be obvious if one considers the historical nature of the Latter-day Saint faith. Again-without immediately going back to
historical-critical problems-one could examine how the Book of Mormon (perhaps in comparison with the Bible) has been read by the Latter-day Saint community
throughout its history, obtaining results no serious scholar would today regard as irrelevant for the meaning of the text itself.

The fourth tradition studied by the Vatican document includes the "approaches based on the human sciences": sociology, anthropology, psychology, and
psychoanalysis. Here the risk of reductionism is of course apparent: each human science could easily argue that the biblical text could be reduced to its sociological,
ethnoanthropological, or psychological contexts. This reductionism is today a serious problem in the Catholic Church-witness the problems caused in Germany by the
disciplined theologian Eugen Drewermann-particularly in respect to psychological reductionism. One of the problems is the lack of a "single form" of psychological
exegesis. In fact, "proceeding from the different fields of psychology and from the various schools of thought, there exists a whole range of approaches" and "to
absolutize one or other of the approaches taken by the various schools of psychology and psychoanalysis would not serve to make collaborative efforts [with biblical
theology] in this area more fruitful, but rather render it harmful." With this caution, sociology, ethnology, anthropology, and psychology could always help in
understanding a text, particularly when it is-as sacred scriptures often are-expressed in symbolic forms open to a psychological reading and since it was originally
offered by Joseph Smith to a community of believers with its sociological and ethnological features. Psychological reductionism has often been mentioned in Book of
Mormon controversies, and it seems that a balanced approach may be useful in this field in order not to destroy the meaning of the text as scripture through an
inappropriate reductionism, while not renouncing the additional insights that psychology (and other human sciences) may offer.

The fifth tradition considered by the Vatican document includes "contextual approaches," either politically or gender-oriented. Politically oriented readings of the
scriptures have been proposed mostly by liberation theology; they may-according to the document-"include elements of undoubted value" but also involve "some risks"
when liberation theology is connected to "the Marxist principle of the class struggle." The feminist approach to the Bible was a sensitive topic in the Pontifical Biblical
Commission, and eight of the nineteen members of the Commission recorded their dissent to the final text, which reads that "feminist exegesis has brought many
benefits" correcting "certain commonly accepted interpretations which were tendentious and sought to justify male domination of women." On the other hand, "feminist
exegesis, to the extent that it proceeds from a preconceived judgement, runs the risk of interpreting the biblical texts in a tendentious and thus debatable manner. . . .
Feminist exegesis can be useful to the Church only to the degree that it does not fall into the very traps it denounces." It is interesting to note that contextual
approaches, both liberationist and feminist, could work independent of the historical-critical method. While there are not many examples of a politically oriented reading
of the Book of Mormon (although applications to controversial contemporary issues are not entirely absent), a feminist theology has been proposed by Latter-day Saint
liberals and is featured in the Signature Books catalogue. As the very attitude of the Vatican Commission shows, there is no way to make feminist exegesis of sacred
scriptures less controversial. In the Latter-day Saint debate, a feminist reading of the Book of Mormon has probably been combined with a secularizing use of the
historical-critical method, thus adding fuel to the fire of controversy. As the Catholic document shows, a feminist reading of sacred scriptures not associated with the
objectivist claims of the historical-critical method (and, as a consequence, not claiming to offer "true" or "scientific" interpretations of the scriptures, but only a point of
view) may more easily find some sort of acceptance.

The sixth tradition examined by the Pontifical Biblical Commission is fundamentalism. The document judiciously observes that there is not only one fundamentalism.
There is an extreme fundamentalism that "actually invites people to a kind of intellectual suicide." On the other hand, a more moderate fundamentalism may be the "right
to insist on the divine inspiration of the Bible, the inerrancy of the Word of God, and other biblical truths included in [the] five fundamental points [of the American
Biblical Congress held at Niagara, New York, in 1895]." While fundamentalism as a method is not acceptable, it is not unacceptable to look in the scriptures to
abstract from them some nonnegotiable "fundamentals" and defend them vigorously against any secularizing attempt. This approach may rightly define the traditional
mainline Latter-day Saint position toward the Book of Mormon. As we mentioned earlier, fundamentalism in the technical sense of the term is foreign to Latter-day
Saint culture, but nonnegotiable "fundamentals" are clearly defended by the Latter-day Saint hierarchy (as by any other Christian hierarchy, except the very liberal ones
in contemporary Protestantism). On the other hand, what Armand Mauss has called "folk fundamentalism," influenced by Protestant fundamentalism, is growing at the
grassroots level in the Latter-day Saint Church, and may import into contemporary popular Mormonism elements foreign to its own history and tradition.

The second part of the document "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church" deals with hermeneutics. It is remarkable that a semiofficial document by the largest
Christian denomination takes seriously modern philosophical hermeneutics and discusses Gadamer's position at length. Gadamer's idea (much quoted, as we have seen,
in the Latter-day Saint debate) that "anticipations and preconceptions affecting our understanding stem from the tradition which carries us" is quoted approvingly. The
document then examines Gadamer's idea of hermeneutics as a dialectical process, based on Horizontverschmelzung (the fusion of the differing horizons of text and
reader) and Zugehï¿½rigkeit ("belonging" as a fundamental affinity between the interpreter and his or her object). Since both literary and historical criticisms are
necessary but not sufficient, in the scholarly context of postmodernity the Commission notes "the absolute necessity of a hermeneutical theory which allows for the
incorporation of the methods of literary and historical criticism within a broader model of interpretation." "All exegesis ... is thus summoned to make itself fully complete
through a 'hermeneutics' understood in this modern [i.e., Gadamer's] sense." Entering directly into controversies not unfamiliar to the Latter-day Saint community, the
Vatican Commission states that "contemporary hermeneutics is a healthy reaction to historical positivism and to the temptation to apply to the study of the Bible the
purely objective criteria used in the natural sciences." On the other hand, the Commission thinks that hermeneutics still needs exegesis. Hermeneutics entirely detached
from historical and literary studies may generate "purely subjective readings." This criticism is not far from the warnings of Umberto Eco (a deeply secular author and
one not quoted in the Vatican document) that interpretation has its limits, and some postmodernists at times seem to claim that simply any interpretation would do.
Eco's book is interesting since its criticism is not only aimed at literary and philosophical postmodernism, but also at the esoterical tradition that has in turn influenced
many points of view on religion. Eco's criticism, of course, is valid only when applied to the more radical postmodernist theories, particularly of the deconstructionist
variety, while it would be unfair to argue that the more moderate approaches favored by both conservative Catholics and Latter-day Saints are uninterested in the
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question of truth. Perhaps the most important difference between the radical and the moderate postmodernist theories is their starting point. Radical     Page      504 / 919
                                                                                                                                                             postmodernists
start from philosophy and regard their theories as new epistemological insights universally valid. Moderate postmodernists assume as their starting point the historical
and sociological fact of the current crisis of popular faith in reason and science-postmodernity, for them, is first of all a historical event-and look for an epistemological
one not quoted in the Vatican document) that interpretation has its limits, and some postmodernists at times seem to claim that simply any interpretation would do.
Eco's book is interesting since its criticism is not only aimed at literary and philosophical postmodernism, but also at the esoterical tradition that has in turn influenced
many points of view on religion. Eco's criticism, of course, is valid only when applied to the more radical postmodernist theories, particularly of the deconstructionist
variety, while it would be unfair to argue that the more moderate approaches favored by both conservative Catholics and Latter-day Saints are uninterested in the
question of truth. Perhaps the most important difference between the radical and the moderate postmodernist theories is their starting point. Radical postmodernists
start from philosophy and regard their theories as new epistemological insights universally valid. Moderate postmodernists assume as their starting point the historical
and sociological fact of the current crisis of popular faith in reason and science-postmodernity, for them, is first of all a historical event-and look for an epistemological
and hermeneutical perspective to make sense of this changed climate.

I have examined at length the Vatican document of 1993 since I regard it as a fair and balanced assessment of the contemporary mainline Catholic position on the Bible
(although neither archconservatives nor archliberals in the Catholic Church would readily agree with it). Of course, it would be inappropriate from a nonmember to offer
suggestions to the Latter-day Saint community on how to deal with the present Book of Mormon controversies. It is perhaps less inappropriate for the non-Mormon
scholar, however, to offer comparisons with what is being culturally negotiated in other Christian communities. The Roman Catholic experience may offer a useful
comparative perspective on at least three points.

First, it could show that it is naive to claim that the historical-critical method is the only method acceptable to approach the text of a sacred scripture. Exegesis in the
contemporary, scholarly sense of the word is larger than the historical-critical method, and also includes other methods (literary analysis, approaches based on tradition
and community, studies based on the human sciences, contextual approaches both liberationist and feminist) which could work to some extent independently from
historical criticism. It is also useful to remember that the historical-critical method is often packaged with all the elements of a secularizing tradition inherently hostile to
religion and the supernatural. It would seem that at the exegetical level a better understanding of the Book of Mormon could take advantage of studies based on
approaches other than the historical-critical method, where the problems of the historical criticism may be temporarily set aside. Each method, of course, should be in
turn considered, taking into account its own inherent limitations and the agenda of those who propose it in the scholarly community. This seems to be particularly true
for psychological, psychoanalytical, and feminist interpretations. Fundamentalism, in turn, is equally foreign to the Roman Catholic and Latter-day Saint traditions, but
there is one point where its message deserves to be heard, when it insists that some "fundamentals" should remain nonnegotiable by scholars if a church should avoid the
risk of collapsing altogether.

Second, the historical-critical method-when approached by knowing what it is and what the agenda, or agendas, of many of its proponents may include-remains useful.
No appeal to hermeneutics could make historical and critical studies on Joseph Smith and how the Book of Mormon was translated and published in the nineteenth
century irrelevant (these studies, of course, would include attempts to determine what "translation," in this context, may mean). Hermeneutics without exegesis risks to
offer what Eco calls "the infinite interpretation," a sequel of subjective claims no less destructive to a Christian community than the naive surrender to historical-critical
exclusivism and to its claim to generate "true" and "objective" reconstructions. As long as they do not claim to be able to offer universally valid "truths" capable either of
debunking or confirming the religious claims of a sacred scripture, historical-critical studies remain useful to establish any psychological, symbolic, or contextual exegesis
(and, to some extent, any hermeneutical effort) on a firmer ground.

Third, although "pure" hermeneutics without exegesis would run the risk of extreme subjectivism (and was not even advocated by Gadamer), ultimately hermeneutics is
crucial. It is, after all, in the hermeneutic circle of Horizontverschmelzung and Zugehï¿½rigkeit that each of us will encounter a sacred text, hear the text's and God's
voice, and decide what attitude we want to take toward the narrative. Exegesis is needed by hermeneutics in order that this crucial decision is not uninformed, purely
subjective, or merely emotional. On the other hand, exegesis should be modest enough not to pretend to break the hermeneutic circle and leave us with only one
alternative. Sciences, including social and religious sciences, could only debunk the totalitarian claims (and, at the same time, confirm the relative value) of each tradition
and approach, leading us to the center of the hermeneutic circle. When we are there, we are alone with ourselves and God, and no science could decide for us.

  Permission has been granted by Cassell, London, to publish this expanded version of Massimo Introvigne, "The Book of Mormon Wars: A Non-Mormon
Perspective," in Mormon Identities in Transition, ed. Douglas J. Davies (London: Cassell, 1996), 25-34. The book can be obtained through Cassell, PO Box 605,
Herndon, VA 22172; Tel: (800) 561-7704; Fax: (703) 661-1501. Harold Lindsell, The Battle for the Bible (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1976).

   Ibid., 106-21.

   See on this point the New York lecture by Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger delivered in 1988: "Biblical Interpretation in Crisis: On the Question of the Foundations and
Approaches of Exegesis Today," in Biblical Interpretation in Crisis: The Ratzinger Conference on Bible and Church, ed. Richard J. Neuhaus (Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans, 1989), 1-23.

   See on this perspective, the ambitious Fundamentalism Project at the University of Chicago and the five volumes published as a part of this project: Martin E. Marty
and R. Scott Appleby, eds., The Fundamentalism Project. Volume 1: Fundamentalisms Observed; Volume 2: Fundamentalisms and Society: Reclaiming the Sciences,
the Family, and Education; Volume 3: Fundamentalisms and the State: Remaking Polities, Economies, and Militancy; Volume 4: Accounting for Fundamentalisms: The
Dynamic Character of Movements; Volume 5: Fundamentalisms Comprehended (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991-95).

   The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth, 12 vols. (Chicago: Testimony, 1910-15). According to "A Statement by the Two Laymen," i.e., the Stewart brothers,
Lyman (1840-1923) and Milton (1838-1923), the two businessmen who financed the project, nearly 3,000,000 copies had been circulated by 1915 ("A Statement by
the Two Laymen," in The Fundamentals, 12:4).

   George M. Marsden, Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1991), 129.

   See George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth-Century Evangelicalism, 1870-1925 (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1980).

   Marsden, Understanding Fundamentalism, 122-52.

   Philip L. Barlow, Mormons and the Bible: The Place of the Latter-day Saints in American Religion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); the summary is
taken from Armand L. Mauss and Philip L. Barlow, "Church, Sect, and Scripture: The Protestant Bible and Mormon Sectarian Retrenchment," Sociological Analysis:
A Journal in the Sociology of Religion 52/4 (Winter 1991): 406.

   Mauss and Barlow, "Church, Sect, and Scripture," 410-11.

   D. Michael Quinn, J. Reuben Clark: The Church Years (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1983).

    Edward H. Ashment, "Making the Scriptures 'Indeed One in Our Hands,'" in The Word of God: Essays on Mormon Scripture, ed. Dan Vogel (Salt Lake City:
Signature
 CopyrightBooks, 1990), 237-64.
           (c) 2005-2009,        Of course
                          Infobase   Mediaboth
                                            Corp.Vogel and Ashment are part of the contemporary "battle for the Book of Mormon" on the liberal side, and their use
of the word fundamentalism has raised strong objections from conservative Mormon quarters.
                                                                                                                                            Page 505 / 919

   See Armand L. Mauss, The Angel and the Beehive: The Mormon Struggle with Assimilation (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994).
   D. Michael Quinn, J. Reuben Clark: The Church Years (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1983).

    Edward H. Ashment, "Making the Scriptures 'Indeed One in Our Hands,'" in The Word of God: Essays on Mormon Scripture, ed. Dan Vogel (Salt Lake City:
Signature Books, 1990), 237-64. Of course both Vogel and Ashment are part of the contemporary "battle for the Book of Mormon" on the liberal side, and their use
of the word fundamentalism has raised strong objections from conservative Mormon quarters.

   See Armand L. Mauss, The Angel and the Beehive: The Mormon Struggle with Assimilation (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994).

   Stephen D. Ricks, "Book of Mormon Studies," in Encyclopedia of Mormonism (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 1:205.

   George D. Smith, ed., Faithful History: Essays on Writing Mormon History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1992).

   Vogel, ed., The Word of God.

   Brent Lee Metcalfe, ed., New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical Methodology (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993).

   Stephen E. Robinson, review of The Word of God, ed. Vogel, Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 3 (1991): 312.

   Daniel C. Peterson, "Editor's Introduction: Questions to Legal Answers," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 4 (1992): vii-lxxvi.

   Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994).

  Edward H. Ashment, "Historiography of the Canon," in Faithful History, 287-88. He quotes Van Harvey, The Historian and the Believer: The Morality of Historical
Knowledge and Christian Belief (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1966), 39.

   Ashment, "Historiography of the Canon," 294.

   David P. Wright, "Historical Criticism: A Necessary Element in the Search for Religious Truth," Sunstone (September 1992): 28. The essay by Edwin Firmage Jr.,
"Historical Criticism and the Book of Mormon: A Personal Encounter," Sunstone (July 1993): 58-64, tells of a similar "conversion" he underwent.

   David Bohn, "The Larger Issue," Sunstone (February 1994): 49.

   Ibid.

   Ibid., 53-58.

   See, for example, Louis Midgley, "The Acids of Modernity and the Crisis in Mormon Historiography," in Faithful History, 189-225.

   See, for example, Daniel C. Peterson, "Text and Context," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 524-62.

   Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). References
to Novick are ubiquitous in Mormon conservative literature; the book has been reviewed by Louis Midgley in the John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 10
(1990): 102-4.

   Daniel C. Peterson, "Editor's Introduction," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): x.

   Ashment," Historiography of the Canon," 288, 290.

   Bohn, "The Larger Issue," 50.

   Ibid.

   Ibid., 52.

   Hugh W. Nibley has cited Karl Popper on a number of occasions, i.e., in The World and the Prophets (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1987), 275,
and in Since Cumorah, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), xi-xiii, 227.

   Harold A. Netland, Dissonant Voices: Religious Pluralism and the Question of Truth (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1991). Among both Catholic and Protestant
theologians the liberal point of view denying the existence of an absolute religious "truth" has been popularized by Paul F. Knitter, No Other Name? A Critical Survey
of Christian Attitudes toward the World Religions (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis, 1985).

   Even their assault on evolutionism is not conducted in the name of a criticism of science itself but rather on behalf of an alternative, "creationist" science. See on this
point Ronald L. Numbers, The Creationists: The Evolution of Scientific Creationism (New York: Knopf, 1992); and Christopher P. Toumey, God's Own Scientists:
Creationists in a Secular World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1994).

   See Latayne C. Scott, "Mormonism and the Question of Truth," Christian Research Journal 15/1 (Summer 1992): 25-28.

  See Francis J. Beckwith and Stephen E. Parrish, The Mormon Concept of God: A Philosophical Analysis (Lewiston, N.Y.: Mellen, 1991), and Francis J.
Beckwith, "Philosophical Problems with the Mormon Concept of God," Christian Research Journal 14/4 (Spring 1992): 24-29.

   See Blake T. Ostler's recent review of The Mormon Concept of God in FARMS Review of Books 8/2 (1996): 99-146.

   See, for the United Kingdom, Tanya M. Luhrmann, Persuasions of the Witch's Craft: Ritual Magic and Witchcraft in Present-day England (Oxford: Blackwell,
1989).

   See, for a comment based on data from southern Italy, Luigi Berzano and Massimo Introvigne, La sfida infinita (Sicily: Salvatore Sciascia Editore, 1994).
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   See on this point my "Il 'canone aperto.' Rivelazioni e nuove rivelazioni nella teologia e nella storia dei Mormoni," in Le nuove rivelazioni, ed. Massimo Introvigne
(Torino: Elle Di Ci, 1991), 27-85.
   See, for the United Kingdom, Tanya M. Luhrmann, Persuasions of the Witch's Craft: Ritual Magic and Witchcraft in Present-day England (Oxford: Blackwell,
1989).

   See, for a comment based on data from southern Italy, Luigi Berzano and Massimo Introvigne, La sfida infinita (Sicily: Salvatore Sciascia Editore, 1994).

   See on this point my "Il 'canone aperto.' Rivelazioni e nuove rivelazioni nella teologia e nella storia dei Mormoni," in Le nuove rivelazioni, ed. Massimo Introvigne
(Torino: Elle Di Ci, 1991), 27-85.

   John Paul II, "Address on the Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 23 April 1993. The address, given to commemorate the centenary of Providentissimus Deus
and the fiftieth anniversary of Divino afflante Spiritu, has been republished as an introduction to The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in
the Church," English ed. (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1993), 7-21; quotation from 9.

   Ibid., 10.

   Ibid., 11.

   Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, "Preface," in ibid., 26.

   The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 69.

   Introduction to The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 20.

   The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 75.

   Ibid., 40.

   See Wright, "Historical Criticism."

   The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 41. See, for example, the work of John W. Welch, Chiasmus in Antiquity
(Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1981), and "Criteria for Identifying and Evaluating the Presence of Chiasmus," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4/2 (1995): 1-14; and
Donald W. Parry, The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted according to Parallestic Patterns (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1992).

   The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 49. Within these limits it seems that rhetoric, narrative, and semiotic analysis of
the Book of Mormon (some examples have been produced by the faculty at Brigham Young University and by FARMS itself) could be useful to develop a better
understanding of the Book of Mormon as a text, without being immediately drawn to historical-critical problems.

   Ibid., 63.

   Ibid., 68-69.

   See Maxine Hanks, ed., Women and Authority: Re-Emerging Mormon Feminism (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1992). Maxine Hanks was excommunicated in
1993.

   The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 70-72.

   For current writings on Latter-day Saint views of the Book of Mormon, see, for example, James E. Faust, "Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon," Ensign
(January 1996): 2-7; Jeffrey R. Holland, "ï¿½For a Wise Purpose,'" Ensign (January 1996): 12-19; and Ted E. Brewerton, "The Book of Mormon: A Sacred Ancient
Record," Ensign (November 1995): 30-31.

   Mauss, The Angel and the Beehive.

   The Pontifical Biblical Commission, "The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church," 74.

   Ibid., 75.

   Ibid., 77.

  See Umberto Eco, I limiti dell'interpretazione (Milan: Bompiani, 1990); also published in English as The Limits of Interpretation (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana
University Press, 1990).

   Ibid., 326 (Italian ed.).

The True Points of My Doctrine*

Noel B. Reynolds

Abstract: In a 1991 BYU Studies article, I identified and analyzed three core Book of Mormon passages in which the gospel or doctrine of Jesus Christ is defined.
Each of these passages presents the gospel as a six-point formula or message about what men must do if they will be saved.

In the present article I go on to examine all other Book of Mormon references to the six elements in this formula. Faith is choosing to trust in Jesus Christ in all that one
does. Repentance is turning away from the life of sin by making a covenant to obey the Lord and remember him always. Baptism in water is the public witnessing to the
Father of that covenant. The baptism of fire and of the Holy Ghost is a gift sent from the Father in fulfillment of his promise to all his children that if they will repent and
be baptized, they will be filled with the Holy Ghost. It brings the remission of sins with its cleansing fires. The recipient of these great blessings must yet endure to the
end in faith, hope, and charity.

While explaining the great vision that he and his father Lehi had experienced during their first camp in the wilderness, Nephi prophesied to his brothers that the time
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would arrive(c)when
                2005-2009,
                    their ownInfobase  Media
                              descendants     Corp.
                                           would   come again "to the knowledge of their Redeemer and the very points of his doctrine , that they mayPage
                                                                                                                                                        know507 how /to919
come unto him and be saved" (1 Ne. 15:14).
end in faith, hope, and charity.

While explaining the great vision that he and his father Lehi had experienced during their first camp in the wilderness, Nephi prophesied to his brothers that the time
would arrive when their own descendants would come again "to the knowledge of their Redeemer and the very points of his doctrine , that they may know how to
come unto him and be saved" (1 Ne. 15:14).

The Book of Mormon defines the doctrine of Jesus Christ. Taken together, three discourses (see 2 Ne. 31, 3 Ne. 11, and 3 Ne. 27) provide the reader with a clear
concept of the gospel of Jesus Christ, as the Nephites understood it, in terms of a six-part formula, which was given on each occasion by Jesus Christ himself. Through
the merits of the atonement of Jesus Christ, all mankind can be saved in the kingdom of God if they will individually believe in him, repent of their sinful ways, be
baptized in water, receive the purifying baptism of the Holy Ghost, and endure to the end in faithfulness.

Although these three discourses constitute the clearest and fullest definitions of the gospel, they form only a small part of Book of Mormon statements on this subject.
The same pattern appears among the teachings of all Book of Mormon prophets in the form of injunctions to the people to believe in Christ, to repent, to be baptized
that they might be cleansed by reception of the Holy Ghost, and to endure to the end and be saved.

As in the definitional chapters, these many statements of the gospel contain instructive variations on terminology. For an audience familiar with the basic pattern in the
three defining statements, the reference is perfectly clear. In this essay, I will examine the remainder of the text of the Book of Mormon to see what additional
perspective and insights it may offer for our understanding of the basic points of doctrine-the elements of the gospel of Jesus Christ.

Faith in Jesus Christ

In these Book of Mormon accounts, faith in Christ is described as an activity and is defined in terms of active verbs. The faithful believe in Christ, with unshaken faith in
him. They press forward with a steadfastness in Christ, and rely "wholly upon the merits of him who is mighty to save" (2 Ne. 31:19). This call to faith at the end of
Nephi's writings forcibly reminds us of his thesis in the opening chapter: "I, Nephi, will show unto you that the tender mercies of the Lord are over all those whom he
hath chosen, because of their faith, to make them mighty even unto the power of deliverance" (1 Ne. 1:20). Nephi represents faith as a relationship of trust between
men-who in their weakness cannot deliver themselves from the evils of this world-and the Lord-who is wholly reliable and mighty to save those who will trust in him.
Nephi emphasizes this understanding of faith in his poignant song or prayer to the Lord:

O Lord, I have trusted in thee, and I will trust in thee forever. I will not put my trust in the arm of flesh; for I know that cursed is he that putteth his trust in the arm of
flesh. Yea, cursed is he that putteth his trust in man or maketh flesh his arm. (2 Ne. 4:34)

Nephi's characterization of faith as a relationship of trust on the part of fallible men toward a wholly reliable father in heaven is fully consistent with the terminology of the
Hebrew Bible and the Greek New Testament. Following common Greek usage, New Testament writers principally used noun and verb forms of pistis, the word for
trusting or believing. While belief and trust are generally combined, the Book of Mormon sometimes separates these concepts, showing the logical priority of knowing
something and choosing to believe in its truth before trust can develop. As Samuel explained to the Nephites from the walls of Zarahemla, the Lamanites had been
brought to a knowledge of the truth through Nephite missionary efforts and had come to believe the holy scriptures and prophecies, which had led them to faith on the
Lord (see Hel. 15:7). Samuel suggests that we choose to believe something because of our knowledge of its truth. But we could just as well choose to harden our
hearts and refuse to hear the word or believe in it, which would foreclose any risk that we might come to trust the Lord or have faith in him to deliver us.

Hebrew forms of emeï¿½ and other related terms also focus on trust and reliability, particularly the unreliability of human beings contrasted with the permanent or
enduring reliability of God. The Book of Mormon exactly reflects these etymological origins of biblical terms for faith. As Mormon observes, "whosoever putteth his
trust in him the same shall be lifted up at the last day" (Mosiah 23:22). Referring also to the example of Alma's church in the wilderness, his son Alma emphasized that
"they humbled themselves and put their trust in the true and living God" (Alma 5:13). And because they continued faithful to the end, "they were saved."

Because faith in Jesus Christ is the act of trusting or relying on him, it flows from a decision or choice of the individual. Simply put, the believer chooses to trust in what
he has come to know is true, in spite of the natural inclination and temptation to trust in the arm of flesh-the wealth, power, and glory of men. Because faith requires this
choice of the intellect and will, Nephi and other Book of Mormon prophets speak of the process of "persuading" people to believe in Christ and repent. In fact, Nephi
explains his own record-keeping activities in this context:

For we labor diligently to write, to persuade our children, and also our brethren, to believe in Christ, and to be reconciled to God; for we know that it is by grace that
we are saved, after all we can do. (2 Ne. 25:23)

Just as Nephi had hoped, these records did become instrumental in bringing many of his brethren, the Lamanites,

to the knowledge of the truth, and to know of the wicked and abominable traditions of their fathers, and . . . to believe the holy scriptures, yea, the prophecies of the
holy prophets, which are written, which leadeth them to faith on the Lord. (Hel. 15:7)

The decision to believe seems to have both an intellectual and a spiritual component. Knowledge of truth is emphasized consistently as a context in which people can
make this decision. Teaching the Lamanites, Aaron began at the creation of Adam, using the scriptures to explain how man had fallen by disobeying the commandments
of God and how God had prepared a plan of redemption through Christ: "And since man had fallen he could not merit anything of himself; but the sufferings and death
of Christ atone for their sins, through faith and repentance, and so forth" (Alma 22:14; cf. 22:12-13). As presented by the Nephite prophets, this "plan of salvation" or
"great plan of happiness" provides the context for understanding the gospel of Jesus Christ and the reasons why men and women should believe and trust in him. Not
only is he their creator, he is their redeemer, having provided a way by which they can be delivered from their sins.

But faith does not come automatically to all who hear this plan explained. A spiritual witness is given to men whereby they can know the truth. When the voice of the
Spirit speaks to the persecutors of Nephi and Lehi in prison, Aminadab admonishes those individuals to "repent, and cry unto the voice, even until ye shall have faith in
Christ" (Hel. 5:41). As Nephi testifies, this can also happen to people as they read the scriptures:

And I know that the Lord God will consecrate my prayers for the gain of my people. And the words which I have written in weakness will be made strong unto them;
for it persuadeth them to do good; . . . and it speaketh of Jesus, and persuadeth them to believe in him. (2 Ne. 33:4)

While faith can grow and be strengthened in response to a series of private miracles (answers to prayer, spiritual manifestations of one kind or another, spiritual
guidance, and direction received in the ordinary course of one's life), external miracles have a more limited value in promoting belief. Samuel the Lamanite addresses
this point as he prophesies to the Nephites of the miraculous events that will attend the birth and the subsequent death of Jesus Christ. As the angel explained to
Samuel, the signs and wonders would be given "that there should be no cause for unbelief" (Hel. 14:28). External miracles and other evidences do not provide an
adequate basis for belief, but they do undermine systems of unbelief. The honest in heart must recognize that unbelief is not consistent with all the facts. And so, men are
free to believe
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were given, and the worldview of unbelievers was visibly disproven for all who would be honest (see Hel. 14:29-31). To the extent men and women in this life receive
internal miracles and spiritual witnesses of the truth, they are put in this same position (cf. Rom. 1:20; D&C 88:82; 101:93).
guidance, and direction received in the ordinary course of one's life), external miracles have a more limited value in promoting belief. Samuel the Lamanite addresses
this point as he prophesies to the Nephites of the miraculous events that will attend the birth and the subsequent death of Jesus Christ. As the angel explained to
Samuel, the signs and wonders would be given "that there should be no cause for unbelief" (Hel. 14:28). External miracles and other evidences do not provide an
adequate basis for belief, but they do undermine systems of unbelief. The honest in heart must recognize that unbelief is not consistent with all the facts. And so, men are
free to believe or not, but if they choose not to believe, they cannot be saved, and their condemnation will flow from a righteous judgment. For the signs and wonders
were given, and the worldview of unbelievers was visibly disproven for all who would be honest (see Hel. 14:29-31). To the extent men and women in this life receive
internal miracles and spiritual witnesses of the truth, they are put in this same position (cf. Rom. 1:20; D&C 88:82; 101:93).

Jacob cites the great knowledge of the truth the Lord has given his people as a reason for them to "lay aside [their] sins" (2 Ne. 10:20). Alma uses the same approach,
saying, "And now, my brethren, seeing we know these things, and they are true, let us repent" (Alma 12:37). Mormon explains the success of the first mission to the
Lamanites in terms of the "success in bringing many to the knowledge of the truth," which brought converts "before the altar of God, to call on his name and confess
their sins before him" (Alma 17:4; cf. 21:17). In his reverse mission to the Nephites, Samuel the Lamanite makes the same connection, telling them that if they would
"believe on his name," they would "repent of all [their] sins" (Hel. 14:13). He then goes on to use the converted Lamanites as his proof:

Ye do know of yourselves, for ye have witnessed it, that as many of them as are brought to the knowledge of the truth, and to know of the wicked and abominable
traditions of their fathers, and are led to believe the holy scriptures, yea the prophecies of the holy prophets, which are written, which leadeth them to faith on the Lord,
and unto repentance, which faith and repentance bringeth a change of heart unto them . . . are firm and steadfast in the faith. (Hel. 15:7-8)

Nephi treats faith in Jesus Christ more as the foundation principle that makes it possible for the individual to respond to the gospel. Just as the gospel itself is only
possibly true because of the plan of redemption and the atonement of Christ, so individuals can only act on the gospel message to the extent that they believe in Christ.
As he explains to those who have accepted the gospel and received the Holy Ghost, "ye have not come thus far save it were by the word of Christ with unshaken faith
in him, relying wholly upon the merits of him who is mighty to save" (2 Ne. 31:19). For it is only by knowledge of Christ and trusting in him that men can turn away from
the arm of flesh and enter through the gate into his way:

For the gate by which ye should enter is repentance and baptism by water; and then cometh a remission of your sins by fire and by the Holy Ghost.

And then are ye in this strait and narrow path which leads to eternal life; yea, ye have entered in by the gate; ye have done according to the commandments of the
Father and the Son; and ye have received the Holy Ghost. (2 Ne. 31:17-18)

"The gate of heaven is open unto all, even to those who will believe on the name of Jesus Christ, who is the son of God" (Hel. 3:28). So it is that the first fruits of faith
are repentance and baptism as the convert to Christ turns from his sinful ways and covenants with the Father to obey his commandments and remember the name of
Christ always. The gospel message tells the person who has just learned the truth of Christ how he can respond to receive God's grace. If he will repent and covenant
not to sin further, and then be baptized of water, he is promised that he will receive the baptism of fire and the Holy Ghost, which brings "a mighty change" of heart:

And according to [Alma's] faith, there was a mighty change wrought in his heart. . . . And behold, he preached the word unto your fathers, and a mighty change was
also wrought in their hearts. (Alma 5:12-13)

So, as Nephi puts it, people can only arrive at this point through faith. But this is not enough, for "unless a man shall endure to the end, in following the example of the
Son of the living God, he cannot be saved" (2 Ne. 31:16). And again, it is only by trusting in Christ that it is possible to endure to the end: "Ye must press forward with
a steadfastness in Christ, . . . feasting upon the word of Christ, and endure to the end" (2 Ne. 31:20). Here, feasting on the word of Christ is explained in terms of
receiving the guidance of the Holy Ghost, which "will tell you all things what ye should do" (2 Ne. 32:3; cf. 32:2, 4-5). The requirement of faith (trusting or relying on the
Lord) is never completed in the way that repentance and baptism are. It must become the permanent mode of one's existence, or one will not be able to endure to the
end. Thus faith undergirds the process of accepting and responding to the gospel message. Anyone who truly has faith in Christ will follow the other prescribed steps. If
they do not have faith, following the steps will be of no value to them. Thus it makes sense to summarize the whole gospel in this characteristic aphorism: "Whosoever
putteth his trust in [Christ] the same shall be lifted up at the last day" (Mosiah 23:22).

Repentance

Noun and verb forms of the word repent occur 313 times in the Book of Mormon, not including other terms such as turn, which are used in the same sense. This
concept is fundamental to almost every division of the text, where it evokes the same basic meanings found in the Bible. The usual term in the Hebrew Bible is
expressed by the root *ï¿½WB (rarely *NHM), the basic meaning of which is "to turn." The Anchor Bible Dictionary explains that Yahweh relates to men as
companions in a journey that requires focused attention. Men tend to be distracted, to lose their vigilant sense of purpose, and to "turn away" from the Lord's path. This
general conception is wonderfully portrayed in Lehi's dream of the iron rod leading men along the straight and narrow path, out of darkness to the tree of life (see 1
Ne. 8). Modifying the same image of a journey, Mormon editorializes on the prosperity of the Nephite church in 43 b.c., using it to show how the man of Christ who
lays hold upon the word of Christ will be led

in a straight and narrow course across that everlasting gulf of misery . . . And land their souls . . . at the right hand of God in the kingdom of heaven, to sit down with
Abraham, and Isaac, and with Jacob, and with all our holy fathers, to go no more out. (Hel. 3:29-30)

Thus Enoch "walked with God" (Gen. 5:22, 24). In turning away from the Lord's walk or journey, men sin, and they can only "return" by repenting of their sins (see
Amos 4:6-13; Hosea 5:15-6:5 Jer. 3:12-24). The Greek Septuagint preserves these meanings and expands them slightly by translating the verb from the root *ï¿½WB
as epistrepho, "to turn toward or be converted." The New Testament uses another Greek term, metanoia, meaning "a change in one's mind or feelings." Turning back to
the Lord requires a change of mind and of heart, or a conversion.

King Limhi brings all these concepts together when he reminds his people of their great sins and their slaying of the prophet Abinadi as the reasons for their present
afflictions at the hands of the Lamanites. He then invites them to accept the Lord's merciful offer of deliverance:

But if ye will turn to the Lord with full purpose of heart, and put your trust in him, and serve him with all diligence of mind, if ye do this, he will, according to his own will
and pleasure, deliver you out of bondage. (Mosiah 7:33)

Limhi's language also emphasizes the radical character of the change required in repentance as one turns one's heart and mind from the alluring and varied ways of the
world, with all their attractions for the human spirit, to the straight and narrow path of the Lord's commandments. This turning is a choice, an act of human agency.
Confronted with the call to "lay hold upon the gospel of Christ" (Morm. 7:8), individuals have a very private choice to make. They can recognize honestly their own
inadequacies and imperfections, indeed their sins and temptations, and seize on this great opportunity to let the merits of Christ deliver them from all these failings. Or
they can deny their need for deliverance and refuse to believe, even though they may know the gospel is true. In so doing, they harden their hearts and stiffen their
necks against the changes that would be required in heart and mind.

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learned that this turning to follow the Son could not be accomplished unless one acts "with full purpose of heart, acting no hypocrisy and no deception before God, but
with real intent, repenting of your sins" (2 Ne. 31:13). The strictness of this new path is clear. An iron rod runs along it, leading directly to the tree of life. The path is
called both "strait" (2 Ne. 33:9) and "narrow" (Jacob 6:11). The iron rod represents the words of Christ or the Holy Ghost which "will show unto you all things what ye
inadequacies and imperfections, indeed their sins and temptations, and seize on this great opportunity to let the merits of Christ deliver them from all these failings. Or
they can deny their need for deliverance and refuse to believe, even though they may know the gospel is true. In so doing, they harden their hearts and stiffen their
necks against the changes that would be required in heart and mind.

When men love their evil ways, it is not easy to turn away to a path of obedience to the Lord. Nephi reports the instructions of the Father and the Son through which he
learned that this turning to follow the Son could not be accomplished unless one acts "with full purpose of heart, acting no hypocrisy and no deception before God, but
with real intent, repenting of your sins" (2 Ne. 31:13). The strictness of this new path is clear. An iron rod runs along it, leading directly to the tree of life. The path is
called both "strait" (2 Ne. 33:9) and "narrow" (Jacob 6:11). The iron rod represents the words of Christ or the Holy Ghost which "will show unto you all things what ye
should do" (2 Ne. 32:5). Instead of continuing a life of choosing whatever appeals to one's fancy at the moment, the repentant convert to Christ commits to a life of
obeying Christ's choices for him at every step of the way. The choice to repent is a choice to burn bridges in every direction in the decision to follow forever only one
way, the one path that leads to eternal life.

It is the severity of this demand that requires the convert to Christ to "come down into the depths of humility" (3 Ne. 12:2) as a preparation for baptism. In Nephi's
vision, Jesus himself gave this example, humbling himself before the Father, and witnessing that he would be obedient in keeping his commandments (see 2 Ne. 31:7).
This same humility and willingness to obey was depicted in another image when Jesus taught the Nephites directly that they "must repent, and become as a little child" (3
Ne. 11:37; cf. 11:38) or come unto him "as a little child" (3 Ne. 9:22). Describing the general practice of the Nephite church centuries later, Moroni specified that none
were baptized until they had "brought forth fruit meet that they were worthy of it," including demonstrating "a broken heart and a contrite spirit" and witnessing to the
church that they had "truly repented of all their sins" and had taken upon them the name of Christ with a "determination to serve him to the end" (Moro. 6:1-3; cf. Alma
12:15; 13:13).

The liberties of the life of sin are only illusory when properly understood. For they in fact constitute captivity and death in the power of Satan. Jacob calls on his
brothers to "turn away from [their] sins" and to "shake off the chains of him that would bind [them] fast" (2 Ne. 9:45). The straight and narrow path is the way of true
liberation as it brings deliverance from the chains of Satan and from death, leading instead to eternal life. It is this perspective on the gospel of Christ that inspired Lehi's
final teaching to his sons:

Wherefore, men are free according to the flesh; and all things are given them which are expedient unto man. And they are free to choose liberty and eternal life, through
the great Mediator of all men, or to choose captivity and death, according to the captivity and power of the devil; for he seeketh that all men might be miserable like
unto himself.

And now, my sons, I would that ye should look to the great Mediator, and hearken unto his great commandments; and be faithful unto his words, and choose eternal
life, according to the will of his Holy Spirit;

And not choose eternal death, according to the will of the flesh and the evil which is therein, which giveth the spirit of the devil power to captivate, to bring you down to
hell, that he may reign over you in his own kingdom. (2 Ne. 2:27-29)

The central requirement of repentance and faith in Jesus Christ for salvation was set in the premortal existence and applies to all men and women in all periods of time.
For God is "the same yesterday, to-day, and forever; and the way is prepared for all men from the foundation of the world, if it so be that they repent and come unto
him" (1 Ne. 10:18). That is the central content of the everlasting covenant of the Father with all his children who come to this earth. The covenant of God with Israel is a
type of the covenant he has made with all: "Thou also knowest concerning the covenants of the Lord unto the house of Israel; and thou also hast heard that whoso
repenteth not must perish" (1 Ne. 14:5). The Gentiles will also be blessed and saved if they repent, "for the Lord God will fulfill his covenants which he has made unto
his children" (2 Ne. 6:12).

So the commandment is to "all men that they must repent" (2 Ne. 9:23; cf. 9:24). And the willingness to repent is the essential condition of God's covenant with men.
Alma summarized the plan of redemption for Zeezrom, explaining that God called on men to repent and not harden their hearts, that he might have mercy on them (see
Alma 12:34). It is an individual arrangement that is typified in the covenant of God with Israel. "For behold, . . . as many of the Gentiles as will repent are the covenant
people of the Lord; and as many of the Jews as will not repent shall be cast off; for the Lord covenanteth with none save it be with them that repent and believe in his
Son" (2 Ne. 30:2). This centrality of repentance in the gospel message is emphasized in the instructions given to missionaries and leaders of the Nephite church: to
preach only repentance and faith in the Lord (see Mosiah 18:19-20; cf. 25:22; D&C 6:9; 11:9). It certainly got the attention of the Lamanite king who asked Aaron,
"What is this that Ammon said-If ye will repent ye shall be saved, and if ye will not repent, ye shall be cast off at the last day?" (Alma 22:6). Alma echoed this same
message, forcefully saying that he would "declare unto every soul, as with the voice of thunder, repentance and the plan of redemption, that they should repent and
come unto our God, that there might not be more sorrow upon all the face of the earth" (Alma 29:2; cf. 42:31).

Because repentance is such a demanding and essential element of God's offer to men, it is represented as a narrow or strait gate. Nephi teaches his descendants that
"the gate by which ye should enter is repentance and baptism" (2 Ne. 31:17; cf. Jacob 6:11). And "none shall be found blameless before God . . . only through
repentance and faith on the name of the Lord" (Mosiah 3:21). For "except ye repent ye can in nowise inherit the kingdom of heaven" (Alma 5:51).

While the necessity of confession as part of repentance was not emphasized by all the Book of Mormon prophets, it was clearly in place. Again, it is Alma the Elder
who develops the idea at length. Alma teaches the members of the church to forgive all who confessed their sins (see Mosiah 26:29). Confession of sins and repentance
of iniquity were necessary requirements for gaining and retaining membership in the church (see Mosiah 26:35-36). The apostate Nephites converted by Nephi and
Lehi, sons of Helaman, confess their sins before being baptized unto repentance (see Hel. 5:17). Similarly, the wicked Nephites in Zarahemla who were converted by
Samuel's preaching seek out the prophet Nephi, confess their sins to him, and desire "that they might be baptized unto the Lord" (Hel. 16:1; cf. 16:5). When the sign of
Jesus' birth is given five years later, many of those who denied the prophecies are "brought to a knowledge of their error and . . . confess their faults" (3 Ne. 1:25). In
his survey of key practices in the Nephite church, Moroni describes the process for disciplining members that fell into iniquity, specifying that "if they repented not, and
confessed not, their names were blotted out, and they were not numbered among the people of Christ" (Moro. 6:7). This seems to be a policy that parallels the
admission practice whereby new converts are baptized only after they have "witnessed unto the church that they truly repented of all their sins" (Moro. 6:2). Confession
to the presiding authority, or even possibly publicly to the church, is seen as convincing evidence of the sincerity of a person's turning from sin to the Lord.

All these references to repentance assume the basic notion that repentance means turning away from the worldly life to the way defined by Jesus Christ. Samuel is sent
to warn the Nephites in Zarahemla that if they would "repent and return unto the Lord [their] God," the Lord would turn away his anger. "Blessed are they who will
repent and turn unto me, but wo unto him that repenteth not," for the Lord's anger is still focused on him (Hel. 13:11; cf. 7:17; 11:4). Samuel's formulation balances the
turning of the sinner to God with God's turning of his anger away. Similarly, Abinadi warns King Noah and his people that "except they repent and turn to the Lord their
God," they will be brought into bondage (Mosiah 11:21; cf. 11:22-25; 7:22-23; 20:21-22). Alma calls upon his sons to "turn to the Lord with all [their] mind, might,
and strength" and not to seek "after riches nor the vain things of this world" (Alma 39:13-14). The Savior echoes this wording when he instructs the Nephites not to cast
sinners out of their synagogues in the hope that they yet might "return and repent, and come unto me with full purpose of heart" (3 Ne. 18:32). And so he commands "all
ye ends of the earth" (3 Ne. 27:20) to repent and come unto him. He specifically invites the Gentiles to turn from their "wicked ways" and to repent of their evil doings
and come unto him (3 Ne. 30:2).

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positive commitment to the Savior to keep his commandments, to walk the straight and narrow path, as he comes unto Christ. This covenant to remember Christ
always, to take the name of Christ upon himself, and to keep all of Christ's commandments, is part of this process of turning and coming-and therefore a crucial element
of repentance. This is the covenant that is witnessed to God and all the world by the convert through the baptism of water. Alma articulates this plainly to the Nephites
sinners out of their synagogues in the hope that they yet might "return and repent, and come unto me with full purpose of heart" (3 Ne. 18:32). And so he commands "all
ye ends of the earth" (3 Ne. 27:20) to repent and come unto him. He specifically invites the Gentiles to turn from their "wicked ways" and to repent of their evil doings
and come unto him (3 Ne. 30:2).

The ideas of "turning" and "coming unto me" point to the covenantal aspect of repentance as well. Not only must the repentant sinner cease sinning, he must make a
positive commitment to the Savior to keep his commandments, to walk the straight and narrow path, as he comes unto Christ. This covenant to remember Christ
always, to take the name of Christ upon himself, and to keep all of Christ's commandments, is part of this process of turning and coming-and therefore a crucial element
of repentance. This is the covenant that is witnessed to God and all the world by the convert through the baptism of water. Alma articulates this plainly to the Nephites
in Gideon when he invites them to "lay aside every sin" and "show unto your God that ye are willing to repent of your sins and enter into a covenant with him to keep his
commandments, and witness it unto him this day by going into the waters of baptism" (Alma 7:15; cf. 2 Ne. 31:7, 13-14). It is in this simple sense that those who repent
"are the covenant people of the Lord" (2 Ne. 30:2).

Because repentance includes the covenant to obey the commandments of the Lord, it is tied closely to baptism in water as the public evidence or witness of that
covenant. Thus baptism in water is the appropriate sequel to repentance. This is the sense of the puzzling phrase, introduced to Alma by the Lord in answer to his
prayer about dealing with transgressors in the church and repeated on numerous later occasions by both Alma and Mormon, that people should be "baptized unto
repentance" (Mosiah 26:22). This phrasing can be confusing when we expect repentance to precede baptism, and the preposition unto seems to indicate that baptism
precedes repentance. But the Oxford English Dictionary, which gives the most complete historical analysis of the varieties of English usage, lists 29 distinguishable uses
for this preposition. The one which corresponds with the Lord's usage here would indicate that baptisms into the church should only occur in accordance, agreement, or
correspondence with the prior repentance of the new member. Because the covenant witnessed in baptism is part of repentance, this relationship is signaled exactly by
the phrase baptized unto repentance. And so, Alma asks his new converts, "what have you against being baptized in the name of the Lord, as a witness before him that
ye have entered into a covenant with him, that ye will serve him and keep his commandments?" (Mosiah 18:10). On the other side of this same story, King Limhi and
his people repented and "entered into a covenant with God . . . to serve him and keep his commandments" (Mosiah 21:32). Furthermore, "they were desirous to be
baptized as a witness and a testimony that they were willing to serve God with all their hearts," but had to wait as there was no one properly authorized to perform this
ordinance in that place (Mosiah 21:35; cf. 21:34).

This close connection between repentance and baptism as covenant and witness of covenant respectively explains why repentance and baptism together are called "the
gate by which ye should enter" (2 Ne. 31:17, cf. 31:9; 33:9). The Book of Mormon discussion also makes much clearer what is meant in the Savior's New Testament
references to the "strait gate" (Matt. 7:13; Luke 13:24). Our understanding of this characterization comes from Nephi's late report of the dream shared by him and his
father at their first camp in the wilderness. In his later writing, Nephi emphasized that the baptism of Christ occurred as an example to all men, showing them "the
straitness [straightness] of the path, and the narrowness of the gate, by which they should enter" (2 Ne. 31:9). And even though Jesus was holy, he still provided a
model for the full process. While he, being holy, could not repent of actual sins, he still "humbleth himself before the Father, and witnesseth unto the Father that he
would be obedient unto him in keeping his commandments" by baptism in water (2 Ne. 31:7; cf. 31:13).

Jesus' humbling of himself and covenanting with the Father, as if he were a sinner, prefigures his later suffering for the sins of mankind as if they were his own. In neither
case was he actually guilty of sin. But in the first he showed us what we must do to avoid paying the penalty ourselves. In the second he showed us what the penalty
would be if we failed to repent and receive the benefits of his atonement. In the most direct way possible, Jesus taught us by the deeds of his sinless earthly life what we
must do to receive eternal life.

We can get further illumination on the subject of repentance by examining the Book of Mormon treatment of the opposed concepts-hardness of heart, blindness of
mind, and stiffness of neck. These phrases all betoken the opposite of "a broken heart and a contrite spirit," which is the hallmark of a repentant person. While we must
humble ourselves before God and confess our sins to repent effectively, most men will avoid this turning away from the sins they enjoy. So it is that the Book of
Mormon prophets see two choices open to those who have been called to repentance. If they will not repent, they choose to "reject the Spirit of God on account of the
hardness of their hearts and blindness of their minds" (Alma 13:4), and, like Korihor, they "resist the spirit of the truth" (Alma 30:46). Jacob urges his people to hear
God's voice and not harden their hearts, "for why will ye die?" (Jacob 6:6). After his conversion, Amulek could explain the psychology of refusing to listen to the Lord's
voice, for it explained his own earlier resistance:

I did harden my heart, for I was called many times and I would not hear; therefore I knew concerning these things, yet I would not know; therefore I went on rebelling
against God, in the wickedness of my heart. (Alma 10:6)

Alma is amazed that the ancient Israelites had so hardened their hearts, disbelieving that they would not save themselves from the effects of the bites of poisonous
serpents, when all they had to do was look (see Alma 33:20-21). He finds in this a precise analogy to his own people who were offended "because of the strictness of
the word" (Alma 35:15), yet he never lost hope that his "stiffnecked brethren" who were "hardening their hearts in sin and iniquities" might yet be brought to a
knowledge of their Redeemer (Alma 37:10). In explaining the prophecies of Zenos, Jacob urged his brethren to repent and come unto God with full purpose of heart
and not harden their hearts, for "as many as will not harden their hearts shall be saved in the kingdom of God" (Jacob 6:4; cf. 6:5). People harden their hearts because
of unbelief (Mosiah 26:1-3) or because their hearts are set on riches or other things incompatible with God's commands (see Alma 17:14). But in all cases the effect is
the same:

he that will harden his heart, the same receiveth the lesser portion of the word; and he that will not harden his heart, to him is given the greater portion of the word, until
it is given unto him to know the mysteries of God until he know them in full.

And they that will harden their hearts, to them is given the lesser portion of the word until they know nothing concerning his mysteries; and then they are taken captive
by the devil, and led by his will down to destruction. Now this is what is meant by the chains of hell. (Alma 12:10-11)

The Book of Mormon writers use treatment of the poor as an indicator of attitude toward Christ. The first sign of apostasy among the Nephites is their being lifted up in
pride and their persecuting the poor. Thus the turning away from Christ is reflected in a turning away from the poor in their need. And as converts turn to Christ in their
abject need for forgiveness of sins, they can reflect the generosity and mercy they hope to receive from him by turning to the poor with open hands. Nephi quotes
Isaiah's judgment on those who "turn away the needy" (2 Ne. 20:2), taking advantage of the poor, the widows, and the orphans (see 2 Ne. 20:1-20). King Benjamin
warns the believers to care for the beggar and not "turn him out to perish" (Mosiah 4:16). Mormon reports that when the Nephites allowed the Gadiantons to dominate
their government, "they did trample under their feet and smite and rend and turn their backs upon the poor and the meek, and the humble followers of God" (Hel. 6:39).
The refusal to turn to God is characterized by the turning away from fellow human beings in need.

Baptism of Water

Alma teaches Zeezrom and others at Ammonihah that God "has all power to save every man that believeth on his name and bringeth forth fruit meet for
repentance" (Alma 12:15, cf. 12:33; 13:13; 34:30). Mormon writes to his son Moroni that "the first fruits of repentance is baptism" (Moro. 8:25). We have seen that
baptism is tightly linked to repentance because it serves as a public witness to the Father of the private, internal covenant the repentant sinner makes to turn from evil
and keep all his commandments. Repentance is incomplete without baptism, and baptism is meaningless without repentance. Thus the person who has come to believe
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narrowness of the gate indicates that people must go through one at a time by an act of their own, and that only the prescribed acts or choices are adequate for this
gate. It also shows that the gate leads precisely to the entrance to one path, not the myriad of paths that lead to other destinations. The path to eternal life has one
starting place and hence needs only one narrow gate to admit those who will walk it. Rich and poor enter on the same terms, as unaccompanied pedestrians, leaving all
Alma teaches Zeezrom and others at Ammonihah that God "has all power to save every man that believeth on his name and bringeth forth fruit meet for
repentance" (Alma 12:15, cf. 12:33; 13:13; 34:30). Mormon writes to his son Moroni that "the first fruits of repentance is baptism" (Moro. 8:25). We have seen that
baptism is tightly linked to repentance because it serves as a public witness to the Father of the private, internal covenant the repentant sinner makes to turn from evil
and keep all his commandments. Repentance is incomplete without baptism, and baptism is meaningless without repentance. Thus the person who has come to believe
in Christ and trust in his power of deliverance must enter the strait gate of repentance and baptism, which starts him on the road to eternal life. The straitness or
narrowness of the gate indicates that people must go through one at a time by an act of their own, and that only the prescribed acts or choices are adequate for this
gate. It also shows that the gate leads precisely to the entrance to one path, not the myriad of paths that lead to other destinations. The path to eternal life has one
starting place and hence needs only one narrow gate to admit those who will walk it. Rich and poor enter on the same terms, as unaccompanied pedestrians, leaving all
burdens and possessions behind. They all walk with God or with the guidance of his Spirit (the iron rod) as long as they wish to progress to the tree of life and partake
of its fruit.

So baptism is essential. Jacob affirmed that "the Lord God, the Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 9:24), commands "all men that they must repent, and be baptized in his
name, . . . or they cannot be saved in the kingdom of God" (2 Ne. 9:23). This may have been news to Lehi and Nephi when they were shown the baptism of Jesus in
their vision at the first camp in the wilderness. The evidence would suggest that their fellow Jews in 600 b.c. did not share this understanding. But we have seen that
Nephi made it standard for his people, and it continues through the practice of Alma and the Nephite church down to the time of Christ when it was vigorously
reemphasized by the Savior himself in his visit to the Nephites. Describing the missionary successes just before the Savior's visit, the record emphasizes that "there were
none who were brought unto repentance who were not baptized with water" (3 Ne. 7:24). Moroni confirms its central role again in the closing chapters of the book
(see Moro. 6:1-4). For a thousand years, the Nephite followers of Christ practiced a form of baptism by immersion that provided the model for Joseph Smith and
Oliver Cowdery and for the restoration wrought through them in our own times.

The Book of Mormon accounts make clear that baptism by water is the act wherein repentant converts to Jesus Christ can witness to the Father that they have
repented and covenanted to keep his commandments. In explaining the baptism of Jesus he had seen in vision, Nephi says, "he humbleth himself before the Father, and
witnesseth unto the Father that he would be obedient unto him in keeping his commandments" (2 Ne. 31:7). In his own voice, and quoting the Son, Nephi twice
emphasizes his account of baptism as a witness to the Father both of a commitment to keep his commandments and a willingness to take the name of Christ upon
oneself (see 2 Ne. 31:7, 13-14). At the waters of Mormon, Alma includes in the baptismal prayer itself the characterization of baptism "as a testimony that ye have
entered into a covenant to serve him [the Almighty God] until you are dead as to the mortal body" (Mosiah 18:13, cf. 18:10). After their conversion at the preaching of
Ammon, the people of King Limhi desired "to be baptized as a witness and a testimony that they were willing to serve God with all their hearts" (Mosiah 21:35).
Teaching the people of Gideon, the younger Alma uses the identical language and describes "going into the waters of baptism" as the means by which his converts can
witness to their God that they are "willing to repent" and to "enter into a covenant . . . to keep his commandments" (Alma 7:15). Immediately before the Savior's visit to
the Nephites, Nephi 3 described baptism not only as "a witness and a testimony before God," but also "unto the people, that they had repented and received a
remission of their sins" (3 Ne. 7:25). In teaching and personally administering the sacrament to the Nephites, Jesus told them it was to be given "to those who repent
and are baptized in my name" as a witness "unto the Father that ye are willing to do that which I have commanded you" and "that ye do always remember me" (3 Ne.
18:10-11).

The necessity of repenting and leaving one's sins is emphasized at the end of the Book of Mormon as Moroni warns his readers, "See that ye are not baptized
unworthily" (Morm. 9:29). Describing the practice of the Nephite church, Moroni later explains that none were baptized, "save they brought forth fruit meet that they
were worthy of it" (Moro. 6:1):

Neither did they receive any unto baptism save they came forth with a broken heart and a contrite spirit, and witnessed unto the church that they truly repented of all
their sins.

And none were received unto baptism save they took upon them the name of Christ, having a determination to serve him to the end. (Moro. 6:2-3)

Baptism of Fire and of the Holy Ghost

As with so much of our understanding of the gospel, the basic text on the Holy Ghost is to be found in Nephi's first exposition of the gospel message. Nephi quotes the
voice of the Son saying that the Father will "give the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 31:12) to all who are baptized in the name of Jesus. For just as "the Holy Ghost descended
upon him in the form of a dove" (2 Ne. 31:8) after his baptism, so all who repent and are baptized in the name of Christ will then "receive the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne.
31:13). But in the same sentence, Nephi also calls this gift from God "the baptism of fire and of the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 31:13; also 31:14). The reference to fire
indicates the miraculous cleansing power of this gift as it brings "a remission of . . . sins by fire and by the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 31:17), which "witnesses of the Father
and the Son, unto the fulfilling of the promise which he hath made, that if ye entered in by the way ye should receive" (2 Ne. 31:18).

This language is next echoed in the Book of Mormon in the words of the Savior himself at the time of his appearance to the Nephites. Speaking from the darkness that
followed the great destructions, he told the survivors that "whoso cometh unto me with a broken heart and a contrite spirit, him will I baptize with fire and with the Holy
Ghost," just as he had done for the Lamanites at the time of their conversion (3 Ne. 9:20; cf. Ether 12:14). After presenting his gospel to the newly commissioned
disciples, he tells them that the Father will "bear record" (3 Ne. 11:32, 35) of Jesus unto whoever believes in Christ by visiting him or her "with fire and with the Holy
Ghost" (3 Ne. 11:35). Turning to the multitude, he clarifies his meaning further: "After that ye are baptized with water, behold, I will baptize you with fire and with the
Holy Ghost" (3 Ne. 12:1). Then comes the fullest statement, pulling all these elements together:

Blessed are they who shall believe in your words, and come down into the depths of humility and be baptized, for they shall be visited with fire and with the Holy
Ghost, and shall receive a remission of their sins. (3 Ne. 12:2)

The dramatic fulfillment of that promise occurred early the next day as the twelve disciples met to teach the people what they had learned, and to baptize one another.
After praying for the Holy Ghost, they were baptized:

And it came to pass when they were all baptized and had come up out of the water, the Holy Ghost did fall upon them, and they were filled with the Holy Ghost and
with fire.

And behold, they were encircled about as if it
were by fire; and it came down from heaven, and the multitude did witness it, and did bear record. (3 Ne. 19:13-14)

In his prayer, Jesus thanked the Father for giving "the Holy Ghost unto these whom I have chosen" and prayed further that the Father would "give the Holy Ghost unto
all them that shall believe in their words" (3 Ne. 19:20-21).

In his final message to latter-day Lamanites, Mormon extends this same promise, that "if it so be that ye believe in Christ, and are baptized, first with water, then with
fire and with the Holy Ghost, . . . it shall be well with you in the day of judgment" (Morm. 7:10).

Another dramatic
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Lord" (Mosiah 4:1) and viewing their own sinful state, they cried:

O have mercy, and apply the atoning blood of Christ that we may receive forgiveness of our sins, and our hearts may be purified; for we believe in Jesus Christ, the
In his final message to latter-day Lamanites, Mormon extends this same promise, that "if it so be that ye believe in Christ, and are baptized, first with water, then with
fire and with the Holy Ghost, . . . it shall be well with you in the day of judgment" (Morm. 7:10).

Another dramatic example of this reception of the Holy Ghost in purifying power is reported at the conclusion of King Benjamin's sermon. Overcome by "the fear of the
Lord" (Mosiah 4:1) and viewing their own sinful state, they cried:

O have mercy, and apply the atoning blood of Christ that we may receive forgiveness of our sins, and our hearts may be purified; for we believe in Jesus Christ, the
Son of God. . . .

And it came to pass that after they had spoken these words the Spirit of the Lord came upon them, and they were filled with joy, having received a remission of their
sins, and having peace of conscience, because of the exceeding faith which they had in Jesus Christ who should come. (Mosiah 4:2-3; cf. 4:11-12)

As Benjamin's people respond, recognizing the "mighty change" in their hearts wrought by "the Spirit of the Lord Omnipotent" (Mosiah 5:2), they profess a willingness
"to enter into a covenant with [their] God to do his will, and to be obedient to his commandments in all things" (Mosiah 5:5). Benjamin then explains to them that
because of this experience and their righteous covenant, they will be "called the children of Christ, his sons, and his daughters," because they have been "spiritually
begotten" of him and their "hearts are changed through faith on his name," and they "are born of him and have become his sons and his daughters" (Mosiah 5:7).

Alma borrows Benjamin's terminology to describe his own conversion experience. The confrontation of the wicked young Alma with the angel left Alma helpless and
unconscious for over two days. As he revived, following the fasting and prayers of his father and the other priests, he stood and announced that after repenting of his
sins he had been redeemed and "born of the Spirit" (Mosiah 27:24). He then reported the Lord's words to him in his coma, when he was told that all mankind "must be
born again" or "born of God, changed from their carnal and fallen state, to a state of righteousness, being redeemed of God, becoming his sons and daughters" (Mosiah
27:25). In his later preaching, Alma would call upon others to "repent and be born again" (Alma 5:49) and be baptized that they "may be washed from [their]
sins" (Alma 7:14). When taken by itself, this passage has sometimes been read to indicate that baptism of water washes away sins, but the context of the language of
spiritual rebirth indicates clearly that it is the Spirit or Holy Ghost that brings the remission of sins, a teaching consistent with those of Jesus and Nephi. In this same
context, Alma also teaches that no man can be saved "except his garments are washed white, . . . purified, . . . cleansed from all stain, through the blood" of the
prophesied Redeemer (Alma 5:21). Or, as he says of that ancient order of high priests, they

were sanctified, and their garments were washed white through the blood of the Lamb.

Now they, after being sanctified by the Holy Ghost, having their garments made white, being pure and spotless before God, could not look upon sin save it were with
abhorrence; and there were many, exceedingly great many, who were made pure and entered into the rest of the Lord their God. (Alma 13:11-12).

Alma consistently invokes this same language in later accounts of his dramatic youthful conversion to emphasize the fundamental importance of this spiritual experience
by which he was born of God (see Alma 36:5, 23-24, 26; 38:6). The sons of Mosiah evidently used this language as well in their mission to the Lamanites, as their king
responds to Aaron's teaching by asking what he must do that he might be "born of God" and have "this wicked spirit rooted out of [his] breast, and receive [God's]
Spirit" and be "filled with joy" (Alma 22:15). Understood as a cleansing by the Spirit, all these passages conform to the Savior's final teaching to the Nephite disciples
that "whoso repenteth and is baptized in my name shall be filled" (3 Ne. 27:16), and that all men are commanded to repent and come unto him and be baptized in his
name, that they "may be sanctified by the reception of the Holy Ghost," that they may "stand spotless before me at the last day" (3 Ne. 27:20; cf. Moro. 6:4). Moroni
ends the Book of Mormon on this note, pointing to the fact that it is this purification that produces the perfection God requires of men. He invites all men to "come unto
Christ, and be perfected in him" (Moro. 10:32):

And again, if ye by the grace of God are perfect in Christ, and deny not his power, then are ye sanctified in Christ by the grace of God, through the shedding of the
blood of Christ, which is in the covenant of the Father unto the remission of your sins, that ye become holy, without spot. (Moro. 10:33)

The repeated Book of Mormon emphasis on the Holy Ghost's cleansing function should not cause us to ignore the clear explanations of its continuing functions in the
lives of the converted as they undertake the path that leads to eternal life and strive to endure to the end. Nephi identified the power of the Holy Ghost early on as "the
gift of God unto all those who diligently seek him" and the means by which one "might see, and hear, and know of these things," speaking of the things Lehi had learned
in his vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 10:17). When Nephi was blessed to receive a version of that same vision, the Lamb told him of the last days and said, "Blessed are
they who shall seek to bring forth my Zion at that day, for they shall have the gift and the power of the Holy Ghost; and if they endure unto the end they shall be lifted up
at the last day, and shall be saved in the everlasting kingdom of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 13:37). In his own prophecies of the last days, Nephi warned those who would
embrace the precepts of men and deny "the power of God, and the gift of the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 28:26; cf. Jacob 6:8, Alma 9:21). The Holy Ghost is a gift of God
given "unto the children of men, because of [Jesus]" (3 Ne. 28:11; cf. 3 Ne. 9:20; 19:20).

In addition to the cleansing power emphasized in the language of the Nephite prophets, the Holy Ghost brings knowledge of spiritual truths and enables men to speak
with the tongue of angels, who also speak by the power of the Holy Ghost (see 2 Ne. 32:2). And that which is spoken by the power of the Holy Ghost, whether by
men or angels, is the word of Christ, which "will tell you all things what ye should do" (2 Ne. 32:3). Or in other words, as Nephi finally clarifies without metaphor, "if ye
will enter in by the way, and receive the Holy Ghost, it will show unto you all things what ye should do" (2 Ne. 32:5).

This informative function of the gift of the Holy Ghost is essential for the guidance of the convert who has entered in the way through repentance and baptism and must
now endure to the end in keeping the commandments. For while there are general commandments aplenty, to apply these successfully in the daily problems of life
requires an omniscient perspective. The Holy Ghost, like the iron rod in Lehi's dream, is the word of God or the words of Christ. And so it is that Nephi promises us
that if we will "press forward, feasting upon the word of Christ, and endure to the end," we will "have eternal life," and this by promise of the Father (2 Ne. 31:20). Not
only does the Father purify us through the baptism of fire, but he provides us with a daily, personal guide to direct us through the challenges of our individual lives and to
strengthen us with his power as we need it. But to enjoy the advantages of this marvelous gift, we must trust in him and follow him, and deny neither the Holy Ghost nor
the power of God. For then it would be withdrawn-a gift that can leave as quickly and easily as it comes-and we would be left alone, on our own limited powers and
understanding.

Enduring to the End in Faith Hope and Charity

At the first camp in the wilderness, Lehi was shown a vision that dramatized the unhappy fact that many who come unto Christ and taste the fruit of eternal life will fall
away and be lost. Lehi saw many who entered into that narrow path and followed the iron rod to the tree of life. But after tasting the fruit, they looked around and saw
others scoffing from the lofty heights of the great and spacious building. "They were ashamed, . . . and they fell away into forbidden paths and were lost" (1 Ne. 8:28).
The Book of Mormon prophets clearly believed that while being born of God is necessary for salvation, it is not sufficient. For, as Nephi learned from the voice of the
Father, "unless a man shall endure to the end, in following the example of the Son of the living God, he cannot be saved" (2 Ne. 31:16). Similarly, the Savior taught the
Nephites during his visit to Bountiful:

Behold, I am(c)the
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This necessity of continued faithfulness leads the Book of Mormon prophets consistently to cite enduring to the end as a separate and essential principle of the gospel.
Jesus told Nephi that those who "seek to bring forth . . . Zion" will "be lifted up at the last day" and "saved in the everlasting kingdom of the Lamb" only "if they endure
The Book of Mormon prophets clearly believed that while being born of God is necessary for salvation, it is not sufficient. For, as Nephi learned from the voice of the
Father, "unless a man shall endure to the end, in following the example of the Son of the living God, he cannot be saved" (2 Ne. 31:16). Similarly, the Savior taught the
Nephites during his visit to Bountiful:

Behold, I am the law, and the light. Look unto me, and endure to the end, and ye shall live; for unto him that endureth to the end will I give eternal life. (3 Ne. 15:9)

This necessity of continued faithfulness leads the Book of Mormon prophets consistently to cite enduring to the end as a separate and essential principle of the gospel.
Jesus told Nephi that those who "seek to bring forth . . . Zion" will "be lifted up at the last day" and "saved in the everlasting kingdom of the Lamb" only "if they endure
to the end" (1 Ne. 13:37; cf. 22:31; 2 Ne. 9:24; 33:4; Alma 32:13, 15; 3 Ne. 27:6, 16-17).

The phraseology used to refer to this gospel principle does vary occasionally in ways that illuminate our understanding of its nature, but the basic notion of endurance is
always clearly recognizable. Jacob urges his brothers to "enter in at the strait gate, and continue in the way which is narrow, until [they] shall obtain eternal life" (Jacob
6:11). Omni invites converts to "continue in fasting and praying, and endure to the end" (Omni 1:26). King Benjamin's sermon promises that those who keep the
commandments of God and "hold out faithful to the end" will be received into heaven (Mosiah 2:41). So he urges his responsive subjects to "be steadfast and
immovable, always abounding in good works," that the Lord may seal them his, and that they "may have everlasting salvation and eternal life" (Mosiah 5:15). On the
negative side, King Benjamin warns that even though they have entered in the way by a covenant with God and have experienced the mighty change of heart wrought
by his spirit, if they fail to watch themselves, their thoughts, words, and deeds, "and observe the commandments of God, and continue in the faith of what [they] have
heard concerning the coming of our Lord, even unto the end of [their] lives, [they] must perish" (Mosiah 4:30). In baptizing Helam, Alma includes in the ritual prayer the
statement that the covenant witnessed through baptism includes serving God "until you are dead as to the mortal body" (Mosiah 18:13). Referring back to these events,
Alma the Younger affirms that his father's converts had remained "faithful until the end," and that consequently "they were saved" (Alma 5:13). Shortly thereafter, Alma
describes this requirement quite simply-those who are baptized are to keep "the commandments of God from thenceforth," which, if they do, they will "have eternal
life" (Alma 7:16). Teaching the plan of salvation to his own son Corianton, Alma later describes a convert's endurance to the end as desiring "righteousness until the end
of his days" (Alma 41:6). Similarly, Moroni explains that the policy of the Nephite church is to baptize only those applicants who have "a determination to serve [Christ]
to the end" (Moro. 6:3). This is consistent with the charge given to priests and teachers at the time of their ordinations, that they should "preach repentance and
remission of sins through Jesus Christ, by the endurance of faith on his name to the end" (Moro. 3:3). Writing to Moroni, Mormon tells his son how he prays continually
to God the Father "that he, through his infinite goodness and grace, will keep [Moroni] through the endurance of faith on his name to the end" (Moro. 8:3). This way of
putting things emphasizes both the faith required of the individual and his dependence on God's goodness and grace.

While most treatments of the notion of enduring to the end are brief and straightforward and assume the reader understands what is meant, others offer more
substantive detail. In preparing his people for baptism at the Waters of Mormon, Alma describes the life of the covenant people to which they would be committing
themselves. They must desire "to come into the fold of God, and to be called his people," and they must also be "willing to bear one another's burdens," even to "mourn
with those that mourn," to "comfort those that stand in need of comfort, and to stand as witnesses of God" at all times and places, "even until death," that they might
have eternal life (Mosiah 18:8-9). Moroni points out the role of Christ as both "the author and the finisher of their faith" (Moro. 6:4). Once new members were

received unto baptism, and were wrought upon and cleansed by the power of the Holy Ghost, they were numbered among the people of the church of Christ; and their
names were taken, that they might be remembered and nourished by the good word of God, to keep them in the right way, to keep them continually watchful unto
prayer, relying alone upon the merits of Christ. (Moro. 6:4)

At the end of his writings, Moroni simply urges the members of the church to "do all things in worthiness" and "in the name of Jesus Christ, . . . and endure to the end."
Following this pattern, they will "in nowise be cast out" (Morm. 9:29).

Finally, and perhaps most interestingly, the Nephite prophets consistently present their teachings on faith, hope, and charity as one way of understanding the process of
enduring to the end. Nephi again sets the pattern when he teaches us that after we have entered in that strait gate and have received the Holy Ghost and the remission of
sins, we

must press forward with a steadfastness [faith] in Christ, having a perfect brightness of hope, and a love of God and of all men [charity]. Wherefore, if ye shall press
forward, feasting upon the word of Christ, and endure to the end, behold, thus saith the Father: Ye shall have eternal life. (2 Ne. 31:20)

Alma teaches his listeners in Gideon to see that they "have faith, hope, and charity" that they might "always abound in good works" (Alma 7:24). Later, he teaches the
people of Ammonihah to live with faith, hope, and the love of God in their hearts:

But that ye would humble yourselves before the Lord, and call on his holy name, and watch and pray continually, that ye may not be tempted above that which ye can
bear, and thus be led by the Holy Spirit, becoming humble, meek, submissive, patient, full of love and all long-suffering;

Having faith on the Lord; having a hope that ye shall receive eternal life; having the love of God always in your hearts, that ye may be lifted up at the last day and enter
into his rest. (Alma 13:28-29)

When calling the people to remembrance of the captivity of their fathers, Alma asks, "What grounds had they to hope of salvation?" (Alma 5:10). The answer he finds is
the mighty change wrought in their hearts, as a result of their faith. Because of the hope created by being thus born of God, they "put their trust in the true and living
God. And behold, they were faithful until the end" (Alma 5:13). Ether also explained that the hope for a better world springs from faith, and anchors the souls of men,
making "them sure and steadfast, always abounding in good works" (Ether 12:4). When Moroni prays for the Gentiles, the Lord tells him that he will show them "that
faith, hope and charity bringeth unto me-the fountain of all righteousness" (Ether 12:28). Moroni goes on to explain that God works with men "according to their
faith" (Ether 12:29), and that to receive the inheritance or mansions prepared for them they must have hope and charity (see Ether 12:30-34).

And except ye have charity ye can in nowise be saved in the kingdom of God; neither can ye be saved in the kingdom of God if ye have not faith; neither can ye if ye
have no hope. (Moro. 10:21)

This teaching is provided to Moroni most clearly in his father's letter on infant baptism:

And the first fruits of repentance is baptism; and baptism cometh by faith unto the fulfilling the commandments; and the fulfilling the commandments bringeth remission of
sins;

And the remission of sins bringeth meekness, and lowliness of heart; and because of meekness and lowliness of heart cometh the visitation of the Holy Ghost, which
Comforter filleth with hope and perfect love, which love endureth by diligence unto prayer, until the end shall come, when all the saints shall dwell with God. (Moro.
8:25-26)

Mormon points to the enduring power of love as a key to continuing faith and hope in the face of daily temptations and trials.
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Eternal Life

While the Book of Mormon writers offer little detail about the state of the righteous in the kingdom of God, they consistently conclude their accounts of the gospel by
8:25-26)

Mormon points to the enduring power of love as a key to continuing faith and hope in the face of daily temptations and trials.

Eternal Life

While the Book of Mormon writers offer little detail about the state of the righteous in the kingdom of God, they consistently conclude their accounts of the gospel by
referring to the salvation or eternal life with which God rewards the faithful after death. All who come unto Christ through repentance and baptism, and endure to the
end in faithful living, will be saved in the kingdom of God. As Nephi states in an early gospel aphorism, "the fulness of mine intent is that I may persuade men to come
unto the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, and be saved" (1 Ne. 6:4).

While Book of Mormon accounts of the nature of eternal life are much less detailed than the revelations given to Joseph Smith, the variety of language employed does
give us some indication of what is in store for the faithful. In Nephi's great vision of the ministry of Christ and the last days, the Lord tells Nephi that his faithful servants
would "be lifted up at the last day" and "saved in the everlasting kingdom of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 13:37; cf. 2 Ne. 9:23; Jacob 6:4). Those who do not accept the
invitation to repent and believe and endure to the end will be damned or "cast off at the last day" (Alma 22:6; cf. 2 Ne. 9:24; 31:16; Morm. 9:23, 29; Ether 4:18).
Benjamin says those who "hold out faithful to the end" will be "received into heaven" and will "dwell with God in a state of never-ending happiness" (Mosiah 2:41). He
also explains that God will bring them to heaven that they "may have everlasting salvation and eternal life" (Mosiah 5:15). The brother of Jared receives the promise
from Jesus personally that in the Lord would "all mankind have life, and that eternally, even they who shall believe on my name; and they shall become my sons and my
daughters" (Ether 3:14). Abinadi describes the believers as the seed of the Lord and "heirs of the kingdom of God" (Mosiah 15:11). Further, "they are the first
resurrection" (Mosiah 15:22). Alma tends to emphasize how those who are born again will be "partakers of the fruit of the tree of life" (Alma 5:62) and will "inherit the
kingdom of heaven" (Alma 7:14; cf. 9:12). In his teaching at Ammonihah, he describes this salvation four times as entering into the rest of God, which he has prepared
for those who repent and obey his commandments (Alma 12:37; cf. 12:35; 13:13, 29). Again, later, he calls it "everlasting life" (Alma 32:41; 33:23). The "gate of
heaven is open unto all" (Hel. 3:28) who will accept the gospel, and, as Helaman taught his sons, it will bring the power of the Redeemer to bear "unto the salvation of
their souls" (Hel. 5:11). In his visit to the Nephites, the Savior invokes almost all these standard formulations but also invokes the context of the final judgment more
explicitly:

And it shall come to pass, that whoso repenteth and is baptized in my name shall be filled; and if he endureth to the end, behold, him will I hold guiltless before my
Father at that day when I shall stand to judge the world. (3 Ne. 27:16)

And again,

Now this is the commandment: Repent, all ye ends of the earth, and come unto me and be baptized in my name, that ye may be sanctified by the reception of the Holy
Ghost, that ye may stand spotless before me at the last day. (3 Ne. 27:20)

Mormon expands this same language on the lot of those who are "found guiltless before him at the judgment day," for it is given unto them "to dwell in the presence of
God in his kingdom" and "to sing ceaseless praises with the choirs above, unto the Father, and unto the Son, and unto the Holy Ghost . . . in a state of happiness which
hath no end" (Morm. 7:7). Moroni appends his own appeal to all who might hear this call to believe that they might "be found spotless, pure, fair, and white, having
been cleansed by the blood of the Lamb, at that great and last day" (Morm. 9:6). He further reminds the Lord "that thou hast said that thou hast prepared a house for
man, yea, even among the mansions of thy Father, in which man might have a more excellent hope; wherefore man must hope, or he cannot receive an inheritance in the
place which thou hast prepared" (Ether 12:32). And, except men have charity, "they cannot inherit that place which thou hast prepared in the mansions of thy
Father" (Ether 12:34). Here Moroni echoes his father's epistle that explains how the saints who endure "by diligence unto prayer, until the end shall come . . . shall dwell
with God" (Moro. 8:26).

Conclusion

Three times in revelation, Joseph Smith was told that the Book of Mormon contains "the fulness of the gospel of Jesus Christ" (D&C 20:9; cf. 27:5; 42:12). The
present study and its predecessor identify a clear and consistent textual tradition begun by Nephi and continued by all the Book of Mormon prophets down to
Moroni. Drawing on clear statements of the gospel by Jesus Christ himself, Nephi and others taught the gospel as a six-point formula. In a decree from the beginning,
the Father had promised salvation to all who would come to him through faith on his Son, repentance and baptism, receiving the remission of sins through the baptism of
fire and of the Holy Ghost, and by enduring in faith, hope, and charity to the end of mortal life. This central teaching gave coherence and foundation to all the teachings
of
the Book of Mormon prophets, focusing all religious hope and knowledge on the atonement of Christ, which makes the fulfillment of the Father's promise possible.

* The title phrase is found in 3 Nephi 21:6.

  2 For the original exposition of this Book of Mormon teaching, see Noel B. Reynolds, "The Gospel of Jesus Christ as Taught by the Nephite Prophets," BYU
Studies 31/3 (1991): 31-50. An expanded treatment will be featured in the forthcoming The Everlasting Gospel: A Book of Mormon Perspective.

   3 Because Oliver Cowdery used the same spelling for both straight and strait, readers of the Book of Mormon are forced to interpret from context in deciding which
word fits best in the various passages where strait appears. Wherever straight appears in my discussion of the Book of Mormon, it is because I have interpreted the
text's strait to have that meaning, particularly in combination with narrow, which makes strait redundant; cf. 2 Ne. 9:41.

  4 See n. 1 above.

The Anthon Transcripts and the Translation of the Book of Mormon: Studying It Out
in the Mind of Joseph Smith

David E. Sloan

Abstract: Prophesying of the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, Nephi foretold that an unlearned man would be asked by God to read the words of a book after a
learned man had failed to do so. The unlearned man was initially unwilling, claiming, "I am not learned" (2 Ne. 27:19). One interpretation of Nephi's account is that
Joseph Smith could not translate the Book of Mormon before the meeting of Martin Harris and Charles Anthon. Early historical accounts are consistent with this
interpretation. However, according to Joseph Smith-History 1:64, Harris did take a translation to Anthon. Although this translation has not been found, evidence exists
of similarities between this document and documents produced during the preliminary stages of the translation of the book of Abraham. These similarities suggest that
the document taken to Anthon was a preliminary and unsuccessful attempt to translate the Book of Mormon, during which Joseph Smith studied the translation problem
out in his own mind as he qualified himself to receive the revealed translation from God.
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1. Introduction

Nephi's prophetic account of the coming forth of the Book of Mormon (2 1 Ne. 27) indicates that Joseph Smith did not translate any of the Book of Mormon before
interpretation. However, according to Joseph Smith-History 1:64, Harris did take a translation to Anthon. Although this translation has not been found, evidence exists
of similarities between this document and documents produced during the preliminary stages of the translation of the book of Abraham. These similarities suggest that
the document taken to Anthon was a preliminary and unsuccessful attempt to translate the Book of Mormon, during which Joseph Smith studied the translation problem
out in his own mind as he qualified himself to receive the revealed translation from God.

1. Introduction

Nephi's prophetic account of the coming forth of the Book of Mormon (2 1 Ne. 27) indicates that Joseph Smith did not translate any of the Book of Mormon before
Martin Harris presented the words of the Book of Mormon to Charles Anthon for him to translate. In contrast, the 1839 History of the Church clearly states that
Joseph Smith copied and translated a number of characters from the plates before the Harris-Anthon encounter.

Part 2 of this article presents an argument for the conclusions that (1) the unlearned man of 2 Ne. 27 does not translate any of the words of the book before their
presentation to the learned man and (2), notwithstanding the 1839 history, a significant amount of circumstantial historical evidence exists that Joseph Smith did not
translate into English any portion of the Book of Mormon before the Harris-Anthon encounter. Part 3 proposes that the 1839 history is not inconsistent with the
position taken in Part 2 because the initial translation referred to in the 1839 history was an unsuccessful attempt by Joseph Smith to produce the actual English text of
the Book of Mormon. Part 4 presents evidence that before the Harris-Anthon meeting, Joseph Smith
was engaged in studying the translation problem out in his own mind, an essential part of the translation process, as identified in D&C 9:8-9.

2. Prophetic and Historical Accounts of the Initial Stages of the Translation of the Book of Mormon

The Prophetic Account

In 2 Ne. 27, Nephi prophesies concerning the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, significantly expanding Isaiah's prophecy found in Isa. 29. In Nephi's prophetic
account, an unlearned man delivers the words of a book to an intermediary, who then delivers the words to a learned man and requests that the learned man read the
words. The learned man asks that the book be brought to him, which is not possible because the book is sealed. The learned man then declares: "I cannot read it" (2
Ne. 27:18).

After the failure of the learned man to read the words, the unlearned man is also asked to read the words, as recorded in Isaiah's version of the prophecy: "Read this I
pray thee" (Isa. 29:12). In response, he declares: "I am not learned" (Isa. 29:12; 2 Ne. 27:19). The Lord then instructs the unlearned man: "The learned shall not read
them, for they have rejected them, and I am able to do mine own work; wherefore thou shalt read the words which I shall give unto thee" (2 Ne. 27:20). Nothing in the
prophetic account suggests that the unlearned man was asked to read the words before this time. The most straightforward and reasonable interpretation of this
passage is that the unlearned man could not or did not read the words before the Lord asked him to.

A possible interpretation of the prophetic account is that it does not describe a temporal sequence of events, and that the timing of the request that the learned man read
has no relationship to the timing of the request that the unlearned man read. However, immediately after the learned man's words that he cannot read the book, the
prophetic account records: "Wherefore it shall come to pass, that the Lord will deliver again the book and the words to him that is not learned" (2 Ne. 27:18-19).
These words indicate that the second delivery occurs after, and as a result of, the learned man's rejection of the book. Also, at the time of the second delivery, the
learned has already "rejected" the words of the book, clearly showing a temporal relationship and sequence for these events.

The 1839 History

Joseph Smith recorded that in December 1827, "immediately after" his arrival at the home of his father-in-law, Isaac Hale, he "commenced copying the characters off
the plates" (Joseph Smith-History 1:62). Between December 1827 and February 1828, he "copied a considerable number of them, and by means of the Urim and
Thummim [he] translated some of them" (Joseph Smith-History 1:62). Sometime in February 1828, Martin Harris took the characters the Prophet had "drawn off the
plates" to New York City (Joseph Smith-History 1:63). Martin Harris recorded that he "presented the characters which had been translated, with the translation
thereof, to Professor Charles Anthon, a gentleman celebrated for his literary attainments" (Joseph Smith-History 1:64). According to Harris, "Professor Anthon stated
that the translation was correct, more so than any he had before seen translated from the Egyptian" (Joseph Smith-History 1:64). Harris also reported that Anthon gave
him "a certificate to the people of Palmyra that they were true characters, and that the translation of such of them as had been translated was also correct" (Joseph
Smith-History 1:64). Following his visit to Charles Anthon, Martin Harris met with a Dr. Mitchell, "who sanctioned what Professor Anthon had said respecting both the
characters and the translation" (Joseph Smith-History 1:64).

Based on the foregoing, there can be little doubt that Martin Harris took with him to New York a document, which both he and Joseph Smith referred to as a
translation. The question that the remainder of this paper addresses is whether that document included any part of the actual English text of the Book of Mormon.
Although not conclusive, the evidence supporting the theory that Joseph Smith could not produce the actual English text before the Harris-Anthon meeting is sufficient
cause for reasonable minds to differ in their conclusions.

It might be argued that the meaning of the 1839 history is clear and that the words of the history should be understood according to their plain meaning. However, the
words of Nephi's prophetic account are also plainly written and suggest a different interpretation of the events. Furthermore, Nephi's words of introduction to his
account are compelling: "But behold, I prophesy unto you concerning the last days; concerning the days when the Lord God shall bring these things forth unto the
children of men" (2 Ne. 26:14). This prophecy was given to Nephi by the Spirit, which "speaketh of things as they really are, and of things as they really will be" (Jacob
4:13). For this reason, it is a mistake to allow a limited historical perspective to control the interpretation of an inspired prophecy. Although the 1839 history is
certainly helpful in understanding Nephi's prophecy, it should not be used to define that prophecy. The purpose of this article is not to challenge the 1839 history, but to
interpret Nephi's prophecy and, in doing so, identify a context for this portion of the 1839 history that is more compatible with the interpretation of the prophecy.

Additional Historical Accounts

The 1832 history is Joseph Smith's earliest written account of the events surrounding the commencement of the translation. In that history, written by the Prophet's own
hand approximately four years after the events in question, he made no mention of a translation before the Harris-Anthon meeting. Joseph recorded: "the Lord had
shown [Martin Harris] that he must go to new York City with some of the[c[h]aracters so we proceeded to coppy some of them and he took his Journy to the Eastern
Cittys and to the Learned read this I pray thee and the learned said I cannot." Joseph also recorded that after the "Learned" had failed to read the characters, Martin
Harris "returned to me and gave them to translate and I said I said [I] cannot for I am not learned but the Lord had prepared spectticke spectacles for to read the Book
therefore I commenced translating the characters and thus the[Prop[h]icy of Isaï¿½iaï¿½h was fulfilled which is writen in the 29 chapter concerning the book."
According to the 1832 history, Joseph could not translate the very same characters that he had previously copied off the plates; furthermore, it was not until the
characters were returned to him that he "commenced" translating them. This corresponds closely to the sequence of events identified in 2 Ne. 27 and Isa. 29, and it
is significant that the Prophet specifically saw in these events the fulfillment of Isa. 29.

According to the 1834-36 history of the Church, Moroni told Joseph Smith that it was his "privilege, if obedient to the commandments of the Lord, to obtain and
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translate the [history] by the means of the Urim and Thummim, which were deposited for that purpose with the record." The 1834-36 history records                     after
Joseph was told he would be able to translate, Moroni made this significant comment: "ï¿½Yet,' said he, ï¿½the scripture must be fulfilled before it is translated, which
says that the words of a book, which were sealed, were presented to the learned; for thus has God determined to leave men without excuse, and show to the meek that
characters were returned to him that he "commenced" translating them. This corresponds closely to the sequence of events identified in 2 Ne. 27 and Isa. 29, and it
is significant that the Prophet specifically saw in these events the fulfillment of Isa. 29.

According to the 1834-36 history of the Church, Moroni told Joseph Smith that it was his "privilege, if obedient to the commandments of the Lord, to obtain and
translate the [history] by the means of the Urim and Thummim, which were deposited for that purpose with the record." The 1834-36 history records that after
Joseph was told he would be able to translate, Moroni made this significant comment: "ï¿½Yet,' said he, ï¿½the scripture must be fulfilled before it is translated, which
says that the words of a book, which were sealed, were presented to the learned; for thus has God determined to leave men without excuse, and show to the meek that
his arm is ï¿½notï¿½[short[e]ned that it cannot save.'" Although the words before it is translated could mean "before the whole book, or most of it, is translated," the
most straightforward reading of Moroni's words is that before Joseph Smith would be able to translate the record, the words of the book had to be presented to the
learned man.

Joseph's parents also believed that their son could not at first translate the characters and understood that one reason for sending Martin Harris to New York City was
to obtain help with the translation. In 1830, Joseph Smith Sr. was reported as saying that "his son, ï¿½not being able to read the characters, made a copy of some of
them, which he showed to some of the most learned men of the vicinity.'" The Prophet's mother also recorded that during this time, "Joseph was very solicitous about
the work but as yet no means had come into his hands of accomplishing it"-this despite the fact that he possessed the Urim and Thummim.

Lucy Smith also wrote that her son "was instructed ï¿½to take off a facsimile of the characters composing the alphabet which were called reformed egyptian
Alphabetically and send them to all the learned men that he could find and ask them for the translation of the same.'" According to Richard L. Bushman, "Lucy
implied that once Joseph had a translation of all the basic characters, he could carry on by himself-thus the need to copy a great number of characters." Lucy's
statements indicate that her son could not translate and for that reason sought out the assistance of learned men. Accordingly, Bushman writes that "The scripture [Isa.
29] must have struck Joseph with all the more power if at first he did not know how to translate, as his mother said. The protest ï¿½I am not learned' would then have
expressed Joseph's situation in 1827 exactly. Joseph Knight thought the circumstances fit the scripture."

Joseph Knight, who was associated with Joseph Smith from the time he first obtained the plates, thought the events accorded with the prophecy of Isa. 29 because he
believed that the Prophet was initially unable to translate. The Joseph Knight journal records: "He [Joseph Smith] now Began to be anxious to git them translated. He
therefore with his wife Drew[of[f] the Caricters exactley like the ancient and sent Martin Harris to see if he Could git them Translated.'" Knight also wrote: "he
[Joseph Smith] Bing [being] an unlearned man did not know what to Do. Then the Lord gave him Power to Translate himself. Then ware the Larned men Confounded,
for he, By the means he found with the plates, he Could translate those Caricters Better than the Larned."

Notwithstanding these statements, the Joseph Knight journal does contain another statement that could be interpreted to mean that the translation of the Book of
Mormon began before the Harris-Anthon meeting:

Now when he Began to translate he was poor and was put to it for provisions and had no one to write for him But his wife, and his wifes Brother would sometimes
write a little for him through the winter. The Next Spring Oliver Cowdry a young man from palmyra Came to see old Mr Smith, Josephs father, about this work and he
sent him Down to pensylveny to see Joseph and satisfy him self. So he Came Down and was soon Convinced of the truth of the work. The next Spring Came Martin
Harris Down to pennsylvany to write for him and he wrote 116 pages of the first part of the Book of Mormon.

Based on this statement, it has been suggested that Emma Smith and her brother Reuben Hale acted as scribes between December 1827 and February 1828, before
the arrival of Martin Harris. However, "through the winter" is immediately followed by "The Next Spring Oliver Cowdry a young man from palmyra Came." Only
two paragraphs later, Joseph Knight correctly dated the time of Oliver Cowdery's arrival as the spring of 1829. Furthermore, Knight is clearly incorrect in saying that
Martin Harris served as scribe for the 116 pages the spring after Oliver Cowdery became scribe. Relying on the correct "spring 1829" date, it appears that the phrase
through the winter refers to the winter of 1828-29, and that Emma Smith and Reuben Hale acted as scribes during that winter, and not the previous one.

A common theme of the prophetic account, the 1832 history, the statements by the Prophet's parents, and the Joseph Knight journal is that Joseph Smith initially could
not translate and that one reason Martin Harris presented the copied characters to Anthon and other learned men was to obtain their assistance with the translation.
Lucy Smith's statement quoted above implies that Joseph wanted the assistance of learned men in producing a key to translation by which he could translate the
remainder of the book himself. The deathbed testimony of Martin Harris, recorded by his son Martin Harris Jr., is also consistent with this theme:

He went by the request of the Prophet Joseph Smith to the city of New York, and presented a transcript of the records of the Book of Mormon to Professor Anthon
and Dr. Mitchell and asked them to translate it. He also presented the same transcript to many other learned men at the different schools of learning in Geneva, Ithica,
and Albany with the same request but was unsuccessful in obtaining the translation of the transcript from any of them.

In addition to the sources cited above, one other witness has written concerning the nature of the document taken to Charles Anthon. This witness is none other than
Charles Anthon himself. Although Anthon may not be entirely trustworthy, he was a primary witness to the documents that were presented to him by Martin Harris.
Anthon left two written statements, both letters, describing his visit with Martin Harris. In his first letter, written in 1834, Anthon wrote that Harris had come to New
York to "obtain the opinion of the learned about the meaning of the paper which he brought with him, and which had been given him as a part of the contents of the
book, although no translation had been furnished at the time by the young man with the spectacles." In his second letter, Anthon wrote: "Each plate, according to
[Harris], was inscribed with unknown characters, and the paper which he handed me, a transcript of one of these pages." Referring to Joseph Smith, Anthon
continued: "He had also copied off one page of the book in the original character, . . . and this copy was the paper which the countryman had brought with him."

According to both of his accounts, Anthon was a primary witness to a transcript of the copied characters, but not to a translation. Having admitted that the characters
were presented to him, Anthon had little incentive to lie about whether or not he saw a translation. His letters show that he was not concerned about allegations that he
had pronounced a translation of the characters to be correct. Instead, his purpose in writing was to protect his reputation from the potentially damaging allegation that
he had identified the language of the characters copied from the plates. This concern is evident in the professor's immediate response to E. D. Howe: "Dear Sir-I
received this morning your favor of the 9th instant, and lose no time in making a reply. The whole story about my pronouncing the Mormonite inscription to be
ï¿½reformed Egyptian hieroglyphics' is perfectly false." If Anthon had been concerned about allegations that he had pronounced a translation of the copied
characters to be correct, he could have simply denied the allegations and ridiculed the translation, just as he actually did ridicule and deny the validity of the copied
characters.

In conclusion, the earliest historical accounts of the translation of the Book of Mormon, as well as Nephi's and Isaiah's prophetic accounts, indicate that Joseph Smith
was unable to translate before the Harris-Anthon meeting. Also, Charles Anthon twice recorded that he saw the characters but not a translation.

3. An Unsuccessful Translation

In contrast to the earlier historical accounts, the 1839 history is clear that Joseph Smith translated characters before the Harris-Anthon meeting, and that the translation
was presented to Anthon. The apparent inconsistency between these accounts may simply be a matter of semantics, requiring an identification of the context in which
Joseph   Smith
 Copyright   (c)and Martin Harris
                 2005-2009,         used the
                               Infobase      word
                                         Media     translate in the 1839 history. Part 3 presents a hypothesis that the initial translation described in Page
                                                 Corp.                                                                                                   the 1839517
                                                                                                                                                                  history was
                                                                                                                                                                       / 919
an unsuccessful attempt by the Prophet Joseph Smith to translate the actual English text of the Book of Mormon, which the Prophet nevertheless referred to as a
translation.
3. An Unsuccessful Translation

In contrast to the earlier historical accounts, the 1839 history is clear that Joseph Smith translated characters before the Harris-Anthon meeting, and that the translation
was presented to Anthon. The apparent inconsistency between these accounts may simply be a matter of semantics, requiring an identification of the context in which
Joseph Smith and Martin Harris used the word translate in the 1839 history. Part 3 presents a hypothesis that the initial translation described in the 1839 history was
an unsuccessful attempt by the Prophet Joseph Smith to translate the actual English text of the Book of Mormon, which the Prophet nevertheless referred to as a
translation.

The Book of Abraham and the Egyptian Alphabet and Grammar

Like the Book of Mormon, the book of Abraham was written in Egyptian, a language Joseph Smith could not read without divine assistance. Although the Anthon
transcript is the only remaining document from the earliest stages of the translation of the Book of Mormon, a number of documents exist relating to the preliminary
stages of the translation of the book of Abraham. The evidence presented below shows that Joseph actually used similar methods in the early stages of these two
translations. Because of this similarity, understanding Joseph's preliminary attempts to translate the book of Abraham can give us a better understanding of the
preliminary attempts to translate the Book of Mormon. Most significant to this comparison is evidence that Joseph Smith considered an activity to be translating,
regardless of the outcome of that effort.

Part of the documentation for the translation of the book of Abraham consists of a group of manuscripts known as the "Kirtland Egyptian Papers." Hugh Nibley
describes these documents as "a strange batch of early Church papers, all in the handwriting of men associated with Joseph Smith in Kirtland in 1837, and all classified
for one reason or another as ï¿½Egyptian.'" Although the exact date of the production of the documents is uncertain, they were probably produced sometime during
1836 and 1837.

One of these documents, Egyptian Ms. #4, is entitled "Egyptian alphabet," and appears to be in the handwriting of Joseph Smith. The "Egyptian alphabet" consists of
three columns. The first column contains a list of Egyptian characters organized according to form; the second contains a transliteration of the Egyptian characters into
English; and the third contains a purported translation of the characters. For example, one of the characters is transliterated as "Aleph," and is accompanied by the
interpretation "in the beginning with God His first born son." Interestingly, one of the definitions of grammar is "the science of language, from the point of view of
pronunciation, inflexion, syntax, and historical development." Joseph may have referred to his work as a grammar because the transliterations into English were in a
sense a pronunciation guide.

Nibley summarizes Egyptian Ms. #4 as follows: "From this it would appear (1) that we have here a perfectly sane and rational approach to a problem, (2) that the
approach is experimental and not authoritarian, and (3) that it was abandoned at an early stage." He also writes: "All the Grammar and Alphabet projects . . .
aborted dismally; none of them could ever have been used even as an imaginary basis for constructing the story of Abraham." Notwithstanding the failure of the
grammar and alphabet projects, Joseph Smith referred to such unsuccessful attempts as "translating": "The remainder of this month, I was continually engaged in
translating an alphabet to the Book of Abraham, and arranging a grammar of the Egyptian language, as practiced by the ancients." This statement is evidence that
Joseph considered experimental and preliminary attempts as translating, regardless of the outcome.

A Comparison of the Egyptian Alphabet and Grammar with the Reformed Egyptian Alphabet (and Grammar)

The available evidence suggests that the document taken to Charles Anthon was similar to the documents prepared during the Egyptian alphabet and grammar projects.
First, Lucy Smith wrote that her son "was instructed ï¿½to take off a facsimile of the characters composing the alphabet which were called reformed egyptian
Alphabetically and send them to all the learned men that he could find and ask them for the translation of the same.'" Like the Egyptian alphabet, this reformed
Egyptian alphabet may have consisted of a list of the different characters, organized in columns, which Joseph Smith found on the plates. According to Anthon's first
letter, the document presented to him actually "consisted of all kinds of crooked characters disposed in columns"; he also wrote that these characters "were arranged in
perpendicular columns."

Second, Anthon's 1834 letter suggests that more than just an alphabet was found on the document. Although Anthon wrote that "no translation had been furnished" at
the time Martin Harris visited him, he also reported that Joseph Smith had "decyphered the characters in the book, and, having committed some of them to paper,"
gave copies to others. The document presented to Anthon contained these deciphered characters. The same distinction between the words decipher and translate is
made in Anthon's 1841 letter, in which he wrote that the "spectacles" enabled an individual "not only to decypher the characters on the plates, but also to comprehend
their exact meaning, and be able to translate them!!"

Some of the related meanings of the word decipher are (1) "To convert into ordinary writing (what is written in a cipher)"; (2) "to make out or interpret (a
communication in cipher) by means of the key"; and (3) "to read or transliterate from secret writing." If, as suggested by Charles Anthon, the document presented
to him contained a decipherment rather than a translation of reformed Egyptian characters, the Prophet may have transliterated the characters into ordinary written
English without conveying their actual meaning. Such a transliteration would be entirely consistent with Joseph Smith's Egyptian alphabet. Furthermore, if the
reformed Egyptian alphabet did contain transliterations of reformed Egyptian characters, then like the Egyptian alphabet, the document would have contained a
pronunciation guide and could properly have been referred to as an "alphabet and grammar."

Finally, although Anthon did not mention seeing a translation, both Joseph Smith and Martin Harris referred to a translation. With a column for a translation, the
reformed Egyptian alphabet would have had exactly the same three columns that the Egyptian alphabet had. However, if Joseph Smith's reformed Egyptian alphabet
was anything like his Egyptian alphabet, it was not a source for any of the actual English text of the Book of Mormon. Nevertheless, the Prophet may well have referred
to the product as a "translation," much like he did in his 1835 journal entry quoted above.

One final comparison between the translation of the Book of Mormon and the translation of the book of Abraham can be made. According to the 1839 history, the
learned Charles Anthon told Martin Harris "that the translation was correct, more so than any he had before seen translated from the Egyptian" (Joseph Smith-History
1:64). A few years later, Michael Chandler, the owner of the Egyptian papyrus from which the book of Abraham was produced, asked Joseph Smith to translate some
of the characters on the papyrus. Accordingly, "the Prophet gave Mr. Chandler a translation of some few of the Egyptian characters, which agreed with the
interpretation given by learned men in other cities." Therefore, with respect to both the Book of Mormon and the book of Abraham (or at least, part of the papyrus),
Joseph's preliminary translations apparently agreed with those given by learned men.

However, the translation given to Chandler was made in early July 1835, before the experimental Egyptian alphabet projects were undertaken. It is unlikely that
Joseph would at first be able to provide an accurate translation of the characters on the papyrus, and would then regress to the failed Egyptian alphabet projects. We
should consider the possibility that when Joseph's preliminary translations, whether of Egyptian characters or of reformed Egyptian characters, agreed with the
translations of the learned men of the world, the Prophet was himself translating as a man, or as the student of languages that he was, in the same experimental form
evidenced by his Egyptian alphabet. This is especially so considering that the world cannot find the revealed book of Abraham in the preserved papyrus, nor could an
uninspired Charles Anthon provide a correct translation of the unknown language of reformed Egyptian.
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In summary, just as the Egyptian alphabet was an unsuccessful experiment, yet considered by Joseph Smith to be a translation, the reformed Egyptian alphabet may
also well have been a failed experiment that Joseph Smith considered to be a translation.
should consider the possibility that when Joseph's preliminary translations, whether of Egyptian characters or of reformed Egyptian characters, agreed with the
translations of the learned men of the world, the Prophet was himself translating as a man, or as the student of languages that he was, in the same experimental form
evidenced by his Egyptian alphabet. This is especially so considering that the world cannot find the revealed book of Abraham in the preserved papyrus, nor could an
uninspired Charles Anthon provide a correct translation of the unknown language of reformed Egyptian.

In summary, just as the Egyptian alphabet was an unsuccessful experiment, yet considered by Joseph Smith to be a translation, the reformed Egyptian alphabet may
also well have been a failed experiment that Joseph Smith considered to be a translation.

Translating an Alphabet

Regardless of how much alike the reformed Egyptian alphabet and the Egyptian alphabet were, if the document taken to Anthon really was a list of individual alphabetic
characters, as the Egyptian alphabet was and as Lucy Smith and Charles Anthon reported, it is unlikely that Joseph could have translated those characters into the
actual text of the Book of Mormon. Translating the characters under these circumstances would be comparable to translating the letters of the English alphabet. For
example, it would be similar to trying to translate the letter D. Because each character in the list would have been completely removed from the context of the original
text, unless an individual character had independent significance, any translation would be meaningless.

Assuming that reformed Egyptian characters were derived from Egyptian hieroglyphics, a single reformed Egyptian character is unlikely to have independent
significance. Taking the characters individually or as a group, any attempt by Joseph Smith to translate such an alphabet would have been futile and the translation
would most likely have had no intelligible meaning.

The Words of the Book

If the theory is accepted that Joseph Smith's alphabet of reformed Egyptian consisted of a random list of characters with no independent meaning, either individually or
collectively, how was the prophecy to be fulfilled that the "words" of the book would be delivered to "the learned" (2 Ne. 27:15)? One answer is that two different
documents were presented to Charles Anthon. Joseph Smith "copied a considerable number" of characters, but translated only "some of them" (Joseph Smith-History
1:62). The Prophet may have copied the "considerable number" of characters just as he found them on the plates and then produced his alphabet from that
transcription. If so, the first document would have contained the untranslated "words" of the Book of Mormon, and the prophecy would have been fulfilled when this
document was shown to Anthon.

According to Martin Harris, he first presented Anthon with "the characters which had been translated, with the translation thereof," and "then showed him those which
were not yet translated" (Joseph Smith-History 1:64). The fact that the document with only characters has apparently survived, while the document with the "translation"
has not, may suggest something about the relative value of the two documents. Once Joseph had begun his inspired translation of the Book of Mormon, the document
with the alphabet and accompanying "translation" would not only have been useless, but would also have been incorrect, and may therefore have been discarded.

4. the Requirement of Studying It Out

According to Joseph Fielding Smith, Joseph Smith did not immediately translate the Book of Mormon but was initially involved in a period of study and investigation.
President Smith wrote that although "nothing was done towards translating the record that year [1827]," Joseph "was busy studying the characters and making himself
familiar with them and the use of the Urim and Thummim. He had a great deal more to do than merely to sit down and with the use of the instrument prepared for that
purpose translate the characters on the plates." President Smith concluded: "Nothing worth while comes to us merely for the asking. All knowledge and skill are
obtained by consistent and determined study and practice, and so the Prophet found it to be the case in the translating of the Book of Mormon ."

This principle is demonstrated in Oliver Cowdery's failed attempt to translate, which provides an illustration of the translation process that at least partially applied to
Joseph. Although Oliver had a gift to "receive a knowledge concerning the engravings of old records, which are ancient" (D&C 8:1, 4), also may have had the use of
the Urim and Thummim and even the plates, he still failed in his attempt to translate. As a and result, the Lord gave the following counsel to Oliver Cowdery:

Behold, you have not understood; you have supposed that I would give it unto you, when you took no thought save it was to ask me. But, behold, I say unto you, that
you must study it out in your mind; then you must ask me if it be right, and if it is right I will cause that your bosom shall burn within you; therefore, you shall feel that it is
right. But if it be not right you shall have no such feelings, but you shall have a stupor of thought that shall cause you to forget the thing which is wrong; therefore, you
cannot write that which is sacred save it be given you from me. (D&C 9:7-9)

The Lord's use of the word if in the revelation is significant, for it tells us that even if he studied it out in his mind and used the Urim and Thummim, the translator could
produce a translation that was incorrect. Whether the translator was Joseph or Oliver, each had to study the problem out in his mind and then ask God if his conclusion
was correct. According to the revelation, if the translation was not correct, the translator would have a stupor of thought. Given this process, we should not be
surprised by the suggestion that Joseph made unsuccessful attempts to translate. In fact, we should expect that this would be the case. The Kirtland Egyptian Papers
are an excellent example of documents that would have resulted in a stupor of thought. The translation taken to Charles Anthon may also have been the result of a
similar stupor. At least, that document is lost or destroyed, much like "a stupor of thought that shall cause you to forget the thing which is wrong" (D&C 9:9).

This mandatory requirement of studying a problem out in one's own mind before qualifying to receive revelation suggests that before God intervenes, he first requires his
children to do all that is in their power to accomplish a task. B. H. Roberts wrote: "God sets no premium upon mental or spiritual laziness; for whatever means God
may have provided to assist man to arrive at the truth, he has always made it necessary for man to couple with those means his utmost endeavor of mind and heart."
Therefore, although Joseph's initial efforts may have been unsuccessful in the sense that he was unable to translate the actual text of the Book of Mormon, they were
nevertheless successful in the sense that they qualified Joseph to eventually receive the divinely revealed text of the Book of Mormon.

Sending Martin Harris to seek Charles Anthon's help in preparing a translation key for the Book of Mormon may have been part of Joseph Smith's doing all that was
humanly possible to bring about the translation, thereby qualifying himself for divine assistance. In an 1870 interview, Martin Harris was reported to say that Joseph did
not translate the Book of Mormon "until after the most learned men had exhausted their knowledge of letters in the vain effort to decipher the characters, . . . and after
all human means had failed to secure a translation, Smith was commissioned to undertake the task."

Nibley's conclusion regarding the Kirtland Egyptian Papers should be considered for its possible application to the early stages of the translation of the Book of
Mormon:

The Kirtland Egyptian Papers, we submit, represent that mandatory preliminary period of investigation and exploration during which men are required to "study it out in
your mind" (D&C 9:8), making every effort to "obtain for themselves" whatever can be so obtained, thereby discovering and acknowledging their own limitations,
before asking for direct revelation from on high.

The foregoing
 Copyright  (c)discussion
                2005-2009,is summarized well in
                              Infobase Media    the following statement: "All his life Joseph Smith dealt with ancient documents, constantly stretching his own mind to
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bridge the gap of the unknown, and then calling upon the Lord when a problem exceeded his powers. It is thus that we grow in knowledge and understanding."

5. Conclusion
The Kirtland Egyptian Papers, we submit, represent that mandatory preliminary period of investigation and exploration during which men are required to "study it out in
your mind" (D&C 9:8), making every effort to "obtain for themselves" whatever can be so obtained, thereby discovering and acknowledging their own limitations,
before asking for direct revelation from on high.

The foregoing discussion is summarized well in the following statement: "All his life Joseph Smith dealt with ancient documents, constantly stretching his own mind to
bridge the gap of the unknown, and then calling upon the Lord when a problem exceeded his powers. It is thus that we grow in knowledge and understanding."

5. Conclusion

Although the 1839 history clearly records that Joseph Smith translated a number of characters off the plates before the Harris-Anthon encounter, Nephi's prophetic
account and a number of historical accounts indicate that Joseph Smith was initially unable to translate the Book of Mormon and sought the assistance of learned men
to help with the translation. Evidence also exists that Joseph referred to experimental and preliminary attempts as translating, regardless of the outcome. For this reason,
Joseph could consistently refer to translated characters even at a time when he had been completely unsuccessful in his efforts. This is exactly the process of human
effort and study that one would expect from reading D&C 9.

In conclusion, Nibley's description of the Kirtland Egyptian Papers can appropriately be applied to the translation of the Book of Mormon:["[The Anthon transcript
was] a milestone, now left far behind. . . . There will be other milestones, but the lesson of each will be the same, namely, that the more diligently we seek, the better
right we have to ask."

   1 For purposes of this paper, I am assuming that the unlearned man is Joseph Smith, the intermediary is Martin Harris, the learned man is Charles Anthon (although
others exist), and the Book of Mormon is a portion of the book delivered to the unlearned man. I am also assuming that the word deliver means to transfer possession
or to make available in an untranslated form, while the word read means to translate. According to John Welch, "if the study of the Book of Mormon is to become a
more rigorous discipline, all of its practitioners will need to become more explicit about their methods, their assumptions, their purposes, and the degree to which their
conclusions are based on various forms of evidence or depend on various theoretical predilections." John W. Welch, "Approaching New Approaches," Review of
Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 146.

   2 The History of the Church (herein called the 1839 history) is the source from which the book Joseph Smith-History in the Pearl of Great Price is taken. For
convenience, specific references to material in the 1839 history are made to the Joseph Smith-History account. Although the initial drafts of a portion of the history may
have been written in 1838, Dean Jessee dates this history to 1839. He also suggests that the portion of the history covering the receipt of the plates and the
preparations for translation was originally written between 30 April and 4 May 1838. Dean C. Jessee, ed., The Papers of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book,
1989), 1:230-31, 265, 267, 284 n. 1; cf. Richard L. Anderson, "Joseph Smith's Testimony of the First Vision," Ensign (April 1996): 10, 20 n. 3 (refers to a 1838
history).

  3 These conclusions place the translation of the Book of Mormon into a number of significant scriptural themes, which I hope to develop in a subsequent article.

  4 By "actual English text," I mean any portion of the lost 116 pages or any portion of our current Book of Mormon as originally translated into the English language.

   5 It should be noted in this regard that, to the best of my knowledge, no evidence identifies the translation that Harris presented to Anthon with any portion of the
Book of Mormon or the lost 116 pages. Furthermore, although a document (known as the Anthon transcript) that appears to contain the copied characters has been
preserved, the document that contained the translation presented to Anthon has not. See Stanley B. Kimball, "The Anthon Transcript: People, Primary Sources, and
Problems," BYU Studies 10/3 (1970): 325, for a discussion of the various sources of the Anthon transcript.

   6 This statement involves issues analogous to the question of the historicity of the Book of Mormon and other scripture. See, for example, Dallin H. Oaks, "The
Historicity of the Book of Mormon" (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1994); Stephen E. Robinson, "The Expanded Book of Mormon?" in Second Nephi: The Doctrinal
Structure, ed. Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate Jr. (Provo, Utah: BYU Religious Studies Center, 1989), 398-404; Robert L. Millet, "The Book of Mormon,
Historicity, and Faith," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/2 (1993): 2.

  7 This is especially so considering that the relevant portion of the 1839 history was written approximately ten years after the actual event, by a clerk under the
Prophet's direction, and without explicit reference to the prophecy. In contrast, the first historical account of this event, discussed below, was personally written by
Joseph only four years later, specifically refers to the prophecy, and is consistent with the interpretation of the prophecy given above. According to Elder Neal A.
Maxwell, most "great spiritual events went unseen by eyes spiritually untrained. . . . One day, the historical record will be complete; but, meanwhile, the scriptures will
be our guide concerning those transcending spiritual events in human history which are saturated with significance." Neal A. Maxwell, "Out of Obscurity," Ensign
(November 1984): 9.

  8 See editorial note in Jessee, The Papers of Joseph Smith, 1:1, 3.

  9 Quoted in Jessee, The Papers of Joseph Smith 1:9, emphasis deleted. This early historical account also adds the interesting detail that Martin Harris was
commanded by the Lord to take the characters to New York City, differing from the traditional view of Harris as a skeptic seeking reassurance.

  10 Ibid. According to Orson Pratt, "after Martin Harris returned to Joseph Smith and told him the conversation that had taken place, how that Professor Anthon
could not decipher the records, Joseph inquired of the Lord, and the Lord commanded him that he should translate the records, and that he should do it through the
medium of the Urim and Thummim." Orson Pratt, in JD 14:143 (19 March 1871).

   11 In fact, not only was Joseph Smith unable to translate, but, consistent with the scriptural protest "I am not learned," he initially may also have been unwilling.
According to one source, Martin Harris told others that "the Prophet Joseph . . . was compelled by the angel, much against his will, to be the interpreter of the sacred
record." Orsamus Turner, History of the Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorham's Purchase (Rochester: Alling, 1851), 215, quoted in Dean C. Jessee, "New
Documents and Mormon Beginnings," BYU Studies 24/4 (1984): 402.

  12 Quoted in Jessee, The Papers of Joseph Smith, 1:53.

   13 Quoted in ibid., emphasis added. This passage is also interesting because it indicates that the prophecy of the presentation of the words of the book to the
learned man was part of Moroni's instruction to Joseph Smith in the very earliest stages of the coming forth of the Book of Mormon. The account is taken from a letter
Oliver Cowdery wrote to William W. Phelps. Because Oliver Cowdery did not personally hear Moroni's words, he could only report what he heard from Joseph (or
from Joseph through others). Therefore, a greater possibility is present for inaccuracy in the 1834-36 history than in the 1832 history.

   14 Fayette Lapham, "Interview with the Father of Joseph Smith . . . ," Historical Magazine (1870), quoted in Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings
of Mormonism
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  15 Lucy Smith, Preliminary Manuscript of Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith, 70, quoted in Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 86.
from Joseph through others). Therefore, a greater possibility is present for inaccuracy in the 1834-36 history than in the 1832 history.

   14 Fayette Lapham, "Interview with the Father of Joseph Smith . . . ," Historical Magazine (1870), quoted in Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings
of Mormonism (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 87, emphasis added.

  15 Lucy Smith, Preliminary Manuscript of Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith, 70, quoted in Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 86.

  16 Ibid., emphasis added. According to Lucy Smith, "When Joseph had had a sufficient time to accomplish the journey and transcribe some of the Egyptian
characters, it was agreed that Martin Harris should follow him-and that he (Martin) should take the characters to the East, and, on his way, he was to call on all the
professed linguists, in order to give them an opportunity to display their talents in giving a translation of the characters." Lucy M. Smith, History of Joseph Smith by His
Mother, Lucy Mack Smith, ed. Preston Nibley (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1958), 119. According to John Clark, Martin Harris visited him as he went "in quest of
some interpreter who should be able to decipher the mysterious characters of the golden Bible," quoted in Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 218 n. 23.

   17 Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 86. Lucy Smith also wrote that the angel Moroni warned her son when he received the plates: "Beware, and look well to
your ways, and you shall have power to retain it, until the time for it to be translated." Smith, History of Joseph Smith by His Mother, 110, emphasis added. Although
Joseph was in possession of the plates, some important event remained to be accomplished before the book could be translated. Based on Moroni's statement
recorded in the 1834-36 history (quoted here on page 63), that event may have been the fulfillment of the prophecy that the words would be presented to the learned
man.

   18 Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 89. In this passage, Bushman recognizes that initially Joseph Smith may have been unable to translate. Dean C. Jessee also
recognizes the possibility that the translation may have begun after the Harris-Anthon encounter: "In February 1828, before Joseph commenced work on the record,
Harris was sent to language authorities in the East with a copy of characters from the plates for their perusal." Dean C. Jessee, ed., The Personal Writings of Joseph
Smith (Deseret Book: Salt Lake City, 1984), 223.

  19 Dean C. Jessee, "Joseph Knight's Recollection of Early Mormon History," BYU Studies 17/1 (1976): 34, emphasis added.

  20 Ibid., 35.

  21 Ibid.

   22 John W. Welch and Tim Rathbone, "The Translation of the Book of Mormon: Basic Historical Information" (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1986), 7. The suggestion is
also made that it was during this time period, while translating a portion of the book of Lehi with Emma acting as scribe, that the Prophet expressed his surprise at the
existence of walls around Jerusalem. Ibid., 8.

  23 "In the spring of 1829 Oliver Cowdry a young man from Palmry went to see old Mr Smith." Jessee, "Joseph Knight's History," 36.

  24 Another reason for this conclusion is that the paragraph following the passage from the Joseph Knight journal quoted in the text describes what appears to be the
same winter in similar terms, including Joseph Smith's poverty and lack of provisions, his difficulty in finding someone to write for him, and Emma's service as scribe.
This second passage records that these circumstances existed during "the first of the winter of 1828," referring to the winter of 1828-29. Jessee, "Joseph Knight's
History," 35.

  25 Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 86.

  26 "Martin Harris, Jr., Reports Death and Testimony of His Father," Adventure 1/4.

   27 Letter to E. D. Howe, dated 17 February 1834, published in "Martin Harris' Visit with Charles Anthon: Collected Documents on the Anthon Transcript and
ï¿½Shorthand Egyptian'" (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1990), appendix 4, emphasis added. The most probable meaning of this statement is that no translation had been
made at the time of the Harris-Anthon meeting, although it might simply mean that no translation had been furnished to Martin Harris at the time. A different version of
the letter is found in CHC1:103, which maintains that "no translation had at that time been made by the young man with spectacles."

  28 Letter to T. W. Coit, dated 3 April 1841, published in "Collected Documents on the Anthon Transcript," appendix 5, 17.

   29 Ibid. The second letter can be read to suggest that Joseph Smith had already begun translating before the Harris-Anthon encounter, although Anthon recorded
that only a transcript was presented to him. Referring to the power of the spectacles to translate, Anthon wrote: "My informant assured me that this curious property of
the spectacles had been actually tested, and found to be true. A young man . . . had read several pages in the golden book, and communicated their contents in writing
to certain persons stationed on the outside of the curtain." Ibid.

  30 Ibid., appendix 4. Howe's letter to Anthon may have been triggered, in part, by a letter he received from William W. Phelps dated 15 January 1831. Phelps
wrote that Martin Harris took the characters "to professor Anthon who translated and declared them to be the ancient short-hand Egyptian." Ibid., appendix 3.

  31 Even after Anthon's death, the same rumor persisted. In his 1868 "Commemorative Discourse" for Anthon, Professor Henry Drisler said: "It was about this
period that Professor Anthon's name was frequently introduced into the discussions relative to the origin of Mormonism. Some of the propagators of this wretched
deception had referred to him as having pronounced the inscription which had been copied from the pretended golden plates of the Mormon Bible, to be ï¿½reformed
Egyptian hieroglyphics.'" Ibid., appendix 7.

  32 No attempt is made here to make a comprehensive survey of either Joseph Smith's use of the word translate or the general usage of that word at the time the
Book of Mormon was translated. However, it is clear that the word was sometimes misused. For example, William W. Phelps wrote that Martin Harris took the
characters "to professor Anthon who translated and declared them to be the ancient short-hand Egyptian," in "Collected Documents on the Anthon Transcript,"
appendix 3, emphasis added. In this case, translating apparently meant identifying the language in which the characters were written. Also, on one occasion, Martin
Harris apparently confused the words translation and transcription: "the translation that I carried to Professor Anthon was copied from these same plates." Martin
Harris to H. B. Emerson, Smithfield, Utah, 23 November 1870, cited in the True Latter-day Saints' Herald 22 (15 October 1875): 630.

   33 The translation of the book of Abraham, which began roughly eight years after the translation of the Book of Mormon, represents the only other instance of which
I am aware in which Joseph Smith translated an ancient record actually in his possession (assuming that Joseph never physically possessed ancient documents for his
translation of the Bible, or for the translation of the parchment of John found in D&C 7).

Copyright
 34 Hugh (c)
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             Nibley, "TheInfobase
                          MeaningMedia
                                  of the Corp.
                                         Kirtland Egyptian Papers," BYU Studies 11/4 (1971): 350, 354.                                                Page 521 / 919

  35 Ibid., 350. W. W. Phelps, Frederick G. Williams, Warren Parrish, Oliver Cowdery, and Willard Richards also participated in the undertaking. Ibid., 354.
   33 The translation of the book of Abraham, which began roughly eight years after the translation of the Book of Mormon, represents the only other instance of which
I am aware in which Joseph Smith translated an ancient record actually in his possession (assuming that Joseph never physically possessed ancient documents for his
translation of the Bible, or for the translation of the parchment of John found in D&C 7).

  34 Hugh W. Nibley, "The Meaning of the Kirtland Egyptian Papers," BYU Studies 11/4 (1971): 350, 354.

  35 Ibid., 350. W. W. Phelps, Frederick G. Williams, Warren Parrish, Oliver Cowdery, and Willard Richards also participated in the undertaking. Ibid., 354.

  36 Ibid., 354.

  37 Ibid., 351, 364, 367.

   38 Ibid., 366-67. Transliterate means "to express the words of one language in the alphabetic characters of another." Webster's English Dictionary, 1972 ed., s.v.
"transliterate." For example, in Abr. 3:18, which states that spirits "are gnolaum, or eternal," Joseph provided first a transliteration and then a translation of an Egyptian
word. Book of Mormon examples of this same format include: "Irreantum, which, being interpreted, is many waters" (1 Ne. 17:5) "Rameumptom which, being
interpreted, is the holy stand" (Alma 31:21) and "deseret, which, by interpretation, is a honey bee" (Ether 2:3).

   39 Although it is unlikely that the "translation" of this character had anything to do with the content of the revealed book of Abraham, this attempt to assign meaning
to a particular Egyptian character is certainly a logical one. Once the character had been identified as "Aleph," which if Hebrew, would be the first letter of the alphabet,
then the explanations of "in the beginning with God" and "first born son" make perfectly good sense.

  40 Webster's English Dictionary, 1972 ed., s.v. "grammar."

  41 Nibley, "Kirtland Egyptian Papers," 367.

  42 Ibid., 365. In Phelps's "Grammar & Aphabet [sic] of the Egyptian Language" (Egyptian Ms. #1), he transliterated the first character as "ï¿½Za Ki on hish.'"
Although Phelps wrote instructions for "Translating this character," and apparently considered the activity to be translating, no actual translation is provided. Like
Egyptian Ms. #4, it is unlikely that Egyptian Ms. #1 was used as a basis for preparing the actual text of the book of Abraham. Ibid., 361.

   43 HC 2:238 (July 1835). Although Egyptian Ms. #4 may have been produced at a later time than the 1835 journal entry, the Prophet said that he was "translating"
an alphabet to the book of Abraham, and Egyptian Ms. #4 is the best evidence available of what that alphabet may have looked like. Furthermore, although the
connection between the journal entry and the Kirtland Egyptian Papers is not certain, whatever translation Joseph produced in 1835 was surely in a more preliminary
stage than Egyptian Ms. #4, prepared a year or two later.

   44 Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 86. Interestingly, Anthon recorded that the "import" of the written statement he gave to Martin Harris was "that the marks in
the paper appeared to be merely an imitation of various alphabetical characters, and had, in my opinion, no meaning at all connected with them." "Collected Documents
on the Anthon Transcript," appendix 5, 18, emphasis added.

  45 Ibid., appendix 4.

  46 Ibid., emphasis added.

  47 Ibid., appendix 5, 17.

  48 Compact Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed., s.v. "decipher."

  49 Webster's English Dictionary, 1972 ed., s.v. "decipher."

   50 In fact, the words decipher and translate are used synonymously in connection with the characters on the Egyptian papyrus, although the meaning of the terms is
unclear in this case. Joseph Smith recorded that Michael Chandler had been told that the Prophet could "translate" the Egyptian characters on some papyrus in the
possession of Mr. Chandler. After the Prophet had given him the "interpretation" of the characters, Chandler gave Joseph a certificate dated 6 July 1835, in which he
referred to "the knowledge of Mr. Joseph Smith, Jun., in deciphering the ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic characters in my possession." HC 2:235, emphasis added.

  51 It may be that Anthon briefly saw a translation, but was not sufficiently impressed by that translation to give it his attention at the time or to remember it later.

  52 Interestingly, when the Lord told Oliver Cowdery "it is because that you did not continue as you commenced, when you began to translate, that I have taken
away this privilege from you" (D&C 9:5), he also used the word translate in reference to a failed attempt to produce the actual English text of the Book of Mormon.
This assumes that Oliver Cowdery did not successfully translate any of the Book of Mormon.

  53 HC 2:350n.

  54 HC 2:235.

   55 My assumption that Anthon could not translate reformed Egyptian is based on Moroni's statement that "none other people knoweth our language; and because
that none other people knoweth our language, therefore [the Lord] hath prepared means for the interpretation thereof" (Morm. 9:33). Furthermore, no one has ever
translated the characters on the Anthon transcript, and Charles Anthon certainly knew less about the ancient Egyptian language than Egyptologists know today.

  56 "The basic idea of writing is that symbols represent sounds and that smaller units make up larger units-not compounds or composites, but true units. Thus a letter
by itself is without significance; there must be a reference to something which goes beyond it-other letters making a word or a name." Hugh W. Nibley, "Genesis of the
Written Word," in Temple and Cosmos: Beyond This Ignorant Present (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1992), 471.

   57 Although no one knows exactly what type of language reformed Egyptian is, Nibley has suggested that the reformed Egyptian characters appearing on the Anthon
transcript are similar to demotic Egyptian characters. Hugh W. Nibley, Since Cumorah, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 149-50. Charles
Anthon apparently thought so, because by way of Martin Harris, he is very likely the source from which William Phelps became aware of the term short-hand Egyptian,
a term being used at the time to describe demotic or hieratic writing, as shown in "Collected Documents on the Anthon Transcript," appendix 3. Demotic Egyptian is a
highly abbreviated and cursive form of Egyptian writing that is "intimately related" to hieroglyphic writing. Sir Alan Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, 3rd ed. rev. (Oxford:
 Copyright
Oxford        (c) 2005-2009,
         University            Infobase
                     Press, 1973),       Media Since
                                    13. Nibley, Corp.Cumorah, 150, also suggests that Meroitic Egyptian, which developed out of demotic, "has thePage              522 / 919
                                                                                                                                                           most striking
affinities to the characters on the so-called Anthon Transcript." Even if the relationship were distant, it is unlikely that Nephi would start with "the learning of the Jews
and the language of the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 1:2) and work backward to a written language in which each character was a symbol of something else. On the morning
transcript are similar to demotic Egyptian characters. Hugh W. Nibley, Since Cumorah, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 149-50. Charles
Anthon apparently thought so, because by way of Martin Harris, he is very likely the source from which William Phelps became aware of the term short-hand Egyptian,
a term being used at the time to describe demotic or hieratic writing, as shown in "Collected Documents on the Anthon Transcript," appendix 3. Demotic Egyptian is a
highly abbreviated and cursive form of Egyptian writing that is "intimately related" to hieroglyphic writing. Sir Alan Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, 3rd ed. rev. (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1973), 13. Nibley, Since Cumorah, 150, also suggests that Meroitic Egyptian, which developed out of demotic, "has the most striking
affinities to the characters on the so-called Anthon Transcript." Even if the relationship were distant, it is unlikely that Nephi would start with "the learning of the Jews
and the language of the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 1:2) and work backward to a written language in which each character was a symbol of something else. On the morning
Michael Chandler first presented his Egyptian papyri to Joseph Smith, he was shown "a number of characters like those upon the writings of [Chandler] which were
previously copied from the plates, containing the history of the Nephites, or book of Mormon." Messenger and Advocate 2/3 (December 1835): 235.

   58 Although hieroglyphic writing is not alphabetic, an individual hieroglyphic character generally has no independent significance. According to Gardiner, Egyptian
Grammar, 8, the two types of signs in Egyptian hieroglyphics are ideograms and phonograms. Phonograms are "signs used for spelling" that have "acquired sound-
values." A phonogram may represent a single consonant (and in that sense be alphabetic) or may represent a combination of two or three consonants. Ibid., 25. Signs
representing two or three consonants "are almost always accompanied by alphabetic signs expressing part or the whole of their sound-value." Ibid., 38. Ideograms
"convey their meaning pictorially" and "signify either the actual object depicted . . . or else some closely connected notion." Ibid. Ideograms are "more often than not . . .
accompanied by sound-signs . . . indicating the precise word to be understood." Ibid., 30. Some ideograms operate as "determinatives," being placed at the end of a
word, where they serve "to determine the meaning of the foregoing sound-signs and to define that meaning in a general way." Ibid., 31. Also, many hieroglyphic signs
were alphabetic in nature. Frank Moore Cross recently stated that "it never occurred to conservative Egyptian scribes that they could take . . . one-consonant signs and
use them as an alphabet." Cross refers to such signs as a "pseudo-alphabet," which "existed unrecognized in their massive syllabary of three or four hundred signs in
regular use." Frank Moore Cross, "How the Alphabet Democratized Civilization," Bible Review (December 1992): 21.

  59 I have no doubt that God could have revealed the correct translation of the Book of Mormon to Joseph regardless of the nature of the alphabet he produced.
However, for the reasons discussed in Part 4, I don't believe that God would reveal the translation during a preliminary and experimental stage.

  60 Joseph Fielding Smith, Doctrines of Salvation (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1956), 3:215-16, emphasis in original.

  61 Ibid., 216, emphasis in original.

  62 B. H. Roberts thought that although D&C 9 is "the Lord's description of how another man could exercise the gift of translation, . . . doubtless it is substantially the
manner in which Joseph Smith did exercise it, and the manner in which he translated the Book of Mormon ." CHC1:132, emphasis in original.

   63 "Oliver was no more able to translate on his first attempt than Joseph was. . . . He had mistakenly believed that he needed only to ask God and look in the
stones." Bushman, Beginnings of Mormonism, 99. Based on a statement by Oliver Cowdery, Richard L. Anderson suggests that Cowdery also used and handled the
plates during his attempt at translation. Richard L. Anderson, "ï¿½By the Gift and Power of God,'" Ensign (September 1977): 81. Cf. Stephen D. Ricks, "Translation of
the Book of Mormon: Interpreting the Evidence," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/2 (1993): 201-6.

   64 Referring to the Kirtland Egyptian Papers, Nibley writes: "If the brethren were invited to try a hand at inspired writing and translation, to ï¿½study it out in your
mind; then . . . ask me if it be right,' (D&C 9:8) we need not be surprised if all sorts of speculative papers, diagrams and word-jugglings turn up as remnants of such
preliminary study; it would be surprising, rather, if they did not." Nibley, "Kirtland Egyptian Papers," 362.

  65 An analogous principle was taught by Nephi: "for we know that it is by grace that we are saved, after all we can do" (2 Ne. 25:23).

  66 CHC 1:130.

   67 Iowa State Register, Des Moines (16 August 1870), emphasis added. This interview took place during Martin Harris's journey to Utah with Edward Stevenson
after many years away from the Church.

  68 Nibley, "Kirtland Egyptian Papers," 398. "And Joseph freely lets them go their way while he goes his, each under obligation to ï¿½study it out in your mind'
before asking for revelation." Ibid., 365, emphasis in original.

  69 Ibid., 365.

  70 Ibid., 399

A Lengthier Treatment of Length

Brian D. Stubbs

Abstract: Book of Mormon language frequently contains lengthy structures of rather awkward English. Some may consider these to be instances of poor grammar,
weakness in writing (Ether 12:23-26), or the literary ineptness of a fraudulent author; however, I see them as potentially significant support for a translation from a Near
Eastern language in an ancient American setting. Many of these lengths of awkward English parallel Semitic (and Egyptian) patterns, particularly the circumstantial or
ï¿½al-clause. In response to critics of my previous proposal to that effect, this article is a lengthier treatment of these lengthy structures found in the Book of Mormon.

In the Encyclopedia of Mormonism, I authored a three-page article entitled "Book of Mormon Language," to which Edward Ashment referred in his article in New
Approaches to the Book of Mormon . Ashment took to task my suggestion that certain lengthy, awkward sentence structures containing strings of subordinate
clauses and verbals, as found in the Book of Mormon, are more typical of Hebrew than English. In contrast to Ashment's assessment, John Gee's excellent article, "La
Trahison des Clercs: On the Language and Translation of the Book of Mormon," devotes space to a better explanation of part of what I was trying to say.

Regarding the article in the Encyclopedia of Mormonism, parameters of size did not allow in-depth discussions, and since the subject has been brought up, a fuller
explanation or lengthier treatment of this matter of length is in order. The paragraph in question contained the following:

Sentence structures and clause-combining mechanisms in Hebrew differ from those in English. Long strings of subordinate clauses and verbal expressions . . . are
acceptable in Hebrew, though unorthodox and discouraged in English: "Ye all are witnesses . . . that Zeniff, who was made king, . . . he being over-zealous, . . .
therefore being deceived by . . . king Laman, who having entered into a treaty . . . and having yielded up [various cities], . . . and the land round about-and all this he
did, for the sole purpose of bringing this people . . . into bondage" (Mosiah 7:21-22).

This Book of
 Copyright  (c)Mormon  excerpt
                2005-2009,     (or sentence)
                            Infobase  Media contains
                                             Corp. eight clauses or verbals, most of which feature -ing participial verb forms. The Book of Mormon
                                                                                                                                               Page is replete
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                                                                                                                                                               919
similar examples. Tvedtnes notes instances of parenthetical departures in the Hebrew Old Testament as well. In response to Ashment's rebuttal and claim that
Hebrew sentential patterns are simple and concise-which they certainly can be-John Gee discloses a choice example from the Jewish Publication Society's translation of
Gen. 1:1-3:
acceptable in Hebrew, though unorthodox and discouraged in English: "Ye all are witnesses . . . that Zeniff, who was made king, . . . he being over-zealous, . . .
therefore being deceived by . . . king Laman, who having entered into a treaty . . . and having yielded up [various cities], . . . and the land round about-and all this he
did, for the sole purpose of bringing this people . . . into bondage" (Mosiah 7:21-22).

This Book of Mormon excerpt (or sentence) contains eight clauses or verbals, most of which feature -ing participial verb forms. The Book of Mormon is replete with
similar examples. Tvedtnes notes instances of parenthetical departures in the Hebrew Old Testament as well. In response to Ashment's rebuttal and claim that
Hebrew sentential patterns are simple and concise-which they certainly can be-John Gee discloses a choice example from the Jewish Publication Society's translation of
Gen. 1:1-3:

When God began to create heaven and earth-the earth being unformed and void, with darkness over the surface of the deep and a wind from God sweeping over the
water-God said, "Let there be light"; and there was light.

In the Hebrew text, everything between the dashes consists of three ï¿½al-clauses (also known as circumstantial clauses) that begin with wa- (and) + noun/pronoun; the
three nouns heading the three ï¿½al-clauses are earth, darkness, and wind/spirit, respectively. Ignoring semantic disagreements, the above is structurally a nice
translation of ï¿½al-clauses: three verses into one sentence, no less. In stark contrast, the King James Version makes separate sentences or independent and-clauses of
the three parenthetical ï¿½al-clauses:

In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. And the earth was without form, and void; and darkness was upon the face of the deep. And the Spirit of God
moved upon the face of the waters. And God said, Let there be light: and there was light. (Gen. 1:1-3 KJV)

Tvedtnes has twice cited renderings of Gen. 1:1-3 similar to the Jewish Publication Society's translation. He quotes verse 2 as a string of three -ing participles for the
three ï¿½al-clauses-"the earth being waste and uninhabited and darkness being upon the face of the deep and a wind from God blowing on the face of the waters"-and
he adds that "this translation, which is a departure from the traditional rendering, is, nevertheless, one that has gained wide acceptance by modern Hebrew scholars,
both Jewish and Christian. Verse 2 must be understood to be a parenthetical addition to the main thought, which is given in the conjoined sentences in verses 1 and 3."
    The contrast between these translations, preferred by Jewish and Hebrew scholars, versus the King James translation serves to illustrate that the same narrative in a
Semitic language can feasibly be viewed or translated either way: dissecting the lengthy, un-English-like structure into simpler segments more suitable to English
sentences as the King James Version does, or more accurately retaining the original Semitic structure, although this results in awkward English.

ï¿½al-clauses (or circumstantial clauses) typically relate an accompanying state, circumstance, or condition, often expressed in English by subordinating conjunctions
such as when, while, or after or by participial phrases. However, in both Hebrew and Arabic the same accompanying conditions are often structurally featured by "and
+ noun + the rest of the clause." For a noun, rather than a verb, to follow the word and is significant, because Hebrew and Arabic are verb-initial languages; that is, the
usual order of constituents is verb-subject-object: created God the heavens and the earth (Gen. 1:1). So "and + noun" usually signals a ï¿½al-clause (though and is not
absolutely necessary). Furthermore, the -ing participles are, in my opinion, the best translation of most ï¿½al-clauses, and it should be noted that -ing forms are exactly
what we see in the Jewish Publication Society's translation of a string of ï¿½al-clauses in the original Hebrew of Gen. 1:1-3. Likewise, strings of -ing participles are a
prominent feature of Book of Mormon narrative style, as exemplified by Mosiah 7:21-22. In fact, Alma 2:1-2 provides a clearer example of ï¿½al-clauses:

a certain man, being called Amlici, he being a very cunning man, yea, a wise man as to the wisdom of the world, he being after the order of the man that slew Gideon by
the sword, who was executed according to the law-Now this Amlici had, by his cunning, drawn away much people after him.

The three being participial phrases add background information or accompanying circumstances and are thus a prime language environment for ï¿½al-clauses in
Semitic, and the English translation suggests that that is what the original Near Eastern language probably contained: clauses beginning with Hebrew w#-hï¿½ or some
synonymous circumstantial structure. The string of ï¿½al- lauses evident in Alma 2:1-2 is perfectly acceptable in Hebrew, yet an editor or English teacher would not
spare red ink on a similar structure found in written English. An interesting study may be to measure the frequency of-ing participles in the Book of Mormon versus their
frequency in Joseph Smith's other writings.

English, of course, also employs participial phrases: Exercising daily and eating well, he remained healthy. However, the Book of Mormon's use of these participial
expressions differs in three ways from typical English. First, Book of Mormon language uses them much more frequently, and some strings of these verbal expressions
reach lengths not typical of English, for instance the thirteen consecutive having phrases in Alma 9:19-23-a sentence four verses long; the six consecutive -ing participles
in 3 Ne. 7:15-16; or the stretch of similar structures in Alma 13:5-8, where four consecutive verses end with dashes. Second, English grammar discourages the use
of understood subjects in participial expressions (i.e., he exercising daily), but would normally require a finite verb if the subject is to be expressed: he exercised daily,
and (he) remained healthy. Book of Mormon language, on the other hand, very often has the subjects appearing with the participles, as we see twice in Alma 2:1 (he
being) and in Alma 19:16: "Abish, she having been converted unto the Lord," which is a typical translation of both Hebrew and Egyptian circumstantial clauses. Third,
English more often features -ing on the verb itself (exercising daily), while Book of Mormon language more often employs -ing on the auxiliary verb (having or being)
plus past participle of the primary verb (he remained in good health, having exercised daily and having eaten well), which latter pattern again parallels ï¿½al-clause or
circumstantial clause translations.

Returning to Gen. 1:1-3, we have seen that most Jewish translations into English contain lengthy, awkward, un-English-like structures and thereby demonstrate a degree
of concatenation in the Hebrew that various translators have tried to preserve in translation; otherwise, why would they take the supposed concise, simple structures of
Hebrew and create out of simplicity something so horribly awkward in English? There would be no reason to do so.

Though the Jewish translations retain a more literal translation by means of more awkward English, in many instances English translations (especially the King James
Version) smooth the real complexities that exist in the original Hebrew. For example, not counting "And it shall come to pass," the King James Version of Gen. 44:30
and part of verse 31 shows a stretch of seven clauses, five with finite verbs in English, while the original Hebrew has only one finite verb. The King James Version reads
thus:

Now therefore when I come to thy servant my father, and the lad be not with us; seeing that his life is bound up in the lad's life; It shall come to pass, when he seeth that
the lad is not with us, that he will die. (Gen. 44:30-31)

The Hebrew, on the other hand, reads literally thus:

And now as (when/at) my coming to your servant my father, the lad not (being) with us, his soul (being) bound to his soul, it shall be as (when/at) his seeing that the lad
(is) not, he shall die.

The Hebrew lines contain two ï¿½al-clauses of attending circumstances: one is "the boy not being with us" and another relevant circumstance is "his [Jacob's] soul
(being) bound to his [Benjamin's] soul." The first and third lines contain nominalized clauses (whose verb is made a noun with the subject as possessor of that verbal
noun) in Hebrew ("my coming"; "his seeing") rather than the finite verb forms found in the English translation ("I come"; "he seeth"). English allows nominalized clauses
also in certain structures:
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The teacher came and the students quieted.
The Hebrew lines contain two ï¿½al-clauses of attending circumstances: one is "the boy not being with us" and another relevant circumstance is "his [Jacob's] soul
(being) bound to his [Benjamin's] soul." The first and third lines contain nominalized clauses (whose verb is made a noun with the subject as possessor of that verbal
noun) in Hebrew ("my coming"; "his seeing") rather than the finite verb forms found in the English translation ("I come"; "he seeth"). English allows nominalized clauses
also in certain structures:

The teacher came and the students quieted.

> The teacher's coming quieted the students.

However, Hebrew uses verbal nouns more often than English and in structures not possible in English; thus a translator must de-nominalize many of Hebrew's
nominalized verbs for an English translation, as in the example above; otherwise, the flow of language would not make sense in English: "as my coming to him and as his
seeing the lad not with us, he will die" versus "as I come to him and as he sees the lad not with us, he will die." I left out two intervening ï¿½al-clauses to simplify matters
from extremely complex to merely complex. In short, Ashment's claim that the sentences of biblical Hebrew are simple and concise is unclear in light of the fact that
much biblical Hebrew is made up of complexly interwoven strings of ï¿½al-clauses, nominalized verbs, and waw-consecutive clauses, which create structural sequences
that are not allowable in English if translated literally, and they are anything but simple or concise.

The linking mechanisms of consecutive clauses or verbal elements in Hebrew and Arabic are very different stylistically than English. Arabic tends even more toward
concatenation than Hebrew. In fact, in the original version of the encyclopedia article, I mentioned Arabic as the best example of this kind of syntactic behavior, but I
was editorially encouraged to cite only Hebrew and not Arabic, since presumably Arabic had nothing to do with the language(s) of Lehi, though comparative research
in Native American languages may eventually force an adjustment to that view. From observations in Native American languages, I would guess that the Lehi-
Ishmael party spoke a very Arabic-like dialect of Hebrew.

While teaching English as a second language to native speakers of Arabic, my peers and I affectionately termed the endless strings of subordinate clauses typical in the
writing of many Arabic speakers as "incorrigible subordination" (as opposed to behavioral "incorrigible insubordination," which was not a problem; they were wonderful
students).

They were simply transferring the narrative styles of their native language (Arabic) into their English compositions. It was difficult to convince them that English
composition needed a more balanced ratio of independent clauses to subordinate clauses.

Having viewed the first three verses of the Hebrew Old Testament in translation as a single sentence, let us consider the first several verses of the Arabic Quran. In the
first chapter or sura, "The Opening," we do not actually find a verb until the fifth verse. The first verse would be a fragment in English. The second verse requires an
understood copula, as is typical of Semitic languages. Three of the first four verses are lists of appositives or names of God, and the fifth verse contains the first actual
verb.

The first chapter, called "The Opening," is something of a short introductory vocative. The real narrative of the Quran might be considered to begin with the second
sura. Consider the first three verses of this Arabic narrative:

This is the scripture wherein there is no doubt, a guidance unto those who ward off [evil], who believe in the unseen, and establish worship, and spend of that We have
bestowed upon them; and who believe in that which is revealed unto thee and that which was revealed before thee, and are certain of the Hereafter.

Similar to the first three verses of the Hebrew Old Testament, the first three verses of this Quranic narrative are translated as one English sentence, containing a string of
subordinate clauses; such a string also undeniably exists in the original Arabic.

In English, the distinction between independent (or main) clauses and dependent (or subordinate) clauses is clear-cut by definition-as English grammar defines them.
However, in some languages the distinction is not so clear. In some Ute dialects, for example, consecutive subordinate clauses can multiply to such unwieldy lengths at
times that a translator must choose, from among them, a new starting point for an independent clause when translating into English, or else the narrative would hardly
make sense in English.

The Arabic (or Hebrew) ï¿½al-clauses that contain the conjunction and (wa-), if literally translated into English, would constitute an and conjoined coordinate clause or
independent clause. However, they are rarely translated as such from Arabic to English, because, as alluded to previously, the best sense or translation of the ï¿½al -
clause is usually a subordinate clause or participle in English translations.

qï¿½ma Zaid wa-huwa bï¿½kin

Zaid rose weeping. (literally: rose Zaid and-he (is) crying.)

Two generations of men passed away, whilst (literally: and) he still lived.

wa-qad

And sometimes I go forth early, whilst (literally: and) the birds are in their nests.

jï¿½

Zaid came laughing (literally: Zaid came; he laughs.)

In short, subordinate clauses in Arabic (as well as Hebrew) are often not marked by any overt subordinating conjunction, but the subordinate sense is so strong that
they are translated as subordinate clauses in English. In certain structures, English can also dispense with overt subordinators, though a subordinate clause is irrefutably
involved:

Mr. Jones bought the house (that) she wanted.

"That" is optional, yet its absence does not make "she wanted" an independent clause.

In addition to clauses of subordinate sense containing no overt subordinator, Arabic is rich in conjunction-like particles that begin clauses and sentences, often creating
a concatenation that, if translated literally, would horrify a traditional English teacher. More rare in older Arabic narratives are independent clauses that begin with a
noun or verb rather than with a conjunction or one of these particles that relate some sense of continuation and connection to all narrative before it. (This may not be as
 Copyrightto(c)modern
applicable       2005-2009,
                         Arabic,Infobase  Media to
                                  which appears  Corp.
                                                   be more subject to European influences of syntax and punctuation.) For example, Arabic has two Page           525
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                                                                                                                                                                    and-wa
and fa-each with separate shades of meaning, as well as three different kinds of if-and law and a bag full of particles not always translatable into English, like the Arabic
intensifying particlesla la-qad etc. In Thousand and One Arabian Nights in the original Arabic, almost every sentence begins with anand or another particle. If all
In addition to clauses of subordinate sense containing no overt subordinator, Arabic is rich in conjunction-like particles that begin clauses and sentences, often creating
a concatenation that, if translated literally, would horrify a traditional English teacher. More rare in older Arabic narratives are independent clauses that begin with a
noun or verb rather than with a conjunction or one of these particles that relate some sense of continuation and connection to all narrative before it. (This may not be as
applicable to modern Arabic, which appears to be more subject to European influences of syntax and punctuation.) For example, Arabic has two words for and-wa
and fa-each with separate shades of meaning, as well as three different kinds of if-and law and a bag full of particles not always translatable into English, like the Arabic
intensifying particlesla la-qad etc. In Thousand and One Arabian Nights in the original Arabic, almost every sentence begins with anand or another particle. If all
initialand at the beginning of sentences in Arabic narratives were counted as joining coordinate clauses together, as we generally consider they do in English, one would
have little use for periods in punctuating many Arabic narratives, except at the end of the story. Thus the narrative style in Arabic, and to some lesser degree in Hebrew,
reflects much more concatenation than is typical of English.

Consider also how often the distinction between dependent and independent clauses can be quite arbitrary. For example, in English three levels of conjunctions exist
which can often create rather synonymous sentences: coordinating conjunctions (but); adverbial conjunctions or conjunctive adverbs (however); subordinating
conjunctions (although). A translator could feasibly use any of the three in translating a non-English text into English, and his or her choice from among this fairly
synonymous trio would quite arbitrarily determine whether the English translation would have a subordinate clause or independent clause, regardless of the original. So
one cannot always determine by a translation whether a clause in the original language was subordinate or independent; in fact, sometimes even when the original
language is available, subordinate and independent clauses may be difficult to differentiate, as in Ute, and to a lesser degree in Hebrew.

Consider also the waw-consecutive clauses of Hebrew. In view of our English definitions for dependent and independent clauses, the waw-consecutive clauses of
Hebrew are something of an enigma. The King James Version translates them both ways, though more often as independent and-clauses. A case can be made in either
direction for the waw-consecutive of Hebrew; it does not easily fit the English molds of either dependent or independent clauses. The waw-consecutive is a very
common syntactic structure of biblical Hebrew narratives in which the initial verb is followed by a series of verbs or clauses prefixing wa- (the same wa-, meaning
"and," as seen in Hebrew and Arabic ï¿½al-clauses above) to a jussive verb for several consecutive imperfect verb forms that are usually translated as past tense. (This
is its most common use, but not its only use.) Though these strings of consecutive clauses are not often translated as such (which indeed would be difficult), they are, in
a sense, strings of dependent clauses, being dependent upon the initial verb or clause. The nature of a dependent (or subordinate) clause is its dependence on another
clause (an independent clause). Similarly, the waw-consecutive clauses depend on that initial verb, i.e., cannot exist independently of that initial independent verb.
Furthermore, the word consecutive means that these forms follow in a series and cannot be first, or in other words cannot stand alone, and standing alone is what an
independent clause is supposed to be able to do. So one could question whether waw-consecutive clauses are independent clauses, even though the scholars of King
James often translated them as such.

The verb form of these consecutive verbs in Hebrew (when imperfect) is the jussive, and in Arabic, the jussive is rather associated with a subordinate sense or with
subordinate clauses:

If he steals (jussive), a brother of his has stolen before.

Likewise, in Hebrew the jussive is used in subordinate clauses that are sentential objects to a higher or main clause-I would that/wish that (someone verb [jussive])-
whether the "I would/ wish" is expressed or not, i.e., whether in surface structure or deep structure. In fact, linguistically, even simple imperatives, cohortatives, and
jussives without overt subordinators can be argued to be sentential objects of such underlying phrases in deep structure, and therefore subordinate: (I want/wish/order
that you) Clean your room! Similarly, in Spanish as well as many other languages, imperative verb forms employ a subjunctive or other form typical of subordinate
clauses with the subordinate sense being strongly felt: (Yo le pido/mando a usted que) llame a los otros; and sometimes partially expressed: Que llame a los otros! That
you call the others! Therefore, the fact that the jussive is used in the verbs of a waw-consecutive series also argues that, in some very real ways, they are clauses not
very independent and constitute a Semitic concatenation that can hardly be duplicated in English, since a translation into English forces a clear choice one direction or
the other-independent or dependent.

Returning to the first chapter of Genesis, we might note that in the five verses following the first sentence of the Jewish Publication Society's version, that Gen. 1:4-8
contains fifteen main verbs, thirteen of which are waw-consecutive verb forms. It is not uncommon at all for strings of waw-consecutive verb forms to run several
verses in length. In fact, rare is the chapter that does not have one or more strings of waw-consecutive forms. The waw-consecutive for relating consecutive events in
narrative, the more frequent use of verbal nouns, and the ï¿½al-clause for adding attending circumstances are all very common features of Hebrew narrative. Together
they easily fill most of the Hebrew Old Testament text, and the complex interplay between these syntactic structures of biblical Hebrew produces little that is simple and
concise. In fact, one could question whether the concept of a sentence, as perceived in English grammar, should apply to biblical Hebrew narrative.

In all our considerations, we should not overlook the various stages of the Egyptian language. Coptic, in particular, has a variety of circumstantial verb forms or
conjugations, usually translated like the Hebrew and Arabic circumstantial or ï¿½al-clauses (as -ing participles in English), which occur very frequently in narrative.

Having noted the frequency of strings of -ing participles in Book of Mormon language and, similarly, strings of subordinate clauses and participles in Ute, let us consider
examples from yet another Native American language exhibiting syntax and narrative structures quite suitable to strings of -ing participial expressions in English
translation. Tewa has one primary subordinating conjunction that creates many more subordinate clauses than is typical of English. This subordinator (-di; -ri after
vowels) is suffixed to verbs, which are then best literally translated into English as
-ing participial phrases:

na-tï¿½ -whah-nde-ri hï¿½ï¿½ lt;ï¿½ndi-anho i-p'v'-yawende-ri i-k

Hearing that, he unsheathed his claws, ripped off big pieces of meat, and ate them.

literally: Hearing that, unsheathing his claws, ripping off big pieces of meat, he ate them.

dï¿½e-wï¿½

They would gather it and grind it.

literally: Having gathered it, they grind it.

i mï¿½usaa -sï¿½ndi-bo na-mï¿½n-di i-mï¿½ -ri -o-tu

The kitten was hungry and when he saw it, he said . . .

literally: The kitten being hungry, going along, seeing it, he said.
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Note in the first example that for purposes of English stylistics, the translators use one dependent clause and three independent clauses in English, while the original
Tewa has the reverse-three dependent clauses and one independent clause. Likewise, in all three examples more dependent clauses exist in Tewa than in the English
The kitten was hungry and when he saw it, he said . . .

literally: The kitten being hungry, going along, seeing it, he said.

Note in the first example that for purposes of English stylistics, the translators use one dependent clause and three independent clauses in English, while the original
Tewa has the reverse-three dependent clauses and one independent clause. Likewise, in all three examples more dependent clauses exist in Tewa than in the English
translations:

Tewa English translation

Clauses dep. indep. dep. indep.

3113

1102

3112

Totals 7 3 2 7

The translators obviously molded the Tewa into English stylistics, the two languages having very different syntactic styles for narrative and very different ratios of
independent to dependent clauses. While the syntax of Tewa when translated literally may be uncomfortable English, it is not unlike the many strings of participial
structures found in the Book of Mormon. I am not suggesting that Tewa parallels Hebrew in very many ways, but Tewa does illustrate that a translator must sometimes
choose between one of two alternatives: (1) a major overhaul of clausal patterns to better suit English structures or (2) a more literal translation that would be very
unorthodox English. For that reason, I personally find the lengthy, awkward structures in the Book of Mormon to be both fascinating and significant.

Another factor to keep in mind is that Mormon and Moroni were writing the majority of the Book of Mormon text in their language, which was 1000 years removed
from Lehi's Hebrew or about midway between Lehi and European contact. Therefore, in whatever ways Mormon's language had changed from Lehi's, it was likely in
the direction of some Native American languages, which may suggest that Book of Mormon language was even more inclined toward subordination than Hebrew, since
many, if not most, Native American languages, in narrative, employ subordination more than either English or Old World Hebrew.

In addition to all the above, I also like Tvedtnes's suggestion: Unable to erase a misdirected sentence on metal plates, an author must tack on clarifying components,
realized in midsentence, and pull it together as best he can. No doubt, something along those lines is probably the explanation for some of the lengthy awkward
sentences. Nevertheless, even misdirected sentences speak for the text's authenticity, since a fraudulent effort in concert with fairly educated scribes would be less likely
to contain them.

Aside from misdirected sentences, a number of the Book of Mormon passages fit Semitic patterns of topicalization and ï¿½al-clauses so nicely that I must conclude that
they are translations of a language whose grammar and structural patterns differ significantly from those of English-either nineteenth-century English or modern English-
yet quite nicely parallel Semitic patterns. Other lengthy passages seem to be instances of a deliberate or emphatic oratorical mode of some sort. For example, the
thirteen consecutive phrases of having + past participle in Alma 9:19-23 appear to be deliberate oratory. It seems that a verse or two would be sufficient room to repair
a misdirected sentence, so when a sentence or length of narrative continues four verses without a period, it may suggest that the Nephite language allowed lengths and
structures that do not parallel English structures. Alma 13:5-8, for instance, may be a "no erasure," or it may be another demonstration that the Nephite language of the
time had patterns very inconvenient to the grammatical conventions of modern English.

Another matter meriting attention is that sequences of circumstantial or ï¿½al-clause structures (-ing/having/being) in the Book of Mormon are sometimes lengthier and
more frequent than in the King James Version, though not necessarily more frequent than in Hebrew. There are two reasons for this: (1) The ï¿½al-clauses of the
Hebrew Old Testament are often translated as independent and-clauses in the King James Version (as in Gen. 1:1-3), which disguises the ï¿½al-clause structures in
English and makes them appear much less frequent than they really are in Hebrew. (2) The style of narrative for some Book of Mormon authors (such as Alma) yields
longer strings of these circumstantial structures than is typical even of Hebrew, though Hebrew does so more than English and more than is apparent in the King James
translation. Such expansions (or reductions) in the use of a given structural pattern are common modulations in language change through the centuries.

The fact that the King James translators left many of the Hebrew circumstantial clauses inconspicuous by translating them as and-clauses quite undermines the
accusation that Joseph Smith was simply mimicking the King James biblical style, because the Book of Mormon employs -ing participial expressions much more
frequently than does the King James Old Testament. Furthermore, the fact that some Book of Mormon authors amplified the use of circumstantial clauses even beyond
lengths typical of Hebrew removes Book of Mormon language even further from the King James frequency. (Keep in mind that the frequency of circumstantial
structures in the Book of Mormon and Hebrew both exceed what is typical of English.) Thus the relative frequencies, if anything, would tend to support the text's
authenticity further, since if Joseph Smith was imitating King James English, he missed the diminished King James frequencies considerably, coming nearer to and
possibly exceeding frequencies typical of Hebrew. In any case, the abundance of -ing participial expressions in the Book of Mormon is very consistent with a
translation of either Hebrew or Egyptian circumstantial clauses.

In conclusion, whether an author repairs a misdirected sentence, or a translator breaks down a lengthy Semitic concatenation into segments more suitable to English or
maintains the flavor of an un-English-like Semitic narrative when it exists, is all inconsequential to the message. Nevertheless, the latter has potential to provide parallels
peculiar to the original language, and the fact remains that Semitic mechanisms of narrative allow structural lengths of language in Hebrew and Arabic that are different
from and hardly typical of English. In light of patterns inherent to Hebrew, Arabic, Egyptian, and many Native American languages, the copious presence of certain
long, awkward structures in the Book of Mormon, in my opinion, speaks much more for the text's authenticity than would a lack. The lengths of awkward English might
be deemed by some as poor grammar or weakness in writing (Ether 12:23-26, 40) but as a linguist and student of Semitic and Native American languages, I find these
lengthy structures to be quite intriguing, significant, and reassuring.

  1 Brian D. Stubbs, "Book of Mormon Language," in Encyclopedia of Mormonism (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 1:179-81.

   2 Edward H. Ashment, "ï¿½A Record in the Language of My Father': Evidence of Ancient Egyptian and Hebrew in the Book of Mormon," in New Approaches to
the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical Methodology, ed. Brent L. Metcalfe (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1993), 329-93. Ashment discusses my article on
pages 363-66.

   3 John Gee, "La Trahison des Clercs: On the Language and Translation of the Book of Mormon," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 51-120.
In reviewing Edward Ashment's article, "ï¿½A Record in the Language of My Father,'" Gee discusses Ashment's arguments and examples concerning my article on
pages  92-94.
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  4 Stubbs, "Book of Mormon Language," 181, ellipses in original.
pages 363-66.

   3 John Gee, "La Trahison des Clercs: On the Language and Translation of the Book of Mormon," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 51-120.
In reviewing Edward Ashment's article, "ï¿½A Record in the Language of My Father,'" Gee discusses Ashment's arguments and examples concerning my article on
pages 92-94.

  4 Stubbs, "Book of Mormon Language," 181, ellipses in original.

  5 John A. Tvedtnes's review of New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical Methodology, in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1
(1994): 8-50. Tvedtnes discusses and lists several such examples on page 38 and in note 49.

  6 Gee in "La Trahison des Clercs," 94, cites this example of a Jewish view of how Gen. 1:1-3 might be translated into English, as opposed to the King James
Version.

  7 John A. Tvedtnes, "The Medieval Hebrew Grammarians in the Light of Modern Linguistics" (master's thesis, University of Utah, 1971), 114; he offers a similar
example and discussion in John A. Tvedtnes, "Science and Genesis," in Science and Religion: Toward a More Useful Dialogue, ed. Wilford M. Hess, Raymond T.
Matheny, and Donlu D. Thayer (Geneva, Ill.: Paladin, 1979), 2:42.

  8 Orlo Ryan Knight brought these examples to my attention.

  9 See Brian D. Stubbs, "Looking Over vs. Overlooking Native American Languages: Let's Void the Void," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 5/1 (1996): 33; and
Hugh W. Nibley, "Lehi and the Arabs," in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3rd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 71-83.

  10 Muhammad M. Pickthall, The Glorious Quran: Text and Explanatory Translation (New York: Muslim World League, 1977), 2-5.

  11 William Wright, A Grammar of the Arabic Language, 3rd ed. (London: Cambridge University Press, 1955), 2:330-31.

  12 Ibid., 2:37.

  13 For uses of the jussive in Hebrew, see William Gesenius, Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, ed. E. Kautzsch and A. E. Cowley (London: Oxford University Press,
1910), 321.

  14 Ariel Shisha-Halevy, ed., Coptic Grammatical Chrestomathy (Leuven: Peeters, 1988), 182-87, 189, 191, 194.

   15 Even though the Tewa subordinating conjunction happens to be quite identical to Aramaic di, that, which, etc., we cannot assume a connection unless a multitude
of other factors were in place, which they are not. In other words, coincidence is the best assumption at present.

  16 The underlined vowels are nasalized.

  17 Tewa Pehtsiye: Tewa Tales (San Juan Pueblo, N.M.: San Juan Bilingual Program, 1982), 30.

  18 Tewa Tuukannin Ta'nin: A Tewa Reader (San Juan Pueblo, N.M.: San Juan Bilingual Program, 1984), 17.

  19 Tewa Tales, 28.

   20 Tvedtnes, review of New Approaches, 39. In a personal communication Tvedtnes has given me to understand that others before him had noted such instances
termed "no erasures."

Book of Mormon Event Structure:
the Ancient Near East

Robert F. Smith

Abstract: The Book of Mormon annals open in an ancient Near Eastern context. The archaeological-historical context is carefully outlined here within a systematic
chronology that is tied to fixed, absolute dates of recorded astronomical events-particularly those from cuneiform eponym calendars. The resultant matrix allows those
early Book of Mormon events to be understood in a rational, familiar, and meaningful way, i.e., in a biblical context. In addition, an excursus is devoted to
understanding the Arabia of the Book of Mormon as the Lehite exiles must have known it. Throughout it is clear that the world depicted by the Book of Mormon
dovetails remarkably well with what we know of the ancient Near East.

This technical, bibliographical paper outlines the main events that occurred in the ancient Near East around the time of Lehi and Nephi and their immediate ancestors
and is designed to aid in examining the strictures within which one must set the upper end of the Nephite chronological scale, i.e., the date of departure of Lehi from
Jerusalem. In the course of doing that, I provide a consistent system of dating, along with some readily available sources, which the enterprising student will want to
consult. Other modern sources differ only slightly in their accounts of these ancient Near Eastern dates and events, and I have covered some of the more important
differences of opinion where appropriate. It must be emphasized, however, that most of the dates presented here are based upon and carefully tied to fixed, absolute
dates of recorded astronomical events. As Jay Huber has pointed out, the interlocking nature of these astronomical events and the consequent "correlation between the
Babylonian and Julian calendars" is in no way mere happenstance.

Given the nature of the Nephite annals, establishing the beginning of the scale is the sine qua non for understanding the entire spectrum of Book of Mormon dates. It is
not only that Lehi was called to prophetic office "in the commencement of the first year of the reign of Zedekiah, king of Judah" (1 Ne. 1:4, 2 Kgs. 24:17-18), but that
he left Jerusalem in that same first year-fully six hundred "years" before the birth of Jesus Christ (3 Nephi superscription, 1:1; 2:6)-and the Book of Mormon applies a
carefully computed and methodically recorded countdown to the date of that prophesied birth (1 Ne. 10:4, 19:8; 2 Ne. 25:19; Hel. 14:2). Not only does any
suggestion that we are dealing with "round-number" dating in the Book of Mormon seem implausible, but, among scholars, there is not the slightest question about the
absolute status of 597 b.c. as the year when Nebuchadrezzar II first placed Zedekiah on the throne of Judah. Aware of this scholarly unanimity, the Rev. Mr. Wesley
P. Walters succinctly stated the dilemma for the Book of Mormon:

Smith was unaware that Zedekiah must be dated at 597 b.c. instead of the 600 b.c. date the Book of Mormon assigns him. He was unaware that the birth of Christ
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must  now be(c)placed
                 2005-2009,  Infobase
                      some time  prior toMedia
                                          4 b.c.,Corp.                                                                                               Page 528
                                                  . . . so he wove into the fabric of the book a modern chronological error. The error was Dionysius Exiguus', who/set
                                                                                                                                                                     919up
the present system of dating time from the birth of Christ in the sixth century a.d. He mistakenly equated a.d. 1 with the Roman year 754 (a.u.c.), whereas Herod the
Great had died four years earlier in the Roman year 750 (a.u.c.); or, in 4 b.c. by our present dating system. The only way scholars can correct this error is to date the
P. Walters succinctly stated the dilemma for the Book of Mormon:

Smith was unaware that Zedekiah must be dated at 597 b.c. instead of the 600 b.c. date the Book of Mormon assigns him. He was unaware that the birth of Christ
must now be placed some time prior to 4 b.c., . . . so he wove into the fabric of the book a modern chronological error. The error was Dionysius Exiguus', who set up
the present system of dating time from the birth of Christ in the sixth century a.d. He mistakenly equated a.d. 1 with the Roman year 754 (a.u.c.), whereas Herod the
Great had died four years earlier in the Roman year 750 (a.u.c.); or, in 4 b.c. by our present dating system. The only way scholars can correct this error is to date the
actual birth of Christ prior to 4 b.c., yielding less than 593 years between Zedekiah and the birth of Jesus.

While certainly correct in stating that less than 593 solar years can be fitted between those two ends of the scale, and in suggesting that the consensus among scholars is
that Herod died in early 4 b.c., Walters was unaware that, within the predominant Mesoamerican calendar, "reckoning was not by those [365-day] years, but by
tuns (360 days)," i.e., 600 Mayan tuns = 591.4 solar years, as correlated with the Book of Mormon first by Professor John L. Sorenson. No other "year"-system
accommodates the facts, and a similar 360-day count may already have been familiar to Lehi in the ancient Near East. Of course, Joseph Smith knew nothing of the
ancient Mayan Long Count (so also with the redoubtable Orson Pratt, who came closer than anyone to an early and successful solution to the chronological question).
Thus, evidence at first seemingly counter to the Book of Mormon, turns out on closer examination to be astonishingly favorable to its authenticity!

The following collection of data can be used to assist in discussion and further research on the upper end of the Nephite chronological scale. The main body of this
paper covers the period from 793 to 445 b.c., to which is appended an excursus on the Lehite sojourn in Arabia.

Book of Mormon Event Structure:
Ancient Near East

793-752 b.c.
Jeroboam II, king of Israel (coregent 793-782); late in his reign, in the mid-eighth century, the prophets Amos and Hosea began to preach in the Northern Kingdom
where social and religious decay were rampant.

792-740 b.c.
Uzziah/Azariah, king of Judah (accession to throne in 792, while his father was held captive by Israel), with his son, Jotham, coregent from 750 b.c. until his death.
David Noel Freedman says that seismologists and archaeologists estimate the great earthquake in the land (Amos 1:1) at about 8.0 on the Richter scale.

776 b.c.
First Olympiad; Coroebus of Elis wins the only race (200 m dash).

ca. 767 b.c.
Pharaoh Shoshenq V, ruler of the eastern delta (ca. 767-730 b.c.; 22nd Dynasty).

763 b.c.
Eclipse, 15 June 763 b.c., in the 10th year of Ashur-dan III.

753 b.c.
Founding of the city of Rome (legendary) = 0 a.u.c. (ab urbe condita); year begins on April 21 festival; from 152 b.c. (601 a.u.c.), the year began when the consul
took office (generally January 1, in the Julian calendar).

753-713 b.c.
Pi> [khi [Pi, Piye, Paanchy], pharaoh of Nubian Dynasty 25, from Napata. He conquered all of Egypt; also called Userma>atre> Menkheperre>, and Seneferefre> he
was the father of Shebitku and Taharqa; the Great Stele of Piankhy is dated to his 21st year = 734 b.c.; cf. Nibley on the ca. 1085 b.c., Dynasty 21 high-priest
ankhy, whom Klaus Baer accepted as the son of ï¿½eriï¿½or though formerly saying he wasnot the son, but merely the successor to ï¿½eriï¿½or.

753-752 b.c.
Zechariah, king of Israel, on death of his father Jeroboam, but was murdered within six months by Shallum ben Jabesh (752), who was in turn killed a month later by
Menahem ben Gadi (752), all of which led to civil war.

752-742 b.c.
Menahem, king of Israel.

752-732 b.c.
Pekah ben Remaliah (Pakaha), rival king of Israel from Gilead; allied with Rezin of Damascus, against Assyria, and against Ahaz of Judah (for refusal to join their
coalition). Took throne in Samaria from Pekahiah in 740 b.c. after assassinating him.

750-732 b.c.
Jotham, king of Judah (coregent 750-740 b.c., and overlapped with the Assyrian favorite, Ahaz, 735-732). Isaiah called as prophet to Judah (740-ca. 688 b.c.).
Micah called as prophet to Judah around the same time as Isaiah, and he preached into the reign of Hezekiah.

747 b.c.
King Nabonassar of Babylon-his era begins.

745-727 b.c.
Tiglath-Pileser III (Pul), king of Assyria   His inscription (ca. 735 b.c.) mentions the Arabic cities of Taymï¿½    the latter of which is the city of the only biblical
Lemuel (Lemu

742-740 b.c.
Pekahiah, king of Israel, on death of his father, but was soon assassinated by Pekah ben Remaliah, his rival as well as his officer in Gilead.

735-715 b.c.
Ahaz, king of Judah as a vassal state to Assyria.    Overlap of reign with Jotham, 735-732, due to pro-Assyrian faction.       Edom was lost during the reign of Ahaz.

734  b.c.
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Tiglath-Pileser III conquered Gezer (Gazru) during his coastal campaign through Phoenicia and Philistia, and it is depicted on his palace relief at Nimrud 529 / 919
                                                                                                                                                             mentioned
in his eponym calendar for that year.
735-715 b.c.
Ahaz, king of Judah as a vassal state to Assyria.   Overlap of reign with Jotham, 735-732, due to pro-Assyrian faction.       Edom was lost during the reign of Ahaz.

734 b.c.
Tiglath-Pileser III conquered Gezer (Gazru) during his coastal campaign through Phoenicia and Philistia, and it is depicted on his palace relief at Nimrud and mentioned
in his eponym calendar for that year.

733-716 b.c.
Accession of King Osorkon IV in Eastern Delta, Egypt; 22nd Dynasty.

732 b.c.
Tiglath-Pileser III (Pul) destroyed Damascus and captured much of northern Israel (2 Kgs. 15:29, 16:9).

732-723 b.c.
Hoshea ben Elah, king of Israel, after killing Pekah; he immediately surrendered and paid tribute to Tiglath-Pileser III. Destruction of Megiddo IV and ï¿½azor V by
Pul in 733/732 b.c., with the coast, Galilee, and Transjordan converted into Assyrian provinces: Dor, Megiddo, and Gilead.

727-722 b.c.
Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria.

725/724 b.c.
King Hoshea taken prisoner by Shalmaneser V, after having allied himself with Egypt.      Shechem destroyed 725/724 b.c. by the Assyrians.        Siege laid to Samaria
by Shalmaneser V.

722 b.c.
Destruction of Samaria (Shamarain) and Northern Kingdom by Shalmaneser V, with deportation of northern tribes in 721 to Upper Mesopotamia and Media by
Sargon II. Israel is never heard from again (2 Kgs. 17:5-6).

722-705 b.c.
Sargon II, king of Assyria (from late December 722).

721 b.c.
Eclipse 19 March 721 b.c., the first year of Mardokempados = 27th year of Nabonassar Era.

720 b.c.
Stele of Paanchi (Pianchi) 11:1-6 (ca. 720 b.c.)//Jeremiah 1:4-5 (cf. Isa. 49:5) //Stele of Darius I (ca. 522-486 b.c.), Tel el-Maskhuta, Egypt (near Ismailiya); these
documents all share a common motif. Eclipses 8 March and 1 September 720 b.c., 2nd year of Mardokempados = 28th year of Nabonassar Era.

717 b.c.
Carchemish ("City-of-Chemish") destroyed by Sargon II.

715-686 b.c.
Hezekiah, king of Judah.

ca. 715 b.c.
It Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II mention South Arabian queens Zabibe and Samsi,        i.e., Saba    Sargon II mentions a Pharaoh who is possibly
Bocchoris of the 24th Dynasty.

715-701 b.c.
King Hezekiah of Judah centralized worship and "took away" the "high places" (bï¿½mï¿½t, 2 Kgs. 18:22), which may have included the razing to bedrock of the strata
II and III temple at Tel Be, the stratum II altar being the best remaining evidence for it; Tel Sheba III = Tel Gezer VI = Israelite Iron II bc (eighth and ninth centuries
b.c.); Tel Sheba II = Lachish III = > (ï¿½d VII = Israelite Iron II c (eighth century b.c.).

713 b.c.
Piankhy died by this date at the latest, 717/716 at the earliest, and Shabako in 716 b.c. as Pharaoh, 22nd Dynasty, but in 712 b.c. is dealing with a king of Egypt who
also rules Kush-Nubia, i.e., Shabako

712 b.c.
Sargon II of Assyria negotiates with the Pir

705-681 b.c.
Sennacherib of Assyria (Sanï¿½erib), upon death of Sargon; Hezekiah then allies himself with Egypt and prepares for rebellion. Aramaic Wisdom of Aï¿½iqar dates
itself to the reigns of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon. Sometime after the destruction of the northern kingdom of Israel by the Assyrians in 722 b.c., in "year 15," oil
and wine tax receipts (the Samaria Ostraca), containing seven of the clan names of the tribe of Manasseh known from Num. 26:28-32 and Josh. 17:1-2, were
produced in the north. Naturally this brings to mind that Lehi is of the tribe of Manasseh (Alma 10:3). Archaeologist Bryant Wood takes this as evidence "that customs
from Israel's earlier tribal history survived well into the kingdom period."

702/701-690/689 b.c.
Shebitku king of Egypt; not coregent with Taharqa as erroneously suggested by John Bright;      Shebitku died in 690/689 b.c., and was immediately succeeded by his
brother Taharqa.

701 b.c.
Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir) III was destroyed ca. 701 b.c. by Sennacherib of Assyria, which ended most of the production by Hezekiah of the famous lmlk storage jars.
   Heavy tribute paid by Hezekiah to Sennacherib.

696-642 b.c.
 Copyright
Reign      (c) Manasseh
      of King  2005-2009,
                        of Infobase Media coregent
                           Judah (probably Corp. 696-686); the prophets Zephaniah and Nahum (Naï¿½um) are contemporary; ManassehPage    530to/ both
                                                                                                                                paid tribute   919
Esarhaddon and Asshurbanipal of Assyria; Manasseh sacrificed his own son by fire, among other pagan practices (2 Kgs. 21:6).
   Heavy tribute paid by Hezekiah to Sennacherib.

696-642 b.c.
Reign of King Manasseh of Judah (probably coregent 696-686); the prophets Zephaniah and Nahum (Naï¿½um) are contemporary; Manasseh paid tribute to both
Esarhaddon and Asshurbanipal of Assyria; Manasseh sacrificed his own son by fire, among other pagan practices (2 Kgs. 21:6).

690/689 b.c.
Accession of Pharaoh Taharqa (690-664 b.c.; biblical Tirhakah), following the death of his brother, Shebitku.

ca. 688 b.c.
Death of Isaiah, following an unsuccessful campaign by Sennacherib of Assyria.

687 b.c.
Death of Hezekiah.

ca. 685 b.c.
Kariba Biblical references to South Arabia can be found in 1 Kgs. 10:1-15, as well as in Job, Psalms, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Song of Songs.

681/680 b.c.
Esarhaddon, king of Assyria (681-669 b.c.) upon assassination of Sennacherib. Esarhaddon established vassal treaties, 677-672 b.c., with Ba> l of Tyre, he
campaigned against Egypt 674-669 b.c., appointed rulers over various Egyptian nomes, including the nomarch of Athribis, Bï¿½k-n-nfy, and he had dealings with
Arabs.

679 b.c.
Magiddu/Megiddo, stratum III, had an Assyrian governor,         probably since about 732 b.c., following the destruction of Megiddo IV by Tiglath-Pileser III.

676/672 b.c.
The 26th Olympiad-games held in Sparta; Terpander of Lesbos wins the prize for music.

669/668 b.c.
Asshurbanapal, king of Assyria (669-633 b.c.) upon death of his father, Esarhaddon. He campaigned against Egypt 667-663 b.c., and had dealings with Arabs;              also
known as Osnappar/Asnapper (Ezra 4:10).

664 b.c.
Psamtik/Psammetichus I, Pharaoh of Egypt (664-610 b.c.) upon the death of his father's enemy, Taharqa; beginning of Dynasty 26, the so-called Saitic Dynasty,
because the capital was at Sais (biblical So) in the Delta (664-525 b.c.).

663 b.c.
Thebes (biblical No- (Book of the prophet Nahum (Naï¿½um) composed ca. 663-612 b.c. (The Pentateuch and Ruth were edited in the early seventh century
b.c. ("J" redaction), though, as with Job, they are far more archaic; Job was redacted in the seventh century or early sixth century b.c. in North Israel or near Phoenicia,
although, in its original form, it was composed in the Patriarchal period.

ca. 661 b.c.
> mminadab, king of >Ammon pays tribute to Asshurbanipal of Assyria.

ca. 652 b.c.
Possible birth of Lehi (Leï¿½i) at 70 years from 582 b.c.-an estimate only (cf. 1 Ne. 1:4, 18:7, 2 Ne. 1:4; 4:12; 5:28).

ca. 650 b.c.
Jewish military fortress and community established on Elephantine Island, Egypt, during the reign of Manasseh of Judah and Pharaoh Psammetichus I of Egypt.

648 b.c.
Birth of Josiah when his father, 2 Kgs. 21:19; 22:1).

ca. 645 b.c.
Birth of Jeremiah at > nathoth, a Levitical village in Benjamin, just north of Jerusalem.

642-640 b.c.
King His father, King Manasseh, had named him for the Egyptian god of Thebes,

640 b.c.
King Josiah's expansion certainly went as far as Geba> (Et-Tell), just south of Shiloh, and he may have annexed North Israel, including Galilee. Before Josiah's
reform, despite the efforts of Hezekiah, there were numerous sanctuaries and temples in Palestine, e.g., large temples at > rï¿½d, Be, Lachish, Geba>, Beth- Josiah's
sons include (1) Johanan, b. 635? (2) Jehoiakim-Eliakim b. 634, (3) Jehoahaz-Shallum b. 632, and (4) Zedekiah-Mattaniah b. 618 b.c. (cf. 1 Chr. 3:15)-their births
when Josiah was 13, 14, 16, and 30 years of age, respectively (2 Kgs. 23:31, 36; 24:18, to his wives Zebudah and Hamutal [ï¿½amutal]).

630 b.c.
Siege of Ashdod by Pharaoh Psammeticus I          lasted for 29 years.

629/628 b.c.
Reform movement and de facto independence of Judah initiated by King Josiah.           The prophetess Huldah (ï¿½uldah) active during the reign of Josiah (2 Kgs. 22:14-
19).

627 b.c.
Ashur-eï¿½il-ilani of Assyria (627-623 b.c.); Nabopolassar of Babylonia (627-605 b.c.); call of Jeremiah of > (athoth, son of ï¿½ilkiah the priest, 627 b.c. (his
prime secretary
 Copyright      was the priest
           (c) 2005-2009,      Baruch Media
                            Infobase  ben-Neriah
                                              Corp.[BrkYhw], at least after 605 b.c., and assisted by Baruch's brother Seraiah later), during the reform
                                                                                                                                                     Pageperiod
                                                                                                                                                            531initiated
                                                                                                                                                                 / 919
by King Josiah.

626 b.c.
19).

627 b.c.
Ashur-eï¿½il-ilani of Assyria (627-623 b.c.); Nabopolassar of Babylonia (627-605 b.c.); call of Jeremiah of > (athoth, son of ï¿½ilkiah the priest, 627 b.c. (his
prime secretary was the priest Baruch ben-Neriah [BrkYhw], at least after 605 b.c., and assisted by Baruch's brother Seraiah later), during the reform period initiated
by King Josiah.

626 b.c.
Chaldean (Aramaean) Nabopolassar becomes king of South Mesopotamia (626-605 b.c.; Neo-Babylonia); Scythian invasions from the Caucasus into Media, the
Assyrian Empire, Palestine, and to the Egyptian frontier on horses; Scythians plundered the Temple of Aphrodite Urania in Ashkelon; Beth-Shean renamed
Scythopolis; yet the Scythians (Ashkenaz) disappeared within a decade (Zeph. 2:4, 7; Jer. 51:27; 2 4:47). Ca. 625 b.c. East Greek (Carian-Aegean) garrison at a
Maccabees small fortress near Jamnia (Yabneh-Yam) on the coast of southern Palestine, dated by a Hebrew ostracon and proved by the presence of Carian painted
ware in considerable quantities there and at Tell el-Milï¿½.

624 b.c.
Birth date (traditional) of Lord Siddhï¿½rta Gautama of the ï¿½akyas, the Buddha (Western historians prefer 566/553 to 486/473 b.c.); md. Princess Yasodhara, 608
b.c.; son Rahula born ca. 607 b.c. His Great Going Forth (break with past), 595 b.c., 6 years as an ascetic in raja yoga, then in the meditative Middle Way, and finally
to the Bodhi Tree (the Enlightenment Tree) and the attack of Mara, there becoming The Buddha, The Enlightened One. Thales of Miletus (ca. 624-545 b.c.; others
place the life of this Karian-Phoenician genius from 640 [Olympiad 35.1] to 562), predicted total solar eclipse of 23 May 585 b.c. (or 29 July 588), which stopped
the war between Lydia and Media during the 19th year of Nebuchadrezzar II; Thales also mentions the use and properties of magnetite/lodestone (mined in Magnesia).

ca. 623 b.c.
Pharaoh Yenalaman (Anlaman), ruler of pre-Meroitic Napata Kingdom, Nubia (623-593 b.c.) = King >Ankh-Re> = Pyramid Nuri IV (Piankhi had ruled the same
kingdom ca. 753-713 b.c.); Sin-shar-ishkum of Assyria (623-612 b.c.).

622/617 b.c.
Egyptian-Assyrian alliance entered into between 622 and 617 b.c.

621 b.c.
Lunar eclipse in 5th year of Nabopolassar, 22 April 621 = 127th year of Nabonassar Era.

ca. 616 b.c.
Megiddo became an Egyptian base before 616, but after 646 b.c., and remained under Egyptian control until 605 b.c. Megiddo stratum II fortress built by Pharaoh
Psamtik I, or Josiah. The Egyptian army defeated the Babylonians under Nabopolassar on the upper Euphrates as they advanced against Asshur-in 616, or earlier.
   Birth of Jehoiachin.

614 b.c.
Cyaxares, ruler of Media (ca. 625-585), leads the Medes in the destruction of Asshur, and Neo-Babylonians help loot the city, having recently become allied with the
Medes. Possible birth of Nephi ca. 614 b.c. at 18 years from 596 b.c. (cf. 1 Ne. 1:4, 2:16).

612 b.c.
Nineveh destroyed by the Medes and Neo-Babylonians (Zeph. 2:13; Nahum 3:1-3).            Asshur-uballit, ruler of a rapidly waning Assyria (612-610 b.c.).

610 b.c.
Destruction of ï¿½arran by the Medes and Babylonians, from whence the Assyrian government-in-exile flees-despite efforts by their Egyptian allies to aid them.
Necho II (Niku; 610-594) succeeds his father, Psammetichus I, as Pharaoh of Egypt between July and September; also known as N-kï¿½w, Wï¿½m-ï¿½b-R>.

609 b.c.
Egyptian aid, including Greek mercenaries, rushed to the Euphrates (by Necho II) for the second year, in an effort to assist Asshur-uballit in retaking ï¿½arran; Josiah
attempted to oppose passage of the Egyptian army at Megiddo and was killed in battle. The Battle of Megiddo is evidenced by the destruction of Megiddo II at this
time. Josiah's death came shortly before Tammuz (Du'uz/Duzu = June-July) 609 b.c.; this was followed by the three-month reign of his son, Jehoahaz-Shallum at age
23 (2 Kgs. 22:1, 23:31; 2 Chr. 34:1, 36:2; during Tammuz, Ab, and Elul = June/July through September/ October), while the Egyptians and Assyrians laid a two-
month siege to ï¿½arran (until Ulul) which failed; Necho then had Jehoahaz brought to his base at Riblah, Hamath; deposed him and exiled him to Egypt; and replaced
him with his brother, Eliakim-Jehoiakim, whose accession was in Ethanim-Tishri (September-October), 609, but whose first regnal year began 1 Nisan 608 b.c. (2
Kgs. 23:31-34). During this period between the fall of Assyria and the rise of Babylon, Egypt gained control of Syro-Palestine and North Transjordan.
Timnah/Tamna> ((Tell Batash), on the mid-Sorek River in the Shephelah, destroyed shortly after Josiah's death.

608-598 b.c.
Jehoiakim-Eliakim, king of Judah at age 25 (2 Kgs. 23:36) prophet Uriah ben-Shemaiah of Qiryat-Yearim executed by Judahite officials, after fleeing for his life to
Egypt, during the reign of King Jehoiakim (Jer. 26:20-23). The prophet Habakkuk also preached during the reign of Jehoiakim, and the prophet Ben-Yoï¿½anan
ben Igdaliah was active during the same period (Jer. 35:4 LXX).

605 b.c.
Battle of Carchemish, Simanu (May-June) 605 b.c., during 4th year of the reign of Jehoiakim (4th regnal year beginning 1 Nisan 605; Jer. 46:2, 17, 22; 2 Kgs. 24:7).
In 606, and now in 605, the Egyptians had had to face the Babylonians alone at the Euphrates River. This time, the Egyptians under Necho II were annihilated by the
Babylonian troops under crown prince Nebuchadrezzar. 605 is also the first year of Nebuchadrezzar II of Babylon (605/604-562 b.c.; Jer. 25:1), i.e., Nabopolassar
died 16 August 605 (= 8 Ab), and Nebuchadrezzar's accession began 21 days later, 7 September (1 Elul)-his first regnal year beginning 1 Nisan 604 b.c. Nabu-
kudurri-uï¿½ur, "Nabï¿½-My-Boundary-Protect" or "Nabï¿½-My-Heir-Protect" = Nebuchadrezzar. In early 605, Jeremiah was put in stocks overnight by the
chief of the temple police (Jer. 20:1-4) he was also prohibited from entering the temple ever again, and he did not enter from 604 to 598 b.c. (Jer. 36:5; Jer. 35 is
prior to 605 b.c.).

604-537 b.c.
Duration of 70 years of captivity of Judah, according to G. Larsson, i.e., from 29 Elul (October) 604 to 537 b.c. as 70 lunar years (Jer. 25:3, 11-12) = 67.8 solar
years (= 24,780 days at 354 days per year [but 24,803.8 days at 354.34 days per year]). Larsson and others suggest that a token captivity of Jews began in 604 b.c.
(including young Daniel-Belte-shazzar the Prophet, Dan. 1:1, 2 Chr. 36:6-7). However, 70 years can also be figured in 360-day years from August (Ab) 586 to
March (Adar) 515 b.c. (from destruction to rebuilt temple), or in lunar years from January (Tebeth) 588 to December 521 b.c. (from siege to Darius). However, the
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                   Page    532   / 919
evidence for such a token captivity in either 604 or 605 is inadequate, and Dan. 1:1 may refer to a deportation in 597. King Eqron sent his Aramaic  letter, with
address on the outside in demotic Egyptian, requesting aid from Pharaoh Necho ca. 604, 603, or 598 b.c. = Saqqarah Letter of The script of this papyrus letter is
contemporary with > rï¿½d stratum VI, late seventh century b.c. After a siege, Ascalon-Ashkelon was captured by Nebuchadrezzar II in December 604 b.c. The
Duration of 70 years of captivity of Judah, according to G. Larsson, i.e., from 29 Elul (October) 604 to 537 b.c. as 70 lunar years (Jer. 25:3, 11-12) = 67.8 solar
years (= 24,780 days at 354 days per year [but 24,803.8 days at 354.34 days per year]). Larsson and others suggest that a token captivity of Jews began in 604 b.c.
(including young Daniel-Belte-shazzar the Prophet, Dan. 1:1, 2 Chr. 36:6-7). However, 70 years can also be figured in 360-day years from August (Ab) 586 to
March (Adar) 515 b.c. (from destruction to rebuilt temple), or in lunar years from January (Tebeth) 588 to December 521 b.c. (from siege to Darius). However, the
evidence for such a token captivity in either 604 or 605 is inadequate, and Dan. 1:1 may refer to a deportation in 597. King Eqron sent his Aramaic letter, with
address on the outside in demotic Egyptian, requesting aid from Pharaoh Necho ca. 604, 603, or 598 b.c. = Saqqarah Letter of The script of this papyrus letter is
contemporary with > rï¿½d stratum VI, late seventh century b.c. After a siege, Ascalon-Ashkelon was captured by Nebuchadrezzar II in December 604 b.c. The
brother of the Aeolic lyric poet Alcaeus, who had been in Babylon, took part in the siege.

603 b.c.
Capture of Gaza by Babylonians (Jer. 46-47).

ca. 601 b.c.
Nebuchadrezzar II defeated by Necho II at Magdolus-Migdol, Egypt, in 601 or early 600 b.c. Necho then chased the Babylonian army to Philistia and conquered
Gaza. This is the date of the prophecy of Jeremiah against Philistia (Jer. 46:1-2, 5, 13; 47:1)

ca. 600 b.c.
King > (inadab (>mndb) of > mmon in Transjordan. Kapila of India; (other of the famous contemporaries of Lehi and Nephi, in the seventh and sixth centuries
b.c., were Arion of Lesbos, Periander of Corinth (both late seventh and early sixth centuries b.c.), Terpander of Lesbos (mid-seventh century b.c.), Thales of Miletus
(624-548/545 b.c.), Anaximander of Miletus (610-ca. 546 b.c.), Anaximenes of Miletus (fl. 545 b.c.), Tyrtaeus (mid-seventh century b.c.), Mimnermus of Colophon
(mid-seventh century b.c.), Alcaeus (Asian Aeolic, fl. 620-580 b.c.), Sappho of Lesbos (Psappho; Asian/ Lesbian Aeolic, fl. 610-580 b.c.), Pitaccus of Lesbos (late
seventh and early sixth centuries b.c.), Archilochus of Paros (seventh century b.c.), Solon of Athens (630-560 b.c.), Bias of Ionia (sixth century b.c.), Pythagoras of
Samos (ca. 582-500; taught that the spherical earth moves around a fiery fixed point, also taught by his follower Philolaus, who included the plurality of inhabited
worlds), (Polycrates (fl. 535-522 b.c.), Xenophanes of Colophon (ca. 560-478 b.c.), Peisistratus of Athens (ca. 600-527 b.c.), Cleisthenes of Athens (ca. 570-
508 b.c.), Alcmaeon of Croton (ca. 550-475 b.c.), Draco of Athens (ca. 621 b.c.), Sanchuniathon of Berytus (Phoenician priest, early sixth century), King Croesus of
Lydia (560-546 b.c.; capital at Sardis captured by the Persians in 546 b.c.; he was allied with both Pharaoh Amasis II and Nabonidus of Babylon), Zarathustra
(Zoroaster; ca. 625-551 b.c.), Lao-Tzu (Tao), Kung Fu-Tzu (Confucius; ca. 551-479 b.c.), Sun-Tzu, Siddhï¿½rta Gautama (the Buddha), Gosala (ca. 535 b.c.), and
Vardhamï¿½na the Mahï¿½vï¿½ra Jina (Jaina; ca. 540-468 b.c., or died ca. 485 b.c.). Zoroastrianism, Taoism, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Jainism arising
contemporaneously with Jeremiah and Ezekiel suggests to J. N. D. Anderson that "the possibility of some cross-fertilization of ideas . . . can by no means be
discounted." Moreover, were the Buddha and the Mahï¿½vï¿½ra anti-Brï¿½hmanic Kï¿½atriyas? Ca. 600 b.c., Pharaoh Necho II sent an expedition of Phoenicians
by ship around the Cape of Africa from >Ezion-Geber Island (Jazirat Fara> n) on the Red Sea-the crew reported that the sun was observed on their right as they
rounded the Cape, which Herodotus regarded as an error, though C. H. Gordon and Isaac Asimov regard such a report as excellent evidence of the authenticity of
the voyage, and this may have been a repeat of earlier such voyages. (By the seventh century b.c., Phoenicia had trading-posts at Mogador and Lixus on the
Atlantic coast of Morocco, and its bases and settlements elsewhere were already centuries old: Cyprus, Sicily (Motya), Malta, Sardinia (Nora, and Sulcis), Spain
(Almu-ecar, Cadiz, Utica, and Carmona), and North Africa generally (Libya, Carthage ["New-City"], etc.). (The "Pillars of Hercules" was once the equivalent of the
westernmost extent of the Phoenician trade network, i.e., Lixus, Tingis (Tangier), and Gades (Cadiz). The Temple of Hercules at Gades (Cadiz-Gadeira) had two
bronze columns with inscriptions called the "Pillars of Hercules." (Prophets contemporary with Jeremiah and Lehi included Zephaniah (ca. 680-620), Huldah (622
b.c.), Habakkuk (ca. 609-598), Nahum (620-605?), Daniel, the unknown author of Lamentations, Ben-Yohanan ben Igdaliah (Jeremiah 35:4 LXX; ca. 605-537),
Uriah ben Shemaiah (Jeremiah 26:20-23; ca. 609-598), and young Ezekiel, who was carried to Babylon in 597 (called in 593, and preached 20 years); Jeremiah
himself was born ca. 643, near the end of the reign of Manasseh, and his ministry covered the period from 627-582 b.c.

598 b.c.
In his 11th year, Jehoiakim revolted against Babylonian rule. At first, the local garrisons attempted but failed to control the rebellion. It is unclear whether Jehoiakim
died while Nebuchadrezzar II was en route to ï¿½atti-land (Syro-Palestine) to control the rebellion, or was captured and fettered by him after his arrival (Jer. 22:19; 2
Kgs. 24:6; 2 Chr. 36:6). Nebuchadrezzar arrived with his army in Judah in Kislimu (late December 598/early January 597) of his seventh year-and immediately laid
siege to Jerusalem. Jehoiachin (Coniah/Yokin), son of Jehoiakim, reigned three months and ten days (2 Kgs. 24:8; 2 Chr. 36:9), i.e., from 9 December (22
Arakhsamnu) 598 to the capture of Jerusalem on Saturday, 16 March (2 Addaru) 597, or from 16 January (1 Tebeth) 597 to his exile and replacement on 22 April
(10 Nisanu [Abib]) 597. Immediately upon the capture of Jerusalem, Nebuchadrezzar deported 3,023 Jews (Jer. 52:28), but as many as 10,000 on 10 Nisan-
just after the beginning of his 8th year on 1 Nisan (2 Kgs. 24:12-16; Ezek. 40:1; 2 Chr. 36:10). It was during this foray against Judah that Nebuchadrezzar
destroyed the Citadel at > (ï¿½d (stratum VI), (as well as the fortress at Kadesh-Barnea in the Negeb (= Tell el-Qudeirat).

597 b.c.
Mattaniah-Zedekiah placed on throne at age 21 as king of Judah by Nebuchadrezzar II on 10 Nisanu (22 April) 597. This was his accession year (= 9th year of
Nebuchadrezzar), but he was not officially crowned until at least 1 Tashritu (ca. 6 October) of that year, or on 1 Nisanu (ca. 1 April) of the following year-his first
regnal year beginning then (either can be New Year's Day). The Bible uses various methods of reckoning. It is not clear just which of these years is being referred to
by Jer. 49:34 (Masoretic Text) as "in the beginning of the reign of Zedekiah" (Jer. 25:20 Septuagint; cf. 1 Ne. 1:4). Lehi called as a prophet (1 Ne. 1:4-20) he and his
family probably left Jerusalem in mid-April [Nisan] 596 b.c. Nephi and his brothers probably returned in the summer to fall of 596 to obtain the clan records from
Laban (1 Ne. 3:2-4:38 and Lehi's brother-in-law Ishmael joined them all perhaps in the same year (1 Ne. 7:2-22; Zedekiah's latest possible first official regnal year
ends on 1 Nisan, ca. 21 March, 595 b.c.). Lehi's Egyptian learning and language skills, his wealth, and his ability to move rapidly in the wilderness all indicate that he
may have been part of the cosmopolitan "merchant aristocracy" of the day, which was a legacy of the Davidic and Solomonic period (Israel, Tyre, and Sidon then
shared a trade agreement [khibur], and the international trade involved many nations from the Mediterranean to the Red Sea and India). Whether as a caravaneer
involved in trade, or as a skilled metallurgist (cf. the semi-nomadic Qenites), Lehi may have found himself in Egypt on more than one occasion-and for extended
periods, if one is to judge by his expertise in Egyptian. The Lehites may have taken the most direct route south from Jerusalem through Hebron, > rï¿½d Rabbat, and
Zif, then down "the Way of Edom" to the Wï¿½di >Arabah (and Tamar), and through the wadi via the "Way to the Red Sea." The wadi was Edomite during the
seventh-sixth centuries b.c., including such cities as Punon/Feinan (Num. 33:42), Sela> (lt;Umm el-Biyara, Teiman/Tawilan, and Bozrah/Buseirï¿½h (Isaiah 34:6; 63:1,
Amos 1:12, Jeremiah 49:13, 22). The population of Judah, between 597 and 586 b.c., was now reduced from an eighth-century figure of 250,000 to around
125,000. More than a decade after the end of the exile, in 522 b.c., the total population of Judah was only around 20,000.

594 b.c.
Pharaoh Psammetichus II/Psamï¿½k II/Nfr-ï¿½b-R> (II (594-589 b.c.) rules Egypt.           He uses Jewish mercenary troops in his Nubian campaign.

ca. 593 b.c.
Ezekiel ben-Buzi, the priest, received his call to prophetic office at Til Abubi, near Nippur, Babylonia (Ezek. 1:1-2), and he served until ca. 571/570 b.c. (Ezek.
29:17). His wife died ca. 587/586 b.c. (Ezek. 24:18).

592 b.c.
 Copyright(Ya-u-kinu),
Jehoiakin    (c) 2005-2009, king Infobase  Media
                                 of Judah in exile,Corp.                                                                                                 Page 533 / II,
                                                   mentioned in cuneiform stores receipts (ration records) in Babylon, in the 13th year of the reign of Nebuchadrezzar 919
                                                                                                                                                                        five
years after the first fall of Jerusalem (Jer. 52:34).
29:17). His wife died ca. 587/586 b.c. (Ezek. 24:18).

592 b.c.
Jehoiakin (Ya-u-kinu), king of Judah in exile, mentioned in cuneiform stores receipts (ration records) in Babylon, in the 13th year of the reign of Nebuchadrezzar II, five
years after the first fall of Jerusalem (Jer. 52:34).

589 b.c.
Pharaoh ï¿½ophra>/Apries/ï¿½>>-ï¿½b-R> I/ Wï¿½ï¿½-ï¿½b-R> (IV (589-568 b.c.), the destroyer of Babylonian Sidon and Tyre in 587 b.c.; accession in
February 589; deposed and executed by Amasis II in 570 (Jeremiah 44:30), followed by Nebuchadrezzar's invasion soon thereafter. (The ambassadors of Edom,
Moab, Ammon, Tyre, and Sidon met with King Zedekiah in Jerusalem to plan a revolt against Babylonian rule in light of the new king of Egypt, Apries/ï¿½ophra
(Jeremiah 27:3; 2 Kings 24:20).

588 b.c.
On 15 January of 588 (10th day of Tebeth in his 18th year), King Nebuchadrezzar arrived to put down the revolt-only three cities held out for any length of time, i.e.,
Azeqah, Lachish, and Jerusalem (Jer. 34:7; 2 Kgs. 25:1). This was in the 9th regnal year of Zedekiah. He soon deported 832 Jews as a preliminary move (deserters
or captives? Jer. 52:29). Jeremiah purchased land and then was arrested as a deserter in the summer of 588 or 587 and was imprisoned for the duration of the siege
(Jer. 32-33, 37:4) Jeremiah's worst prison was named for "Malchiah son of the king," i.e., for a "contemporary son of king Zedekiah." Since several of the
immediately preceding Davidides ( Total eclipse of sun in eastern Asia Minor (predicted by Thales) 29 July 588 b.c., during a battle between the Medes and Lydians
in the 19th year of Nebuchadrezzar (or 23 May 585 b.c.).

588/587 b.c.
Lachish II (Tell ed-Duweir) destroyed by the Babylonians, and it is to this burn level that the 21 Lachish "Letters" are to be dated.   According to Y. Yadin, the
ostraca represent drafts of the papyrus letters sent from Lachish to Jerusalem.

587 b.c.
The Babylonian siege of Jerusalem was lifted temporarily on 15 Tebeth (7 January) 587 with the approach of the Egyptian army under Pharaoh Apries. This may refer
only to an Egyptian foray along the Phoenician coast, as described by Herodotus, in which Apries conquered Tyre and Sidon (Jer. 37:5). However, the Egyptians
suffered defeat by the Babylonians on 7 Nisan (29 April) and the siege of Jerusalem was then reinstituted.

586 b.c.
In the 11th year of Zedekiah/the 19th year of Nebuchadrezzar, the walls of Jerusalem are breached on 19 July (9 Tammuz) and the temple destroyed from 15 thru
18 August (7-10 Ab) 586 b.c. by Nebu-zar-Adan, captain of the guard (= Nabï¿½-Seri-Idinnam), the grand vizier of Babylonia. King Zedekiah is captured near
Jericho, after escaping from Jerusalem by night in late July or early August 586. He is taken to Nebuchadrezzar's headquarters at Riblah, where his sons (except for
MalkiYahu/Mulek, who escaped; Hel. 6:10; 8:10) are slaughtered before him and his eyes are put out; he is then taken to Babylon for a life of imprisonment (2 Kgs.
25:4, 6-7). On 5 Tebeth of the 12th year (= 6/8 January 585 b.c.), after a five-month journey from Jerusalem, a refugee reports the destruction. Since it would
have taken not less than two months for the news to have traveled into southernmost Arabia, the Lehites may have sailed away by October/November 586 b.c., with
news of the destruction of Jerusalem only coming via revelation after landfall in the New World (2 Ne. 1:4). Moreover, New World landfall for the Lehites may have
come as early as July-August 586. Around this time, another group, including a son of King Zedekiah named Mulek (possibly the Phoenician form of his name), left
the Middle East by an unknown route and sailed to the New World. A major deportation of Jews followed the destruction (2 Kgs. 25:11). Lamentations was
written in Judah by an unknown eyewitness and contemporary of Jeremiah. Edom now took advantage of the defeat of Judah by moving into the Negeb proper,
including > (ï¿½d and

585 b.c.
Thirteen-year siege laid to Tyre by Nebuchadrezzar without more than an acknowledgment of Babylonian suzerainty.

ca. 582 b.c.
Revolt against Gedaliah, the governor of Judah under Babylonian suzerainty (23rd year of Nebuchadrezzar II). Gedaliah was assassinated by Jews led by one Ishm>
(lt;el, a member of the exiled royal house (2 Kings 25:22-26; Jeremiah 40:6-41:18; cf. Gedaliah Seal, Lachish stratum I). Ishmael escaped to >Ammon. A third
deportation followed, and this effectively depopulated Judah, although some scholars now claim that the decimation of population was not as great as earlier believed.
    (Small groups of Jews escaped into Egypt, where Jewish communities already existed and where King Jehoahaz had been in exile since 609 b.c. (2 Kings 25:26,
Isaiah 30:1-2; 31:1; Jeremiah 24:8; 43:7; 44:1); (these escapees included the friends of Gedaliah-who escorted the daughters of Zedekiah (Jeremiah 43:6-7) and
took Jeremiah, against his will, to Tahpanhes (Daphne/Tell Defneh), Egypt (where he spoke his last words) (Jeremiah 43:8-13, and 44). Jeremiah's scribe there,
Seraiah, edited his work and completed his biography by 570 b.c., when Amasis led a mutiny and deposed Pharaoh Hophra>, followed by Nebuchadrezzar's invasion
of Egypt in 568 b.c. (Jer. 44:30).

573 b.c.
25th anniversary of exile of Judah, 10 Nisan (28 April) 573, which was in the 14th year after the conquest of 586 b.c. (Ezek. 40:1).

572 b.c.
Siege of Tyre lifted by Nebuchadrezzar II, although Aradus (Arwad) and Sidon were destroyed. The Phoenician priest of Ba> l-Shamem, Sanchuniaton, fled from
Tyre to Berytus/Beirut-he was a contemporary of Thales of Miletus.

570 b.c.
Accession of Pharaoh > ï¿½-mose II/Amosis II/ï¿½nm-'b-R> (570-525 b.c.), a friend of Polycrates and a patron of the arts-he greatly expanded trade with Greece.


568 b.c.
Nebuchadrezzar's punitive expedition against Egypt, which resulted in better long-term relations.    Eclipse 4 July 568 b.c., 37th year of Nebuchadrezzar = 180th year
of Nabonassar Era.

562 b.c.
Accession of Amel-Marduk/Evil-Merodach of Babylon (October 562-August 560 b.c.). The new king releases Jehoiachin of Judah from prison in the 37th year of
his exile (2 Kgs. 25:27; Jer. 52:31). This confirms that the first year of his exile was based on the capture of Jerusalem on 2 Adar 597.

560 b.c.
 Copyrightof
Accession  (c)Nergal-shar-uï¿½ur/Neriglissar
               2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
                                             of Babylon (August 560-April/May 556).                                                                 Page 534 / 919

556 b.c.
his exile (2 Kgs. 25:27; Jer. 52:31).   This confirms that the first year of his exile was based on the capture of Jerusalem on 2 Adar 597.

560 b.c.
Accession of Nergal-shar-uï¿½ur/Neriglissar of Babylon (August 560-April/May 556).

556 b.c.
Two-month rule of Labashi-Marduk of Babylon (May-June 556). He was succeeded by the last king of Neo-Babylonia, Nabï¿½naProv. 31:1 MT; cf. Gen. 25:14;
1 Chr. 1:30) he remained there for 8-10 years, because of the anger of the citizenry of Babylon over his impiety. Cf. Dan. 5 and 9 on Belshazzar/Bel-shar-uï¿½ur,
son of Nabonidus, who remained in charge of affairs in Babylon (e.g., handwriting on wall interpreted 12 October 539 b.c.). Nabonidus extended his control into
Arabia as far south as Yathrib/ Medina.

553 b.c.
King ï¿½iram III of Tyre (553-533 b.c.), mentioned in the Pyrgi Inscription (550) and in the Paraï¿½ba Inscription (ca. 536 b.c.). The latter, also known as the Pedra
Lavrada Inscription, is considered a forgery by William F. Albright, Frank Moore Cross, and Mark Lidzbarski. However, other experts have considered it
authentic: C. H. Gordon and Konstantin Schlottman (in 1874).

ca. 551 b.c.
Destruction of the Jaredites, and the finding of Coriantumr by the Mulekites (Ether 1:5; Omni 1:21).

541 b.c.
Nephi began to be old and gave up record to Jacob (Jacob 1:1, 9, 12), at ca. 72 years of age.

539 b.c.
Cyrus II the Great, Achaemenid Persian ruler of Babylonia (October/November 539, January 538 to June/August 530 b.c.). He had already taken over Media in
550 b.c., and had been ruler of Anshan before that. Darius the Mede (539-525; Dan. 5:31; 6:1), otherwise unknown to history, may have been Gubaru, governor of
Gutium under Nabonidus, but commander of Cyrus' armies in conquering Babylon and administering the empire. However, since Dan. 5 and 6 follow 7 and 8
chronologically, it is also possible that the reference is to Darius I Hystaspes (whatever the case, the book of Daniel is held by most scholars to be an apocalyptic
pseudepigraphon).

538 b.c.
Decree of Cyrus II for restoration of Jews
and their temple (2 Chr. 36:22-23; Isa. 44:27-28; 45:1; Ezra 1:1-6//6:3-5      confirmed in 520 b.c. by Darius I. Project placed under direction of Prince Shesh-
bazzar/Shenazar, fourth son of Jeconiah (ca. 592-522; 1 Chr. 3:18).

530 b.c.
Cambyses II, ruler of Babylonia (August/ September 530 to March/April 522); coregent with Cyrus II from March 530.

525 b.c.
Cambyses conquers Egypt (using Greek mercenaries, while Amasis was allied with the Tyrant of Samos), and has himself crowned Pharaoh; Amasis has meanwhile
died and been replaced by his son Psammetichus III. The Jewish colony at Elephantine/Yeb is first mentioned; it may have been established by a pharaoh of the 26th
Dynasty, such as Apries, or Amasis II, although Isaiah appears to refer to a Jewish colony there in the eighth century b.c. (Isa. 49:12 = 1 Ne. 21:12, Sinim
"Syene/Aswan). Possibly during the reign of Manasseh, the paganizing king of Judah (664-610 b.c.), priests fled for refuge to Elephantine and built the temple there
which was found later by Cambyses. This was a real five-gated temple (despite Deut. 12:13-14), and the fifth-century Elephantine papyri are surprising in that they
lack any reference to the Law, Moses, Exodus, Patriarchs, Sabbath, Levites, etc., and the only festival mentioned is Unleavened Bread. Their temple was destroyed
possibly three times: (1) in 410 b.c. by the priests of Khnï¿½m-the Persian military commander, Vidranga, looking the other way; it was rebuilt before 402 b.c.; (2) the
second destruction came ca. 399 with the accession of Pharaoh Nepherites I, founder of the 29th Dynasty; (3) however, the last papyrus from there is dated
between 375-350 b.c., implying a possible later destruction of a Jewish temple rebuilt there for the third time. Jews later built temples at Leontopolis (Tell el-
Yehudiyeh, Egypt), Araq el-Emir (in Transjordan), Sardis (in Lydia), etc.

523 b.c.
Eclipse 16 July 523 b.c., seventh year of Cambyses = 225th year of Nabonassar Era.

522 b.c.
Pseudo-Bardiya/Smerdis/Gaumata rules for several months, following the suicide of Cambyses (March/July to September 522). Nebuchadrezzar III Nidintua-Bel
rules for a month (October-November/December 522 b.c.). Darius I Hystaspes then took the throne in December 522/January-February 521 until a revolt in
August/September 521, during which he was displaced by Nebuchadrezzar IV Araka, until October/November 521. Darius then retook the throne in December
521/January 520 and ruled until September/November 486 b.c.

ca. 520 b.c.
Decree of Darius I confirming the Decree of Cyrus II in 538 b.c. for restoration of Jewish temple and polity; building of the temple begins in 2nd year of Darius, under
governor Zerubbabel, royal nephew of Sheshbazzar (ca. 570-500; Ezra 4:5, 24; 5:5; 6:1; Hag. 1:1-2:1 10, 18). Haggai and Zechariah prophets of this period (ca.
520); Joshua ben-Jehozadak the high priest.

515 b.c.
Jewish temple dedicated in Jerusalem in the sixth regnal year of Darius I, 23 Adar (March 12) 515, about 70 years after the destruction of the Temple of Solomon in
586 b.c. The seven-day celebration leads to 1 Nisan and the New Year Festival (Ezra 6:13-18).

502 b.c.
Eclipse 19 November 502 b.c., 20th year of Darius I = 246th year of Nabonassar Era.

491 b.c.
Eclipse 25 April 491 b.c., 31st year of Darius I = 257th year of Nabonassar Era.

486 b.c.
Accession of Xerxes I the Great (December 486/January 485 to March-August 465 b.c.); origin of Book of Esther is to be placed in this reign or in that of his
successor,
 CopyrightArtaxerxes   I, or even
             (c) 2005-2009,        of Artaxerxes
                              Infobase           II Mnemon (404-358 b.c.), i.e., perhaps contemporary with the Chronicler, with the final editor ofPage
                                        Media Corp.                                                                                                Esther in the / 919
                                                                                                                                                           535
Hellenistic period. "Script" and "language" are carefully distinguished in Esth. 8:9 (cf. Neh. 13:24; Isa. 19:18).

465 b.c.
Eclipse 25 April 491 b.c., 31st year of Darius I = 257th year of Nabonassar Era.

486 b.c.
Accession of Xerxes I the Great (December 486/January 485 to March-August 465 b.c.); origin of Book of Esther is to be placed in this reign or in that of his
successor, Artaxerxes I, or even of Artaxerxes II Mnemon (404-358 b.c.), i.e., perhaps contemporary with the Chronicler, with the final editor of Esther in the
Hellenistic period. "Script" and "language" are carefully distinguished in Esth. 8:9 (cf. Neh. 13:24; Isa. 19:18).

465 b.c.
Accession of Artaxerxes I Longimanus/Ahasuerus (465-423 b.c.).

445 b.c.
Decree of Artaxerxes I, 14 March (1 Nisan) 445 b.c., at the request of Nehemiah, to rebuild the city walls of Jerusalem with royal supplies (= 20th year of
Artaxerxes); Nehemiah was made governor of Judah (Neh. 2:1-8, 5:14, 10:1).

Excursus
the Arabian Nexus

Not only did Jews flee to Moab, Edom, Ammon, and Egypt in the wake of Nebuchadrezzar's invasion and conquest of Judah (Jer. 40:11; 42-44; Deut. 28:64-68),
but Hebrews other than Lehi may well have taken up residence in Arabia proper during the Exile-possibly as mercenary troops for King Nabonidus, who was in
residence in Arabia from about 550 to 540 b.c. He held court at Teimï¿½/Taymï¿½ It is quite possible that, as was the case then at Aswan, Egypt, an Israelite
community existed in Arabia already by the eighth century b.c., formed of fugitives from the fall of Samaria and the Northern Kingdom of Israel. It is unknown
whether Lehi's ancestors had gone down to Egypt at that time.

Since Solomonic times, and long before Lehi, other Israelites were undoubtedly involved in the extensive incense trade along the South Arabian caravan routes, as well
as in sailing from > zion-Geber to India during the summer monsoon, and returning with their spices and other trade goods during the winter monsoon, presumably
making stops at ports along the way. More recently, a British lieutenant contemporary with Joseph Smith provided us with a description of his exploration of that
same Arabian coast on behalf of the British East India Company.

A number of areas along the South Arabian coast might fit the "bountiful" description of the place at which the Lehites stopped to prepare for their voyage across the
bounding main. Dhufar and the Eastern Haï¿½ramaut (biblical Haï¿½armaveth, possibly called Sa However, the mountains are higher and more verdant in either
The Yemen itself receives the most monsoon rain of any country in Arabia-primarily during the spring and early summer. Warren and Michaela Aston of Queensland,
Australia, have reported on their visit to the Yemen, which demonstrated to them the likelihood that Lehi's course may have taken him to a Bountiful in the Hadramaut
or other part of the 500-mile coast along which frankincense trees grew anciently.

What was South Arabia like in the middle of the first millennium b.c.? Through what sort of world did the Lehites move? Who lived there? What was so felicitous about
Arabia Felix? If we are told so little of this South Arabian world by the Book of Mormon, is it because the book is not a travelogue? In 1 Nephi, as in the Bible, there
is only a peripheral interest in the sights and sounds of the ancient world. As John Bright put it, the

Genesis narrative is painted in blacks and whites on a simple canvas with no perspective in depth. It depicts certain individuals and their families who move through their
world almost as if they were alone in it.

The climate was less arid than at present, with much more abundant animal life and vegetation throughout the region. Under such conditions, precipitation caused less
erosion, and the desert regions had not yet encroached on arable lands to the extent that they have in our own time. Climatic variability is shown in the greatly
increased rainfall throughout the Mediterranean and Arabo-Persian Gulf areas during the medieval "Little Ice Age." Throughout Syro-Palestine, the current vegetation
is mostly of the well-adapted interpluvial type, except for the trees-most of which are pluvial in nature, and which tell the true story of a much less arid climatic past.
In Saudi Arabia, the most recent sinter formation (siliceous/calcareous) is dated by C-14 to ca. 3080 b.c., in the As-Salb Plateau, northwest of Al-Jirthamiyah. The
region has grown more arid since then. Not only climate, however, but the depredations of man have led to a deteriorating watershed, i.e., flora as well as fauna have
been intensively overutilized. Only in Israel have massive programs of reforestation and soil conservation been successfully undertaken in recent times. Arabia has only
recently begun similar efforts. Whatever the case, certainly some perennial streams ("rivers") exist in Arabia today, as in Wadi Sayq in Oman.

South Arabia had been occupied by man since the Old Stone Age, but even by the middle of the second millennium b.c., only nomads could be found in South Arabia.
Although nomadism among the Arabs has continued from that time to the present, a developed sedentary culture then suddenly appeared. Linguistic evidence suggests
an earlier date, but Semites certainly settled Saba At Hajar bin ï¿½umeid, in Wï¿½di Beiï¿½an, for example, the earliest level of occupation (stratum S) is to be
dated to ca. twelfth century b.c. W. F. Albright insisted that the South Arabian kingdoms began in the thirteenth or fourteenth centuries b.c.

The unnamed Queen of Sheba (Saba1 Kgs. 10:1-13; 2 Chr. 9:1-12, 14). This Sabaean queen came with a camel caravan loaded with gold, precious stones, and
spices; frankincense and myrrh were the real reasons for the great wealth of South Arabia then and for over a millennium thereafter. She came over 1400 miles,
probably via the inland Marib-Yathrib-Dedan route through Wï¿½di al-Qurï¿½, in no more than 2 1/2 months. With the vigorous overland trade which went on with
Arabia, it is no surprise that J. Kelso has found a ninth-century b.c. South Arabian stamp seal at Bethel, that Y. Shiloh's Jerusalem excavations have recovered
pottery with South Arabian script from the seventh to sixth century b.c. City of David, nor that eighth and ninth century b.c. Assyrian kings mention making war upon
and receiving tribute from the northern colonies of Saba Pliny the Elder and Diodorus Siculus later thought the Sabaeans to be the richest people in the world.

As we have seen, there may have been some perennial rivers in Arabia ca. 600 b.c., but we cannot be certain of the precise climatic conditions there at the time when
Lehi left Jerusalem. Thus, aside from some constant streams fed by springs, conventional wisdom has it that there were no perennial rivers in South Arabia then-only
wadis (river-beds) with occasional seils (flash-floods a few weeks of the year). So early South Arabian irrigation sought mostly a quick and broad distribution of the
seils. The best example of this is the 600-meter Marib diversionary dam at the mouth of Wï¿½di Dhana, 8 km west of Marib. It was not designed to hold a reservoir,
but diverted water into a canal system via stone sluices, with secondary and tertiary sluices built of rubble. 1,620 hectares (4,000 acres) were irrigated in this manner.
Crops grown then included grapes, cumin, flax, sesame, barley, millet, oats, and teff (teff may have been the primary source of flour in ancient South Arabia and is still
used to make bread in Ethiopia); the dam was destroyed in the sixth century a.d. Across Wï¿½di Dhana, 3 km from Marib, is the strongly fortified, oval-walled
Temple of Marib, Maï¿½ram Bilqis, with a large bronze basin in the floor at the doorway, and a sixth century b.c. Phoenician-style statue of Ba> l Melqart in a lion skin
in the peristyle hall.

At 1 x .5 km, Marib itself was comparable in area to other great cities of the ancient Near East. The Sabaean tell of Marib now has only a small village with about
15 families, but might have had a peak population of 22,500 people in its approximately 50 hectares if we follow the ratio of 500 people per hectare (10,000 m2)
estimated for various ancient and modern Near Eastern cities by Braidwood, Reed, Weulersse, Shiloh, and Kasten. Or, at 5 persons per house, and 60 houses per
hectare, the population of Marib might have been 13,500. According to other known ratios, these two population figures might well be halved, i.e., 6,750 to 11,250;
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                               with an estimate that 10% of the buildings were governmental.                                                     Page 536 / 919

Other than the Sabaean state, with its final capital at Marib, there also arose in southernmost South Arabia a number of later Iron Age contemporaries: In North Yemen
At 1 x .5 km, Marib itself was comparable in area to other great cities of the ancient Near East. The Sabaean tell of Marib now has only a small village with about
15 families, but might have had a peak population of 22,500 people in its approximately 50 hectares if we follow the ratio of 500 people per hectare (10,000 m2)
estimated for various ancient and modern Near Eastern cities by Braidwood, Reed, Weulersse, Shiloh, and Kasten. Or, at 5 persons per house, and 60 houses per
hectare, the population of Marib might have been 13,500. According to other known ratios, these two population figures might well be halved, i.e., 6,750 to 11,250;
all figures here are in accord with an estimate that 10% of the buildings were governmental.

Other than the Sabaean state, with its final capital at Marib, there also arose in southernmost South Arabia a number of later Iron Age contemporaries: In North Yemen
there was Ma> (, with its capital at Qarnaw; in West Aden, centering on Wï¿½di Beiï¿½an, and bordering on Saba (which was four times the size of Israelite
Megiddo! [Tamna> was destroyed in a.d. 15, and never reoccupied]); in the Hadramaut, including Dhofar, the Qaramuluk "kings." Although precise dating of the
establishment of these states is still a matter of study and controversy, all were apparently in existence before the time of Lehi. (The Sabaeans and Minaeans
established colonies along the inland caravan route to the north, at such sites as Yathrib (Medina), Didan/Dedan (al-Khuraybah, near al->Ula), and Mada These
latter states were formed too late to have been known to Lehi, though the tribes themselves may have existed much earlier. Indeed, as suggested by Lynn M. and Hope
A. Hilton, the Semitic root for the names Leï¿½i and Liï¿½yan are one and the same. Winnett and Reed note that "the kingdom of Lihyan . . . dates to the Persian
and Hellenistic periods," after Dedan, which was a Minaean colony, showing that Liï¿½yan lasted from ca. 400 b.c. to ca. a.d. 500.

The AFSM (American Foundation for the Study of Man) continued its South Arabian excavations after a thirty-year hiatus. During the 1982-83 seasons, 101 mostly
pre-Islamic sites were found in Wï¿½di Al-Jubah, North Yemen. Dated by C-14 to the first millennium b.c., these "sites were part of a massive agricultural system
which was located in a protected wadi system, and which lay on the trading routes between Qataban, Sheba, and finally either the Syro-Palestinian coast, Egypt, or the
Persian Gulf." Adjacent to the border of North Yemen, during 1983, a team of Saudis and Americans found ancient smelters and tons of mining slag at ten separate
sites, along with available sources of gold, copper, and iron. Archaeological leavings are sufficiently rich now that the Saudi government has established six site
museums-at TaimaUla. Indeed, the U.S. Geological Survey has suggested that the Mahd Dhahab, "Cradle of Gold," in the neighborhood of Taima on the Haj route
in Saudi Arabia was truly the site of the fabulous Solomon's Mines, from whence Solomon and Hiram brought nearly 31 metric tons of gold (1086 talents) = half the
known gold supply of the ancient world.

Beginning in 1882, hundreds of Yemenite Jews began traveling by foot along the coast of the Arabian Peninsula to Palestine or Aden for transportation via the Red
Sea. As late as 1950, one clan of these Yemenite Jews came to the newly formed state of Israel from ï¿½abban, a town in central Hadramaut (the tribe of ï¿½imyar
had anciently been just to the South). When their ancestors had arrived in Hadramaut is unknown, but they had no Levites or kohanim (priests), and they dressed very
strangely. They settled at Moshav Bareket and Kefar Shalem in Israel in 1950, and in 1970 their clan numbered around 180 families. In Najran and to the South, in
pre-Islamic Yemen (Yamanat), Jews lived in Kinda, Aden, Zabid, Zafar, and San> ( Jews also lived throughout the ï¿½ijï¿½z during the early Roman period and are
mentioned in Liï¿½yanite inscriptions. Indeed, there is good reason to hold that the Jews were then actively preaching their religion and successfully converting pre -
Islamic Arabs. With the rise of Muhammad (whose new religion was a form of Judaism), the males of the larger ï¿½ijï¿½zi Jewish communities were expelled or put to
the sword, and many of their women and children absorbed into Arab society as slaves. Except for those Jews further to the South, Judaism in this area ceased to exist.


The details of Lehi's trek down the Tiï¿½ was the site of just another pagan shrine, the Ka> (, although it venerated a meteoric stone, al-ï¿½ajar al-Aswad, "The
Black Stone," which later came to be connected to Abrahamic legend, and which was one of the few such pagan objects to be retained by iconoclastic Islam (there
was also a Ka>ba at Nejran on the Saudi-Yemen border, and one at San>ï¿½). Lehi and Nephi may have avoided such centers and stayed in marginal caravan and
nomad areas. Such a small clan would have presented little threat to already extant tribes, and, as E. Marx recently pointed out,

tribesmen do not necessarily reserve pastures for their own use. In South Sinai, for instance, each tribe grants the others the use of pastures in its territory, but reserves
for its members the right to build houses, plant orchards, and use smuggling trails.

The rules of the pastoral nomads themselves would have made it possible for Lehi to move down the Peninsula unobtrusively. It seems unlikely that his small clan would
even have been charged a caravan levy.

Although we are not told, Lehi's clan undoubtedly moved through the wilderness by camel-for illustrations of camels and Israelite dress of the period, see the Jehu panel
on Shalmaneser III's Black Obelisk, and the palace bas reliefs of Sennacherib's conquest of Lachish. The physical type of these people-Jews and Arabs-was
uniformly Mediterraneanoid. Moreover, their languages were very similar. Nibley cites Albright and others to the effect that there was no real distinction in
language or culture among the desert peoples of the Patriarchal and later Classical Israelite periods. It is a major mistake, however, to extend this similarity to the
particulars of recent Bedouin (Arab) dress and culture.

Indeed, the name Leï¿½i is a common personal and clan name in Safaitic, Liï¿½yanite, Thamudic, Minaean, Qatabanian, and Sabaean (including theophoric forms);
Laman can likewise be found among Safaitic names as L The place-name first appears in a ca. 735 b.c. inscription of Tiglath-Pileser III and seems to have been
located just to the north of Taimï¿½

* Nearly two decades ago, Professor John L. Sorenson asked me to prepare this piece as part of his larger program to place Book of Mormon events in real time and
space. I especially wish to thank Cynthia Booras, Rebecca M. Flinders, and Marc-Charles Ingerson for their help in preparing this paper for publication.

 2 Jay H. Huber, "Lehi's 600-Year Prophecy and the Birth of Christ" (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1983), citing especially Ptolemy's Almagest, and Richard Parker and
Waldo H. Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c. to a.d. 75, 3rd ed. (Providence, R.I.: Brown University Press, 1956), throughout.

  3 Independence (Mo) Examiner, 17 September 1977 (Church of Christ ad); Apostle Orson Pratt had long before noted the very same dating error of Dionysius in
JD 15:254-55 (29 December 1872).

   4 Various Latter-day Saint General Authorities have come to the same conclusion on Herod, e.g., Orson Pratt, JD 15:255, 260; J. Reuben Clark, Jr., Our Lord of
the Gospels (1954; reprint, Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1974), vii; and Bruce R. McConkie, The Mortal Messiah (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1979-1981),
1:349-50, 356, 4:6, 19-20, 196-all of whom wisely allow that the date of Jesus' birth could have been in 5 b.c., and his death in a.d. 30, in lieu of an official Church
position on the matter. Recent studies by Latter-day Saint scholars, on the other hand, have failed to come to grips with the hard realities of either Book of Mormon or
ancient Near Eastern chronology, e.g., John Lefgren, April Sixth (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1980); John Pratt, "The Restoration of Priesthood Keys on Easter
1836, Part 1: Dating the First Easter," Ensign 15 (June 1985): 59-68; Joseph T. Hepworth, "Dating the Birth of Jesus Christ," Sunstone (January-February 1984): 9-
13; cf. replies by Ray Soller, "Seek History, Not Harmony," Sunstone (February 1985): 3, and Kathleen R. Snow, "Examine Assumptions," Sunstone (March 1985):
2.

  5 J. E. S. Thompson under "Chronology," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed., Macropaedia, 4:581a.

  6 John L. Sorenson, "Observations on Nephite Chronology," Book of Mormon Working Paper 8a (April 1970); John L. Sorenson, "Comments on Nephite
 Copyright (c)Journal
Chronology,"   2005-2009,  Infobase
                      of Book       Media
                              of Mormon   Corp. 2/2 (1993): 207-11; John L. Sorenson, "The Book of Mormon as a Mesoamerican Codex," Newsletter
                                        Studies                                                                                        Page 537   and/ 919
Proceedings of the SEHA 139 (December 1976): 8 n. 55 (now distributed as a FARMS reprint); John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of
Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985), 270-76. Cf. Randall P. Spackman, "Introduction to Book of Mormon Chronology: The Principal
  5 J. E. S. Thompson under "Chronology," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed., Macropaedia, 4:581a.

  6 John L. Sorenson, "Observations on Nephite Chronology," Book of Mormon Working Paper 8a (April 1970); John L. Sorenson, "Comments on Nephite
Chronology," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/2 (1993): 207-11; John L. Sorenson, "The Book of Mormon as a Mesoamerican Codex," Newsletter and
Proceedings of the SEHA 139 (December 1976): 8 n. 55 (now distributed as a FARMS reprint); John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of
Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985), 270-76. Cf. Randall P. Spackman, "Introduction to Book of Mormon Chronology: The Principal
Prophecies, Calendars, and Dates" (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1993).

  7 For additional detail over much of this period, see William W. Hallo's still useful "From Qarqar to Carchemish: Assyria and Israel in the Light of New Discoveries,"
Biblical Archaeologist 23 (1960): 34-61, reprinted in Biblical Archaeologist Reader, ed. Edward F. Campbell and David Noel Freedman (Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday-Anchor, 1964), 2:152-88.

  8 John Bright, A History of Israel, 3rd ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1981), 257-66; Edwin R. Thiele, The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings , 3rd ed.
(Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983), 116-18.

  9 Bright, History of Israel, 257-59; also known as Azriyau/Azriau of Yaudi to the Assyrians; see ibid., 270, citing James B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern
Texts relating to the Old Testament, 3rd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 282-83; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 118-23.

  10 David Noel Freedman, "The Prophet Micah: The Central Message," Biblical Archaeology Society Los Angeles Seminar, Marina Del Rey, 21 October 1995; cf.
Bryant G. Wood, "Biblical Archaeology's Greatest Achievement," Biblical Archaeology Review 21/3 (1995): 34.

  11 Kenneth A. Kitchen, "Late-Egyptian Chronology and the Hebrew Monarchy," Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 5 (1973):
226.

  12 Jonathan T. Glass, "The Problem of Chronology in Mesopotamia," Biblical Archaeologist 47 (June 1984): 92.

  13 Klaus Baer, "The Libyan and Nubian Kings of Egypt: Notes on the Chronology of Dynasties XXII to XXVI," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 32 (1973): 24-25;
Kitchen, "Late-Egyptian Chronology," 225-33; William F. Albright, Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (New Haven, Conn.: American Oriental
Society, 1934), 33-34, III.A., and 37-39, V; Kenneth A. Kitchen, Ancient Orient and Old Testament(London: Tyndale, 1966), 82-84; Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient
Egyptian Literature: A Book of Readings, vol. 3, The Late Period (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 67, citing Gï¿½nther Vittmann, "Zur Lesung des
Kï¿½nigsnamens Pï¿½-> ï¿½j,"Orientalia (43 (1974): 12-16.

  14 Hugh W. Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, The World of the Jaredites, There Were Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 20-21, 22-23; and
Klaus Baer, "The End of the Ramessides-and the Steps Leading to the Libyan Takeover," 13 February 1986, Ramses II International Lecture at BYU.

  15 Klaus Baer, "The Mind of Ancient Egypt: Time," Question and Answer Session, 21 August 1974, Education Week, BYU-contra Budge and Wilson.

  16 Bright, History of Israel, 271; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 123-24.

  17 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 124-28; Menihimmu paid tribute to Tiglath-Pileser III in 743, ibid., 139-43, 160.

  18 Bright, History of Israel, 273.

  19 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 129-31; cf. Hosea 5:5; 11:12.

  20 Bright, History of Israel, 288-98; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 131-33.

  21 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 125.

  Ancient Records from North Arabia (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1970), 101.

   (Rome: Istituto per l'Oriente, 1956), 1:1-14.

  24 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 128-29.

  25 Bright, History of Israel, 276.

  26 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 133-34, 152.

  27 Nelson Glueck, "The Civilization of the Edomites," in Biblical Archaeologist Reader 2:51-58; cf. J. R. Bartlett, "The Rise and Fall of the Kingdom of Edom,"
Palestine Exploration Quarterly 104 (1972): 26; Edward Neufeld, "Fabrication of Objects from Fish and Sea Animals in Ancient Israel," Journal of the Ancient Near
Eastern Society of Columbia University 5 (1973): 314-15.

  28 Yohanan Aharoni and Michael Avi-Yonah, The Macmillan Bible Atlas, rev. ed. (New York: Carta/Macmillan, 1977), map 147; William G. Dever, "Gezer
Revisited: New Excavations of the Solomonic and Assyrian Period Defenses," Biblical Archaeologist 47 (December 1984): 212-14, 216; cf. Thiele, Mysterious
Numbers , 151.

  29 Kitchen, "Late-Egyptian Chronology," 226-27; not to be confused with Osorkon III of Dynasty 23, ibid., 227 n. 6.

  30 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 151.

  31 Bright, History of Israel, 275; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 134-38, 163-72.

  32 Yohanan Aharoni, Archaeology of the Land of Israel (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1982), 251.

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                         Numbers    Media Corp.
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  34 Bright, History of Israel, 275.
  31 Bright, History of Israel, 275; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 134-38, 163-72.

  32 Yohanan Aharoni, Archaeology of the Land of Israel (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1982), 251.

  33 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 125.

  34 Bright, History of Israel, 275.

  35 Ibid., 276.

  36 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 163.

  37 Bright, History of Israel, 275; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 137-38, 163-72, citing Hayim Tadmor, "The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-
Historical Study," Journal of Cuneiform Studies 12 (1958): 39; and Albert T. Olmstead, "The Fall of Samaria," American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures
21 (1905): 179-82; Albert T. Olmstead, "The Text of Sargon's Annals," American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 47 (1931): 262-63; cf. Jer. 3:18,
16:15, 31:8; 4 13:39-50.

  38 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 163-64.

  39 Ibid., 229.

  40 M. Gilula, "An Egyptian Parallel to Jeremia I 4-5," Vetus Testamentum 17 (1967): 114.

 41 Albright, Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography, 33-34, III.A., and 37-39, V; cf. W. Golï¿½nischeff, "Stï¿½le de Darius aux environs de Tel el-
Maskhoutah," Recueil de Travaux 13 (1890): 106.

  42 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 229.

  43 Ibid., 174-76.

  Studies in Religion 3 (1973-74): 208; cf. A. F. L. Beeston, "Problems of Sabaean Chronology," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 16 (1954):
43.

  45 Gus W. Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," in Solomon and Sheba, ed. James B. Pritchard (London: Phaidon, 1974), 40.

   Job , 3rd ed. (Garden City, N.Y.:Doubleday,1973), 13, re Job 1:15.

  47 Bright, History of Israel, 281 n. 32.

  48 Le Grand Davies, "New Light from Excavations at Tel Sheva, Israel (Biblical Beersheba)," Newsletter and Proceedings of the SEHA 138 (July 1976): 1-8;
Yohanan Aharoni, "Arad: Its Inscriptions and Temple," Biblical Archaeologist 31 (1968): 26-27; Philip C. Hammond, "The Capitals from ï¿½The Temple of the
Winged Lions,' Petra," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 225 (1977): 49-58; James F. Strange, "The Capernaum and Herodium Publications,"
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 225 (1977): 67-68; Bright, History of Israel, 282 n. 38; contra Yigael Yadin, "The Cult Place Destroyed by
King Josiah," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 222 (1976): 5-17, esp. 9, 11, who claims that Be Bldg. 430 was a cult place destroyed by King
Josiah, i.e., that stratum II is seventh century b.c., and that Aharoni's "temple" and altar are merely a bï¿½mï¿½, as described in 2 Kgs. 23:8; cf. chart in William G.
Dever et al., "Further Excavations in Gezer, 1967-71," Biblical Archaeologist 34 (1971): 132.

  Ancient Orient, 83-84; Kenneth A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100-650 b.c.) (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1972); Kitchen, "Late-
Egyptian Chronology," 226-27; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, 3:67.

  Ancient Orient, 82-84.

  51 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 125; Ephraim Stern, "Israel at the Close of the Period of the Monarchy: An Archaeological Survey," Biblical Archaeologist 38/2
(1975): 28.

  52 Albert T. Olmstead, "Could an Aramaic Gospel Be Written?" Journal of Near Eastern Studies 1 (1942): 55-56; cf. Cullen I. K. Story, "The Book of Proverbs
and Northwest Semitic Literature," Journal of Biblical Literature 64 (1945): 319-37; R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the OId Testament (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1913), 2:715-84; James H. Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1983), 2:479-507.

  53 Wood, "Biblical Archaeology's Greatest Achievement," 34.

  54 Cf. Bright, History of Israel, Chronology Chart VI, with Shebitku dying 685/684 b.c.

  55 Kitchen, "Late-Egyptian Chronology," 225-33; Kitchen, Ancient Orient, 82 n. 19, citing Kawa V:14-15.

  56 George L. Kelm and Amihai Mazar, "Three Seasons of Excavations at Tel Batash-Biblical Timnah," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 248
(1982): 29-32, citing David Ussishkin (an excavator of Tell ed-Duweir), "The Destruction of Lachish by Sennacherib and the Dating of the Royal Judean Storage Jars,"
Tel Aviv 4 (1977): 28-60, on the stratum III/701 b.c. synchronism; cf. Bright, History of Israel, 284 n. 41, and 322 n. 34; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 174-76; cf.
Hershel Shanks, "Destruction of Judean Fortress Portrayed in Dramatic Eighth-Century B.C. Pictures," Biblical Archaeology Review 10/2 (1984): 48-65; Wood,
"Biblical Archaeology's Greatest Achievement," 34-35; David Ussishkin, The Conquest of Lachish by Sennacherib (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1982).

  57 Bright, History of Israel, 311.

  58 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 178, citing Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 291, 294.

   59 Kitchen, "Late-Egyptian Chronology," 225-33; contra Bright, History of Israel, Chronology Chart VI, and 299-302, who summarizes the controversy on dating
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these kings.

  60 Bright, History of Israel, 293; Isa. 14:24-27; 17:12; 31:4, 36-37//2 1 Kgs. 18:17-19:37
  58 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 178, citing Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 291, 294.

   59 Kitchen, "Late-Egyptian Chronology," 225-33; contra Bright, History of Israel, Chronology Chart VI, and 299-302, who summarizes the controversy on dating
these kings.

  60 Bright, History of Israel, 293; Isa. 14:24-27; 17:12; 31:4, 36-37//2 1 Kgs. 18:17-19:37

  61 Bright, History of Israel, 310.

  62 Rabin, "The Song of Songs," 208; cf. Beeston, "Problems of Sabaean Chronology," 43.

  63 Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," 40.

  64 Cf. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 289-95.

  65 Stern, "Israel," 46.

  66 Anthony Spalinger, "Assurbanipal and Egypt: A Source Study," Journal of the American Oriental Society 94 (1974): 322, citing Prism A, 90-109; Labib
Habachi, "A Statue of Bakennifi, Nomarch of Athribis during the Invasion of Egypt by Assurbanipal," Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archï¿½ologischen Instituts.
Abteilung Kairo 15 (1957): 68-77.

   67 Diana Kirkbride, "Ancient Arabian Ancestor Idols: Pt. II: The Interpretation of the Sanctuary at Risqeh," Archaeology 22/3 (1969): 195. See Excursus for
further possible etymologies of Nephi.

   68 Abraham Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon: The Background of the Judean-Egyptian Encounter in 609 b.c.," Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society
of Columbia University 5 (1973): 274.

  69 Aharoni, Archaeology of the Land of Israel, 251.

  70 Kirkbride, "Ancient Arabian Ancestor Idols," 195; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 178; Stern, "Israel," 28; Pritchard, ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 297-301.

  71 Kitchen, "Late-Egyptian Chronology," 225-33; Kitchen, Ancient Orient, 82-84; Bright, History of Israel, 311, and Chronology Chart VI.

  History of Israel, 311; cf. Spalinger, "Assurbanipal and Egypt," 322 n. 42, 325.

  73 Kevin J. Cathcart, "Treaty Curses and the Book of Nahum," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 35 (1973): 179.

  74 William F. Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1968), 244-49, 253, 258; cf. Pope, Job XXX-XL, who dates the
Dialogue section to the seventh century, but argues at length for the ancient epic substratum. Cf. Song of Songs.

  75 Nahman Avigad, "Ammonite and Moabite Seals," in Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth Century, ed. James A. Sanders (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday,
1970), 285.

    76 Bezalel Porten, Archives from Elephantine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 119-20; Bezalel Porten, "Did the Ark Stop at Elephantine?" Biblical
Archaeology Review 21/3 (1995): 61-67, citing especially the Letter of Aristeas (see Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 2:13), and Herodotus, Histories
II, 30.

  77 Bathja Bayer, "Jeremiah," in Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem: Keter, 1972), 9:1345-61.

  Mysterious Numbers , 178-79.

   The Archaeology of Ancient Israel, ed. Amnon Ben-Tor, trans. R. Greenberg (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 357 (also listing other Egyptian cultural
influences), 370 fig. 9.48.

  80 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 272 n.18.

  81 David Noel Freedman, "The Chronology of Israel and the Ancient Near East," in The Bible and the Ancient Near East, ed. G. Ernest Wright (Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 1961), 212.

  82 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 271.

  83 Bright, History of Israel, 317, 322.

  84 Aharoni and Avi-Yonah, Macmillan Bible Atlas, 102, citing 2 Chr. 34:6-7 (2 Chr. 34-35//2 1 Kgs. 22-23).

  85 Stern, "Israel," 46.

  86 Herodotus, Histories II, 157.

  87 Bright, History of Israel, 316-25; the reform climax came in 622 with the discovery of the Book of the Law in the temple archives by ï¿½ilkiah the priest, and it
ended in 609 b.c.

  88 Stern, "Israel," 28; Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 11-12.

  89 Zephaniah preached before the reform; Bright, History of Israel, 320-21, 334, and n. 29; Nahman Avigad, "Jerahmeel & Baruch: King's Son & Scribe," Biblical
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  88 Stern, "Israel," 28; Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 11-12.

  89 Zephaniah preached before the reform; Bright, History of Israel, 320-21, 334, and n. 29; Nahman Avigad, "Jerahmeel & Baruch: King's Son & Scribe," Biblical
Archaeologist 42 (1979): 114-18.

  90 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 180; Bright, History of Israel, 315; Werner Keller, Bible as History, trans. William Neil, 2nd rev. ed. (New York: Morrow,
1981), 272.

  91 Herodotus, Histories I, 105.

  92 Keller, Bible as History, 272-73.

   93 William F. Albright, "Neglected Factors in the Greek Intellectual Revolution," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 116/3 (June 1972): 227b, and
n. 18, citing 2 Kgs. 11:4, and references to Kittï¿½yï¿½m in the > (ï¿½d ostraca are to Aegeans generally rather than to Citium (Cyprus), and Crete; Aharoni, "Arad,"
9-18; D. Winton Thomas, rchaeology and Old Testament Study ((Oxford: Clarendon, 1967), 397-400; Bright, istory of Israel 322 n. 33, the ostracon is from
>Arï¿½d stratum VI; cf. Ezek. 27:11-13, where Yawan/Ionia is mentioned as an important center of trade (cf. Gen. 10:2).

  94 Pali Canon, first century b.c. in Joseph Campbell, The Masks of God (New York: Viking, 1962), 2:252-55.

  95 Albright, "Neglected Factors," 229.

  96 G. A. Reisner, "The Meroitic Kingdom of Ethiopia: A Chronological Outline," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 9 (1923): 66, 70, 75; Hugh W. Nibley, Since
Cumorah, 2nd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 463-64 n. 113.

  97 Stern, "Israel," 28.

 98 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 273, citing the Babylonian Chronicle ("Gadd's Chronicle") of Nabopolassar and his successors, 626-539 b.c.; cf. D.
Winton Thomas, Documents from Old Testament Times (New York: Harper and Row, 1961), 77-78.

  99 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 179, 181, 229.

  100 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 274.

  101 Bright, History of Israel, 316.

  102 Ibid., 397; 2 Kgs. 24:8.

  103 Bright, History of Israel, 315-16; Keller, Bible as History, 273.

  104 Bright, History of Israel, 324; Keller, Bible as History, 273.

  105 Bright, History of Israel, 294, 303; Stern, "Israel," 28.

  106 Bright, History of Israel, 324; Stern, "Israel," 28; Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 273.

  107 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 274; Bright, History of Israel, 324.

  108 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 273; Bright, History of Israel, 324.

  109 Bright, History of Israel, 325 n. 39, citing 2 Chr. 35:20-24.

   110 Jack Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past: The Archeological Background of Judaism and Christianity, 2nd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959),
2:590; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 180-81.

 111 J. G. Snaith, "Literary Criticism and Historical Investigation in Jeremiah Chapter XLVI," Journal of Semitic Studies 16 (1971): 17; between the battles of
Megiddo and Carchemish.

  112 Kelm and Mazar, "Three Seasons of Excavations," 32.

  113 Stern, "Israel," 28.

  114 Bright, History of Israel, 333.

  115 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 5:273, 277 n. 33; Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 2:568-69, 590; Stern, "Israel," 28; Freedman, "The
Chronology of Israel," 212; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 207.

  116 A. van Selms, "The Name Nebuchadnezzar," in Travels in the World of the Old Testament: Studies Presented to M. A. Beek, ed. M. S. H. G. Heerma van
Voss et al. (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1974), 226.

  117 Ibid., 226; Porten, Archives from Elephantine, 40 n. 100, claims that Nebuchadnezzar is a scribal error.

  118 Cf. The New Jerusalem Bible (New York: Doubleday, 1985), 1329 n. 19a; Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews X, 90-93, the third year of Jehoiakim.

  119 Gerhard Larsson, The Secret System: A Study in the Chronology of the Old Testament (Leiden: Brill, 1973), 45, 116-17.

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  121 Matthew Black and H. H. Rowley, Peake's Commentary on the Bible (London: Nelson and Sons, 1962), 592.
  118 Cf. The New Jerusalem Bible (New York: Doubleday, 1985), 1329 n. 19a; Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews X, 90-93, the third year of Jehoiakim.

  119 Gerhard Larsson, The Secret System: A Study in the Chronology of the Old Testament (Leiden: Brill, 1973), 45, 116-17.

  120 Ibid., 46; cf. Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 183.

  121 Matthew Black and H. H. Rowley, Peake's Commentary on the Bible (London: Nelson and Sons, 1962), 592.

  122 Bezalel Porten, "The Identity of King Adon," Biblical Archaeologist 44 (1981): 36-52; Joseph Fitzmyer, "Some Notes on Aramaic Epistolography," Journal of
Biblical Literature 93 (1974): 201-25; Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 276; cf. Edward Neufeld, "Fabrication of Objects from Fish and Sea Animals,"
Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society 5 (1973): 314 n. 22, for an earlier date.

  123 Joseph Naveh, "The Scripts in Palestine and Transjordan in the Iron Age," in Near Eastern Archaeology, 278-79; 282 n. 12, J. T. Milik suggests that it was
sent from Tyre, while others have suggested Gaza or Ashdod.

  124 Albright, "Neglected Factors," 230.

  125 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 277 n. 33; cf. Bright, History of Israel, 327.

  126 Herodotus, Histories II, 159; 2 Kgs. 24:1; cf. Josephus, Antiquities X, 88.

  127 H. J. Katzenstein, " ï¿½Before Pharaoh Conquered Gaza' (Jeremiah XLVII 1)," Vetus Testamentum 33 (1983): 249-51; Egyptian Mktr = Jer. 46:14 Migdol
(MT) = LXX and Latin Vulgate Magdolus (26:14); Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 277 n. 33, places the capture of Gaza in 600 b.c.; Keller confuses
Magdolus with Megiddo, Bible as History, 275.

  128 Frank Moore Cross, "Notes on the Ammonite Inscription from Tell Siran," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 212 (1973): 12-15; G. W.
Ahlstrï¿½m, "The Tell Sï¿½rï¿½n Bottle Inscription," Palestine Exploration Quarterly 116 (1984): 12-15: name found inscribed on bottle during excavation of Tell Siran
on the campus of the University of Jordan, Amman (Rabbat >Ammon).

  129 Campbell, Masks of God, 2:250, 255-58; Joseph Campbell, Masks of God (New York: Viking, 1959), 1:452, perhaps as early as the eighth century b.c.

  130 Giorgio de Santillana and W. Pitts, "Philolaus in Limbo," Isis 42 (June 1951): 128.

  131 Hugh W. Nibley has covered many of these in An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 3rd ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988), 33-55,
and in Since Cumorah, 239-41.

  132 J. Norman D. Anderson, Christianity and Comparative Religion (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1970), 45; cf. William F. Albright, From the Stone
Age to Christianity: Monotheism and the Historical Process, 2nd ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1957), 317-18, and n. 57, on Sanchuniaton.

  133 Herodotus, Histories IV, 42.

  134 Cyrus H. Gordon, "America and the Ecumene of the Old Testament," Newsletter and Proceedings of the SEHA 125 (July 1971): 4.

  135 Robert R. Stieglitz, "Long-Distance Seafaring in the Ancient Near East," Biblical Archaeologist 47 (1984): 140-41, citing 1 Kgs. 10:22, 22:49, 2 Chr. 9:21;
20:36

  136 Roland de Vaux, "On Right and Wrong Uses of Archaeology," in Near Eastern Archaeology, 71-72, 79 n. 7 citing Andrï¿½ Jodin, Mogador, comptoir
phï¿½nicien du Maroc atlantique (Tangiers: Editions marocaines et internationales, 1966); cf. Sabatino Moscati, "A Carthaginian Fortress in Sardinia," Scientific
American 232 (February 1975): 82-85; W. A. Ward, ed., The Role of the Phoenicians in the Interaction of Mediterranean Civilizations, Papers Presented to the
Archeological Symposium of the American University of Beirut, March 1967 (Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1968).

  137 Strabo, Geography III, 5, 5; Gary M. Turnquist, "The Pillars of Hercules Revisited," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 216 (1974): 13-15.

  138 Bright, History of Israel, 336-37; many prophets were sent, 2 Chr. 36:15-16; Iddo the prophet is probably not the same as Zechariah's father, Zech. 1:7; 2
Chr. 12:15; 13:22.

  139 Alberto R. Green, "The Fate of Jehoiakim," Andrews University Seminary Studies 20 (1982): 103-9.

   140 Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 590-91, 596; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 208; Keller, Bible as History, 279-80, 283; Freedman, "The Chronology of
Israel," 211-13; Donald J. Wiseman, Chronicles of Chaldean Kings (626-556 b.c.) in the British Museum (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1956), 32-35;
Gerhard Larsson, "Is Biblical Chronology Systematic or Not," Revue de Qumran 6 (1969): 499-515, esp. 503; Stern, "Israel," 28; cf. 2 Kgs. 23:36; 24:12; 2 Chr.
36:9-10.

  141 Josephus, Antiquities X, 96-98.

  142 Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 591-92.

  143 Yohanan Aharoni, "Seals of Royal Functionaries from Arad," Eretz-Israel 8 (1967): 71*, 103.

  144 Rudolph Cohen, "Did I Excavate Kadesh-Barnea?" Biblical Archaeology Review 7/3 (1981): 26-27; hieratic-with-Hebrew on ostracon there.

   145 Jer. 52:28-29 by official "regnal" years (Egyptian ï¿½ï¿½t-ï¿½p), and 2 Kgs. 24:12; 25:8 by the vague "accession" year system (known to the Babylonians as
rï¿½ï¿½ ï¿½arrï¿½ti, and to the Egyptians as rnpt tpyt); Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 594, 596; Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c. -
a.d. 45, 12; cf. Avraham Malamat, "The Last Kings of Judah and the Fall of Jerusalem: An Historical-Chronological Study," Israel Exploration Journal 18 (1968): 137-
56; Siegfried H. Horn and L. H. Wood, "The Fifth-Century Jewish Calendar at Elephantine," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 13 (1954): 2 n. 9; Thiele, Mysterious
Numbers , 186-190; Stern, "Israel," 28, has his reign as 596-586; regnal years were figured either from Ethanim (Tishri-Kings and Daniel), or Abib (Nisan-Jeremiah,
 Copyright
Ezekiel,     (c) 2005-2009,
          Haggai,           Infobase
                  and Zechariah),      MediaR.
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                                                 Thiele, A Chronology of the Hebrew Kings (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1977), 68-69, and Appendix  PageC. 542 / 919

  146 Zedekiah's first regnal year; 1 Ne. 2:1-4; 3 Nephi superscription; the most probable birth and death dates for Jesus set controlling limits here, i.e., from 6
rï¿½ï¿½ ï¿½arrï¿½ti, and to the Egyptians as rnpt tpyt); Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 594, 596; Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c. -
a.d. 45, 12; cf. Avraham Malamat, "The Last Kings of Judah and the Fall of Jerusalem: An Historical-Chronological Study," Israel Exploration Journal 18 (1968): 137-
56; Siegfried H. Horn and L. H. Wood, "The Fifth-Century Jewish Calendar at Elephantine," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 13 (1954): 2 n. 9; Thiele, Mysterious
Numbers , 186-190; Stern, "Israel," 28, has his reign as 596-586; regnal years were figured either from Ethanim (Tishri-Kings and Daniel), or Abib (Nisan-Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, Haggai, and Zechariah), see Edwin R. Thiele, A Chronology of the Hebrew Kings (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1977), 68-69, and Appendix C.

  146 Zedekiah's first regnal year; 1 Ne. 2:1-4; 3 Nephi superscription; the most probable birth and death dates for Jesus set controlling limits here, i.e., from 6
September 5 b.c.- a.d. 18 March 29.

  147 Cf. Rabin, "The Song of Songs," 209, on sailing to India from > zion-Geber on the Red Sea.

  148 Aharoni and Avi-Yonah, Macmillan Bible Atlas, maps 9 and 10; Yohanan Aharoni and Ruth Amiran, "Excavations at Tel Arad: Preliminary Report on the First
Season, 1962," Israel Exploration Journal 14 (1964): 147; Jackson Campbell, "Renascence of Iron Age Arad," Biblical Archaeologist 40 (1977): 35; 1 Ne. 2:4-10.

  149 Jacob M. Myers, "Edom and Judah in the Sixth-Fifth Centuries b.c.," in Near Eastern Studies in Honor of W. F. Albright, ed. H. Goedicke (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins Press, 1971), 384-90-the Edomites moved into the Negeb proper only after the final Babylonian conquest of Judah.

   150 Bright, History of Israel, 328 n. 51, 344, citing William F. Albright, The Biblical Period from Abraham to Ezra (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), 84,
105-6; Roland de Vaux, Ancient Israel (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965), 1:67, gives a maximum figure for all Palestine in the eighth century b.c. of one million, which
is also the figure for the British census of Palestine in a.d. 1931; Magen Broshi, "The Population of Western Palestine in the Roman-Byzantine Period," Bulletin of the
American Schools of Oriental Research 236 (1979): 1-10, only allows such a figure to be attained in the Roman-Byzantine period, and Yigal Shiloh, "The Population
of Iron Age Palestine in the Light of a Sample Analysis of Urban Plans, Areas, and Population Density," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 239
(1980): 32, argues that the optimal figure for all Israelite towns in the eighth century cannot be higher than 150,000, with an indeterminate number of rural inhabitants.

  151 Bright, History of Israel, 365, and n. 57, citing Albright, Biblical Period , 87, 110-11.

  152 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 274.

  153 Cf. Pathros/Pï¿½-tï¿½-rï¿½y, "The-Land-Southward," Jer. 44:1; H. Idris Bell, Cults and Creeds in Graeco-Roman Egypt (New York: Philosophical Library ,
1953), 27-28.

  154 Keller, Bible as History, 277-79; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 189, citing William F. Albright, "King Joiachin in Exile," Biblical Archaeologist 5 (1942): 49-55.

  155 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 274; cf. Malamat, "The Last Kings of Judah," 137-56.

  156 Keller, Bible as History, 283.

  157 Stern, "Israel," 28; Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 594.

  158 Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 592, and n. 17.

   159 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 190; if that is the imprisonment referred to in 1 Ne. 7:14, the bulk of the Lehites' eight-year sojourn in the wilderness was spent
tenting in the Wï¿½di Lemuel before moving on, SSE, into South Arabia-1 1 Ne. 16:12-39, and then East around 19 degrees to the vicinity, perhaps, of modern
Dhofar, 1 Ne. 17:1-4; cf. Josephus, Antiquities X, 112-15.

   160 Yohanan Aharoni, "Three Hebrew Ostraca from Arad," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 197 (1970): 22, citing Jer. 38:6; so also Avigad,
"Jerahmeel & Baruch," 117, and Nahman Avigad, "Baruch the Scribe and Jerahmeel the King's Son," Israel Exploration Journal 28 (1978): 54-55; cf. A. Reifenberg,
"Hebrew Seals and Stamps IV," Israel Exploration Journal 4 (1954): 140, pl. 13, seal 3, for the name Malkiyahu on Hebrew ostraca from > rï¿½d;mlkyh is also listed
at Elephantine by Michael H. Silverman, "Aramaean Name-Types in the Elephantine Documents," ournal of the American Oriental Society (89 (1969): 707; recent
finds of similar names on contemporary bullae show that a hypocoristic form of Malkiyahu as Mulek is entirely reasonable (this is confirmed by consultation with
international experts); cf. Avigad on BRKYHW = Baruch in "Jerahmeel & Baruch," 115; cf. Lawrence E. Stager and Samuel R. Wolff, "Child Sacrifice at Carthage-
Religious Rite or Population Control?" iblical Archaeology Review (/1 (1984): 45, 47, onmlk asmelek "king" ormulk "tophet-vow, child-sacrifice"; Helaman 8:21; 6:10.

   161 Tryggve Kronholm, "Polygami och monogami i Gamla testamentet," Svensk Exegetisk ï¿½rsbok 47 (1982): 49-92; note also the practice of polygyny among
the Nephites in the sixth century b.c., Jacob 3:5.

  162 Bartel L. van der Waerden, Science Awakening, vol. 2: Birth of Astronomy (Leyden: Noordhoff International, 1974), 120-22, and n. 1, citing Herodotus,
Histories I, 74, and Xenophanes.

  163 The ostraca provide 90 lines of text fixed to just before the fall of Jerusalem; see translations in Harry Torczyner, The Lachish Letters (London: Oxford
University Press, 1938); William F. Albright, "Palestinian Inscriptions: The Lachish Ostraca," in Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 321-22; Harry Torczyner and Olga
Tufnell, Lachish, vols. 1-4 (London: Oxford University Press, 1938-); cf. Avraham Negev, ed., Archaeological Encyclopaedia of the Holy Land (New York: Putnam's
Sons, 1972), 184; this destruction occurred in 588/587 b.c., as the dating of one letter to the ninth year of Zedekiah makes clear; Bright, History of Israel, 330;
Aharoni, Archaeology of the Land of Israel, 272, 279; Yohanon Aharoni, The Land of the Bible: A Historical Geography (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1967), 340-46;
G. Ernest Wright, "Judean Lachish," in Biblical Archaeologist Reader, 2:301-9; Kathleen M. Kenyon, Archaeology in the Holy Land (London: Benn, 1979), 301-2; 2
Kgs. 24:10-17; 25:1; Jer. 39; 52.

  164 Oded Borowski, "Yadin Presents New Interpretation of the Famous Lachish Letters," Bibilical Archaeology Review 10/2 (1984): 74-77; this negates G. W.
Ahlstrï¿½m's suggestion that the correct identity of Tell ed-Duweir is Libnah/Lobana, not Lachish, in Amihai Mazar, "Iron Age Fortressses in the Judaean Hills,"
Palestinian Exploration Quarterly 115 (July-December 1983): 103-4; cf. Graham I. Davies, "Tell ed-Duweir = Ancient Lachish: A Response to G. W. Ahlstrï¿½m,"
Palestine Exploration Quarterly 114 (1982): 25-28; David Ussishkin, "Lachish in the Days of the Kingdom of Judah-The Recent Archaeological Excavations,"
Qadmoniot 15 (1982): 42-56; Anson F. Rainey, "The Biblical Shephelah of Judah," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 251 (1983): 17.

  165 Malamat, "The Last Kings of Judah," 151-52; Keller, Bible as History, 283.

  166 Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 594.
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  167 Keller, Bible as History, 283-84; 2 Kgs. 25:1, 8; Jer. 52:12; 2 Ne. 1:4; Finegan Light from the Ancient Past, 593-94; Malamat, "The Last Kings of Judah,"
154-55; Freedman, "The Chronology of Israel," 211-13; Stern, "Israel," 28; cf. Hayim Tadmor, "Chronology of the Last Kings of Judah," Journal of Near Eastern
  165 Malamat, "The Last Kings of Judah," 151-52; Keller, Bible as History, 283.

  166 Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 594.

  167 Keller, Bible as History, 283-84; 2 Kgs. 25:1, 8; Jer. 52:12; 2 Ne. 1:4; Finegan Light from the Ancient Past, 593-94; Malamat, "The Last Kings of Judah,"
154-55; Freedman, "The Chronology of Israel," 211-13; Stern, "Israel," 28; cf. Hayim Tadmor, "Chronology of the Last Kings of Judah," Journal of Near Eastern
Studies 15 (1956): 226-27; Edwin R. Thiele, "New Evidence on the Chronology of the Last Kings of Judah," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
143 (1956): 22-27; Jack Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 568-69.

  168 As Benjamin Urrutia points out to me, a series of five "all" in Hebrew in verses 1-10 makes the lack of "all" with "sons" very conspicuous in verse 7; cf. Jer.
32:5.

  169 Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 595, on Ezek. 33:21; cf. the four-month journey in Ezra 7:9.

  170 Perhaps they set sail into the Arabian Sea (Irreantum means "many waters," as in Jer. 51:13) during the northeast (winter) monsoon season after a couple of
years in Bountiful. This would mean that they moved southeast. It is also possible that they sailed northeast toward India and Indonesia in March or April with the
southwest (summer) monsoon; Rabin, "The Song of Songs," 209; John L. Sorenson, "Winds and Currents: A Look at Nephi's Ocean Crossing," in Reexploring the
Book of Mormon, ed. John W. Welch (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1992), 53-56 (see Excursus herein on Arabia).

   171 They probably traveled via the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, and possibly with Phoenician and Egyptian help; cf. Omni 1:15-16; Hel. 6:10; 8:21 (Jer. 43:6-
7).

   172 D. R. Hillers, Lamentations (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972), XVIII-XIX; Lam. 4:20 refers to King Zedekiah, ibid., XX-XXI; cf. Barkay, "The Iron Age
II-III," 339.

  173 Aramaic ostracon 6043; Myers, "Edom and Judah," 382-83, 387-88, 390.

  174 Bright, History of Israel, 344 n. 6.

  175 Ibid., 352; Ezek. 26-29.

  176 Bright, History of Israel, 330-31.

  177 Keller, Bible as History, 284-85, citing S. A. Cook, C. C. Torrey, Albright, and Enno Janssen, "Juda in der Exilheit" (Ph.D. diss., University of Kiel, 1956); cf.
Bright, History of Israel, 344; Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 593 n. 18; cf. Jer. 52:30.

   178 Keller, Bible as History, 284; Bright, History of Israel, 346-47; Cyrus H. Gordon, "The Origin of the Jews in Elephantine," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 14
(1955): 56-58; Boulos A. Ayad, The Jewish-Aramaean Communities in Ancient Egypt (Cairo: Institute of Coptic Studies, 1975), 64-66; cf. E. C. B. Maclaurin, "Date
of the Foundation of the Jewish Colony at Elephantine," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 27 (1968): 96, for the view that Israelites had remained in Egypt from the time
of the Exodus.

  179 Bright, History of Israel, 352; Seraiah's Hebrew version of Jeremiah is now known only in the Greek LXX translation, while that of his brother, Baruch, was
edited in Babylon and is the source of the traditional Masoretic Hebrew text derived from there and transmitted by the rabbis.

  180 Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 596; Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 188, 191.

  181 Bright, History of Israel, 352.

  182 Miletus was the place from whence there was a "sudden explosion of Greek thought" during this axial era, Albright, "Neglected Factors," 227; cf. 239-40;
Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan, 233, citing Otto Eissfeldt, "Das Datum der Belagerung von Tyrus durch Nebuchadnezar," Forschungen und Fortschritte 9
(1933): 421-22; reprinted in Kleine Schriften (Tï¿½bingen: Mohr, 1963), 2:l-3.

  183 Malamat, "Josiah's Bid for Armageddon," 274.

  184 Bright, History of Israel, 352.

  185 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 229.

  186 Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 12.

  187 Yehuda T. Radday, "Chiasm in Kings," Linguistica Biblica 31 (1974): 54; Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 594-95.

  188 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 186-90.

  189 Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 12; Jer. 39:3, 13.

  190 Ibid., 13.

  191 Kirkbride, "Ancient Arabian Ancestor Idols," 195; Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 13-14; Winnett and Reed, Ancient
Records from North Arabia, 91; cf. Jozef Milik on 4QPrNabar in "ï¿½Priï¿½re de Nabonide' et autres ï¿½crits d'un cycle de Daniel: Fragments aramï¿½ens de
Qumrï¿½n 4," Revue biblique 63 (1956): 407-15.

  192 Bright, History of Israel, 353; William F. Albright, "The Conquests of Nabonidus in Arabia," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1925): 293-95; William H.
Shea, "Nabonidus, Belshazzar, and the Book of Daniel: An Update," Andrews University Seminary Studies 20 (1982): 133-49.

  193 Frank(c)Moore
Copyright           Cross, "Phoenicians
               2005-2009,               in Brazil?"
                           Infobase Media   Corp. Biblical Archaeology Review 5/1 (1979): 36-43; Frank Moore Cross, "The Phoenician Inscription
                                                                                                                                         Pagefrom Brazil:
                                                                                                                                                544 / 919 A
Nineteenth-Century Forgery," Orientalia 37 (1968): 445-54 (suggesting forgery done in 1872).

  194 Mark Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik nebst ausgewï¿½hlten Inschriften (1898; reprint, Hildesheim: Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1962);
  192 Bright, History of Israel, 353; William F. Albright, "The Conquests of Nabonidus in Arabia," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1925): 293-95; William H.
Shea, "Nabonidus, Belshazzar, and the Book of Daniel: An Update," Andrews University Seminary Studies 20 (1982): 133-49.

  193 Frank Moore Cross, "Phoenicians in Brazil?" Biblical Archaeology Review 5/1 (1979): 36-43; Frank Moore Cross, "The Phoenician Inscription from Brazil: A
Nineteenth-Century Forgery," Orientalia 37 (1968): 445-54 (suggesting forgery done in 1872).

  194 Mark Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik nebst ausgewï¿½hlten Inschriften (1898; reprint, Hildesheim: Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1962);
see Cyrus H. Gordon in next note for complete sources.

  195 Cyrus H. Gordon, "The Authenticity of the Phoenician Text from Parahyba," Orientalia 37 (1968): 75-80; Cyrus H. Gordon, "The Canaanite Text from Brazil,"
Orientalia 37 (1968): 425-36; Cyrus H. Gordon, "Reply to Professor Cross," Orientalia 37 (1968): 461-63; Cyrus H. Gordon, "Toward a History of Ancient
America," Dialogue 4/2 (1969): 64-71. Cf. William F. Dankenbring, "Who Discovered America First?" The Plain Truth 40 (12 July 1975): 8-11.

  196 Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 14.

  197 Bright, History of Israel, 354, 360.

  198 Ibid., 360; William H. Shea, "Darius the Mede: An Update," Andrews University Seminary Studies 20 (1982): 229-47.

  199 Bright, History of Israel, 361.

  200 Ibid., 362, 366.

  201 Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 14.

  202 H. L. Ginsberg, trans., "Aramaic Letters," in Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 492.

  203 Bright, History of Israel, 346-47, 364-65; Jacob M. Myers, Ezra, Nehemiah (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1965), XXII-XXIII.

  204 Porten, Archives from Elephantine, 119-20.

  205 Bell, Cults and Creeds, 28; cf. Bright, History of Israel, 376; in accord with Jer. 2:8 and Hosea 2:16-17, Ba> l is mentioned only once, and is absent from the
Book of Mormon.

  206 Bright, History of Israel, 406-7, 409 n. 7, citing Emil G. Kraeling, "New Light on the Elephantine Colony," Biblical Archaeologist 15/3 (1952): 64.

  207 David Golomb, "The Date of a New Papyrus from Elephantine," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 217 (1975): 49-53.

  208 See the general study by Boulos A. Ayad, Jewish-Aramaean Communities in Ancient Egypt (Cairo: Institute of Coptic Studies, 1975).

  209 Michael E. Stone, "Judaism at the Time of Christ," Scientific American 228 (January 1973): 84-85.

  210 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 229.

  211 Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 b.c.-a.d. 45, 14-15.

  212 Ibid., 15.

  213 Ibid., 16-17; Bright, History of Israel, 369 (on the Stele of Darius I, see at 720 b.c., above).

  214 Bright, History of Israel, 366.

   215 J. van Goudoever, Biblical Calendars, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1961), 44; Bright, History of Israel, 372; cf. Jer. 27:22; 29:10; 52:12; Dan. 9:2, 25; Zech. 1:12;
7:5.

  216 Thiele, Mysterious Numbers , 229.

  217 Ibid.

  218 Carey A. Moore, Esther (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1971), LVII-LVIII, 3-4.

  219 Cf. Charles F. Nims and Richard C. Steiner, "A Paganized Version of Ps. 20:2-6 from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," Journal of the American Oriental
Society 103 (1983): 261-74.

   220 Bright, History of Israel, 380-81; Sir Robert Anderson, in The Coming Prince (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1881), and Daniel in the Critics' Den (London:
Nisbet, 1902), etc., believes that this means that Palm Sunday was thus a.d. 6 April 32 (69 x 7 x 360 = 173,880 days = 476.1 solar years; Dan. 9:25; Luke 19:36-
38), and that Passover was Thursday, 10 April (14 Nisan);" in this claim, Anderson appears to be in error, as pointed out privately by John P. Pratt, since
Fotheringham and Parker and Dubberstein agree that Passover must have been either 13 or 14 April (Sunday or Monday) of a.d. 32; cf. Uriah Smith, The Prophecies
of Daniel and the Revelation , rev. ed. (Nashville, Tenn.: Southern, 1946), 201-21, who suggests that the date to be used is the arrival of Ezra in the seventh year of
Artaxerxes I, 458/457 b.c. (Ezra 7:6-26; 6:14; Dan. 8:14), for the 483 solar years which bring us to Jesus' baptism and the beginning of his ministry in a.d. 27, though
Bright insists that this date for Ezra cannot be accepted (and I agree), since Ezra probably could not have come before Nehemiah-Bright, History of Israel, 391-402;
cf. Neh. 12:47; however on a.d. 27 as the best year for the start of Jesus' ministry, see William R. Wilson, The Execution of Jesus (New York: Scribner's, 197), chap.
1; Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 252 n. 6, 257, 260-61; A. Kindler, "More Dates on the Coins of Procurators," Israel Exploration Journal 6 (1956): 54; Ben
Zion Wacholder, Essays on Jewish Chronology and Chronography (New York: KTAV, 1976), 252-53; cf. Gleason Archer, Sr., Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1982), 54, re Dan. 9:24-27. Alternatively, John Pratt, in a letter of 19 March 1985, suggests that 70 x 7 lunisolar years from April
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458 b.c. brings one to a.d. April 33, even though this clearly renders any sort of 600-year count in the Book of Mormon impossible.

  221 Bright, History of Israel, 347.
cf. Neh. 12:47; however on a.d. 27 as the best year for the start of Jesus' ministry, see William R. Wilson, The Execution of Jesus (New York: Scribner's, 197), chap.
1; Finegan, Light from the Ancient Past, 252 n. 6, 257, 260-61; A. Kindler, "More Dates on the Coins of Procurators," Israel Exploration Journal 6 (1956): 54; Ben
Zion Wacholder, Essays on Jewish Chronology and Chronography (New York: KTAV, 1976), 252-53; cf. Gleason Archer, Sr., Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1982), 54, re Dan. 9:24-27. Alternatively, John Pratt, in a letter of 19 March 1985, suggests that 70 x 7 lunisolar years from April
458 b.c. brings one to a.d. April 33, even though this clearly renders any sort of 600-year count in the Book of Mormon impossible.

  221 Bright, History of Israel, 347.

   222 Ibid., 353, and the sources cited in nn. 32-33; cf. Albright, "The Conquests of Nabonidus," 293-95; P. Kyle McCarter, "What Are Two Aramaic Stelae Doing
in Saudi Arabia?" Biblical Archaeology Review 21/2 (1995): 72-73.

  223 Alfred Guillaume, Islam, 2nd ed. rev. (Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1956), 10-11; cf. Isaiah 49:12//1 1 Ne. 21:12; Isa. 19:19.

   224 Rabin, "The Song of Songs," 209; Sorenson, "Winds and Currents"; cf. Samuel W. Matthews, "Science Explores the Monsoon Sea," National Geographic
132/4 (October 1967): 559; on Phoenician and Hebrew ships of the First Temple period, see Nahman Avigad, "A Hebrew Seal Depicting a Sailing Ship," Bulletin of
the American Schools of Oriental Research 246 (1982): 59-62; the National Maritime Museum at 200 Allenby St., in Haifa, Israel, features Mediterranean ships and
maps from high antiquity; Samuel W. Matthews et al., "The Phoenicians: Sea Lords of Antiquity," National Geographic 146/2 (August 1974): 149-89; Robert R.
Stieglitz, "Long-Distance Seafaring in the Ancient Near East," Biblical Archaeologist 47 (September 1984): 134-42; William F. Edgerton, "Ancient Egyptian Ships and
Shipping," American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature 39 (1923): 109-35.

  225 James R. Wellsted, Travels in Arabia (1838; reprint, Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1978), based on his articles in the Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society from his voyages of exploration, 1830 to 1835, especially of Oman (Muscat), Nakab al-ï¿½ajar in the Hadramaut, and the Yemen; cf. Eugene
England, "Through the Arabian Desert to a Bountiful Land: Could Joseph Smith Have Known the Way?" in Book of Mormon Authorship: New Light on Ancient
Origins, ed. Noel B. Reynolds (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1982), 143-56.

   226 H. J. Carter, "Frankincense in Arabia," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch 2 (1848): 380-90, cited in F. Nigel Hepper, "Arabian and African
Frankincense Trees," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 55 (1969): 66, focusing on the Shazri Boswellia trees of Dhufar, though najdi and sha>bi type frankincense trees
grow elsewhere; see the drawing of oswellia Carterii in Gus W. Van Beek, "The Rise and Fall of Arabia Felix," cientific American (221/6 (December 1969): 46; cf.
Robert Azzi, "Oman, Land of Frankincense and Oil," ational Geographic (143/2 (February 1973): 204-29; see the entire May-June issue of ramco World Magazine
(34/3 (1983), for a beautifully illustrated look at the land, history, and people of Oman; cf. also Wilfred Thesiger, rabian Sands ((New York: Dutton, 1959), 33-34, on
the jungle in the 3,000-foot Qara

  227 Saudi Arabia averages 4 inches of rain annually, although the average is 20 inches in the montane Asir Province of Southwest Sau> ia, adjacent to the Yemen,
Robert Azzi, "Saudi Arabia: The Kingdom and Its Power," National Geographic (158/3 (September 1980): 317.

  228 The mountains vary from 5,000 to 10,000 feet, Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," 42; Van Beek, "Arabia Felix," 36.

  229 Warren P. and Michaela Knoth Aston, In the Footsteps of Lehi: New Evidence for Lehi's Journey across Arabia to Bountiful (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book,
1994), citing (contra Van Beek and the early position of the Hiltons) especially Nigel Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh: A Study of the Arabian Incense Trade
(London: Longman, 1981).

  230 Bright, A History of Israel, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1972), 74; all other citations herein are to the 3rd ed.

  231 The climate undoubtedly profited from the recent "Atlantic Optimum" conditions of the Early and Middle Bronze periods in the Middle East; cf. Rudolph Cohen
and William G. Dever, "Preliminary Report of the Third and Final Season of the ï¿½Central Negev Highlands Project,'" Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental
Research 243 (1981): 73; cf. Richard Gillespie and F. Alayne Street-Perrott, "Post-glacial Arid Episodes in Ethiopia Have Implications for Climate Prediction," Nature
306 (15 December 1983): 680-83.

   232 Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," 43, mentions Ramlat Sabatein in the Yemen as an example; the dessication has been very noticeable even during the last
2,000 years, according to Groom, Frankincense and Myrrh, 225-27, at close.

  233 Eugene L. Sterud, "Annual Review of Old World Archaeology: Recent Developments in Old World Archaeology," American Antiquity 44 (1979): 695, citing
Claudio Vita-Finzi "RecentAlluvial History in the Catchment of the Arabo-Persian Gulf," in The Environmental History of the Near and Middle East Since the Last Ice
Age, ed. William C. Brice (London: Academic Press, 1978), 255-61.

   234 Aharon Horowitz, The Quaternary in Israel (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 20-22, 344-48; rain in Israel is primarily from October through March, with
rare rain in April-May; Galilee gets the most (23 inches), the Negeb and Araba the least; cf. Henri Daniel-Rops, Daily Life in the Time of Jesus (1962; reprint, Ann
Arbor: Servant, 1981), chapter 1.

  235 Saad S. Al-Sayari and Josef G. Zoetl, eds., The Quaternary Period in Saudi Arabia (Vienna: Springer-Verlag, 1978), 1:31-44, 301-3; cf. 257, fig. 84; cf. also
Gillespie and Street-Perrott, "Post-glacial Arid Episodes," 680-83, on variable lake levels in post-glacial Ethiopia; Rushdi Said, ed., The Geology of Egypt (Rotterdam:
Balkema, 1990), on the Holocene climatic history of Egypt.

  236 Van Beek, "Arabia Felix," 39; Gus W. Van Beek, "Frankincense and Myrrh," in Biblical Archaeologist Reader 2:104, 106-26; reprinted from Biblical
Archaeologist 23 (1960): 69-95; cf. Gus W. Van Beek, "Frankincense and Myrrh in Ancient South Arabia," Journal of the American Oriental Society 78 (1958): 149-
51; Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," 41.

   237 MASCA recalibration of the eleventh-century date in Gus W. Van Beek, Hajar Bin ï¿½umeid: Investigations at a Pre-Islamic Site in South Arabia (Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University, 1969), 365, fig. 133; C-14 dates from stratum Q can be recalibrated at 1100-840 b.c., and iron bands (H 2892) were found in stratum R =
ca. eleventh century b.c.; iron rivets, knife blades, spear points, etc., from the same period were found there; Van Beek, "Arabia Felix," 43.

   238 Notes by William F. Albright to article by Albert Jamme, "Prelimary Report on Epigraphic Research in Northwestern Wadi Hadramawt and at Al-> bar," ulletin
of the American Schools of Oriental Research (172 (1963): 54; he expressed surprise at the number of developed tells in Wï¿½di Beiï¿½an, which became the center
of the kingdom of Qataban, William F. Albright, "The Chronology of Ancient South Arabia in the Light of the First Campaign of Excavation in Qataban," ulletin of the
American Schools of Oriental Research (119 (1950): 8 n. 9; cf. Sabatino Moscati, ntroduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages sections 4.1-5;
William F. Albright and Thomas O. Lambdin, "The Evidence of Language," ambridge Ancient History (3rd ed., 1:1 (Cambridge: Cambridge, 1970), 137-38, placing
the Southeast
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                              Infobase   the eighth through the sixth centuries b.c.
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  239 Pliny the Elder claimed that it took 65 stages from Tamna> to Gaza; Van Beek, "Arabia Felix," 41; Van Beek, "Frankincense and Myrrh," 2:124-26; Lehi
hewed to the less-traveled lowland coastal route along the Tiï¿½ama.
of the American Schools of Oriental Research (172 (1963): 54; he expressed surprise at the number of developed tells in Wï¿½di Beiï¿½an, which became the center
of the kingdom of Qataban, William F. Albright, "The Chronology of Ancient South Arabia in the Light of the First Campaign of Excavation in Qataban," ulletin of the
American Schools of Oriental Research (119 (1950): 8 n. 9; cf. Sabatino Moscati, ntroduction to the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages sections 4.1-5;
William F. Albright and Thomas O. Lambdin, "The Evidence of Language," ambridge Ancient History (3rd ed., 1:1 (Cambridge: Cambridge, 1970), 137-38, placing
the Southeast Semitic inscriptions from the eighth through the sixth centuries b.c.

  239 Pliny the Elder claimed that it took 65 stages from Tamna> to Gaza; Van Beek, "Arabia Felix," 41; Van Beek, "Frankincense and Myrrh," 2:124-26; Lehi
hewed to the less-traveled lowland coastal route along the Tiï¿½ama.

  240 James L. Kelso, "A Reply to Yadin's Article on the Finding of the Bethel Seal," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 199 (1970): 65.

  241 Yigal Shiloh lecture, "The Uncovering of the City of David," University of Missouri-Kansas City, 23 March 1981.

  242 Sabatino Moscati, Ancient Semitic Civilizations (New York: Putnam, 1960), 196.

  243 Diodorus, III, 47, 5-8, cited by Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," 44-45.

  244 Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," 43-44.

  245 Van Beek, "Arabia Felix," 39.

  246 Van Beek, "The Land of Sheba," 49.

  247 Ibid.

  248 Gus W. Van Beek, "A Population Estimate for Marib: A Contemporary Tell Village in North Yemen," Bulletin for the American Schools of Oriental Research
248 (1982): 61-67.

  249 Van Beek, "Frankincense and Myrrh," 2:104, 107, 126; Albright, "Chronology of Ancient South Arabia," 6, 8-9, and n. 8, following the high dating of Maria
Hï¿½er; cf. Moscati, Ancient Semitic Civilizations, 182-85; Peter M. Holt, Ann K. S. Lambton, and Bernard Lewis, eds., The Cambridge History of Islam
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 1:7-9.

  250 Van Beek, "Frankincense and Myrrh," 2:106-26.

  251 SEHA presentation at BYU, 22 October 1983, published by Hope A. and Lynn M. Hilton, as "The Lihyanites," Sunstone (January-February 1984): 4-8; note
however the caveat of David J. Johnson and Richard N. Jones in "Reader's Forum," Sunstone (April 1985): 2-3; cf. G. Lankester Harding, An Index and
Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian Names and Inscriptions (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1971), 512-13.

  252 Winnett and Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, 39, 116-17.

  253 Jeffrey A. Blakely, "Wadi al-Jubah Archaeological Project," American Schools of Oriental Research Newsletter 35/2 (November 1983): 7.

  254 Dora Jane Hamblin, "Treasures of the Sands," Smithsonian 14/6 (September 1983): 48.

  255 Ibid., 49.

  256 "King Solomon's Mine," Science Digest 80/3 (September 1976): 16; Denis Baly, "Arabia," in Harper's Bible Dictionary, ed. Paul J. Achtemeier (New York:
HarperCollins, 1985), 42.

  257 Menachem Weinstein, Yehuda Ratzaby, and Hayyim J. Cohen, "ï¿½abbï¿½n," Encyclopaedia Judaica 7:1018-20.

  258 Hayyim J. Cohen, "Arabia," in Encyclopaedia Judaica 3:233-34; Gordon D. Newby, A History of the Jews of Arabia, from Ancient Times to Their Eclipse
under Islam, ed. Frederick M. Denny (Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press, 1988), 119-20; Guillaume, Islam, 10-13, 26-30, 33, 38, 41, 43-44, 46,
49-52, 60-62, 66, 69, 71, 73, 130-31; Edward Ullendorff, Ethiopia and the Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968); Edward Ullendorff, "Hebraic-Jewish
Elements in Abyssinian (Monophysite) Christianity," Journal of Semitic Studies 1 (1956): 216-56; Ernst Hammerschmidt, "Jewish Elements in the Cult of the Ethiopian
Church," Journal of Ethiopian Studies 3 (July 1965): 1-12.

  259 "Temple," in Holt, Lambton, and Lewis, Cambridge History of Islam, 1:23.

  260 Guillaume, Islam, 10n.

  261 Emanuel Marx, "Back to the Problem of Tribe," American Anthropologist 8 (1979): 124.

  262 J. Kenneth Kuntz, The People of Ancient Israel (New York: Harper and Row, 1974), 259.

  263 "Destruction of Judean Fortress Portrayed in Dramatic Eighth-Century B.C. Pictures," review of The Conquest of Lachish by Sennacherib, by David Ussishkin,
Biblical Archaeology Review 10/2 (1984): 48-65; cf. G. Ernest Wright, "Bringing Old Testament Times to Life," National Geographic 112/6 (December 1957): 833-
64, and his "The Last Thousand Years Before Christ," National Geographic 118/6 (December 1960): 812-53.

   264 N. Haas and H. Nathan, "Anthropological Survey of the Human Skeletal Remains from Qumran," Revue de Qumran 6/23 (February 1968): 348-49, fig. 5, on
the pre-500 b.c. settlement of this S.W. area; cf. Tel Hashomer Government Hospital, "A Survey of Some Genetical Characters in Ethiopian Tribes," American Journal
of Physical Anthropology 20 (1962): 167-208B.

   265 Jamme, "Epigraphic Research," 41-54; Willard G. Oxtoby, Some Inscriptions of the Safaitic Bedouin (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1968), 13, 15;
cf. Joseph H. Greenberg, "An Afro-Asiatic Pattern of Gender and Number Agreement," Journal of the American Oriental Society 80 (1960): 319.
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  266 Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 80-82; cf. H. J. Polotsky, "Aramiac, Syriac, and Ge> z," ournal of Semitic Studies (9 (1964): 1-10.

  267 Cf. Harding, An Index and Concordance, 512-13.
   265 Jamme, "Epigraphic Research," 41-54; Willard G. Oxtoby, Some Inscriptions of the Safaitic Bedouin (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1968), 13, 15;
cf. Joseph H. Greenberg, "An Afro-Asiatic Pattern of Gender and Number Agreement," Journal of the American Oriental Society 80 (1960): 319.

  266 Nibley, An Approach to the Book of Mormon , 80-82; cf. H. J. Polotsky, "Aramiac, Syriac, and Ge> z," ournal of Semitic Studies (9 (1964): 1-10.

  267 Cf. Harding, An Index and Concordance, 512-13.

   268 Corpus Inscriptionem Semiticarum, 946, 3443, possibly = Arab. laman, "scoundrel" (cf. South Arabic lmn "intervention"; Akkadian lmn, "evil"), or Arab.
laymun, "limes."

  269 Enno Littmann, Safaitic Inscriptions (Leiden: Brill, 1943), 1025.

  270 In the Hebrew text, but misunderstood by the KJV translators; cf. Gen. 25:14, 1 Chr. 1:30.

   271 The tribe of Maï¿½ï¿½aYahweh and the Gods of Canaan, 253 n. 133; cf. Winnett and Reed, Ancient Records from North Arabia, 29, 90-91, 192; cf.
however, Paul Franklyn, "The Sayings of Agur in Proverbs 30: Piety or Scepticism?" Zeitschrift fï¿½r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 95 (1983): 239-40, who
prefers "oracle" for maï¿½ï¿½a

Notes and Communications

Rod and Sword as the Word of God

John A. Tvedtnes

And I beheld a rod of iron, and it extended along the bank of the river, and led to the tree by which I stood. And I also beheld a strait and narrow path, which came
along by the rod of iron, even to the tree by which I stood; and it also led by the head of the fountain, unto a large and spacious field, as if it had been a world. (1 Nephi
8:19-20)

Thus Lehi described the rod and the path seen in his vision of the tree of life. Those who "caught hold of the end of the rod of iron" and clung to it through the "mist of
darkness" were able to "come forth and partake of the fruit of the tree" (1 Ne. 8:24; cf. 8:30).

The term rod of iron is found in Ps. 2:9 and in three passages in the book of Revelation. The first of these (Rev. 2:27) paraphrases the Psalm, while the others (Rev.
12:5; 19:15) build on it. All of them imply that the rod is a symbol of ruling power.

In the Old Testament, the rod is typically used to chastise children and wrongdoers (2 Sam. 7:14; Prov. 13:24; 29:15). Even the Lord is said to wield a rod in punishing
the wicked (Job 9:34; 21:9; Ps. 89:32; Lam. 3:1). Nephi, referring to the serpent Moses placed on the pole, wrote that the Lord "did straiten [Israel] . . . with his
rod" (1 Ne. 17:41). Isaiah indicated that the Lord used the power of other nations like a rod to punish the Israelites when they had gone astray (Isa. 10:5, 15, 24, 26;
14:29; 30:31; Micah 5:1). Similarly, the Lord used the Lamanites as a scourge (whip or flail) to punish the Nephites in times of wickedness (1 Ne. 2:24; 2 Ne. 5:25;
Jacob 3:3) and scourged the people for their wickedness (D&C 84:96; 97:22-24). In Isa. 10:26 (also in 2 Ne. 20:26), the Lord declares that other nations would be a
scourge to Israel and speaks also of the rod. "What will ye?" Paul asked the Corinthians, "Shall I come unto you with a rod, or in love, and in the spirit of
meekness?" (1 Cor. 4:21).

Anciently, the rod was used both for correction and for gentle guidance. This dual role came from the world of the shepherd as pastor and defender of the flock. Most
familiar to us is the description of the Lord as a shepherd, in which David wrote, "Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil: for
thou art with me; thy rod and thy staff they comfort me" (Ps. 23:4; cf. 80:1). Micah used the same imagery when he wrote, "Feed thy people with thy rod, the flock
of thine heritage" (Micah 7:14; see also Isa. 40:11; Jer. 31:10; Ezek. 34:6, 8, 10-17 19, 22-24, 31; Heb. 13:20; 1 Pet. 2:25; 5:4).

The shepherd's rod was a weapon, normally a piece of wood with a knob at one end. With it, he could defend the flock from predators. It was also used to count the
sheep at day-end (Lev. 27:32; Ezek. 20:37). The staff was a long walking stick, sometimes with a crook at the top. It could also be used for handling sheep, including
separating sheep and goats.

The Rod As Scepter

The use of the rod and staff for care of the flock and for inflicting injury on predators was carried over in the ancient Near East to rulers. Israel's rulers are termed
shepherds in Ezek. 34:2, 23, and Jer. 2:8. The kings of Egypt are frequently depicted with a flail in one hand and a small shepherd's crook in the other. The staff or
crook, which ultimately became the scepter used by royalty (and by bishops in various Christian churches), represented the king's responsibility to care for his people,
while the flail or whip symbolized his role as punisher of criminals.

The use of the rod or staff as a symbol of rule is mentioned in a number of Bible passages (Ps. 110:2; Isa. 14:5; Jer. 48:17; Ezekiel 19:11-12, 14; cf. D&C 85:7). The
Israelite crown prince Jonathan, son of king Saul, carried a rod (1 Sam. 14:27, 43). Ezek. 19:11 equates rods with scepters. In Num. 24:17, the scepter of the
Messiah is symbolically used to smite Israel's enemies. Later Jewish tradition indicates that possession of the rod denotes rule over the world (Midrash Ba-Midbar
Rabbah 13:14).

It is interesting that when Laman and Lemuel were stopped from beating their younger brothers Sam and Nephi with a rod, the angel said to them, "Why do ye smite
your younger brother with a rod? Know ye not that the Lord hath chosen him to be a ruler over you, and this because of your iniquities?" (1 Ne. 3:29; cf. 1 Ne. 2:22; 2
Ne. 5:19). It is possible that the elder brothers deliberately selected the rod to punish their brother to symbolize their claim to ruling authority in the family. Compare
the story in Numbers 17:2-10, where Aaron's authority as high priest in Israel was established by the miraculous blossoming of his rod.

The Royal Sword

Another symbol of power in the ancient world was the sword, still used by monarchs for conferring knighthood. As we shall see later, the sword, like the rod,
symbolizes the word of God in the scriptures.

Because of the scarcity of iron in the early kingdom of Israel, in Saul's day only the king and his son Jonathan had a sword (1Samuel 13:19-22).        Jonathan,
acknowledging David as the rightful king (1 Samuel 23:16-17), gives him his royal garments, his sword, and his bow (1 Sam. 18:4).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
The messianic hymn in Ps. 45:3 speaks of the royal sword, and there are a fair number of passages in which the "sword of the Lord" is mentioned Page    54820;
                                                                                                                                                (Judg. 7:18, / 919
                                                                                                                                                                1
Chr. 21:12; Isa. 27:1; 34:5-6; 66:16; Jer. 12:12; 47:6; Ezekiel 21:3-5; 30:24-25; 32:10; 3 Ne. 29:4; cf. Num. 22:23, 31; D&C 1:13; 35:14). It is perhaps in this
light that we should understand the comparison of the sword with famine or pestilence as the means of punishing wicked nations. Jesus declared, "Think not that I am
Because of the scarcity of iron in the early kingdom of Israel, in Saul's day only the king and his son Jonathan had a sword (1Samuel 13:19-22).          Jonathan,
acknowledging David as the rightful king (1 Samuel 23:16-17), gives him his royal garments, his sword, and his bow (1 Sam. 18:4).

The messianic hymn in Ps. 45:3 speaks of the royal sword, and there are a fair number of passages in which the "sword of the Lord" is mentioned (Judg. 7:18, 20; 1
Chr. 21:12; Isa. 27:1; 34:5-6; 66:16; Jer. 12:12; 47:6; Ezekiel 21:3-5; 30:24-25; 32:10; 3 Ne. 29:4; cf. Num. 22:23, 31; D&C 1:13; 35:14). It is perhaps in this
light that we should understand the comparison of the sword with famine or pestilence as the means of punishing wicked nations. Jesus declared, "Think not that I am
come to send peace on earth: I came not to send peace, but a sword" (Matt. 10:34).

Among the Nephites, the sword of Laban, taken by Nephi and used as a pattern for other swords (1 Ne. 4:9, 18-19 2 Ne. 5:14), was wielded only by the rulers
(Jacob 1:10; W of M 1:13; cf. Alma 2:29, 31). Considered to be one of the Nephites' most precious possessions, it was kept with the plates of brass and the plates of
Nephi, along with the Liahona (Mosiah 1:16), and was later shown to Joseph Smith and the Three Witnesses (D&C 17:1).

Significantly, the sword and the rod appear together in some Bible passages (Ezekiel 21:9-10, 13; Rev. 19:15). In Jeremiah 51:19-20, the rod is paralleled by weapons
of war.

The Word of God

Nephi explained "that the rod of iron, which my father had seen, was the word of God, which led to the fountain of living waters, or to the tree of life; which waters are
a representation of the love of God; and I also beheld that the tree of life was a representation of the love of God" (1 Ne. 11:25). When his brothers asked about the
meaning of the rod, he explained that "it was the word of God; and whoso would hold fast unto it, they would never perish; neither could the temptations and the fiery
darts of the adversary overpower them unto blindness, to lead them away to destruction" (1 Ne. 15:24).

This makes the rod both a source of support (as the word of God) and a weapon of defense against the devil's "fiery darts," which, in Eph. 6:16, are warded off by the
shield of faith. As such, the rod reminds us of the admonition to don the "armour of God," including the "sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God" (Ephesians
6:13-17; cf. Rom. 13:12; 2 Cor. 6:7; 1 Thes. 5:8; 2 Ne. 1:23). The passage is paraphrased in Doctrine and Covenants 27:15-17.

The use of a rod to represent words or speech is found in Prov. 10:13 and 14:3. In other passages, it refers specifically to the word of God. In Isa. 30:31, "the voice of
the Lord" is contrasted with the rod of the Assyrians. In a few passages, the rod is compared to a covenant with God which, like a rod, can be broken (Ezek. 20:37;
Zech. 11:10, 14). Micah wrote, "The Lord's voice crieth unto the city, and the man of wisdom shall see thy name: hear ye the rod, and who hath appointed it" (Micah
6:9). Isaiah wrote of the Messiah, "But with righteousness shall he judge the poor, and reprove with equity for the meek of the earth: and he shall smite the earth with
the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips shall he slay the wicked" (Isa. 11:4). A similar thought, obviously based on the Isaiah passage, is expressed in a
modern revelation in which the Lord threatens to punish the unrepentant with "the rod of my mouth" (D&C 19:15).

In his revelation to the apostle John, the Lord also drew upon the imagery in Isa. 11:4, placing a sword in the mouth of God, while noting that Christ is to rule "with a
rod of iron" (Rev. 2:27; 12:5). In this, he follows Old Testament precedent, where the mouth, words, tongue, and even teeth are frequently compared to a sword.
"And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he should smite the nations: and he shall rule them with a rod of iron: and he treadeth the winepress of the
fierceness and wrath of Almighty God" (Rev. 19:15; cf. 19:21). In Hosea 6:5, the Lord declares, "Therefore have I hewed them by the prophets; I have slain them by
the words of my mouth." The prophets, as God's spokesmen, utter his words.

The sword has two edges, reminding us that the word of the Lord can bring either salvation or destruction, depending on whether we wield it or are judged by it (Rev.
1:16; 2:12, 16). This is explained in Heb. 4:12, which is one of the most frequently quoted biblical passages in the early revelations given to Joseph Smith (see D&C
6:2; 11:2; 12:2; 14:2; 33:1):

For the word of God is quick, and powerful, and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and
marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart.

The epistle to the Hebrews probably quoted a more ancient source, which was also borrowed in Helaman 3:29-30:

Whosoever will may lay hold upon the word of God, which is quick and powerful, which shall divide asunder all the cunning and the snares and the wiles of the devil,
and lead the man of Christ in a strait and narrow course across that everlasting gulf of misery, which is prepared to engulf the wicked-And land their souls, yea, their
immortal souls, at the right hand of God in the kingdom of heaven.

The inclusion of the "strait and narrow course" and the "gulf of misery," along with the "snares and the wiles of the devil," clearly ties this passage to Lehi's vision, where
it is the rod or the word of God that brings people safely past Satan's obstacles (the mist of darkness, the gulf, the fiery darts of the adversary, and the forbidden paths)
to the tree of life (1 Nephi 8:19-24; 12:17-18; 15:24, 28). In the Helaman passage, however, the word of God seems to be compared to a sword.

The power of the word of God was emphasized by Alma; he noted that "it had had more powerful effect upon the minds of the people than the sword, or anything else,
which had happened unto them" (Alma 31:5; cf. 61:14; Eccl. 9:18). This reminds us that Nephi and other Book of Mormon prophets spoke with "the sharpness of the
power of the word of God" (2 Ne. 1:26; W of M 1:17; Moro. 9:4; cf. Alma 1:7).

By comparing the word of God with a sword and a rod, the prophets have shown us that there is both strength and love in obedience to the Lord. With the word of the
Lord, we can fight off sin and temptation as with a sword and nurture our families and ourselves as did ancient shepherds with the rod. In the end, the word of God will
also serve to judge us, meting out justice to those who disobey and justifying those who follow its precepts. In this, too, it is like both the sword and the rod.

  It seems natural that David, who had been a shepherd before he became king, should call the Lord his shepherd. (The comparison of David, the shepherd, with
David, the king, is made in Ps. 151, which while not in our current Bible, was on a Psalms scroll found at Qumran and is known from other ancient sources as well.)

   Several Book of Mormon passages note that the Lamanites believed that Nephi had stolen from them their rights to govern the people (2 Ne. 5:3; Mosiah 10:15-
16; Alma 54:17).

   The sword of Goliath was so revered that it was kept by the priests in the Tabernacle until David asked for it when fleeing Saul (1 Samuel 21:8-10; 22:13).

   Chronicles of Jerahmeel 23:2-4 speaks of a special sword on which the name of God was engraved and with which Methuselah slew a vast throng of demons; he
was buried with the sword. This should be compared with the story in the Ethiopic Book of the Mysteries of Heaven and Earth, where we read that in the premortal
war in heaven, when the angels of God came at Satan with a cross of light inscribed with the names of the three members of the Godhead, the devil and his hosts fled.
See E. A. Wallis Budge, Amulets and Superstitions (London: Oxford University, 1930), xxi-xxii, 10-11, and E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Mysteries of the
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                 Page 549 / 919
Heavens and the Earth and Other Works of Bakhayla Mï¿½k- (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1935), 17.

   Ex. 5:3; Deut. 28:22; 1 Chr. 21:12, 16, 27, 30; 2 Chr. 20:9; Job 5:20; Isa. 51:19; 66:16; Jer. 5:12; 11:22; 14:12-13, 15-16 18; 15:2; 16:4; 18:21; 21:7, 9; 24:10;
   Chronicles of Jerahmeel 23:2-4 speaks of a special sword on which the name of God was engraved and with which Methuselah slew a vast throng of demons; he
was buried with the sword. This should be compared with the story in the Ethiopic Book of the Mysteries of Heaven and Earth, where we read that in the premortal
war in heaven, when the angels of God came at Satan with a cross of light inscribed with the names of the three members of the Godhead, the devil and his hosts fled.
See E. A. Wallis Budge, Amulets and Superstitions (London: Oxford University, 1930), xxi-xxii, 10-11, and E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Mysteries of the
Heavens and the Earth and Other Works of Bakhayla Mï¿½k- (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1935), 17.

   Ex. 5:3; Deut. 28:22; 1 Chr. 21:12, 16, 27, 30; 2 Chr. 20:9; Job 5:20; Isa. 51:19; 66:16; Jer. 5:12; 11:22; 14:12-13, 15-16 18; 15:2; 16:4; 18:21; 21:7, 9; 24:10;
27:8, 13; 29:17-18; 32:24, 36; 34:17; 38:2; 42:16-17, 22; 44:12-13, 18, 27; Lam. 4:9; Ezek. 5:12, 17; 6:11-12; 7:15; 12:16; 14:21; 28:23; 33:27; Amos 4:10; Rom.
8:35; Alma 10:22-23; 26:19; Helaman 11:4-5, 14; 13:5, 9; 3 Ne. 2:19; 20:20; 29:4; Morm. 8:41; Ether 8:23; D&C 1:13; 87:6; 97:26; 101:10; 121:5; Joseph Smith-
History 1:45.

  For a discussion, see Brett L. Holbrook, "The Sword of Laban as a Symbol of Divine Authority and Kingship," and Daniel N. Rolph, "Prophets, Kings, and
Swords: The Sword of Laban and Its Possible Pre-Laban Origin," both in Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (1993): 39-72, 73-79.

    We note that, according to William P. Smith, in an interview published in Saints Herald, 9 March 1882 (p. 258), the Urim and Thummim used by Joseph Smith to
translate the Book of Mormon (called "the word of God" in the eighth article of faith) was held by a rod attached to the breastplate given to Joseph Smith. In the
original wording of Doctrine and Covenants 8:6-9 (Book of Commandments 6:3), Oliver Cowdery, when authorized to attempt a translation of the plates, was to have
the "gift of working with the rod." The wording was later changed to "gift of Aaron," in line with the rod of Aaron mentioned in Exodus 7:9-10, 19-20; 8:5, 16-17;
Numbers 17:6-10.

   The passage is cited in 2 Ne. 30:9 and is paraphrased in one of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1Q28b (1QSb 5). In another of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Isaiah Pesher
known as 4Q161, the passage is explained by saying, "his sword will judge all the peoples." One of the Nag Hammadi texts, Apocalypse of Paul V, 2 22:2-10, depicts
an angel with an iron rod in his hand herding souls to their judgment.

    Paul seems to be paraphrasing the passage when he writes of the wicked one "whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth, and shall destroy with the
brightness of his coming" (2 Thes. 2:8).

   Job 5:15; Ps. 42:10; 55:21; 57:4; 59:7; 64:3; 149:6; Prov. 12:18; 25:18; 30:14; Isa. 1:20; 49:2 (1 Ne. 21:2) cf. the longer version of Isa. 50:8 in 2 Ne. 7:8, "I will
smite him with the strength of my mouth." In connection with the flail mentioned earlier, note that, in Job 5:20-21, "the power of the sword" parallels "the scourge of the
tongue." One of the Dead Sea Scrolls (1QHa) speaks of lion cubs with teeth like a sword or a spear (13:10, 13, 15), while another compares the mouth to a
sharpened sword and the tongue to words of holiness (4Q436)

Notes and Communications (2)

Jewish and Other Semitic Texts Written in Egyptian Characters

John A. Tvedtnes and Stephen D. Ricks

The Book of Mormon indicates that it was written using Egyptian characters, called by Moroni "reformed Egyptian," though the Nephites also knew Hebrew (see
Morm. 9:32-34). Nephi made "a record in the language of my father, which consists of the learning of the Jews and the language of the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 1:2).
Evidently, the brass plates of Laban also contained Egyptian characters, for King Benjamin informed his sons that, without a knowledge of Egyptian, Lehi would not
have been able to read them (Mosiah 1:3-4).

Latter-day Saint scholars have long been divided on the issue of the language in which the Book of Mormon is written. Some have proposed that the Nephite record
was simply written in Egyptian, while others have suggested that the Nephite scribes used Egyptian script to write Hebrew text. While either of these is possible,
this present study will elicit evidence for the latter.

Non-Latter-day Saint scholars and others have long scoffed at the idea that an Israelite group from Jerusalem should have written in Egyptian and mocked the term
"reformed Egyptian" as nonsense. Since Joseph Smith's time, we have learned a great deal about Egyptian and Israelite records and realize that the Book of Mormon
was correct in all respects.

The ancient Egyptians used three types of writing systems. The most well known, the hieroglyphs (Greek for "sacred symbols"), comprised nearly 400 picture
characters depicting things found in real life. A cursive script called hieratic (Greek for "sacred") was also used, principally on papyrus. Around 700 b.c., the Egyptians
developed an even more cursive script that we call demotic (Greek for "popular"), which bore little resemblance to the hieroglyphs. Both hieratic and demotic were
in use in Lehi's time and can properly be termed "reformed Egyptian." From the account in Morm. 9:32, it seems likely that the Nephites further reformed the
characters.

While it is clear that the Book of Mormon was written in Egyptian characters, scholars are divided on whether the underlying language was Egyptian or Hebrew.
Recent discoveries have provided evidence that at least some ancient Israelite scribes were, like the Nephite scribes, acquainted with both languages.

A number of northwest Semitic texts are included in Egyptian magical papyri. These are mostly incantations that, instead of being translated, were merely transcribed in
Egyptian hieratic. The underlying language is a Northwest Semitic tongue, an early form of Hebrew/Canaanite. The texts include the London Magical Papyrus
(fourteenth century b.c.), the Harris Magical Papyrus (thirteenth century b.c.), Papyrus Anastasi I (thirteenth century b.c.), and Ostracon 25759 recto. The
latter dates to the early eleventh century b.c., the time of Israel's judges. While a Semitic text appears on one side, the verso has a text that is pure Egyptian, though
whether there is a connection between the two is unknown. In any event, it is clear that some Egyptian scribes were sufficiently versed in the Northwest Semitic tongue
that they were able to transliterate it using their own writing system.

Closer to Lehi's time are Israelite documents from the ninth to sixth centuries b.c., from which we learn that the Israelites adopted the Egyptian hieratic numerals and
mingled them with Hebrew text. More important, however, are Hebrew and Aramaic texts-languages used by the Jews of Lehi's time-that are written in Egyptian
characters. One of these is Papyrus Amherst 63, a document written in Egyptian demotic and dating to the second century b.c. The document had, like the Dead
Sea Scrolls, been preserved in an earthen jar and was discovered in Thebes, Egypt, during the second half of the nineteenth century. For years, Egyptologists struggled
with the text but could make no sense of it. The letters were clear, but they did not form intelligible words. In 1944, Raymond Bowman of the University of Chicago
realized that, while the script is Egyptian, the underlying language is Aramaic. Bowman managed to translate portions of the text, but it did not become the object of
serious study until the 1980s. Among the writings included in the religious text is a paganized version of Ps. 20:2-6. Here, then, we have a Bible passage, in its
Aramaic translation, written in late Egyptian characters.

In 1965, during
 Copyright         excavationsInfobase
              (c) 2005-2009,   at the southern
                                         MediaJudean
                                                Corp. site of Arad, a number of ostraca were found. Most of the documents were written in HebrewPageand dated
                                                                                                                                                          550to /ca.
                                                                                                                                                                  919
598-587 b.c. One, however, dating "to the seventh century b.c.," was written in Egyptian hieratic. Here, then, was evidence that Egyptian writing was known in an
Israelite city. This was not surprising, for Egyptian documents from an earlier time had been discovered at the Phoenician (Lebanese) city of Byblos.
realized that, while the script is Egyptian, the underlying language is Aramaic. Bowman managed to translate portions of the text, but it did not become the object of
serious study until the 1980s. Among the writings included in the religious text is a paganized version of Ps. 20:2-6. Here, then, we have a Bible passage, in its
Aramaic translation, written in late Egyptian characters.

In 1965, during excavations at the southern Judean site of Arad, a number of ostraca were found. Most of the documents were written in Hebrew and dated to ca.
598-587 b.c. One, however, dating "to the seventh century b.c.," was written in Egyptian hieratic. Here, then, was evidence that Egyptian writing was known in an
Israelite city. This was not surprising, for Egyptian documents from an earlier time had been discovered at the Phoenician (Lebanese) city of Byblos.

More significant, however, was an ostracon uncovered at Arad in 1967. Dating "toward the end of the seventh century b.c.," it reflects usage from shortly before
600 b.c., the time of Lehi. The text on the ostracon is written in a combination of Egyptian hieratic and Hebrew characters, but can be read entirely as Egyptian. Of the
seventeen words in the text, ten are written in hieratic and seven in Hebrew. However, all the words written in Hebrew can be read as Egyptian words, while one of
them, which occurs twice, has the same meaning in both Egyptian and Hebrew. Of the ten words written in hieratic script, four are numerals (one occurring in each
line). One symbol, denoting a measure of capacity, occurs four times (once in each of the four lines), and the remaining Egyptian word occurs twice. Thus, while
seventeen words appear on the ostracon, if one discounts the recurrence of words, only six words are written in hieratic (of which four are numerals), and six in
Hebrew.

The text of the ostracon is integral, rather than a bilingual. Yeivin, who translated and studied the text, wrote, "The two scripts provide supplementary information and
they are intermingled. One cannot, however, be sure how the scribe who wrote the text read it, whether in Hebrew throughout, pronouncing all the apparent hieratic
signs in their Hebrew equivalents, or in a mixed sort of jargon, giving the Egyptian values to the hieratic signs."

Because the inscription was discovered in Israel, Yeivin never considered the possibility that all the words might have been read as Egyptian, which seems more likely
in this case. One thing, however, is certain. The scribe who wrote the text knew both Hebrew and Egyptian writing systems and commingled them in a single text.
Perhaps this is what Nephi meant when he said that the language of his record consisted of "the learning of the Jews and the language of the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 1:2).

Additional evidence for the commingling of Hebrew and Egyptian scripts was discovered during archaeological excavations at Tell Ein-Qudeirah (biblical Kadesh-
Barnea) in the Sinai Peninsula during the latter half of the 1970s. Several ostraca of the sixth and seventh centuries b.c. were uncovered. One ostracon, written mostly
in hieratic characters, consists of a column of Egyptian measures and five columns of numbers. Along with the Egyptian, the Hebrew word ("thousands") appears twice
(with the hieratic "ten" in the numeral "10,000"), while the Hebrew symbol for "shekel" (a weight measure) appears twenty-two times. Because of the order of the
numerals in each column, it may be a scribal practice in writing numbers.

A second ostracon contains three vertical columns of numbers. The left-hand column has the Hebrew word garah, the smallest unit of Hebrew measure, after each
hieratic numeral. Because the numerals are in order, Rudolph Cohen, the archaeologist who discovered the texts, concluded that "this writing is a scribal exercise." This
view is supported by the discovery, at the same site, of a small ostracon with several Hebrew letters, in alphabetic order, evidently a practice text.

At both Arad and Kadesh-Barnea, there were, in addition to the "combination texts" discussed, other ostraca written entirely in either Hebrew or Egyptian hieratic. The
implication is clear: Scribes or students contemporary or nearly contemporary with Lehi were being trained in both Hebrew and Egyptian writing systems. The use of
Egyptian script by Lehi's descendants now becomes not only plausible, but perfectly reasonable in the light of archaeological discoveries made more than a century
after Joseph Smith translated the Book of Mormon.

  1 See the discussion by Brian D. Stubbs, "Book of Mormon Language," in Encyclopedia of Mormonism (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 1:179-81.

   2 Hugh Nibley, Lehi in the Desert, World of the Jaredites, There Were Jaredites (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988 [1st ed., 1952]), 14-18. James
E. Talmage, A Study of the Articles of Faith (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1949 [1st ed., 1913]), 291-92, seems to have been the
first to note that the "reformed Egyptian" of Moroni's time (Morm. 9:32) need not have been the same as the writing system described by Nephi in 1 Ne. 1:2.

   3 Janne M. Sjodahl, An Introduction to the Study of the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1927), 14; George Reynolds and Janne M.
Sjodahl, Commentary on the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Press, 1955), 1:4, 6-7; Sidney B. Sperry, "The Language and Script of the Book of
Mormon," in Our Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1950), 28-38; Sidney B. Sperry, Book of Mormon Compendium (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1968),
31-39; John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985), 74-78 and 363 n. 28; John A.
Tvedtnes, "Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon: A Preliminary Study," BYU Studies 11/1 (1970, also FARMS reprint): 50; John A. Tvedtnes, "Since the Book of
Mormon is largely the record of a Hebrew people, is the writing characteristic of the Hebrew language?" I Have a Question, Ensign (October 1986): 64-66, reprinted
in A Sure Foundation: Answers to Difficult Gospel Questions (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988), 21-26; John A. Tvedtnes, "The Hebrew Background of the Book
of Mormon," in Rediscovering the Book of Mormon , ed. John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1991), 77-91;
Stephen D. Ricks, "Language and Script in the Book of Mormon," FARMS Update, Insights (March 1992): 2. Bruce R. McConkie similarly believed that "the record
on the plates was written in reformed Egyptian, meaning in the Hebrew tongue by means of Egyptian characters that had been altered to meet the Nephite needs." A
New Witness for the Articles of Faith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985), 448. Joseph Smith said of the last of the plates, containing what became the Book of
Mormon's title page, "the language of the whole running the same as all Hebrew writing in general" (HC l:71). Though not a conclusive statement regarding the writing
found on the plates (Egyptian could be written right-to-left, left-to-right, or top-to-bottom), it is consistent with the underlying language being Hebrew and the Nephite
scribes being proficient in the Hebrew language.

  4 Kevin L. Barney, in his "Enallage in the Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 3/1 (1994): 114 n. 4, wrote, "Presumably, at least part of Nibley's
concern with the Hebrew-transliterated-into-Egyptian theory is the dearth of significant precedent for such a procedure." While the precedent was unknown when
Nibley first wrote of the subject in 1952, it has now been firmly established, as this present study shows.

   5 John Gee has drawn our attention to what Egyptologists have called "abnormal hieratic," which could be termed a "reformed Egyptian" script. He has also noted
that the Egyptian demotic script has been engraved on metal, including a bronze palette. See his "Two Notes on Egyptian Script," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies
5/1 (1996): 162-65.

   6 The texts in question were written with what Albright termed the "Egyptian Syllabic Orthography," using standard Egyptian symbols in combinations designed to
transliterate Semitic words. Semitic words written in the syllabic orthography are sometimes found in late Egyptian documents in the midst of Egyptian sentences; these
are clearly borrowings. In the texts we list here, whole Semitic texts, rather than borrowed words, are written in Egyptian script. For a brief overview of some of the
texts, see Wolfgang Helck, "Asiatische Fremdworte im gyptischen," in Die Beziehungen gyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. , 2nd ed. (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1971), 528-29.

  7 Hebrew is part of the Canaanite language family, usually called Northwest Semitic. This includes later forms of the Canaanite language, called Phoenician and
Punic. Closely related is Ugaritic, known from thirteenth- and fourteenth-century b.c. inscriptions at the northwest Syrian city of Ugarit, and less closely related is
Eblaite, known
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  8 Richard C. Steiner, "Northwest Semitic Incantations in an Egyptian Medical Papyrus of the Fourteenth Century b.c.e.," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 51/3
(1992): 196-97. Steiner briefly mentions the other Northwest Semitic texts noted herein and also draws our attention to a later Arabic text written in Coptic characters;
Harrassowitz, 1971), 528-29.

  7 Hebrew is part of the Canaanite language family, usually called Northwest Semitic. This includes later forms of the Canaanite language, called Phoenician and
Punic. Closely related is Ugaritic, known from thirteenth- and fourteenth-century b.c. inscriptions at the northwest Syrian city of Ugarit, and less closely related is
Eblaite, known from second millennium b.c. inscriptions from nearby Ebla.

   8 Richard C. Steiner, "Northwest Semitic Incantations in an Egyptian Medical Papyrus of the Fourteenth Century b.c.e.," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 51/3
(1992): 196-97. Steiner briefly mentions the other Northwest Semitic texts noted herein and also draws our attention to a later Arabic text written in Coptic characters;
see Joshua Blau, "Some Observations on a Middle Arabic Egyptian Text in Coptic Characters," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1 (1979): 215-62. Also of
interest is the fact that the works of some medieval Jewish scholars were written in Hebrew using Arabic script. Maimonides, often considered the greatest of the
rabbis, wrote his most well-known work, The Guide for the Perplexed, in Arabic using Hebrew script.

  9 Thomas Schneider, "Mag.pHarris XII, 1-5; Eine kanaanische Beschwrung fr die Lwenjagd?" Gttinger Miszellen 112 (1989): 53-63.

   10 William F. Albright, The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography (New Haven: Yale, 1934), 33, 37, 42; Hans-Werner Fischer-Elfert, Die satirische
Streitschrift des Papyrus Anastasi I (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986), 152.

   11 Ariel Shisha-Halevy, "An Early North-West Semitic Text in the Egyptian Hieratic Script, Orientalia n.s. 47 (1978): 145-62. An ostracon (plural ostraca) is a
piece of pottery on which writing appears. In the ancient Near East, when a jar was broken, pieces suitable for writing were kept, much as we keep "scratch paper."

   12 R. A. Stewart MacAlister, The Excavation of Gezer (London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1912), 2:276, 283, 285-87, 291; David Diringer, "On Hebrew
Inscriptions Discovered at Tell-ed-Duweir (Lachish)-III," Palestine Exploration Quarterly (July-October 1943): 89-99; J. W. Crowfoot, G. M. Growfoot, and
Kathleen M. Kenyon, The Objects from Samaria (London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1957), 11-13, 16-18, 29-32; Yigael Yadin, "Ancient Judaean Weights and the
Date of the Samaria Ostraca," in Scripta Hierosolymitana (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1961), 8:9-25; Yohanan Aharoni, "The Use of Hieratic Numerals in Hebrew Ostraca
and the Shekel Weights," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 184 (December 1966): 13-19; Ivan T. Kaufman, "New Evidence for Hieratic
Numerals on Hebrew Weights," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 188 (December 1967): 39-41; Anson F. Rainey, "Semantic Parallels to the
Samaria Ostraca," Palestine Exploration Quarterly (January-June 1970): 45-51.

  13 The Latter-day Saint notice of this document was made by Ricks, "Language and Script in the Book of Mormon," 2.

  14 Raymond A. Bowman, "An Aramaic Religious Text in Demotic Script," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 3 (1944): 219-31.

   15 S. P. Vleeming and J. W. Wesselius, "An Aramaic Hymn from the Fourth Century b.c.," Bibliotheca Orientalis 39/5-6 (September-November 1982): 501-9; S.
P. Vleeming and J. W. Wesselius, "Betel the Saviour," Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap 28 (1983-84): 110-40; Charles F. Nims and Richard
C. Steiner, "A Paganized Version of Ps. 20:2-6 from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," Journal of the American Oriental Society 103 (January-March 1983): 261-
74; Richard C. Steiner and Charles F. Nims, "You Can't Offer Your Sacrifice and Eat It Too: A Polemical Poem from the Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," Journal of
Near Eastern Studies 43/2 (1984): 89-114; Richard C. Steiner and Charles F. Nims, "Ashurbanipal and Shamash-Shum-Ukin: A Tale of Two Brothers from the
Aramaic Text in Demotic Script," Revue Biblique 92 (1985): 60-81; Richard C. Steiner, "The Aramaic Text in Demotic Script: The Liturgy of a New Year's Festival
Imported from Bethel to Syene by Exiles from Rash," Journal of the American Oriental Society 111/2 (1991): 362-63; and Steiner, "Northwest Semitic Incantations,"
191-200; "Bible's Ps. 20 Adapted for Pagan Use," Biblical Archaeology Review 11/1 (January-February 1985): 20-23; Ziony Zebit, "The Common Origin of the
Aramicized Prayer to Horus and of Ps. 20," Journal of the American Oriental Society 110/2 (1990): 213-28. See also John Gee, "La Trahison des Clercs: On the
Language and Translation of the Book of Mormon, " Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 96-97 n. 147.

  16 Yohanan Aharoni, "Hebrew Ostraca from Tel Arad," Israel Exploration Journal 16/1 (1966): 1-7.

  17 Shlomo Yeivin, "A Hieratic Ostracon from Tel Arad," Israel Exploration Journal 16/3 (1966): 153-59.

   18 The first Latter-day Saint notice of the significance of the Arad materials for Book of Mormon language was made by John A. Tvedtnes, "Linguistic Implications
of the Tel-Arad Ostraca," Newsletter and Proceedings of the Society for Early Historic Archaeology 127 (October 1971): 1-5, and in abbreviated form in "The
Language of My Father," New Era (May 1971): 19.

  19 This is the preposition m, which means "from" in both languages. Hebrew and Egyptian are distantly related, so this word is a cognate.

  20 The text is a simple inventory of grains from different places.

  21 A bilingual has a text in one language followed by a translation of the same text in another language. Many bilingual (and trilingual) inscriptions are known from the
ancient Near East.

  22 Shlomo Yeivin, "An Ostracon from Tel Arad Exhibiting a Combination of Two Scripts," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 55 (August 1969): 98-102.

   23 It remains to be determined when an Israelite or Nephite scribe would have used an Egyptian symbol instead of a Hebrew (alphabetic) letter. While some
Egyptian characters are alphabetic in nature, representing a single sound, others are syllabic or ideographic and can represent whole words or syllables. This does not
mean that they must be read with an Egyptian meaning, however. Akkadian scribes in Mesopotamia borrowed syllabically written words from their Sumerian
predecessors but assigned them a "translation" equivalent in their own language, rather than the Sumerian pronunciation. It is possible that the Nephites, whenever
possible, used Egyptian symbols that represented two or more consonants (Egyptian symbols often represent three consonants, sometimes four or five) whenever it
would take less space on the plates to write the Egyptian rather than the Hebrew.

  24 For photos of the ostraca and a brief discussion, see Rudolph Cohen, "The Excavations at Kadesh-Barnea 1976-78," Biblical Archaeologist 44/2 (1981): 98-
99; Rudolph Cohen, "Did I Excavate Kadesh-Barnea?" Biblical Archaeology Review 7/3 (May-June 1981): 25-30.

Notes and Communications (3)

Sam: A Just and Holy Man

Ken Haubrock

Some   of the(c)
 Copyright    most notable people
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                                              of Mormon are the prophets and men of God: Lehi, Nephi, Jacob, Alma, Mormon, and Moroni. But   many 552
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mentioned in the Book of Mormon of whom we know little. Some of these are witnesses to great events; however, because they are not main characters in the event,
they are only mentioned in passing. One of these lesser known individuals is Nephi's older brother Sam.
Sam: A Just and Holy Man

Ken Haubrock

Some of the most notable people in the Book of Mormon are the prophets and men of God: Lehi, Nephi, Jacob, Alma, Mormon, and Moroni. But many others are
mentioned in the Book of Mormon of whom we know little. Some of these are witnesses to great events; however, because they are not main characters in the event,
they are only mentioned in passing. One of these lesser known individuals is Nephi's older brother Sam.

Though Sam is mentioned quite often in the first two books of Nephi, we have only the barest sketch of him as a person. This would not seem out of the ordinary
except when we realize that Sam was witness to early Nephite history. Almost every hardship and adventure that Lehi's family went through-the difficulties of leaving
Jerusalem, the challenge of obtaining the brass plates, the ocean voyage, settling the new land-were probably also experienced by Sam. Yet how much do we know of
him? Let's explore the few verses that mention him specifically and those that imply his presence, and from these come to a better understanding of the man whom the
book of Alma calls "holy and just" (Alma 3:6).

We know nothing of Sam's childhood, nor do we know
how old he was when the events in 1 Nephi begin. It has been conjectured that Nephi was in his midteens when his story begins. If so, then Sam must have been in
his late teens (or early twenties). We can safely assume Sam was given the same parental care and training as Nephi (1 1 Ne. 1:1). Sam was probably also taught
"somewhat in all the learning of [his] father": languages, customs (1 Ne. 1:2), vocational and survival skills, and spiritual training.

Sam would also have known, as Nephi did, of the prophets who came "prophesying unto the people that they must repent, or the great city Jerusalem must be
destroyed" (1 Ne. 1:4; cf. 13). As Lehi taught his family, Sam would have learned of the "many things which [Lehi] saw in visions and in dreams" and the "many things
which [Lehi] prophesied and spake" (1 Ne. 1:16)-particularly since Nephi writes that Lehi "spake unto his children" of these things. Most difficult of all, Sam would
have known that the "Jews did mock" his father and sought his father's life (1 Ne. 1:19-20). Sam was also no doubt an important part of the preparation for Lehi's
exodus into the desert (a familiarity gained, perhaps, from previous desert journeys) and was part of the caravan that plodded across the desert for eight years. As
the division between Nephi and his two oldest brothers widened, it is interesting to consider what influence the two older brothers, Laman and Lemuel, might have tried
to exert over Sam. Imagine how Laman and Lemuel must have constantly urged Sam to follow them and their ways, not to listen to their younger brother, and to
remember that the oldest is the rightful heir of all the father has. One of Sam's greatest trials must have been resisting the example and enticements of Laman and Lemuel
and, instead, finding the faith and courage to follow Nephi.

Though the journey had barely begun in 1 Ne. 2:8-10, already we find Lehi cautioning Laman and Lemuel because of their "stiffneckedness" (1 Ne. 2:11). Yet no
mention is made of a word of warning to Sam; it appears that Sam has made righteous decisions early in life. This is further confirmed in 1 Ne. 2:16-17, where we read
of Nephi's cry "unto the Lord; and behold he did visit me." Significantly, Nephi first shares this experience with his brother Sam. From this one can deduce a special
relationship of trust between these two brothers.

In 1 Ne. 3:1-4, we read of Lehi's dream commanding Nephi and his brethren to return to Jerusalem to get Laban's records. Sam is obviously one of the "brethren," but
is he also among the "brothers" who murmur in 1 Nephi 3:5? We do not know, but it would not be extraordinary if he did so-Lehi and Sariah murmured (1 Ne. 16:20;
5:2). However, if Sam murmured, it doesn't appear to be for long, for in 1 Ne. 3:28, Nephi writes that "Laman and Lemuel did speak many hard words unto us, their
younger brothers, and they did smite us even with a rod." Sam is verbally and physically abused along with his younger brother Nephi. Yet, oddly enough, the angel
who stops Laman and Lemuel mentions only the abuse of Nephi. We do not know if this is an intentional omission in the record or not.

In 1 Ne. 7:1-3, Nephi and his brothers again return to Jerusalem to get Ishmael and his family. All goes well on the trip to Jerusalem, but on the journey back into the
desert, Laman, Lemuel, and others rebel against Nephi, Sam, Ishmael, his wife, and three of Ishmael's daughters. Two things in this rebellion are noteworthy. First, Sam
is mentioned as being on Nephi's side (1 Ne. 7:6). Sam is spiritually strong enough that he can stand with Nephi during the rebellion. The second item is a bit more
enigmatic. In verse 16, after the rebels have been called to repentance, Nephi's brothers "did bind [Nephi] with cords, for they sought to take away [his] life." One
cannot help but wonder where Sam is during this event. Is it simply a matter of being outnumbered? Is Sam restrained in some way? The record does not mention what
Sam does, only that the problem is ultimately diffused by pleading from Ishmael's family.

The next mention of Sam is from Lehi, who says, "I have reason to rejoice in the Lord because of Nephi and also of Sam ; for I have reason to suppose that they, and
also many of their seed, will be saved" (1 Ne. 8:3). And in verse 14 of the same chapter, Lehi reports that he "beheld your mother Sariah, and Sam, and Nephi"; he
beckons to them, and they come and "partake of the fruit also" (1 Ne. 8:16). Sam has made and will continue to make right choices, and his efforts will bring him
salvation.

The next few recorded episodes are unfortunately silent about Sam and his role:

ï¿½ In 1 Ne. 15:2, is Sam part of the "brethren" who are "disputing one with another concerning the things which [their] father had spoke unto them"? Is he one of those
who later "humble themselves before the Lord" (1 Ne. 16:5)?

ï¿½ In 1 Ne. 16:20, has Sam learned his lessons well enough not to murmur? He is not mentioned as being among those who complain because of Nephi's bow
breaking.

ï¿½ In 1 Ne. 17:17-18, Nephi is silent about Sam's part in this ship-building incident. Did he have other duties to attend to? Was he just not around for this?

ï¿½ In 1 Ne. 18:9, is Sam part of this group that "began to make themselves merry"? Where is he when Nephi is tied up? Does he try to help Nephi but is stopped?

The next reference to Sam is found in 2 Ne. 1:28: Lehi admonishes him, along with Laman and Lemuel and the sons of Ishmael to "hearken unto the voice of Nephi."
As we find in Lehi's final patriarchal blessing of Sam's family, Sam takes Lehi's exhortation to heart. In 2 Ne. 4:11, Lehi blesses Sam, and though the blessing is short, it
is very powerful. Sam is told that he and his posterity shall "inherit the land like unto thy brother Nephi"-implying that all Nephi's blessings can be Sam's. This blessing
also implies that Nephi is receiving a double portion-just as his ancestor Joseph did through Ephraim and Manasseh -and that Sam and his descendants are to be the
second half of that double portion. Sam is told his "seed shall be numbered with [Nephi's] seed" and he is to "be even like unto thy brother [Nephi], . . . and thou
shalt be blessed in all thy days" (2 Ne. 4:11). Sam must have rejoiced at this great blessing.

The last we read of Sam in the plates of Nephi is found during the time that the Lord warns Nephi that he should flee from his murderous brothers. Second 1 Ne. 5:6
declares that "Sam, mine elder brother and his family," are part of those who have chosen to go with Nephi. Nephi's feelings would have been bittersweet: heartbroken
over the wickedness of Laman and Lemuel but joyful over Sam's righteousness. We last see Sam as he embarks on his journey into the wilderness with Nephi. From
then on, Sam and his descendants are literally, as prophesied by Lehi, numbered with Nephi's seed.

One further reference to Sam in the Book of Mormon is found in Alma 3:6. Mormon, in writing of the Lamanites' wickedness, says they were cursed because of their
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                                           Jacob, Joseph, and Sam, "who were holy and just men." These four of the original six brothers in Lehi's Page     553
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as holy and just men who are fair and treat others with consideration and who follow God and are sanctified by their efforts. This is the Sam that we should come to
appreciate and remember.
then on, Sam and his descendants are literally, as prophesied by Lehi, numbered with Nephi's seed.

One further reference to Sam in the Book of Mormon is found in Alma 3:6. Mormon, in writing of the Lamanites' wickedness, says they were cursed because of their
transgression and rebellion against Nephi, Jacob, Joseph, and Sam, "who were holy and just men." These four of the original six brothers in Lehi's family are described
as holy and just men who are fair and treat others with consideration and who follow God and are sanctified by their efforts. This is the Sam that we should come to
appreciate and remember.

  1 Hugh W. Nibley, in his Approach to the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Desert Book and FARMS, 1988), 76, indicates that Sam's name has Egyptian roots
and that he was probably "born in the days of [Lehi's] prosperity" (p. 77).

  2 Rodney Turner, "The Prophet Nephi," in The Book of Mormon: First Nephi, The Doctrinal Foundation, ed. Monte S. Nyman and Charles D. Tate Jr. (Provo,
Utah: BYU Religious Studies Center, 1988), 81-82.

  3 See John L. Sorenson, "The Composition of Lehi's Family," in By Study and Also by Faith: Essays in Honor of Hugh W. Nibley, ed. John M. Lundquist and
Stephen D. Ricks (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1990), 2:193.

  4 For further information about Lehi's familiarity with the desert, see Nibley, Approach to the Book of Mormon , 76-82.

  5 See Gen. 48:5-6 and Deut. 21:17. Using the latter verse, we can infer that Lehi, in his blessing, has purposefully supplanted Laman with Nephi by giving Nephi a
double portion of inheritance as is the firstborn's (Laman) right.

  6 John Welch comments on this verse that "Sam would not have a separate tribal interest. . . . Consequently, there are . . . never any Samites [in the Book of
Mormon]." John W. Welch, " Lehi's Last Will and Testament," in The Book of Mormon: Second Nephi, The Doctrinal Structure (Provo, Utah: BYU Religious Studies
Center, 1989), 72.

Notes and Communications (4)

"His Stewardship Was Fulfilled"

John A. Tvedtnes

When Abinadi testified before King Noah and his priests, they "attempted to lay their hands on him" (Mosiah 13:2), but he warned them, "Touch me not, for God shall
smite you if ye lay your hands upon me, for I have not delivered the message which the Lord sent me to deliver" (Mosiah 13:3). Knowing that "the Spirit of the Lord
was upon him," "the people of king Noah durst not lay their hands on him" (Mosiah 13:5), and Abinadi went on to tell them about the coming of the Messiah. "I finish
my message," he declared, "and then it matters not whither I go, if it so be that I am saved" (Mosiah 13:9). Only after he had delivered the words of the Lord were they
able to slay him (Mosiah 17:1).

A similar story is found in the pseudepigraphic book known as 4 Baruch or "The Things Omitted from Jeremiah the Prophet." "And as Jeremiah was saying these
things about the Son of God, that he is coming into the world, the people became angry and said, ï¿½These (once) again are the words spoken by Isaiah the son of
Amos, saying, "I saw God and the son of God." Come, therefore, and let us not kill him by that (same) death [as Isaiah], but let's stone him with stones'" (4 Baruch
9:21-22). But Jeremiah declared, "they will not kill me until I have described to you everything that I saw" (4 Baruch 9:24). He then asked the Lord to protect him,
and his life was spared by divine intervention when the Lord blinded their eyes and made them think that a large stone was Jeremiah. "Jeremiah delivered all the
mysteries that he had seen . . . and then he simply stood in the midst of the people, desiring to bring his stewardship to an end" (4 Baruch 9:29). The people then "saw
him, [and] they immediately ran at him with many stones, and his stewardship was fulfilled" (4 Baruch 9:31).

On several occasions, as Jesus testified of himself and his relationship with the Father, those who heard him sought to slay him. On two of these occasions, he simply
went "through the midst of them" and escaped unharmed (Luke 4:30; cf. John 8:58-59). On two other occasions, we read that "no man laid hands on him, because his
hour was not yet come" (John 7:30; 8:20; cf. John 2:4; 7:6, 8). Only when he had completed his mortal ministry did he declare that "the hour is come; [and] the Son of
man is betrayed into the hands of sinners" (Mark 14:41; cf. John 12:23; 13:1; 17:1).

These accounts from the New Testament, the Book of Mormon, and 4 Baruch illustrate the principle taught by Brigham Young in October 1844: "The Lord never let a
prophet fall on the earth until he had accomplished his work."

  1 The text used herein is the English translation by S. E. Robinson, published in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. James H. Charlesworth (Garden City:
Doubleday, 1985), 2:418-25.

   2 Similarly, when Lehi told the people about his vision "of the coming of the Messiah, and also the redemption of the world . . . the Jews . . . were angry with him;
yea, even as with the prophets of old, whom they had cast out, and stoned, and slain; and they also sought his life, that they might take it away" (1 Ne. 1:19-20; cf. Hel.
8:22). The Lord saved Lehi by telling him to flee Jerusalem. In this, Lehi's story resembles that of Abinadi in Mosiah 11:26. When Nephi was threatened by his
brothers, the Lord protected him as he protected Abinadi, by making it impossible for them to lay their hands on him until he had finished speaking (1 Ne. 17:48-55; cf.
Lehi in 1 Ne. 2:13-14).

  3 HC 7:302.

About the Contributors

Ken Haubrock has a B.A. degree in English from Brigham Young University. He is working as a Software Quality Assurance manager with Capital One Financial
Services in Richmond, Virginia.

Massimo Introvigne, a law and philosophy graduate, is the director of the Center for Studies on New Religions (CESNUR) in Turin, Italy, and a part-time professor of
religious studies in the Faculty of Theology of Pontifical Athenaeum Regina Apostolorum in Rome.

Noel B. Reynolds has a Ph.D. in Government from Harvard University. He is a professor of Political Science at Brigham Young University and currently serves as
president of the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS).

Stephen D. Ricks has a Ph.D. in Near Eastern Religions from the University of California at Berkeley and Graduate Theological Union. He is a professor of Hebrew
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
and Semitic Languages at Brigham Young University.                                                                                             Page 554 / 919

David E. Sloan has an MBA and a J.D. from the University of Utah. He is a tax and estate-planning attorney at the law firm of Van Cott, Bagley in Salt Lake City.
Noel B. Reynolds has a Ph.D. in Government from Harvard University. He is a professor of Political Science at Brigham Young University and currently serves as
president of the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS).

Stephen D. Ricks has a Ph.D. in Near Eastern Religions from the University of California at Berkeley and Graduate Theological Union. He is a professor of Hebrew
and Semitic Languages at Brigham Young University.

David E. Sloan has an MBA and a J.D. from the University of Utah. He is a tax and estate-planning attorney at the law firm of Van Cott, Bagley in Salt Lake City.

Robert F. Smith, who formerly had research grants from FARMS, continues his endeavors in the southern California area.

Brian D. Stubbs has an M.A. in linguistics and is an instructor at the College of Eastern Utah-San Juan Campus.

John A. Tvedtnes, who earned an M.A. in linguistics and an M.A. in Middle East studies (Hebrew), is senior project manager with the Foundation for Ancient
Research and Mormon Studies.

Ken Haubrock
11803 Prince Regent Place
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Massimo Introvigne
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Via Bertola 86
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Noel B. Reynolds
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Stephen D. Ricks
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David Sloan
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Robert F. Smith
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Brian Stubbs
CEU-SJC
Blanding, UT 84511
(801) 678-2201 Ext 143

John A. Tvedtnes
303 AKH

Book of Mormon Studies Spring 1997
Editor: Stephen D. Ricks

Board of Editors: Brian M. Hauglid

Robert L. Millet

Donald W. Parry

David R. Seely

Gaye Strathearn

Production Editors: Shirley S. Ricks and Alison V. P. Coutts

FARMS Board of Trustees:

Chairman: Stephen D. Ricks

President: Noel B. Reynolds

Douglas M. Chabries

Donald W. Parry

Daniel C. Peterson

Michael D. Rhodes
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                   Page 555 / 919
David Rolph Seely
Daniel C. Peterson

Michael D. Rhodes

David Rolph Seely

John W. Welch

Foundation for Ancient Research and

Mormon Studies

Provo, Utah

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The Sacred Tree of the Ancient Maya

Allen J. Christenson

Abstract: Sacred trees, representing the power of life to grow from the underworld realm of the dead, are a common motif in the art and literature of the ancient Maya
of Mesoamerica. Such trees are similar in concept to the tree of life described in the Book of Mormon, as well as to the mythic traditions of many other contemporary
world cultures. Hieroglyphic inscriptions and sixteenth-century highland Maya texts describe a great world tree that was erected at the dawn of the present age to stand
as the axis point of the cosmos. In its fruit-laden form, it personified the god of creation who fathered the progenitors of the Maya royal dynasty.

Depictions of sacred trees in the art of ancient America have fascinated generations of Latter-day Saint scholars because of their possible association with the tree of
life mentioned in the Book of Mormon (1 1 Ne. 8:10-36; 15:21). One of many such trees may be seen on the famous Stela 5 from Izapa (fig. 1), a monument of great
importance because of its early date (likely a century or two before the birth of Christ) and unusually complex imagery. Much has been written in an honest search for
the meaning these artistic representations of sacred trees held for their ancient creators. The work of V. Garth Norman on the monuments of Izapa has been particularly
thorough and insightful, and I can add little to his interpretations. Norman reiterates the long-held belief that the tree depicted on Izapa Stela 5 is related to the fruit-
bearing tree of life mentioned in the Book of Mormon, a symbol that Nephi associated with the afterlife and the sacrifice of the Son of God (1 Ne. 11:4-7).

Following the decline and eventual abandonment of Izapa, the ancient Maya of Mexico and Central America continued to depict sacred trees in their art and refer to
them in their literature. These ancient sources can enlighten our understanding of Maya concepts of creation, the afterlife, and spiritual rebirth. As it is in the Book of
Mormon, the sacred tree of the Maya was associated with a great creator deity, who was sacrificed and subsequently reborn to new life.

One of the principal keys that helps us to understand the nature of Maya cosmology and the afterlife was discovered more than a century ago. In the mid-1850s, an
Austrian traveler named Carl Scherzer stumbled across a long-forgotten manuscript copy of the Popol Vuh in the archives of the University of San Carlos in Guatemala
 Copyright
City.       (c) 2005-2009,
      This book               Infobase
                 is of inestimable value,Media
                                          since itCorp.
                                                   is a transcription of a pre-Columbian text made by members of the ruling highland Maya lineage soon after 556
                                                                                                                                                    Page     the Spanish
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Conquest in the mid-sixteenth century. Because it was transcribed using Latin script, the contents could be read relatively easily and indeed had been translated into
Spanish in the early 1700s by a Franciscan monk named Francisco Ximï¿½nez. Scherzer's publication of the Spanish translation of the text in 1857, as well as a rather
flowery French version published by Father Charles ï¿½tienne Brasseur de Bourbourg four years later, caused a sensation in Europe. The Popol Vuh is still the only
Mormon, the sacred tree of the Maya was associated with a great creator deity, who was sacrificed and subsequently reborn to new life.

One of the principal keys that helps us to understand the nature of Maya cosmology and the afterlife was discovered more than a century ago. In the mid-1850s, an
Austrian traveler named Carl Scherzer stumbled across a long-forgotten manuscript copy of the Popol Vuh in the archives of the University of San Carlos in Guatemala
City. This book is of inestimable value, since it is a transcription of a pre-Columbian text made by members of the ruling highland Maya lineage soon after the Spanish
Conquest in the mid-sixteenth century. Because it was transcribed using Latin script, the contents could be read relatively easily and indeed had been translated into
Spanish in the early 1700s by a Franciscan monk named Francisco Ximï¿½nez. Scherzer's publication of the Spanish translation of the text in 1857, as well as a rather
flowery French version published by Father Charles ï¿½tienne Brasseur de Bourbourg four years later, caused a sensation in Europe. The Popol Vuh is still the only
known pre-Columbian Maya text that has survived in a form that has been transcribed in a Western script. It is available today in a number of English versions, the
most recent by the ethnologist Dennis Tedlock.

The first half of the Popol Vuh contains a collection of highland Maya legends concerning the creation of the world, the nature of life and death, and an extensive
description of the underworld and its perils. A miraculous life-giving tree is a major focus of the mythic section. The tale of this tree begins with the account of a hero
named One Hunahpu who often spent his days playing an ancient Maya ball game with his brother. Unfortunately, the noise of the game disturbed the lords of the
underworld (a place called Xibalba), who lived beneath the ball court. The chief lords of the underworld, named One Death and Seven Death, were determined to
destroy the brothers and therefore summoned them to their realm. After a number of trials, One Death and Seven Death overcame One Hunahpu and sacrificed him by
beheading him. Although they buried the body in the underworld ball court, they placed his head in the branches of a dead tree. Immediately, the tree sprang to life and
bore a white fruit resembling the fleshless skull of One Hunahpu:

And when his head was put in the fork of the tree, the tree bore fruit. It would not have had any fruit, had not the head of One Hunahpu been put in the fork of the tree.

This is the calabash,   as we call it today, or "the skull of One Hunahpu," as it is said.

And then One and Seven Death were amazed at the fruit of the tree. The fruit grows out everywhere, and it isn't clear where the head of One Hunahpu is; now it looks
just the way the calabashes look. All the Xibalbans see this, when they come to look.

The state of the tree loomed large in their thoughts, because it came about at the same time the head of One Hunahpu was put in the fork.

The lords of the underworld were so astonished and fearful of the power of the tree that they forbade anyone to approach it. Eventually, tales of the miraculous tree and
the sweetness of its fruit reached the ears of a daughter of one of the underworld lords. She followed the path to the tree and was about to pluck one of its fruits
when the skull of One Hunahpu spoke to her, cautioning her to partake of the fruit only if she was certain of her desire. She assured One Hunahpu that this was indeed
her wish. Before she could touch the fruit, however, she became miraculously impregnated by a drop of One Hunahpu's saliva, which he spat into her palm. The young
woman was then admonished that by this action life would be renewed through her, never to be lost again. The maiden then climbed up to the world of the living where
she bore twin sons, who eventually grew to maturity and defeated the lords of death and rescued the bones of their father.

The World Tree and the Ancient Maya

The essential elements of the story of One Hunahpu and the miraculous underworld tree were well-known among the ancient Maya many centuries before the Popol
Vuh was compiled. Indeed, the myth appears to have been the central focus of southern Mesoamerican cosmology since before the birth of Christ. Numerous painted
ceramic vases discovered near the ruins of Maya cities in southern Mexico, Guatemala, and Belize show the great culture hero confronting the lords of death, his
sacrifice, his head hanging in a fruit-laden tree, and his eventual resurrection as a god of life and abundance.

Although the Popol Vuh account of One Hunahpu ends with his restoration to life in the underworld, earlier hieroglyphic inscriptions provide additional information.
Hun-Nal-Ye was the ancient lowland Maya version of One Hunahpu. Like One Hunahpu, the sacrificed Hun-Nal-Ye is shown in Maya art with his head hung in a
flowering tree in the underworld (fig. 2). With the aid of his two sons, he was able to arise from the underworld through the cracked carapace of a great turtle,
representative of the earth floating on the surface of the primordial sea (fig. 3).

Figure 2. Head of One Hunahpu in a fruit-laden tree; detail from Late Classic Maya polychrome cylinder vessel, a.d. 650-820.

Figure 3. Resurrection of Hun-Nal-Ye; from the interior of a Late Classic Maya bowl, a.d. 650-820.

Figure 4. Temple of the Cross Sanctuary Tablet, Palenque, Mexico, ca. a.d. 685-90.

Having been reborn to new life, Hun-Nal-Ye was then conveyed in a canoe across the sky to the center place of creation. There he oversaw the setting of three stones,
the hearthstones of the celestial fire which would quicken the cosmos and allow the world to emerge. Having done so, Hun-Nal-Ye then "raised the sky" by erecting a
great world tree to support the arch of the heavens. According to Quirigua Stela C, a monumental sculpture erected in eastern Guatemala near the border with
Honduras, this pivotal act took place at the beginning of the current cycle of time on 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk'u (13 August 3114 b.c.). The place of creation was
called "Lying-Down-Sky, First-Three-Stone-Place" because there the sky once lay unsupported against the earth.

Figure 5. Temple of the Foliated Cross Sanctuary Tablet, Palenque, Mexico, ca. a.d. 685-90.

The Maya World Tree in the Art of Palenque Mexico

The central panel within the sanctuary of the Temple of the Cross at Palenque depicts a cross-shaped world tree with branches tipped with precious flowers growing
from the center-place of creation (fig. 4). The tree is depicted at the moment just before its resurrection, its trunk still set in a sacrificial bowl resting atop a skeletonized
head. Offerings are made to it of life-giving blood and tokens of royal power by the new king of Palenque (Kan-Balam) on the right and his recently deceased father
(Hanab-Pakal II) on the left. The past and present kings thus commemorated the transfer of power by giving homage to the sacred world tree, which inaugurated
creation at the beginning of their cycle of time. The tree is definitively associated with creation in the accompanying text, which declares that on 4 Ahaw 8 Kumk'u (the
first day of the Maya long count calendar, corresponding with 13 August 3114 b.c.), Hun-Nal-Ye initiated the creation, thus causing it to be "made visible, the image at
Lying-Down-Sky, First-Three-Stone-Place." Five hundred and forty-two days later, on 5 February 3112 b.c., Hun-Nal-Ye then "entered the sky," completing his
apotheosis as a god.

The deified, fruitful manifestation of the world tree may be seen in the main sanctuary panel of the neighboring Temple of the Foliated Cross (fig. 5). There the tree is
adorned with precious jade jewelry and abundant foliage, whose delicately curling leaves cradle tiny god heads. The upper branch is marked by a personified deity face
with a mirror infixed into its forehead, indicating that the tree is resplendent, glowing with light as the sun is reflected off a shiny mirror.

Perhaps the most impressive depiction of the world tree at Palenque may be seen on the carved sarcophagus lid of Lord Hanab-Pakal II (fig. 6), who ruled the city
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                                        built deep                                                                                                   Page 557because
                                                   within the heart of the largest temple pyramid in the main complex (fig. 7), called the Temple of Inscriptions / 919
its upper sanctuary bears an unusually long hieroglyphic text devoted to the dynastic history of the city.
with a mirror infixed into its forehead, indicating that the tree is resplendent, glowing with light as the sun is reflected off a shiny mirror.

Perhaps the most impressive depiction of the world tree at Palenque may be seen on the carved sarcophagus lid of Lord Hanab-Pakal II (fig. 6), who ruled the city
from about a.d. 615-84. His tomb was built deep within the heart of the largest temple pyramid in the main complex (fig. 7), called the Temple of Inscriptions because
its upper sanctuary bears an unusually long hieroglyphic text devoted to the dynastic history of the city.

The tomb is constructed in the shape of a large I, the traditional shape of the Maya ball court, perhaps recalling the descent of One Hunahpu into the underworld ball
court where he confronted the lords of death. The sarcophagus itself is meant to represent the center of the cosmos, the place where creation began. The right and left
edges of the lid display columns of glyphs representing various celestial elements, known as sky bands. The body of the king is thus surrounded by a symbolic
representation of the universe. The placement of glyphic elements on the lid parallel the orientation of the real world. The central glyph on the

Figure 6. Sarcophagus lid of Lord Hanab-Pakal II, Palenque. The following discussion focuses on elements of this panel (6a-k).

Figure 7. Cross-section of Temple of Inscriptions showing the tomb of Pakal, Palenque, Mexico.

right (east) side is the sign for "sun," while opposite it on the left (west) side is the sign for "moon."

The central panel of the sarcophagus lid is dominated by a cross-shaped tree, similar to those found in the nearby sanctuary tablets of the Temple of the Cross and the
Temple of the Foliated Cross. The trunk of the tree is marked with the profile of a tzuk ("partition") head (see fig. 6a; cf. fig. 6), identifying the tree as growing in one of
the main divisions of the cosmos, in this case the center. The trunk and each of the three branches are marked with curving double lines with two attached beads, the
glyphic sign for te ("tree"); they are also marked with shining mirror signs, indicating that the tree is glowing with reflective light such as the bright surface of highly
polished jade, obsidian, or hematite. Such mirrors were used for at least 3,000 years in Mesoamerica as a means of prophecy and divination. In Maya art, such signs
distinguish objects and deities as sacred, precious, and incorruptible. At the ends of each of the branches of the tree are jeweled serpent heads with squared snouts that
curl back on themselves (see fig. 6b). These represent sacred flowers, likely the flower of the ceiba tree, whose stamens and pollen cores double back in a similar
manner.

In Mesoamerican theology, the world tree grew at the locus of creation, all things flowing out from that spot into four directions. The tree thus forms part of what
Mircea Eliade refers to as the "symbolism of the center." The center is, first and foremost, the point of "absolute beginning," where the latent energies of the sacred
world first came into being. This source of all creation was often seen as a vertical axis, or axis mundi, which stands at the center of the cosmos and passes through
each of the three major layers of existence-underworld, terrestrial plane, and sky. As the symbolic expression of this axis mundi, the world tree at once connected and
supported heaven and earth while firmly fixed in the world below. In addition to serving as the vertical pivot point of the cosmos, the world tree also oriented the
horizontal plane of the world by extending its branches outward toward the four cardinal directions. In ancient Maya inscriptions, the human soul was called sak nik' nal
("white flower thing"), referring to the white flowers of the ceiba tree. The implication is that the soul first came into being as a sacred flower on the branches of the
world tree, thence to be clothed with flesh at birth.

The ceiba is an ideal symbol for this conception of the world tree (fig. 8). It is one of the tallest of trees indigenous to southern Mesoamerica. In areas of dense tropical
rain forest, such as the Peten region of northeastern Guatemala, the ceiba soars to the very top of the jungle canopy, attaining heights of 175 feet or more. The trunk is
remarkably straight, and its branches extend at nearly right angles high above the ground, reminiscent of the cross-shaped trees seen in the art of Palenque.

Figure 8. A mature ceiba tree and its flowers.

The ceiba tree is still revered by the modern Maya as a manifestation of the world tree. Many villages have a carefully tended ceiba tree growing in their main plazas.
This tree marks their homeland as the center place of the world. Inhabitants often refer to their village as u muxux kaj, u muxux ulew ("navel of the heavens, navel of the
earth") because of the presence of the tree and other sacred objects that center their community in relation to the rest of the world. The Maya name for the tree reflects
the importance it holds. The K'iche' Maya of the highlands call it rï¿½x che', while the Yucatec Maya call it the yax che'. Both mean "first, green, new, or preeminent
tree." The souls of the dead are said to follow its roots into the underworld, while ancestors may return in the same way to visit the living on special occasions.

The presence of the ceiba in the underworld is a very ancient concept throughout the Maya world. In the sixteenth century, Diego de Landa, first bishop of Yucatan,
recorded that the souls of the benevolent dead entered "a place where nothing would give pain, where there would be abundance of food and delicious drinks, and a
refreshing and shady tree they called Yaxchï¿½, the Ceiba tree, beneath whose branches and shade they might rest and be in peace forever."

Such trees appear in the mythic traditions of a number of world cultures, including the various indigenous nations of North America. The shaman-chief Black Elk of the
Oglala Sioux described it while in a visionary trance:

I was seeing in a sacred manner the shapes of all things in the spirit, and the shape of all shapes as they must live together like one being. And I saw the sacred hoop of
my people was one of the many hoops that made one circle, wide as daylight and as starlight, and in the center grew one mighty flowering tree to shelter all the children
of one mother and one father. And I saw that it was holy.

Atop the world tree on Pakal's sarcophagus lid is an odd-looking bird wearing a jeweled pectoral and bearing sacred mirror markings on his forehead and tail (see fig.
6c). The cut shell on his head and other deity markers identify him as Itzam-Ye, the avian form of one of the gods who helped set the last of the three hearthstones at
the center of the cosmos on the day of creation. His name is derived from the word itz, a Maya concept that is difficult to translate into English. Itz is a kind of
supernatural power that permeates the life-giving fluids of all things, both animate and inanimate. It may be found in blood, tears, milk, semen, rain, tree sap, honey, and
even candle wax. Linda Schele refers to it as "cosmic ooze, the magical stuff of the universe." Itzam-Ye was believed to wield the means to channel this supernatural
power so as to give order to the cosmos and set the stage for creation. His presence atop the world tree depicted on the sarcophagus lid of Pakal indicates that the tree
is alive with sacred power.

All around the tree's branches are symbols for flowers (see fig. 6d), cut shells (fig. 6e: the glyph for yax, meaning "first, preeminent, or new"), chains of three jade beads
(fig. 6f), and the glyphic sign for zero (fig. 6g: an expression of the idea of "completion or wholeness" in Maya belief, rather than nothingness). These glyphic symbols all
express the Maya concept of k'ulel ("sacredness"), indicating that the tree is surrounded by holy and divine space.

Winding through the branches of the tree is a great double-headed serpent with glyphs for "jade" all along its body (see fig. 6h). This is a "vision serpent," a being that
symbolized the pathway by which sacred beings passed from one world to another. The ancient Maya believed that sacred persons such as kings and other members
of the royal family carried within them the divine spark of godhood. By drawing blood from their bodies, a portion of their divine nature was released, thereby giving
birth to the gods. The symbolic representation of this birth was the opening of the maw of the great vision serpent, through which sacred beings emerged to bestow on
the world tokens of power and life. Numerous inscriptions and carved panels show royal individuals letting their blood onto fragments of tree-bark paper. This paper
was then burned in offertory bowls along with aromatic incense. The Maya believed that within the rising black smoke of such offerings could be seen manifestations of
the world tree
 Copyright   (c)as2005-2009,
                   well as undulating
                              Infobasevision serpents,
                                         Media  Corp.with supernatural beings issuing from them.                                                       Page 558 / 919
Emerging from the jaws of the left-facing serpent's head may be seen a god named K'awil, the embodiment of divine power itself. From the right-facing serpent's jaws
the god Sak Hun, the patron deity of the royal family and divine kingship, comes forth. Upon accession, Maya kings had a white band tied around their foreheads with
of the royal family carried within them the divine spark of godhood. By drawing blood from their bodies, a portion of their divine nature was released, thereby giving
birth to the gods. The symbolic representation of this birth was the opening of the maw of the great vision serpent, through which sacred beings emerged to bestow on
the world tokens of power and life. Numerous inscriptions and carved panels show royal individuals letting their blood onto fragments of tree-bark paper. This paper
was then burned in offertory bowls along with aromatic incense. The Maya believed that within the rising black smoke of such offerings could be seen manifestations of
the world tree as well as undulating vision serpents, with supernatural beings issuing from them.

Emerging from the jaws of the left-facing serpent's head may be seen a god named K'awil, the embodiment of divine power itself. From the right-facing serpent's jaws
the god Sak Hun, the patron deity of the royal family and divine kingship, comes forth. Upon accession, Maya kings had a white band tied around their foreheads with
the head of this deity set over the brow.

A sacrificial bowl like those used for offertory blood may be seen resting on a skeletal head at the base of the tree on the sarcophagus lid of Pakal (see fig. 6i). It is
marked with a large k'in ("sun, day") sign, identifying it as the setting sun and indicating its power to overcome the darkness of death and the underworld at dawn.
Within the bowl are four articles associated with blood sacrifice. The central element is an upright stingray spine, the principal instrument used by the Maya to draw
their own blood in ritual offerings. On the left is a sectioned spondylus shell, a bright red spiny seashell which marks the bowl's contents as "holy or precious" and which
is also symbolic of the entryway into the watery environment of the otherworld. On the right is a glyph similar to a percentage sign. This is the cimi ("death") sign,
indicating that Pakal's sacrifice is not one of simple bloodletting, but of his life. Growing from the death sign are three leaves, a glyphic element which reads way
("spiritual transformation"), attesting that this death allows the king to pass from one state of being to another. Maize leaves grow from the sides of the offering bowl
indicating that the sacrifice engenders abundance and new life.

Pakal himself lies across the sacrificial bowl, indicating that it is the symbolic sacrifice of his body in death which invests the entire scene with its life-giving power. Both
he and the bowl are set in the immense jaws of a reptilian monster that rears upward to swallow them both into the underworld (see fig. 6j). The lower teeth of the great
beast may be seen at the base of the composition, while its upper jaws and eyes may be seen framing the sides of the lid as they curve upward and inward toward the
left knee and neck of the falling king.

Pakal wears a net skirt, bound-up hair, and jade ornaments, identifying him as the embodiment of the great creator god Hun-Nal-Ye, who had also descended into the
underworld, eventually to rise again to new life as the creator (fig. 6k). A fiery torch is set into Pakal's brow, a symbol of deification that appears only on images of
gods or deceased kings. In death, the king has become the principal god of life and organizer of the cosmos. Across his chest is a turtle pectoral, symbolic of the great
earth turtle through whose cracked carapace Hun-Nal-Ye emerged at the dawn of creation.

Within the sarcophagus, the body of Pakal (fig. 9) repeats this imagery in physical terms. Over 700 pieces of fine jade adorned the body, including a heavy mosaic
mask that completely covered his face, delicately carved rings on each of his fingers, and heavy necklaces, bracelets, and anklets. A jade Sak Hun god was found next
to the head, originally worn affixed to the royal headband. Two large jade pieces, one carved into a sphere and held in the king's left hand and the other a cube in the
right hand, remain an intriguing mystery. This interest in geometric shapes is unprecedented in known Maya royal burials, and its significance is still unexplained, although
the sphere may represent the dome of the heavens and the cube the quadrilateral earth.

The arrangement of jade pieces about the waist and thigh bones indicates that the king once likely wore a net skirt similar to the one seen carved on the lid. Jade
earflares with pearl counterweights, which were carved in the shape of ceiba tree flowers, were found about the head of the king. Across his chest was a carved jade
piece representing a calabash fruit, the same fruit that hung from the world tree and mimicked the skull of One Hunahpu in the Popol Vuh story. At his feet was the
carved jade image of the Pax god, the anthropomorphic personification of the world tree.

Figure 9. Reconstruction of the body of Pakal as found in his tomb, Palenque, Mexico.

The body of Pakal was thus adorned as if he were not only the creator god Hun-Nal-Ye, but the symbolic embodiment of the precious jade world tree itself.

The overall theme of the king's burial goods and the carved sarcophagus lid powerfully express the instant of transformation from death and mortality to godhood in the
midst of the sacred world tree at the center of creation. In ancient Mesoamerica, kingship was an eternal office that, once held in life, persisted beyond the grave.
Particularly in agricultural societies like that of the Maya, survival was dependent on the rhythmic flow of one aspect of nature into its complementary opposite. Life
could not exist in the absence of death. The sun must rise in its time to bestow its light and warmth on the crops. The rains must fall in their season and in sufficient
amounts or the crops will not grow to maturity and the community will die. The dry, seemingly lifeless maize seed must be buried in the earth before it can sprout new
plants. The king represented the hope that these forces could be controlled and ensured through ritual. He was the guarantor that the cycles of the universe would
continue to be predictable and benevolent. From their tombs, dead royal ancestors presided over and assisted the ritual acts of their living successors.

Royal burials were oriented as the central axis point of the universe, the place where worlds drew closest to one another. Sacred and precious things were placed in the
king's tomb where they would come into contact with the life-sustaining power of the otherworld. The most precious offering was the blood and body of the divine king
who, like the world tree, carried within him the seed of new life. Burial of the king's body within the bowels of a sacred pyramid symbolically returned him to the place
of creation in the hope that proximity to its regenerative power would help his rebirth into godhood. The appearance of the sacred world tree growing from the
underworld on the sarcophagus lid of Pakal was the symbolic expression of this concept.

It is evident that this journey was recapitulated at death by each ruler of Palenque. The sides of Pakal's sarcophagus are decorated with the images of ten individuals,
identified by their hieroglyphic name signs as men, and a single woman, who preceded Pakal in the office of king. All are depicted in a very similar fashion (fig. 10),
emerging from a cleft in the ground line marked with kaban ("earth") signs. Behind each, a fruit-bearing tree grows, indicating that they are rising from their graves in
parallel fashion to the sprouting of world trees.

Figure 10. Ancestor of Pakal, edge of sarcophagus lid.

The World Tree and Divine Kingship

These ideas were not limited to the site of Palenque. Throughout the Maya world, kings were eager to identify themselves with the power of the world tree to bestow
life and abundance on their people:

On public monuments, the oldest and most frequent manner in which the [Maya] king was displayed was in the guise of the World Tree. . . . This Tree was the conduit
of communication between the supernatural world and the human world: The souls of the dead fell into [the underworld] along its path; the daily journeys of the sun,
moon, planets, and stars followed its trunk. The Vision Serpent symbolizing communion with the world of the ancestors and the gods emerged into our world along it.
The king was this axis and pivot made flesh. He was the Tree of Life.

By portraying themselves wearing tokens of the world tree, rulers declared themselves to be the intermediaries between worlds at the center point of creation. An early
example is Stela 11 from Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, dated a century or two before the birth of Christ (fig. 11). This stone monument depicts a standing ruler with a
world tree growing
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            (c) 2005-2009,  InfobaseHis earflares
                                     Media   Corp.display crossed bands, a centering device which implies that the ruler stands at the pivotal juncture where559
                                                                                                                                                     Page     this world
                                                                                                                                                                   / 919
was born out of the underworld.

At Quirigua in Guatemala and Copan in Honduras great plazas were set aside for the erection of immense limestone stelae bearing the images of kings wearing the
The king was this axis and pivot made flesh. He was the Tree of Life.

By portraying themselves wearing tokens of the world tree, rulers declared themselves to be the intermediaries between worlds at the center point of creation. An early
example is Stela 11 from Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, dated a century or two before the birth of Christ (fig. 11). This stone monument depicts a standing ruler with a
world tree growing in his headdress. His earflares display crossed bands, a centering device which implies that the ruler stands at the pivotal juncture where this world
was born out of the underworld.

At Quirigua in Guatemala and Copan in Honduras great plazas were set aside for the erection of immense limestone stelae bearing the images of kings wearing the
heavy tokens of godhood. The same elements seen on Pakal's sarcophagus lid are abstracted and incorporated into the vestments of the king in many of these royal
portraits. On Quirigua Stela F (fig. 12), the sacred bird Itzam-Ye, which perches atop the world tree on Pakal's sarcophagus, is worn as a headdress, with three
panaches of feathers representing its wings and tail feathers cascading elegantly about the king's head. A personified tree appears on his loincloth, while earflares in the
shape of ceiba tree flowers appear on either side of his head. The king holds in his arms the coils of the double-headed vision serpent, which winds about the branches
of the world tree on Pakal's sarcophagus. Deities emerge from both of the serpent's open jaws. The stone portrait thus depicts the king as a personified world tree.

Figure 11. Stela 11, Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala, 200-100 b.c.

Conclusion

Death is a crisis. It is the victory of unseen and little-understood forces over a member of the community. When death takes a king, particularly one considered a god
as were Maya rulers, the crisis takes on universal proportions, threatening the very existence of the world and life itself. Royal tombs were constructed by the Maya as
a desperate attempt to forestall this horror by ritually ensuring the king's triumph over death and darkness. At Palenque, and in numerous other Maya centers, the
ultimate expression of this ability to escape the harrowing of the underworld was the world tree. It was the central focus of their journey into the afterlife. Its blossoms
symbolized the purity of the human soul. In ancient Maya art, this tree could be represented as a ceiba, cacao, or stalk of maize. For the K'iche' Maya who compiled
the Popol Vuh it was a calabash tree, whose fruit represented the power of divinity to bestow new life. Such concepts are certainly in keeping with the trees of life
recognized by numerous ancient cultures, including that seen in Lehi's vision as the symbolic expression of the love of God which gives eternal life.

Figure 12. Stela F, north side, Quirigua, Guatemala, a.d. 761.

Illustration Acknowledgments

Fig. 1: V. Garth Norman, Izapa Sculpture, Papers of the New World Archaeological Foundation Number 30 (Provo, Utah: New World Archaeological Foundation,
1973, 1976), 165, fig. 4.1.

Fig. 2: Mary E. Miller and Karl A. Taube, The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya: An Illustrated Dictionary of Mesoamerican Religion (New York:
Thames-Hudson, 1993), 135.

Fig. 3: Miller and Taube, Gods and Symbols, 69.

Fig. 4: Linda Schele and Mary E. Miller, the Blood of Kings (New York: Braziller, 1986), 115, fig. 11.6.

Fig. 5: David Freidel, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker, Maya Cosmos (New York: Morrow, 1993), 282, fig. 6:21.

Fig. 6: Merle Greene Robertson, The Sculpture of Palenque (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 1:pl. 99 (including details a-k).

Fig. 7: Redrawn by Michael Lyon from Gene Stuart, Secrets of the Past (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic, 1979), 92.

Fig. 8: Redrawn by Michael Lyon from Juan Valdï¿½s, Obras Maestras del Museo de Tikal (Guatemala: Ministerio de Cultura y Deportes, 1994), pl. 4, and Freidel,
Schele, and Parker, Maya Cosmos, 396, fig. 9:2.

Fig. 9: Redrawn by Michael Lyon from the reconstruction painting in the Museo Nacional de Antropolog'a de Mï¿½xico, in Mercedes de la Garza, Palenque
(Palenque, Mexico, Chiapas Eterno, 1992), 89.

Fig. 10: Drawing by Linda Schele, from Schele and Miller, Blood of Kings, 284, pl. 111e.

Fig. 11: Virginia G. Smith, "Izapa Relief Carving: Form, Content, Rules for Design, and Role in Mesoamerican Art History and Archaeology," Studies in Pre-
Columbian Art and Archaeology No. 27 (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1984), fig. 41b.

Fig. 12: Alfred Maudslay, Biologia Centrali-Americana (New York: Milpatron, [1889-1902] 1974), vol. 2, pl. 36.

Figure 1. The "tree of life" stela, Stela 5, Izapa, Mexico, 200 b.c.-a.d. 100.

  1 V. Garth Norman, Izapa Sculpture, Papers of the New World Archaeological Foundation Number 30 (Provo, Utah: New World Archaeological Foundation,
1973, 1976).

  2 Dennis Tedlock, Popol Vuh: The Mayan Book of the Dawn of Life, rev. ed. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996).

  3 The calabash tree (Crescentia cujete) yields a large, whitish to light-green gourd with a hard, bonelike rind that is sometimes dried and used to make bowls. It is
approximately the size of a human skull.

  4 Tedlock, Popol Vuh, 97-8.

  5 The K'iche' word used in this phrase is q'us ("sweet, delicious").

   6 Mary E. Miller and Karl A. Taube, The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya: An Illustrated Dictionary of Mesoamerican Religion (New York:
Thames-Hudson, 1993), 69-70; Francis Robicsek and Donald Hales, "A Ceramic Codex Fragment: The Sacrifice of Xbalanque," in Maya Iconography, ed. Elizabeth
P. Benson and Gillett G. Griffin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 260-76.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
  7 David Freidel, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker, Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand Years on the Shaman's Path (New York: Morrow, 1993), 69.Page 560 / 919

  8 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1959), 36-42.
   6 Mary E. Miller and Karl A. Taube, The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya: An Illustrated Dictionary of Mesoamerican Religion (New York:
Thames-Hudson, 1993), 69-70; Francis Robicsek and Donald Hales, "A Ceramic Codex Fragment: The Sacrifice of Xbalanque," in Maya Iconography, ed. Elizabeth
P. Benson and Gillett G. Griffin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 260-76.

  7 David Freidel, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker, Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand Years on the Shaman's Path (New York: Morrow, 1993), 69.

  8 Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1959), 36-42.

  9 Diego de Landa, Yucatan before and after the Conquest, tr. William Gates (Baltimore: Maya Society, 1937), 57.

  10 Roger Cook, The Tree of Life: Image for the Cosmos (New York: Avon, 1974), 7-8.

  11 Linda Schele, seminar lecture on the "Maya Iconography of Death," University of Texas, Austin, 1996.

  12 Linda Schele and David A. Freidel, A Forest of Kings: The Untold Story of the Ancient Maya (New York: Morrow, 1990), 90.

  13 A common Maya hieroglyphic reference to the human soul after death was sak nik' nal ("white flower soul").

Present Participle Adjuncts in the Book of Mormon

Larry G. Childs

Abstract: Participle adjuncts in the Book of Mormon are compared with those in the other writings of Joseph Smith and with English in general. Participle adjuncts
include present participle phrases, e.g., "having gained the victory over death" (Mosiah 15:8) present participle clauses, e.g., "he having four sons" (Ether 6:20), and a
double-subject adjunct construction, known as the coreferential subject construction, where both subjects refer to the same thing, as in " Alma , being the chief judge . .
. of the people of Nephi, therefore he went up with the people" (Alma 2:16). The Book of Mormon is unique in the occurrences of extremely long compound
adjunct phrases and coreferential subject constructions, indicating that Joseph Smith used a very literal translation style for the Book of Mormon.

One striking feature of Book of Mormon English is its distinctive use of present participle adjuncts. I present here a study showing that the Book of Mormon frequently
features participle adjunct constructions that Joseph Smith did not typically use in his own language and which were not common in the English of the time. Given that
the English Book of Mormon is a work of translation, these unique features shed light on Joseph Smith's style as a translator. He must have been rendering a literal
translation of the original Book of Mormon text rather than recasting the ideas of the original text into his own idiolect.

Present participle adjuncts are typically divided into participle phrases and participle clauses. A present participle phrase is a present participle adjunct without an
explicit, grammatical subject, for example, "And thus God breaketh the bands of death, having gained the victory over death" (Mosiah 15:8). A present participle clause
contains an explicit subject, for example, "And the number of sons and daughters of Jared were twelve, he having four sons" (Ether 6:20).

In addition, the Book of Mormon makes frequent use of a participle adjunct construction that is rare outside the Book of Mormon. It is a double-subject construction,
where two subjects are separated by a present participle adjunct; both subjects refer to the same person or thing, and the second subject is the subject of a finite
clause, as in "Now Alma , being the chief judge and the governor of the people of Nephi, therefore he went up with his people" (Alma 2:16). I have identified some
fifty-four examples of this pattern in the Book of Mormon, including the very first verse of the entire book: "I, Nephi , having been born of goodly parents, therefore I
was taught somewhat in all the learning of my father" (1 Ne. 1:1).

I have used the neutral term coreferential subject construction to describe these constructions because, while they all have two subjects with the same referent, their
exact grammatical structure is somewhat ambiguous. The first subject may be the subject of a participle clause, or it may be that both are redundant finite clause
subjects surrounding a participle phrase.

Scope of the Study

This study looks briefly at Book of Mormon participle adjuncts in general and then concentrates on participle clauses and coreferential subject constructions in an effort
to illuminate Joseph Smith's style of translation. It also examines clues to the true grammatical nature of the coreferential subject construction.

I first studied present participle adjuncts in the Book of Mormon. I then contrasted their use in the Book of Mormon with their use in Joseph Smith's other writings and
translations, namely, the Doctrine and Covenants, Pearl of Great Price, Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith, and The Words of Joseph Smith. To examine the
possibility that Joseph Smith might have been imitating a biblical style in his Book of Mormon translation, I also examined participles in the King James Version of the
Bible. The study was conducted using CD-ROM versions of the LDS standard works and the writings of Joseph Smith. I also consulted English grammars to
determine if the participle adjuncts used in Book of Mormon English were considered acceptable in the nineteenth century.

Because participle adjuncts are very common in all the works examined, a representative sample seems sufficient to establish usage trends. Therefore this study is
limited largely to the most common participles, having and being, and other participles known to form coreferential subject constructions, namely knowing, seeing, and
supposing.

I will first make some general observations on participle adjuncts in the Book of Mormon and then examine Book of Mormon participle clauses and coreferential
subject constructions in detail.

General Observations on Participle Adjuncts

Frequency of Adjuncts

Participle adjuncts are extremely common in the Book of Mormon. The Infobases online version lists 2,783 words ending in -ing in the running text of the Book of
Mormon. Although a number of these represent nonparticiples such as bring, sing, notwithstanding, according, building (as a noun), and being (as a noun), nevertheless,
many of the -ing words are probably participial. Present participle adjuncts are also very common in all the other works studied, and, with certain exceptions noted
below, are used in much the same way as in the Book of Mormon.

Adjunct Strings

One   general(c)
 Copyright    difference  between
                 2005-2009,         the Book
                              Infobase   Mediaof Mormon
                                                 Corp. and the other works studied is in the use of adjunct strings. The Book of Mormon writers had an apparent love
                                                                                                                                                 Page   561 / 919
for stringing participle adjuncts together in long compound phrases, as in the following:

But behold, when the time cometh that they shall dwindle in unbelief, after they have received so great blessings from the hand of the Lord-having a knowledge of the
below, are used in much the same way as in the Book of Mormon.

Adjunct Strings

One general difference between the Book of Mormon and the other works studied is in the use of adjunct strings. The Book of Mormon writers had an apparent love
for stringing participle adjuncts together in long compound phrases, as in the following:

But behold, when the time cometh that they shall dwindle in unbelief, after they have received so great blessings from the hand of the Lord-having a knowledge of the
creation of the earth, and all men, knowing the great and marvelous works of the Lord from the creation of the world; having power given them to do all things by faith;
having all the commandments from the beginning, and having been brought by his infinite goodness into this precious land of promise-behold, I say, if the day shall come
that they will reject the Holy One of Israel, the true Messiah, their Redeemer and their God, behold, the judgments of him that is just shall rest upon them. (2 Ne. 1:10)

Other examples include Omni 1:15; Mosiah 15:89; Alma 9:19-22 (which contains a string of no less than thirteen participle adjuncts); Alma 13:28-9; Hel. 7:4-5; and 3
Ne. 7:15-6.

Compounds with more than two participle adjuncts are comparatively rare in all the other works studied, although the Doctrine and Covenants and Pearl of Great Price
each have a few striking examples. For example, D&C 19:2-3 has a string of five participle adjuncts; and D&C 76:35 and Abr. 1:1-2 each have a string of four
participle adjuncts.

Contrastive Analysis of Present Participle Clauses

Frequency of Participle Clauses

Present participle clauses are very common in the Book of Mormon and in the writings of Joseph Smith. They are also very common in general English, as F. Th.
Visser proves in his exhaustive treatment of participle adjuncts in An Historical Syntax of the English Language. Visser cites nearly three hundred examples of present
participle clauses from Middle English through present-day English. Among his citations are many from contemporaries of Joseph Smith, such as Charles Dickens
(1843): "They walked along the road, Scrooge recognising every gate, and post, and tree."

Acceptability of Participle Clauses

The treatment of the participle clause in English grammars forms an interesting side note. While participle clauses are demonstrably common and accepted in most
grammars, a few grammarians have considered them to be unnatural English. Visser lists his three hundred examples largely to refute the dissenters such as C. H. Ross,
who opined in 1893 that in early Modern English the construction "limited itself to certain favorite authors where the classical element largely predominated, and was
used but sparingly by authors whose style was essentially English," and Sweet, who said in 1903: "The absolute participle construction is not only uncolloquial, but is
by many felt to be un-English, and to be avoided in writing as well." Visser also refers to the work of a more recent grammarian:

Vallins . . . says that, with the exception of a number of standard idiomatic collocations such as "weather permitting," "other things being equal," the construction does
not belong to colloquial Pres. D. English, and that it would be more natural, and therefore more idiomatic, to say "As the match was over early, we decided to go to the
theatre."

This disagreement among grammarians may simply be prescriptivism running counter to actual usage. The dissenting grammarians were perhaps unaware of how widely
used the participle clause really is, or perhaps they simply had their own opinions about what constitutes good and bad English. In any event, it is clear that participle
clauses are very much a part of English and are acceptable to most grammarians.

Pronominal Subjects

The grammatical case of the present participle clause subject can be determined when the subject is a pronoun. Many present participle clauses in the Book of
Mormon contain pronominal subjects, and in each instance, the subject pronoun is in the nominative case, as in these examples: "And I , Moroni, having heard these
words, was comforted" (Ether 12:29) "And again, it showeth unto the children of men . . . the narrowness of the gate, by which they should enter, he having set the
example before them" (2 Ne. 31:9) "Wherefore he gave commandments unto men, they having first transgressed the first commandments as to things which were
temporal" (Alma 12:31) and "save it were one of the Lamanitish women, whose name was Abish, she having been converted unto the Lord for many years" (Alma
19:16).

The case of the present participle clause subject is another point of controversy. While most grammarians have considered the nominative case to be acceptable, others
have thought it incorrect. Visser quotes several nineteenth-century grammarians on this subject who claimed that participle clause subjects should be in the objective
case. Among these were E. Adams, R. G. Latham, and C. H. Ross. And again, Visser proceeds to prove them wrong. He shows that participle clause subjects
in the objective case were occasionally found in Old English and Middle English, but then died out completely until their "reappearance in familiar English at the end of
the nineteenth century." As an example of their reappearance, he quotes H. G. Wells in "The Country of the Blind" (1911): "It will be a very good match for me,
m'm, me being an orphan girl." Visser claims that nominative subjects have always been more common, and indeed, about half of Visser's three hundred examples of
present participle clauses have nominative pronoun subjects.

As in the Book of Mormon, all the pronominal participle clause subjects in the Bible are nominative. I have found five examples of pronominal participle clause subjects
in the writings of Joseph Smith. In four of them he uses the nominative case. This passage from the Manuscript History of the Church, 17 March 1842, referring to the
founding of the Relief Society, is typical:

I gave much instruction, read in the New Testament, and Book of Doctrine and Covenants concerning the Elect Lady, and shewed that the elect meant to be elected to
a certain work &c and that the revelation was then fulfilled by Sister Emma's election to the Presidency of the Society, she having previously been ordained to expound
Scriptures.

In the fifth instance, a passage from the Seaton letter (1833), he uses the reflexive case:

Mr. Editor:-Sir, Considering the liberal principles upon which your interesting and valuable paper is published, myself being a subscriber, and feeling a deep interest in
the cause of Zion, and in the happiness of my brethren of mankind, I cheerfully take up my pen to contribute my mite at this very interesting and important period.

Visser cites only two examples of reflexive participle clause subjects, both from the fifteenth century. However, compare with modern usage as described in the entry
for myself in The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language:["[Myself] is used . . . as an emphasizing substitute . . . for I , in an absolute construction:
Myself in debt, I could offer no assistance." Smith may have used myself as an intensive substitute for the nominative.
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If Visser is correct (and his exhaustive research makes him credible), then the Book of Mormon simply follows the language of the time in its use of nominative
pronominal subjects in participle clauses. It also follows the style of Joseph Smith, although we have seen that he did not limit himself to the nominative case.
Visser cites only two examples of reflexive participle clause subjects, both from the fifteenth century. However, compare with modern usage as described in the entry
for myself in The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language:["[Myself] is used . . . as an emphasizing substitute . . . for I , in an absolute construction:
Myself in debt, I could offer no assistance." Smith may have used myself as an intensive substitute for the nominative.

If Visser is correct (and his exhaustive research makes him credible), then the Book of Mormon simply follows the language of the time in its use of nominative
pronominal subjects in participle clauses. It also follows the style of Joseph Smith, although we have seen that he did not limit himself to the nominative case.

Contrastive Analysis of Coreferential Subject Constructions

Frequency and Acceptability of Coreferential Subject Constructions

While participle clauses are common both in the Book of Mormon and in general English, coreferential subject constructions are rarely found outside the Book of
Mormon, and grammarians universally decry them. For example, Renï¿½ Dirven maintains that an initial participle adjunct needs to take an explicit subject if "there is a
danger of mixing up the subjects of the main clause and the adverbial clause . . . the so-called dangling participle." He cites the following contrasting sentences as an
example:

Having finished his homework, his father said John could go to the cinema.

John having finished his homework, his father said he could go to the cinema.

Dirven points out that "in such case (i.e. the explicit subject of the main clause being different from the implicit subject of the subordinate non-finite clause), the subject
of the adverbial clause must be stated." For Dirven, such constructions are called for only when the two subjects are not coreferential.

Visser takes up the issue of constructions where "the subject of the -ing form and the subject of the main syntactical unit refer to the same person."       He quotes Brittain
(1778) on the subject:

This very vulgar impropriety, or tautology, comes from falsely imagining that the foregoing noun, being modified and affected by the participle, is rendered incapable of
becoming the nominative to a following verb: wherefore a needless pronoun is intruded; and the noun itself, though visibly agent in the latter phrase, is left in suspense.

He also quotes Onions's An Advanced English Syntax (1905):

The nature of the origin of the construction evidently precluded the possibility of the subject of both clauses referring to the same person or thing. Hence the rarity and
awkwardness of such a sentence as: "Our guest at last arriving, he was called upon to sing." (Change the construction by omitting he.)

For once, Visser agrees with the grammarians he cites. He says: "In Pres. D. English the idiom is generally avoided in literary English." He does proceed to cite thirty
examples of coreferential subject constructions in Middle and Modern English, but the examples here are meant to emphasize the unusualness of the construction, unlike
the hundreds of examples he cites of other participle clauses to emphasize their ubiquity. A few of his examples of coreferential subject constructions are: "He growing
weaker daily by the violence of his disease, . . . he desired to fortify himself with the buckler of a true Catholic in this last action" (Rob. Rookwood, 1623), "Macbeth
having come into the room, he took the two dirks" (W. Scott, 1830); and "The whole building being of wood, it seemed to carry every sound, like a drum" (D. H.
Lawrence, 1921).

No coreferential subject constructions have been found in the Doctrine and Covenants or the Pearl of Great Price, and they are very rare in the other writings of Joseph
Smith and in the Bible. I found only one occurrence in the Bible: "Jesus knowing that the Father had given all things into his hands, and that he was come from God, and
went to God; He riseth from supper, and laid aside his garments; and took a towel, and girded himself" (John 13:3-4).

I found three occurrences in the writings of Joseph Smith. One is from his 1834 account of Zion's camp: "Martin Harris having boasted to the brethren that he could
handle snakes with perfect safety, while fooling with a black snake with his bare feet, he received a bite on his left foot." The second is from a discourse on the
priesthood that Joseph dictated to his scribe, Robert B. Thompson, in 1840: "The power, glory, and blessings of the priesthood could not continue with those who
received ordination only as their righteousness continued, for Cain also being authorized to offer sacrifice but not offering it in righteousness, therefore he was cursed."
    The final occurrence is in the Joseph Smith Translation of the Bible, where Joseph Smith changed a passage in Genesis from its King James Version reading of "And
the damsel was very fair to look upon, a virgin, neither had any man known her: and she went down to the well" (Gen. 24:16 KJV) to "And the damsel being a virgin,
being very fair to look at, such as the servant of Abraham had not seen, neither had any man known the like unto her; and she went down to the well" (Gen. 16:24
JST).

Connective Words

Not only are coreferential subject constructions unusual outside the Book of Mormon, the presence of connective words between the clauses of Book of Mormon
coreferential subject constructions makes their Book of Mormon usage even more unique. These connective words, often therefore or wherefore, occur between the
end of the participle adjunct and the second subject, as in the following examples: "Now behold, this was the desire of Amalickiah; for he being a very subtle man to do
evil therefore he laid the plan in his heart to dethrone the king of the Lamanites" (Alma 47:4) "And he, supposing that I spake of the brethren of the church, and that I
was truly that Laban whom I had slain, wherefore he did follow me" (1 Ne. 4:26) and "Behold, it came to pass that I, Enos, knowing my father that he was a just man-
for he taught me in his language, and also in the nurture and admonition of the Lord-and blessed be the name of my God for it-And I will tell you of the wrestle which I
had before God" (Enos 1:1-2).

Only three connective words were found in coreferential subject constructions outside the Book of Mormon. Visser cites one example using yet, and two examples
were found in the writings of Joseph Smith. One is his rendering of Gen. 24:16 (shown above), which has an and, but may not be significant because the connective
word was already present in the original, noncoreferential subject construction version. He also uses therefore in his 1840 discourse on the priesthood (shown above).
This latter passage is quite similar to the Book of Mormon style; however, the characteristic Book of Mormon therefores and wherefores are conspicuously absent in
all other coreferential subject constructions outside the Book of Mormon.

Nature of the Coreferential Subject Construction

Let us now look at the question of the grammatical nature of the coreferential subject constructions in the Book of Mormon. As reported earlier, these possibly involve
participle clauses. If this is the case, then, using the previously quoted "Now Alma , being the chief judge and the governor of the people of Nephi, therefore he went up
with his people" (Alma 2:16) as an example, the first subject, Alma , would be the subject of the participle clause, and the second subject, he, would be the subject of
the finite clause.
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However, it can also be argued that the participle adjunct in these constructions is really a participle phrase that happens to come between the subject of a finite clause
and the epanaleptic repetition of that finite clause subject. Epanalepsis is very common in the Book of Mormon. It is the practice of repeating part of a sentence after
Let us now look at the question of the grammatical nature of the coreferential subject constructions in the Book of Mormon. As reported earlier, these possibly involve
participle clauses. If this is the case, then, using the previously quoted "Now Alma , being the chief judge and the governor of the people of Nephi, therefore he went up
with his people" (Alma 2:16) as an example, the first subject, Alma , would be the subject of the participle clause, and the second subject, he, would be the subject of
the finite clause.

However, it can also be argued that the participle adjunct in these constructions is really a participle phrase that happens to come between the subject of a finite clause
and the epanaleptic repetition of that finite clause subject. Epanalepsis is very common in the Book of Mormon. It is the practice of repeating part of a sentence after
an intervening phrase to pull the reader back to the main thought. The repeated material serves no independent grammatical function in the sentence, but merely restates
an earlier sentence element, as in

And it came to pass that the Nephites who were not slain by the weapons of war, after having buried those who had been slain-now the number of the slain were not
numbered, because of the greatness of their number-after they had finished burying their dead they all returned to their lands, and to their houses, and their wives, and
their children. (Alma 3:1)

If the coreferential subject construction shown above in Alma 2:16 is epanaleptic, then the first subject, Alma , would be the subject of the finite clause, and the second
subject, he, would merely be a restatement of the finite clause subject after an intervening participial phrase.

My sense is that many of these constructions involve participle clauses; however, the Book of Mormon text yields no clear clues as to their grammatical nature. Both
participle phrases and participle clauses are common in the Book of Mormon, and both occur in contexts that are similar to coreferential subject constructions.
Participle phrases often follow finite clause subjects, as in "Now the people having heard a great noise came running together by multitudes to know the cause of
it" (Alma 14:29) and

And it came to pass that Nephi -having been visited by angels and also the voice of the Lord, therefore having seen angels, and being eye-witness, and having had
power given unto him that he might know concerning the ministry of Christ, and also being eye-witness to their quick return from righteousness unto their wickedness
and abominations; Therefore, being grieved for the hardness of their hearts and the blindness of their minds-went forth among them in that same year. (3 Ne. 7:15-6)

On the other hand, participle clauses often precede finite clauses, as in "Now it came to pass that I, Nephi , having been afflicted with my brethren because of the loss
of my bow, and their bows having lost their springs, it began to be exceedingly difficult, yea, insomuch that we could obtain no food" (1 Ne. 16:21).

Also, while the Book of Mormon writers had a known penchant for epanalepsis, the participle adjuncts in some coreferential subject constructions are so short that an
epanaleptic resumption of the subject to pull the reader back to the main line of thought seems quite unnecessary, for example, "Now Moroni seeing their confusion, he
said unto them" (Alma 52:37).

The strongest evidence comes from the findings of modern grammarians, who seem to be unanimous that coreferential subject constructions involve participle clauses.
In particular, Visser, who is a very careful grammarian and extraordinarily thorough in this treatment of participle adjuncts, accepts without question that the first subject
in a coreferential subject construction is the subject of the participle clause. On the other hand, the Book of Mormon has at least one definite case of the second subject
being epanaleptic after a participle adjunct. This unique example combines both a clear case of participial epanalepsis with an unambiguous participle clause: "And it
came to pass that Hagoth, he being an exceedingly curious man, therefore he went forth and built him an exceedingly large ship" (Alma 63:5).

This curious example serves well to summarize the debate about the true nature of coreferential subject constructions in the Book of Mormon. While evidence exists for
both the participle clause and epanalepsis explanations, Alma 63:5 shows that coreferential subject constructions could have been a combination of both tendencies in
the writing of the Book of Mormon authors.

Joseph Smith's Translation Style

In conclusion, comparing participle adjuncts in the Book of Mormon with their use in other English publications sheds a good deal of light on Joseph Smith as a
translator. The concatenation of participle adjuncts into long compound phrases is extremely common in the Book of Mormon, but rare in the other works studied. The
occurrence of more than fifty coreferential subject constructions in the Book of Mormon compared to their extreme rarity in Joseph Smith's other writings and in English
in general is remarkable. Finally, the use of connective words between the clauses of a coreferential subject construction is virtually unknown outside the Book of
Mormon. Joseph Smith must have been a very literal translator because he consistently used expressions in his translation that were very foreign to his own idiolect and
to English in general.

  1 Within quotations, boldface type is used for the subjects; italics indicate participle adjuncts.

  2 My paper seeks to show that these constructions are unusual English without reference to the source language of the Book of Mormon. Brian Stubbs convincingly
shows that these same unusual constructions are likely renderings of typical Semitic structures in his "A Lengthier Treatment of Length," Journal of Book of Mormon
Studies 5/2 (1996): 82-97, and his article in this volume: "A Short Addition to Length: Some Relative Frequencies of Circumstantial Structures," pages 39-46.

  3 I have found the following coreferential subject constructions in the Book of Mormon: 1 Ne. 1:1; 2:16; 4:26, 31; 7:8; 10:17; 15:3; 18:17; Jacob 7:3; Enos 1:1-2;
Omni 1:1-2, 12-3, 28; W of M 1:1; Mosiah 1:4; 10:19; 19:4; 20:3, 17; Alma 1:1, 9; 2:16; 5:3; 9:1; 12:1; 15:17; 16:5; 18:16, 22; 19:2, 14; 43:30; 46:34; 47:4; 48:2;
50:30; 52:21, 33, 37; 56:29; 62:19; 63:5; Hel. 2:6-7; 11:23; 3 Ne. 6:17; 7:12; Morm. 1:2, 5, 15; 4:23; 5:8; Ether 13:16; Moro. 1:1; 7:22.

   4 Joseph Smith left behind very few holographic writings. The writings of Joseph Smith examined here have for the most part been edited and were often recorded
by others from sermons Joseph Smith preached. Nevertheless, although the writings in this study may not strictly be his own words, they certainly reflect the language of
his contemporaries and therefore the language with which Joseph Smith was familiar.

   5 Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith, ed. Joseph Fielding Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1938), and The Words of Joseph Smith: The Contemporary
Accounts of the Nauvoo Discourses of the Prophet Joseph , ed. Andrew F. Ehat and Lyndon W. Cook, 2nd rev. ed. (Orem, Utah: Grandin Book, 1996), both in
Infobases LDS Collector's Library '97 CD-ROM.

  6 F. Th. Visser, An Historical Syntax of the English Language; Part Two, Syntactical Units with One Verb (Leiden: Brill, 1966), 1147-60.

  7 Ibid., 1153, emphasis added.

  8 C. H. Ross, "The Absolute Participle in Middle and Modern English," PMLA 8 (1893): 38, quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1149.

  9 H. Sweet, A New English Grammar II (Oxford, 1903), 124, quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1150.
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  10 Visser, Historical Syntax, 1150, quoting G. H. Vallins, The Pattern of English (London: Language Library, 1956), 74.
  8 C. H. Ross, "The Absolute Participle in Middle and Modern English," PMLA 8 (1893): 38, quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1149.

  9 H. Sweet, A New English Grammar II (Oxford, 1903), 124, quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1150.

  10 Visser, Historical Syntax, 1150, quoting G. H. Vallins, The Pattern of English (London: Language Library, 1956), 74.

  11 E. Adams, The Elements of the English Language (London, 1858), quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1149.

  12 R. G. Latham, Essential Rules and Principles (London, 1876), quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1149.

  13 Ross, "The Absolute Participle," 38.

  14 Visser, Historical Syntax, 1147.

  15 Ibid., emphasis added.

  16 Ehat and Cook, Words of Joseph Smith, 106, emphasis added.

  17 TPJS, 13, emphasis added.

  18 The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1981), s.v. "myself."

  19 Renï¿½ Dirven, A User's Grammar of English (Frankfurt: Lang, 1989), 580.

  20 Ibid., 580-1.

  21 Ibid., 581.

  22 Visser, Historical Syntax, 1159.

  23 Brittain, Rudiments of English Grammar (Louvain, 1778), 97-9, quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1159, emphasis in the original.

  24 C. T. Onions, An Advanced English Syntax, 4th ed. (London, 1905), quoted in Visser, Historical Syntax, 1159.

  25 Visser, Historical Syntax, 1159.

  26 Ibid., emphasis added.

  27 Ibid., 1160, emphasis added.

  28 Ibid., emphasis added.

  29 TPJS, 71-2, emphasis added.

  30 Ehat and Cook, Words of Joseph Smith, 40, emphasis added.

  31 See Larry G. Childs, "Epanalepsis in the Book of Mormon" (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1986), where I first identified the possibly epanaleptic nature of these
constructions.

  32 The punctuation of this verse seems to indicate a participle phrase construction-Alma is set off from the following participle adjunct by a comma. However, the
punctuation is unreliable. The printer E. B. Grandin, who first added punctuation marks to the Book of Mormon text, was inconsistent in his punctuation of coreferential
subject constructions.

A Short Addition to Length: Some Relative Frequencies of Circumstantial Structures

Brian D. Stubbs

Abstract: In previous articles I have discussed the nature and prominence of certain linguistic structures in the Book of Mormon that are typical of hï¿½l-clauses
translated from Hebrew or Egyptian. This article compares the frequencies of those structures in three works produced through the instrumentality of Joseph Smith: the
Book of Mormon, the Doctrine and Covenants, and History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, only the first of which is a translation from an ancient
Near Eastern language. The results of this preliminary investigation into styles and these linguistic structures as found in these three works are worth noting.

In an earlier issue of this journal, I discussed certain structures that occur frequently in the Book of Mormon and that are typical of translations of Hebrew or Egyptian
circumstantial or hï¿½l-clauses. I refer the reader to that article for a more complete discussion of these structures. There I also rhetorically suggested that a
comparison of the relative frequencies of such structures in the Book of Mormon with Joseph Smith's other writings may prove worthwhile. This preliminary study to
that effect provides some statistical support for the presence of hï¿½l-clauses in the Book of Mormon translation.

Circumstantial or hï¿½l-clauses denote an accompanying state or circumstance that has previously come into existence, yet is still applicable to the time of the main
clause. Two structures in English that structurally best illustrate the presence of Hebrew or Egyptian hï¿½l-clauses include the following:

1. being + past participle/adjective/noun:

I, Nephi, being grieved for the hardness of their hearts . . . (1 Ne. 7:8)

I, Nephi, being exceedingly young . . . (1 Ne. 2:16)
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I, Nephi, being a man large in stature . . . (1 Ne. 4:31)
I, Nephi, being grieved for the hardness of their hearts . . . (1 Ne. 7:8)

I, Nephi, being exceedingly young . . . (1 Ne. 2:16)

I, Nephi, being a man large in stature . . . (1 Ne. 4:31)

2. having + past participle (to denote a previous happening as background):

I, Nephi, having been born of goodly parents, . . . and having seen many afflictions . . . having been highly favored of the Lord . . . having had a great knowledge . . . I
make a record. (1 Ne. 1:1)

The background information or accompanying circumstance quite naturally precedes the featured event in order for it to be an attending circumstance or background.
For example, Nephi's having been born of goodly parents, having seen afflictions, and having had knowledge of the goodness of God were all prior events that created
a background still in effect when he made his record.

English more often employs structures like after/since I have/had eaten, while Hebrew and Egyptian often employ hï¿½l-clauses, for which the structure having eaten is
the most efficient translation, since a hï¿½l-clause does not need conjunctions like after/since and is tenseless, showing only its relative time as preceding the featured
event or as a perfect aspect (past) relative to the main event. Therefore, having eaten is a more accurate translation of hï¿½l-clauses than finite tenses such as have/had
eaten. Likewise, some state or accompanying circumstance being in force before the featured event is also well expressed by a participial being phrase. We shall not
count gerundive nouns whose syntactic functions are clearly nominal rather than participial, such as subjects of verbs (being hungry is normal) or objects of prepositions
(without being able to eat). Nor shall we count having when it is a main verb indicating possession (having many flocks) rather than an auxiliary verb (having scattered
the flocks).

We shall consider three written works that arose through the instrumentality of Joseph Smith: the Book of Mormon, the Doctrine and Covenants, and Joseph Smith's
History of the Church. The primary means by which each of these three works were produced are translation, inspiration, and authorship respectively. The original
language of the Book of Mormon was either Hebrew or Egyptian or some of both; either language would provide an abundance of hï¿½l-clauses. The language of the
Doctrine and Covenants, on the other hand, was English from its inception; and even though its language exhibits a rather biblical flavor at times, the Doctrine and
Covenants does not contain nearly the frequency of the proposed hï¿½l-clause structures found in the Book of Mormon.

With the assistance of Eldin Ricks's Thorough Concordance of the LDS Standard Works,             I was readily able to identify and count the number of having + past
participle structures in both the Book of Mormon and the Doctrine and Covenants:

having + p.p. no. of pages

Book of Morm. 167 531

D&C 14 294

The Doctrine and Covenants is 55.37% the length of the Book of Mormon (294/531). Yet the Doctrine and Covenants has only 8.38% as many having + past
participle structures (14/167). In other words, the Book of Mormon has 6.6 times greater the frequency of that structure than does the Doctrine and Covenants
(55.37/8.38 = 6.6), taking into account the number of pages.

Participial phrases containing being yield another significant difference in frequency; the numbers are 243 and 33 for the Book of Mormon and Doctrine and Covenants,
respectively. Adjusting for the latter being 55.37% of the former in length, the frequency of being participles is more than four times (4.08) greater in the Book of
Mormon than in the Doctrine and Covenants. The totals for the two types of participial phrases combined are as follows:

having + p.p. being total pages ave./ page

B of M 167 243 410 531 .772

D&C 14 33 47 294 .160

The results are that these two structures, which stylistically match translations of Hebrew or Egyptian hï¿½l-clauses, are nearly five times more frequent in the Book of
Mormon than in the Doctrine and Covenants (.772/.160 = 4.8). In round numbers, the Book of Mormon has approximately nine times as many structures of these two
types, even though the Doctrine and Covenants is about 5/9 as large; thus the ratio of frequencies in the Book of Mormon compared with the Doctrine and Covenants
is about 5 to 1 (9/1 x 5/9 = 5/1). Keep in mind that this study and these numbers do not include other translations of circumstantial clauses, such as -ing participles on
main verbs rather than on auxiliary verbs, so more circumstantial clauses exist than these numbers represent. Nevertheless, these numbers are likely to approximate the
relative ratio.

The hypothetical supposition that Joseph Smith knew the prominence of hï¿½l-clauses in those ancient languages, that these English structures are usually the most
effective translation of hï¿½l-clauses, that he could produce two separate works with very different frequencies for typical hï¿½l-clause structures, and that he could get
the heavy ratio on the right work, all by his own design, seems extremely improbable. The existence of five times as many hï¿½l-clause structures in the Book of
Mormon is significant, considering that Joseph Smith gave us both bodies of scripture-one from a translation of an ancient Near Eastern language rich in hï¿½l-clauses
and the other through direct revelation into English. This striking data seems to provide favorable support for regarding the Book of Mormon as a translation of an
ancient Near Eastern language, in contrast to the Doctrine and Covenants.

Dealing with Joseph Smith's History of the Church (HC) is more difficult statistically. I considered the first 120 pages of each of the first five volumes, totaling 600
pages. In these 600 pages, I counted 53 instances of having + past participle and 32 instances of being participial phrases. Not only does the frequency differ
markedly, but different participles are more common in each of the two works: in the Book of Mormon being phrases are 45% more numerous than having phrases
(243/167), while in HC the having participials are 65% more numerous than being phrases (53/32). Nevertheless, the 410 occurrences of these participials in the 531
pages of the Book of Mormon as opposed to the 85 occurrences in 600 pages of HC may initially appear to be five times as frequent in the Book of Mormon.
However, two facts require an adjustment. First, much of Joseph Smith's History of the Church consists of other people's words: minutes of meetings, letters and
affidavits from other persons, and many pages of revelation that later became sections of the Doctrine and Covenants. All such portions were not counted in the
statistics, only Joseph Smith's personally composed lines. Second, the Book of Mormon type is smaller, allowing more letters or characters per page than in the History
of the Church. In light of these two facts, I counted the lines of Joseph Smith's words in the 600 pages of HC, calculated the average number of characters per line, and
estimated the total number of characters. The HC statistics are as follows:
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vol. lines having part. being part. total

1 1758 19 11 30
affidavits from other persons, and many pages of revelation that later became sections of the Doctrine and Covenants. All such portions were not counted in the
statistics, only Joseph Smith's personally composed lines. Second, the Book of Mormon type is smaller, allowing more letters or characters per page than in the History
of the Church. In light of these two facts, I counted the lines of Joseph Smith's words in the 600 pages of HC, calculated the average number of characters per line, and
estimated the total number of characters. The HC statistics are as follows:

vol. lines having part. being part. total

1 1758 19 11 30

2 1870 7 7 14

3 2545 13 5 18

4 1110 7 4 11

5 2079 7 5 12

totals 9362 53 32 85

I then calculated the average number of characters per page in the Book of Mormon and estimated the total number of characters in the Book of Mormon. The
Book of Mormon is 2.66 times the amount of language penned by Joseph Smith in the specified 600 pages of his history, while the number of participial expressions is
4.82 times as great in the Book of Mormon (410/82). Thus the Book of Mormon has nearly but not quite twice the frequency of those structures in Joseph Smith's
writings (4.82/2.66 = 1.81).

In reading these three works with a consciousness of style foremost in my mind, I was struck by the three very different styles evident in these three works. Joseph
Smith's personal writings are prone to the rather typical nineteenth-century oratorical mode, which might be described as laden with rhetorical embellishment. This is
more evident in his formal communications, less so in his journal entries. But that being something of a cultural or societal norm of the times, and not peculiar to him, is
evident in the similarly extravagant language penned by his contemporaries in their letters to him. The Doctrine and Covenants, on the other hand, is of a style quite
pristinely simple, clear, and direct-in many ways different from nineteenth-century English. Very different from either of those is Book of Mormon language. Though
Joseph Smith's nineteenth-century prose may at times attain lengths and degrees of embellishment discouraged by twentieth-century editors, it nonetheless often flows
with a peculiar poetic beauty and always with a grammatical cohesiveness; Book of Mormon language, in contrast, is often very awkward in ways that Joseph Smith's
personal writings are not. Awkward patterns inconvenient to English grammar, broken sentences, loose ends, and disrupted structures constitute a fairly frequent
stylistic pattern in the Book of Mormon-a style not at all similar to HC or the Doctrine and Covenants.

A specific example is the use of the dash. In HC and the Doctrine and Covenants, the use of the dash to represent structural disruptions is very limited, while in the
Book of Mormon the dash is used extensively in temporarily holding together strings of unwieldy structures until a sense of completion can be arrived at. Some of these
are likely to be "no erasures," as Tvedtnes and others have suggested, while other instances may simply be allowable patterns in the Nephite language that are very
different from those of English. I might also clarify that Joseph Smith's personal writings at times contain long sentences, such that the difference between Joseph Smith's
writings and the Book of Mormon is not so much a matter of length as it is the style of those lengths, a pronounced awkwardness inconvenient to English grammar in
the Book of Mormon that does not surface in Joseph Smith's personal writings.

In conclusion, the differences between the very different styles of these three works are like salt: they are more clearly experienced than explained, though they can be
explained with a considerable amount of further analysis. The styles of the Book of Mormon, Doctrine and Covenants, and HC are extraordinarily different. These
participial expressions are only one feature or aspect of that variety, yet the fact that their frequency in the Book of Mormon is nearly double that in Joseph Smith's
personal writings and five times that found in the Doctrine and Covenants, all very large samples, seems stylistically significant in my opinion. The fact that Joseph
Smith's writings are between the two, containing considerably fewer participial structures than the Book of Mormon and considerably more than the Doctrine and
Covenants, is also a point worth pondering.

  1 Brian D. Stubbs, "A Lengthier Treatment of Length," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 5/2 (1996): 82-97.

  2 Ibid., 86.

  3 Eldin Ricks with Charles D. Bush, Junola S. Bush, and L. Kristine N. Ricks, Eldin Ricks's Thorough Concordance of the LDS Standard Works (Provo, Utah:
FARMS, 1995).

  4 Joseph Smith Jr., History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 2nd ed. rev. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1970), vols. 1-5; herein cited as HC.

  5 The average number of character spaces (letters and one space between words), not counting punctuation space, was about 54 or 55 spaces per line; however,
shortened lines at the ends of paragraphs would put that average at 50 or less. On the other hand, many portions (Joseph's letters, etc.) were in a smaller print that
averaged 70 or more spaces per line. So 55 spaces per line is a conservative estimate. Thus, for HC, 55 characters per line times 9,362 lines equals 514,910
characters approximately.

  6 I examined every page divisible by 15 (15, 30, 45, etc.) to page 300 (a total of 20 samples); the average number of lines was 41 and the average number of
character spaces was 63 for the double column. These multiply to 41 x 63 = 2,583 character spaces per page, times 531 pages, or approximately 1,371,573 character
spaces. Therefore, the Book of Mormon is approximately 266% longer than the 514,910 character spaces in the 600 pages of HC I examined (1,371,573/514,910).
The ratio of 410 to 85 participles is 482%. Thus the Book of Mormon has approximately 181% more of the specified participial structures per unit of language as HC
(482/266), almost double.

  7 John A. Tvedtnes's review of New Approaches to the Book of Mormon: Explorations in Critical Methodology, by Brent Lee Metcalfe, Review of Books on the
Book of Mormon 6/1 (1994): 8-50, specifically p. 39; and Stubbs, "A Lengthier Treatment of Length," 95.

Comparative Power of Three Author-Attribution Techniques for Differentiating Authors

G. Bruce Schaalje, John L. Hilton, and John B. Archer

Abstract: Over the last twenty years, various objective author-attribution techniques have been applied to the English Book of Mormon in order to shed light on the
question of (c)
 Copyright  multiple authorship
                2005-2009,       of Book
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                                       Media  Corp. texts. Two methods, one based on rates of use of noncontextual words and one based on word-pattern      ratios,
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measure patterns consistent with multiple authorship in the Book of Mormon. Another method, based on vocabulary-richness measures, suggests that only one author is
involved. These apparently contradictory results are reconciled by showing that for texts of known authorship, the method based on vocabulary-richness measures is
not as powerful in discerning differences among authors as are the other methods, especially for works translated into English by a single translator.
G. Bruce Schaalje, John L. Hilton, and John B. Archer

Abstract: Over the last twenty years, various objective author-attribution techniques have been applied to the English Book of Mormon in order to shed light on the
question of multiple authorship of Book of Mormon texts. Two methods, one based on rates of use of noncontextual words and one based on word-pattern ratios,
measure patterns consistent with multiple authorship in the Book of Mormon. Another method, based on vocabulary-richness measures, suggests that only one author is
involved. These apparently contradictory results are reconciled by showing that for texts of known authorship, the method based on vocabulary-richness measures is
not as powerful in discerning differences among authors as are the other methods, especially for works translated into English by a single translator.

Two dollar-bill changers are available in the building where we work. One is of an older style, but it is our favorite. It recognizes that a dollar bill is not bogus even
when the bill is old and washed out. The modern changer is more conservative. The dollar bill has to be crisp and bold to convince this machine that it is not counterfeit.
Both machines are valid dollar-bill changers in the sense that they give change when they are absolutely sure that a real dollar bill has been fed into them. Neither
machine has been replaced, so we can assume that neither machine makes errors in the sense of getting fooled by counterfeit bills. But it would be a mistake to
conclude that the piece of paper in your hand is a counterfeit dollar bill just because the conservative machine in the main lobby will not accept it. If you were trying to
detect counterfeit bills, the old north-wing machine would be much more useful. When it does not accept a bill, you can be fairly sure that something about the bill is
really strange. You can think of the old north-wing machine as being more powerful in discerning the difference between real and counterfeit money.

What has this story to do with authorship analysis? Several objective author-attribution techniques are in current use, all oriented around the idea of assigning numerical
measures to various aspects of authors' styles in an attempt to answer questions about texts of unknown or disputed authorship. These techniques, which have
proliferated and gained popularity since the advent of accessible high-speed computers, are like bill changers. If it is suspected, for example, that a literary text
traditionally ascribed to Shakespeare was not in fact written by Shakespeare, both the controversial text and others known to have been authored by Shakespeare can
be examined using an objective author-attribution technique. If the technique reveals a large statistical difference between the controversial text and the known
Shakespearean texts, such strong evidence implies that Shakespeare did not write the controversial text. But if only a small difference is found, we cannot make any
conclusion unless we know how powerful the attribution technique is in discriminating among authors. The test we used may be like the bill changer in the main lobby-
too conservative to pick out the real difference.

This simple but subtle point was not initially understood by Holmes, who computed various measures of "vocabulary richness" for segments of text drawn from the
Book of Mormon, the Doctrine and Covenants, the book of Abraham, Isaiah, and personal writings of Joseph Smith. These measures reflect aspects of a writer's
working vocabulary, such as its size and the writer's habits for drawing upon it. Using statistical methods of investigating differences among entities for which several
numerical measures are available, Holmes showed that based on vocabulary-richness measures, the texts seemed to fall into three distinct groups: (1) Isaiah texts, (2)
segments of Joseph Smith's personal writings, and (3) all the rest. Because texts ascribed to different Book of Mormon authors did not segregate on a prophet-by-
prophet basis nor differ very much from Doctrine and Covenants or book of Abraham texts, Holmes concluded that they were all written by the same author. He
proposed that they were all the work of Joseph Smith and that they differed in vocabulary-richness from Joseph Smith's personal writings only because Smith was
apparently able to write in a distinct "prophetic voice" when he desired. Holmes did not recognize that his conclusions would only be reasonable if his vocabulary-
based author-attribution technique could be shown to be very powerful in distinguishing among authors.

Holmes was not aware that his findings about the similarity of working vocabularies used by different Book of Mormon prophets was not original. Hilton reported that
"new word introduction rates" in Book of Mormon writings ascribed to different prophets were very similar. Holmes was also not aware that in a separate study,
Hilton had used certain noncontextual word-pattern ratios as an author-attribution technique and had thereby shown that Book of Mormon texts attributable to Nephi
and Alma differed significantly. However, Holmes was aware that Larsen, Rencher, and Layton had applied yet another objective author-attribution technique to
Book of Mormon writings and had also shown that writings of different Book of Mormon prophets differed significantly in their rates of use of common noncontextual
words. Holmes argued that his technique must be preferable to that of Larsen et al. because his method used all textual words in its calculations, but he provided no
support, empirical or theoretical, to validate this statement. It is interesting, therefore, that in a recent paper Holmes reversed his position and praised the use of
noncontextual word frequencies when he found that authorship attribution based on vocabulary richness was not able to segregate Federalist Papers texts attributed to
Hamilton, Madison, and Jay as clearly as the method based on rates of use of common noncontextual words.

It seems entirely possible that texts of different authorship but translated by a single translator, as the English Book of Mormon texts are claimed to be, could exhibit the
vocabulary richness of the translator, but still have unique rates of use of noncontextual words and word patterns common to the original authors. If so, the findings of
Holmes do not give any weight to the position that Joseph Smith was the sole author of the Book of Mormon.

The purpose of this study is to use texts of known authorship to investigate the relative power of each of the three author-attribution techniques mentioned above. Both
original nontranslated works and translated works are used in this study. This information will be helpful in correctly interpreting results of studies for which differences
are not detected.

Author-Attribution Techniques

Many objective author-attribution techniques are in current use; however, because of their connection to work on the Book of Mormon, we concentrate on three
techniques-methods based on measures of vocabulary richness, on the rates of use of common noncontextual words, and on noncontextual word-pattern ratios. The
various measures will be referred to generically as "stylometric measures." Most of these measures are corrected for the length of the text, but to further guarantee that
text length did not influence the outcome, we used texts of 5,000 words each in the current study.

Holmes suggested five measures of vocabulary richness (VR) for use in studying disputed authorship questions. The first two measures, which he termed hapax
legomena (R) and hapax dislegomena (V2 /V), are counts of once-used and twice-used words, respectively, standardized by the length of the text. Two of the other
three measures are related to specific probability models for vocabulary usage, but will neither be used nor discussed further here because Holmes shows that all three
are somewhat redundant and concludes that "for characterizing the differences between the textual samples, therefore, only variables R and V2 /V need to be
computed."

Larsen et al. based their work on the frequency of occurrence of thirty-eight common noncontextual words (NCW) such as and and the (see Larsen et al. for a list of
the thirty-eight words). In this paper we compute the frequency of occurrence of the following twenty common words, in alphabetical order: a, all, an, and, any, as,
but, by, in, it, no, not, of, that, the, to, up, upon, with, without.

Hilton calculated sixty-five noncontextual word-pattern ratios (WPR) (originally suggested by Morton). Examples of such ratios include the number of times a
appears as the first word of a sentence divided by the number of sentences; the number of times and is followed by an adjective divided by the number of times and is
used; and the number of times any is used divided by the number of times any and all are used. All sixty-five word-pattern ratios were calculated for all texts in this
study.

Holmes, Hilton, and Larsen et al. each used a different statistical method in connection with their stylometric measures to discern authorship differences among texts.
For ease of comparison
 Copyright               and to
            (c) 2005-2009,      eliminate
                             Infobase      differences
                                        Media   Corp. ascribable to statistical methods, we used a single statistical method, discriminant analysis, to  quantify the degree
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of separation of the texts due to authors for all three techniques. Under this method a mathematical rule for assigning texts to authors is developed based on the
stylometric measures. The rule is then applied to each of the texts, and an indicator of the degree of separation of the texts according to author is the percentage of texts
correctly classified. Two variants of this method were used: (1) the resubstitution approach by which the texts used to develop the rule were also classified by the rule
study.

Holmes, Hilton, and Larsen et al. each used a different statistical method in connection with their stylometric measures to discern authorship differences among texts.
For ease of comparison and to eliminate differences ascribable to statistical methods, we used a single statistical method, discriminant analysis, to quantify the degree
of separation of the texts due to authors for all three techniques. Under this method a mathematical rule for assigning texts to authors is developed based on the
stylometric measures. The rule is then applied to each of the texts, and an indicator of the degree of separation of the texts according to author is the percentage of texts
correctly classified. Two variants of this method were used: (1) the resubstitution approach by which the texts used to develop the rule were also classified by the rule
and (2) the cross-validation approach by which each text in turn is classified using a rule developed with that text left out. Either variant is useful for purposes of
comparing the author-attribution techniques, but the cross-validation approach has the additional benefit that it gives a better idea of how successful we might expect to
be in assigning a text of unknown authorship to the correct author using the technique.

Because the sets of measures for two of the techniques (NCW and WPR) were large, they were subjected to principal components analysis in order to reduce the
dimensionality. This method uses the correlation structure of a large set of measures to generate a small set (usually two or three) of composite stylometric measures,
called principal components, which contain most of the information carried by the large set. The development of the principal components is valid in that it is carried out
blind to the actual authorship of the texts.

SAS software was used to carry out the discriminant analysis and principal components analysis computations.            A BASIC program was used to compute the
stylometric measures.

Texts

The original nontranslated 5,000-word texts of known authorship ("control texts") chosen for this study (table 1) included a number of literary genres and covered a
fairly large time span. Their use was also based, in part, on availability. No claim is made that these texts represent an optimal set of texts for which to evaluate the
power of author-attribution techniques. However, they were chosen before the application of any of these techniques to them and so can be considered unbiased with
regard to displaying differences in power among the techniques.

The translated texts used in this study (table 2) are all from a set of German novellas translated by Steinhauer. This set of translated works is of particular interest
because the texts were written in German by different authors but are of the same genre and were translated by a single translator to English. In addition, original
untranslated essays written in English by Steinhauer himself are available in the same book. Those novellas for which at least two 5,000-word texts could be extracted
were used in this study.

Control Texts

With few exceptions, VR measures were unable to distinguish texts attributed to different authors (fig. 1). Even texts written in
such different genres and time periods as those attributed to Samuel Johnson and Robert Heinlein were not differentiable using VR measures. Note that Mark Twain's
writings span almost the whole range of R values as he attempts to make his writings represent different people (Adam and Eve). In contrast, NCW measures were
able to differentiate texts attributed to most authors by using just the first two principal components. Using two additional components, almost perfect separation of
authors is achieved (as suggested by the dashed lines, the overlapping clusters were in fact separated on the axes of the third and fourth components). Similarly, WPR
measures were able to separate texts due to most different authors using two components. An additional component provided the necessary additional resolution. The
classification results (table 3) confirm that author-attribution techniques using both NCW and WPR measures are more powerful than those using VR measures.

Fig. 1. Stylometric measures for control texts. Different letters represent texts attributed to different authors (T = Clemens, C = Cowdery, H = Heinlein, J = Johnson, P
= Smith, S = Steinhauer). The position of the symbol for each text is determined by values of vocabulary-richness measures (top) or of the first two principal
components of noncontextual word frequencies (middle) or word-pattern ratios (bottom). Lines surrounding texts of the same author are provided as an aid in
assessing segregation of texts assigned to different authors. Dashed lines indicate that texts ascribed to different authors segregate when values of the third or fourth
principal components are considered.

Translated Texts

The English essays of Steinhauer and the novellas of Hauptmann appeared to be unique in terms of their VR measures (fig. 2), but translated texts associated with the
other four authors
were indistinguishable. Techniques based on both NCW measures and WPR measures, however, were much more successful in differentiating texts attributed to
different original authors. The classification results (table 4) quantify these observations. The relative values of the cross-validation percentages are instructive, but the
actual values must be interpreted with caution. Because some authors only had two segments of text, one segment cannot possibly be classified correctly when the
other is left out. Hence these cross-validation percentages are biased downward-they appear smaller than they actually should be.

Fig. 2. Stylometric measures for translations. Different letters represent texts due to different authors (S = Steinhauer, W = Wieland, K = von Kleist, H = Hoffmann, F
= Fontane, G = Hauptmann). The position of the symbol for each text is determined by values of vocabulary-richness measures (top) or of the first two principal
components of noncontextual word frequencies (middle) or word-pattern ratios (bottom). Lines surrounding texts of the same author are provided as an aid in
assessing segregation of texts due to different authors. Dashed lines indicate that texts due to different authors segregate when values of the third or fourth principal
components are considered.

Book of Mormon and Related Texts

In order to see if the same general pattern of results is obtained from Book of Mormon texts as from the Steinhauer translations, the three author-attribution techniques
were applied to three 5,000-word texts from each of the writings attributable to the Book of Mormon prophets Nephi and Alma. Texts from Joseph Smith and Oliver
Cowdery (table 1) were also included in this study. We worked only with the Nephi and Alma texts from the Book of Mormon because they were lengthy and written
in the same genre (doctrinal discourse) so that possible differences in stylometric measures could be attributed only to author differences and not to shifts in genre. All
textual sections of historical narrative were removed from these texts before computing the stylometric measures. As was the case for the Steinhauer translations, texts
ascribed to the two Book of Mormon prophets were not distinct in terms of VR measures (fig. 3).

Texts ascribed to Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery personally were, however, distinct from the Book of Mormon texts in VR measures; the separation of Joseph
Smith texts from Book of Mormon texts was also observed by Holmes. Consequently, somewhat higher correct classification percentages based on VR were
observed for these writings (table 5) than for the control texts. For NCW and WPR measures, not only were the writings of Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery distinct
from each other and from the Book of Mormon prophets, but the writings of Nephi and Alma were also distinct from each other (fig. 3). The correct classification
percentages for NCW and WPR measures were much higher than for VR (table 5). We conclude, therefore, that no stylometric evidence disproves Joseph Smith's
claim that he was the translator of works written by multiple foreign-language authors.
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Fig. 3. Stylometric measures for Book of Mormon and related texts. Different letters represent texts attributed to different prophets or authors (N = Nephi, A = Alma,
J = Joseph Smith, C = Oliver Cowdery). The position of the symbol for each text is determined by values of vocabulary-richness measures (top) or of the first two
observed for these writings (table 5) than for the control texts. For NCW and WPR measures, not only were the writings of Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery distinct
from each other and from the Book of Mormon prophets, but the writings of Nephi and Alma were also distinct from each other (fig. 3). The correct classification
percentages for NCW and WPR measures were much higher than for VR (table 5). We conclude, therefore, that no stylometric evidence disproves Joseph Smith's
claim that he was the translator of works written by multiple foreign-language authors.

Fig. 3. Stylometric measures for Book of Mormon and related texts. Different letters represent texts attributed to different prophets or authors (N = Nephi, A = Alma,
J = Joseph Smith, C = Oliver Cowdery). The position of the symbol for each text is determined by values of vocabulary-richness measures (top) or of the first two
principal components of noncontextual word frequencies (middle) or word-pattern ratios (bottom). Lines surrounding texts of the same author are provided as an aid in
assessing segregation of texts ascribed to different authors. Dashed lines indicate that texts attributed to different authors segregate when values of the third or fourth
principal components are considered.

New Testament Texts

As an interesting related investigation, we applied the three sets of stylometric measures to yet another set of translated works-the King James Version (KJV) of the
New Testament, the traditional English translation derived from the Greek textus receptus. The "translator" in this case was actually a committee of translators, and it is
not clear how consistent the committee was in its translation methods and objectives.

We studied twenty-two 5,000-word texts consecutively taken from five of the purportedly different New Testament authors of the KJV (or six, depending on whether
the author of Acts is accepted as Luke). These twenty-two test texts consist of four selections from Matthew, three from Mark, five from Luke, three from John, four
from the Acts of the Apostles, and three texts from parts of the Pauline epistles (most of Romans and 1 and 2 Corinthians can, with little controversy, be designated as
Pauline according to previous stylometric measurements of the Greek).

Other than the texts from the Gospel of John, which had very low vocabulary richness, few differences attributable to authors could be discerned using VR measures
(fig. 4). Using NCW
measures, especially WPR measures, enough clustering frequently permits segregation of the texts according to authors. Except for the shaded area covering the five
texts from the Gospel of Luke, the segregation of the translated English wordings for these New Testament authors approaches that of our different English writing
control authors or Steinhauer's English translations of his German writers. As before, the classification results quantify these observations (table 6). The classification
percentages excluding the texts from Luke are much higher for NCW and WPR.

Fig. 4. Stylometric measures for the KJV New Testament. Different letters represent texts due to different authors (M = Matthew, K = Mark, L = Luke, J = John, A =
Acts of the Apostles, P = Pauline Epistles). The position of the symbol for each text is determined by values of vocabulary-richness measures (top) or of the first two
principal components of noncontextual word frequencies (middle) or word-pattern ratios (bottom). Lines (or shading in the case of Luke) surrounding texts of the same
author are provided as an aid in assessing segregation of texts due to different authors.

It is not immediately clear why the Gospel of Luke scatters into the areas of the other authors. Some might argue that a major shift in the composition of the KJV
translator committees took place or that perhaps Luke's text follows directly from variations in the Greek text. Luke is often identified as one of the authors who most
closely depends on the exact Greek readings of his source material from which he extensively quotes (i.e., from the hypothetical document "Q" and the Gospel of
Mark). We note that the majority of the text lines (54%) of the first 5,000-word segment from Luke (chapters 1 and 2) appears to be pure "Lukan," as no
recognizable quotes from others are apparent. As he continues his Gospel account, Luke appears to be dependent for his structure and many direct quotations on the
semitically influenced Greek words of Mark. As seen in figure 4 (NCW and WPR graphs), the first Luke segment measures among the texts for Acts, which are
traditionally thought to be pure Lukan. Especially in the NCW graph, it appears that the four other Luke Gospel texts are scattered around the Mark and Matthew
cluster. It has been observed that in the Greek text, Matthew quotes even more extensively from Mark than did Luke while he cleaned up Mark's colloquial Greek.
Therefore, the overlapping of the Matthew and Mark clusters for NCW measurements in figure 4 (but not for WPR) might in part be explained in differing abilities of
the two procedures to sense this kind of change in the Greek as reflected in the English translations. Nevertheless, regardless of possible explanations for the scatter of
the sections of Luke, the English words of the KJV from the other five tested New Testament authors show a clear and nonambiguous author clustering. Only two
explanations are apparent for this clustering: (1) a consistent major shifting by the KJV translators occurred precisely with each of the New Testament books, or (2) a
measurable underlying unique pattern for each of these authors existed in the Greek text itself and was translated into the KJV English. The first explanation seems
unlikely both in a historic context and because the NCW and WPR measures of the first chapters of Luke lie within the area of the Acts.

Conclusions

From our studies of texts of known authorship, it is clear that vocabulary-richness measures do not generally have good power for differentiating texts according to
authors. Thus in author-attribution studies, a lack of difference between texts for vocabulary-richness measures does not imply no difference in authorship of the texts
and certainly does not imply that differences detected using other stylometric measures should be negated.

On the other hand, both noncontextual word frequencies and word-pattern ratios seem to have relatively good differentiating power. Author-attribution methods based
on these measures would seem to be the first choice. Vocabulary-richness measures may still be very informative and useful, but their application to detect differences
and especially similarities among texts of questionable authorship has severe limitations.

In light of our results for translated works and texts from the Book of Mormon, the fact that writings attributed to different Book of Mormon prophets have similar
vocabulary richness but distinct frequencies of noncontextual words and word-pattern ratios is completely consistent with Joseph Smith's educational level and his
account of the translation process. This conclusion is strengthened by the fact that translated writings attributed to different New Testament authors also show similar
vocabulary richness but display distinct frequencies of noncontextual words and word-pattern ratios.

  1 David I. Holmes, "Authorship Attribution," Computers and the Humanities 28 (1994): 87-106.

  2 David I. Holmes, "A Stylometric Analysis of Mormon Scripture and Related Texts," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society Series A 155 (1992): 91-120.

  3 David I. Holmes, "Vocabulary Richness and the Prophetic Voice," Literary & Linguistic Computing 6 (1991): 259-68.

  4 John L. Hilton, "Some Book of Mormon "Word Print" Measurements Using "Wrap-around" Block Counting" (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1988).

  5 John L. Hilton, "On Verifying Wordprint Studies: Book of Mormon Authorship," BYU Studies 30/3 (1990): 89-108; also available as a FARMS reprint.

  6 Wayne A. Larsen, Alvin C. Rencher, and Tim Layton, "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon? An Analysis of Wordprints," BYU Studies 20/3 (1980): 225-51.

  7 Holmes, "Stylometric Analysis," 98.
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  8 David I. Holmes and D. I. Forsyth, "The Federalist Revisited: New Directions in Authorship Attribution," Literary and Linguistic Computing 10 (1995): 111-27.
  6 Wayne A. Larsen, Alvin C. Rencher, and Tim Layton, "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon? An Analysis of Wordprints," BYU Studies 20/3 (1980): 225-51.

  7 Holmes, "Stylometric Analysis," 98.

  8 David I. Holmes and D. I. Forsyth, "The Federalist Revisited: New Directions in Authorship Attribution," Literary and Linguistic Computing 10 (1995): 111-27.

  9 Holmes, "Stylometric Analysis," 92-5.

  10 Ibid., 116.

  11 Larsen et al., "Who Wrote the Book of Mormon?" 247.

  12 Hilton, "On Verifying Wordprint Studies," 96. A. Q. Morton, Literary Detection: How to Prove Authorship and Fraud in Literature and Documents (New York:
Scribner's Sons, 1978); also personal communication.

  13 Hilton, "On Verifying Wordprint Studies," 104.

  14 Alvin C. Rencher, Methods of Multivariate Analysis (New York: Wiley, 1995), 296-349.

  15 Ibid., 415-44.

  16 SAS Institute Incorporated, SAS/STAT User's Guide, Version 6, Fourth Edition (Cary, N.C.: SAS, 1990).

  17 Harry Steinhauer, trans. and ed., Twelve German Novellas (Berkeley: University of California, 1977).

  18 Holmes, "Stylometric Analysis," 109, 116.

  19 Morton, Literary Detection, 182-3.

  : 20 Roger R. Keller, personal communication

Notes and Communications

New and Old Light on Shawabtis From Mesoamerica

John Gee

In 1992, FARMS republished a notice about two inscribed Egyptian shawabti-figurines (also called ushabtis) from Acajutla, Sonsonate, El Salvador (fig. 1).
Because the figurines would prove cultural contact between Egypt and Mesoamerica, the article suggested that "these figurines may be very important indeed." A
note appended to the article remarked that this report "still calls for further information." That further information is the focus of this note.

Originally published in 1940 by Mariano Cuevas, the shawabtis were discovered in 1914 three meters below the surface, on the property of the Reverend Senior
Velloso, archbishop of El Salvador, near Acajutla, Sonsonate, El Salvador.

The FARMS article announcing the two figurines warned that "premature enthusiasm ought to be avoided." Some of the reasons were given in the article itself: (1)
"More text may be inscribed on the backs." (2) The poor quality of the photographs made it very difficult to read the texts, and thus "detailed photos are necessary
for closer study." (3) Though the figurines were found in Acajutla, "they were not examined in place by archaeologists," and thus "we cannot be certain where they
first surfaced." Other cautionary statements were made by John Sorenson when he discussed the figurines at a conference on transoceanic contact:

The most convincing type of cultural parallel would be, ideally, something discrete, concrete, and visible, like two patently Egyptian statuettes that purportedly "come
from three meters in depth at the eastern benches of Acajutla," El Salvador (and are now [1971] in the Museo Nacional "David J. Guzman," San Salvador). If one
could locate and accept without question a number of such evidences, at least the bare-bones historical problem of intercontinental contacts might be simplified. (Yet
even if the statuettes-or a Roman figurine-could be proved ancient and authentic, we would probably be unable to connect them in any meaningful way with the process
of Mesoamerican cultural growth.) But of course items like these have so often proved elusive, unreliable, faked or with such other disabilities as evidence that they
must be ignored for practical purposes.

Robert Smith also sounded a similar caution in a private communication to Sorenson; he informed him that although "both these figurines are supposed to have been
excavated at or near Acajutla (Sonsonate), El Salvador, from several meters below the surface" they could have been either "imported anciently, made in
Mesoamerica, or 'planted' at the site (in the manner of the Piltdown hoax)."

All these warnings and cautions have proved well-founded as the figurines assuredly are not authentic Egyptian artifacts but forgeries. The reasons for declaring the
objects forgeries may be summarized as follows:

1. The hairline on the figurines, rather than falling in parallel lines encircling the face (fig. 2a) or radiating out from the top of the head or a central part as on genuine
examples (fig. 2b), streams out from the forehead like a nemes-headdress (fig. 2c).

Figure 2. A comparison of typical hairstyles.

2. Perhaps most telling are the other examples of such forgeries published by Heinrich Schï¿½fer, Henry Fischer, and Mark Depauw. These three forgeries
(together with the Acajutla figurine on the left of fig. 1) are not just similar, but identical, with exactly the same form, flaws, and inscription, indicating they were made
from the same mold. Schï¿½fer's shawabti was exposed as a forgery for the first reason eight years before the Acajutla examples were supposedly discovered.
Schï¿½fer considered these examples to have originated in a workshop in Cairo or Alexandria, but the provenance of the two published by Fischer and Depauw has
always been listed as Mexico. Was the same official buried in El Salvador, Mexico, and Egypt?

Shawabtis were found by the time of the Eighteenth Dynasty in all but the poorest burials, but unless the figurines were metal they were unlikely to have been looted.
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   If an Egyptian grave were plundered, why were these particular objects stolen? Though by the Twenty-first Dynasty, the convention was to purchase
shawabtis, in the Eighteenth Dynasty, even the king's father-in-law would only have two. Since the shawabtis are imitation Eighteenth or Nineteenth Dynasty, why so
many identical ones for a minor official?
Schï¿½fer considered these examples to have originated in a workshop in Cairo or Alexandria, but the provenance of the two published by Fischer and Depauw has
always been listed as Mexico. Was the same official buried in El Salvador, Mexico, and Egypt?

Shawabtis were found by the time of the Eighteenth Dynasty in all but the poorest burials, but unless the figurines were metal they were unlikely to have been looted.
   If an Egyptian grave were plundered, why were these particular objects stolen? Though by the Twenty-first Dynasty, the convention was to purchase many
shawabtis, in the Eighteenth Dynasty, even the king's father-in-law would only have two. Since the shawabtis are imitation Eighteenth or Nineteenth Dynasty, why so
many identical ones for a minor official?

On the other hand, since the early 1800s, shawabtis have been an item of trade on the international art market and forgeries have proliferated. This seems a much more
reasonable explanation for the widespread presence of identical shawabtis, none of which has a proven archaeological provenance. Physical tests might also prove the
objects a forgery, but this is impossible, since the Acajutla shawabtis have now been stolen.

While the news that the figurines are forgeries might strike some as disappointing, it is important that only real evidence be used in discussing the Book of Mormon.
Mormons-who are still suffering from Hofmann forgeries serving as the basis for books about the origins of Mormonism -of all people, should insist on eliminating
forged evidence from the discussion.

Drought and Serpents

John A. Tvedtnes

During my lengthy residence in Israel (1971-79), I had opportunity to visit the Musa Alami Farm near Jericho. The farm had been constructed after Israel's 1948 War
of Independence to settle displaced Palestinian refugees. It was particularly geared toward teaching various farm skills to Palestinian boys. During the 1950s, the
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints had equipped the farm with a dairy and a starter herd and had sent dairy experts to operate that portion of the farm.

Much of the farm was in disrepair during our visit because of the 1967 Six-Day War. Orange groves had died from lack of water, and most of the fields lay fallow.
During the war, all but two of the pumps bringing underground water to the surface had been destroyed, making it impossible to maintain the farm at its previous level.
Most of the refugees had fled across the Jordan River to the kingdom of Jordan. The Israelis had also expropriated all the land on the western bank of the river in order
to maintain security patrols along the new border.

Of particular interest to me was the effect on local wildlife. When crops were no longer being grown near the river, the mice moved westward to find grains in the few
fields still under cultivation. They were, naturally, followed by serpents. From time to time, residents of the farm found vipers in and around their houses. This, they
assured us, had never happened before the war.

My thoughts turned to the story in Ether 9:30-3, where we read that the Jaredites were plagued by "poisonous serpents" during a time of "great dearth" when "there
was no rain upon the face of the earth." Their flocks fled southward from the serpents; some of the people also escaped in that direction, but the large number of
serpents["hedge[d] up the way that the people could not pass." After the people repented, the Lord sent rain, which ended the famine, producing "fruit in the north
countries" (Ether 9:35).

Several generations after the famine, "in the days of Lib the poisonous serpents were destroyed. Wherefore they did go into the land southward, to hunt food for the
people of the land, for the land was covered with animals of the forest" (Ether 10:19). It was at this time that the Jaredites set aside the land southward as a game
preserve (Ether 10:21). This suggests that much of the wildlife had perished during the dearth in the land northward.

We do not know by what means-whether miraculous, natural, or by the hand of man-the serpents were eliminated. It may be that they simply dispersed throughout the
region as the dearth abated, following the rodents who, in turn, were following the regenerating plant life.

A similar tale is told of the Israelites during the period of the exodus from Egypt. Soon after arriving in the wilderness, where there was "no bread, neither . . . water,"
they encountered poisonous serpents "and much people of Israel died." In this case, however, the serpents were not destroyed; instead, the Lord provided a
miraculous means for the healing of those who had been bitten (Num. 21:5-9; see also Deut. 8:15; 2 Kgs. 18:4; John 3:14-5; 1 Cor. 10:9; 1 Ne. 17:41; 2 Ne. 25:20).
Nor was this an instance of occasional drought, for the desert into which the Israelites fled was perpetually barren. For this reason, rodents, accompanied by their
serpent predators, would have been more common at the oases that became the Israelite campsites.

In reflecting on the time when Israel wandered "in a desert land, and in the waste howling wilderness" (Deut. 32:10), Moses again connected poisonous serpents with
conditions of "hunger, and . . . burning heat" (Deut. 32:24). Similarly, Jeremiah prophesied a time when there would be "no grapes on the vine, nor figs on the fig tree,
and the leaf shall fade," a time of war, when the people would flee into the cities for defense and the Lord would "send serpents . . . and they shall bite you" (Jer. 8:13-
7). War often brought famine in the ancient Near East. Invading armies would consume local produce and captured foodstuffs and would often trample fields of grain
during combat (compare Alma 3:2). Again, rodents in search of food would have migrated to the cities and been followed by the serpents.

I suspect that a similar problem would have existed among the Nephites who gathered all their animals and foodstuffs in the time of Lachoneus and Gidgiddoni, making
it difficult for the invading Gadianton robber band to subsist (3 Ne. 4). From the Book of Mormon, we cannot know for sure if the Nephites had problems with
serpents at this time, for, as Mormon wrote, "there had many things transpired which . . . cannot all be written in this book . . . but behold there are records which do
contain all the proceedings of this people" (3 Ne. 5:8-9). What is certain, however, is that the story of the poisonous serpents which plagued the Jaredites has a ring of
truth about it.

"The Workmanship Thereof Was Exceedingly Fine"

John A. Tvedtnes

So much has been written about the sword of Laban that it sometimes seems unimaginable that more could be said. But no one appears to have drawn a parallel
between the description of the sword of Laban and a similar sword description in one of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Hence this brief note.

Let's begin by reviewing what Nephi wrote about the sword of Laban, which he examined with care and evident awe:

And I beheld his sword, and I drew it forth from the sheath thereof; and the hilt thereof was of pure gold, and the workmanship thereof was exceedingly fine, and I saw
that the blade thereof was of the most precious steel. (1 Ne. 4:9)

Compare this with the description given in the War Scroll of the swords to be used by the Israelites during the final battle between the forces of good and evil:

 Copyright
The swords (c)  2005-2009,
            shall             Infobase
                  be of purified         MediainCorp.
                                 iron, refined                                                                                                          Page
                                                  a crucible and whitened like a mirror, work of a skilful craftsman; and it will have shapes of an ear of wheat,572   / 919
                                                                                                                                                                  of pure
gold, encrusted in it on both sides. And it will have two straight channels right to the tip, two on each side. Length of the sword: one cubit and a half. And its width: four
fingers. The scabbard will be four thumbs; it will have four palms up to the scabbard and diagonally, the scabbard from one part to the other (will be) five palms. The
that the blade thereof was of the most precious steel. (1 Ne. 4:9)

Compare this with the description given in the War Scroll of the swords to be used by the Israelites during the final battle between the forces of good and evil:

The swords shall be of purified iron, refined in a crucible and whitened like a mirror, work of a skilful craftsman; and it will have shapes of an ear of wheat, of pure
gold, encrusted in it on both sides. And it will have two straight channels right to the tip, two on each side. Length of the sword: one cubit and a half. And its width: four
fingers. The scabbard will be four thumbs; it will have four palms up to the scabbard and diagonally, the scabbard from one part to the other (will be) five palms. The
hilt of the sword will be of select horn, craftwork, with a pattern in many colours: gold, silver and precious stones.

The fact that both texts mention the hilt and the sheath or scabbard of the sword is relatively insignificant. More important is the composition of the hilt and the blade.
Laban's sword blade is made of "the most precious steel," while the future swords of the Israelite army will have blades "of purified iron . . . whitened like a mirror."
Nephi describes the hilt as being made "of pure gold." The future Israelite swords will have a hilt "of select horn . . . with a pattern in many colours: gold, silver and
precious stones," though designs in "pure gold" are also mentioned. Both the Nephite and the Qumran descriptions refer to the "workmanship" or "craftwork" of the
swords, saying it was "exceedingly fine" or "of a skilful craftsman." The War Scroll is particularly detailed when it describes the sword's ornamentation and size.

Interestingly, the sword described in the Qumran document measures a cubit and a half in total length with a blade four fingers wide (i.e., its width is three inches, while
the length depends on which cubit was meant). Using a cubit measure of 17.5 inches, it would have been 26.25 inches long (just over two feet), while a cubit of 20.4
inches would give a length of 30.6 inches or 2.5 feet. This reminds us that the seventh-century b.c. iron Israelite sword found at Vered Jericho measured three feet in
length with a three-inch-wide blade. We do not know the size of Laban's sword, but William J. Adams, in his discussion of the unusually long Vered Jericho sword,
noted that Nephi would have had an easier time decapitating Laban with his sword (1 Ne. 4:18) if it were longer than the usual short swords known from the ancient
Near East.

I am not suggesting a direct connection between the account in 1 Nephi and the one in the War Scroll. But it may be that the idealized Israelite sword described in the
latter reflects the concept of precious swords carried by earlier Israelite leaders such as Laban.

"As a Garment in a Hot Furnace"

John A. Tvedtnes

In Mosiah 12:3, Abinadi prophesied "that the life of king Noah shall be valued even as a garment in a hot furnace." Noah's priests reported the words a little differently,
"thy life shall be as a garment in a furnace of fire" (Mosiah 12:10). The prophecy was fulfilled when King Noah was burned to death (Mosiah 19:20).

Mark J. Morrise has shown that Abinadi's words fit the pattern of a simile curse, of which he gives examples. Hugh Nibley suggested that Abinadi borrowed from
the simile curse in Isa. 50:9, 11 (cited in 2 Ne. 7:9, 11): "Who is he that shall condemn me? lo, they all shall wax old as a garment; the moth shall eat them up. . . .
Behold, all ye that kindle a fire, that compass yourselves about with sparks; walk in the light of your fire, and in the sparks that ye have kindled."

But the Isaiah parallel is only a partial one, for verse 11 (which mentions fire) has nothing to do with the garment, which is consumed by the moth, not the fire. If there
are parallels to be found, one might expect them to include both the garment and the fire and possibly the furnace. Yet no such complete parallels are forthcoming
from the Old Testament or other ancient Near Eastern literature. Nevertheless, there are some partial parallels.

The law of Moses provides that a garment visibly tainted by the plague is to be burned (Lev. 13:52, 57; cf. Jude 1:23). While the Lord knew about germs, the ancient
Israelites did not. Therefore, the burning of garments to prevent the spread of disease would not have been reasonable before the nineteenth century, when people
learned that microorganisms caused diseases. But the burning of a man's possessions after his death is very common in "primitive" cultures throughout the world.
Typically, all his personal possessions would be brought into his house (usually a rather insubstantial structure in such societies), which would then be set on fire. In this
way, the deceased would not be able to find his possessions and would be free to move on to the world of spirits. In such cases, we have the garment and the fire, but
not the furnace.

A ceremonial burning of worn-out priestly clothing took place in the Jerusalem temple of Christ's time during the Feast of Tabernacles. Located above the court of the
women were huge cups in which olive oil was burned; these garments served as wicks. Just as priests who developed bodily infirmities were disqualified from
performing priestly functions under the law of Moses (Leviticus 21:17-23), so, too, their worn clothing became unsuited for temple service.

Prov. 6:27 asks, "Can a man take fire in his bosom, and his clothes not be burned?" The answer is that this can happen only if he is righteous and the Lord intervenes to
protect him. A number of ancient Jewish texts speak of how Abraham was tossed into a fiery furnace to be burned. One of these accounts notes that all but his "lower
garments" (i.e., undergarments) were removed and that, while the cords that bound him were burned, these undergarments were not (Jasher 12:27). Similarly, when
Daniel's three friends were tossed into the fiery furnace, fully clothed (Dan. 3:21), their clothing sustained no fire or smoke damage (Dan. 3:27).

In the Book of Mormon, the three Nephites were thrice "cast into a furnace and received no harm" (3 Ne. 28:21; Morm. 8:24). Three times the Bible compares Israel's
deliverance from Egypt to rescue from a furnace of iron (Deut. 4:20; 1 Kgs. 8:51; Jer. 11:4). Indeed, the righteous are purified as silver or gold in the furnace (Ps. 12:6;
Prov. 17:3; 27:21; Isa. 48:10 = 1 Ne. 20:10; 1 Cor. 3:12-5). On the other hand, the wicked are considered dross, to be melted down in the furnace (Ezek. 22:18-22).
Jesus said that he would send forth angels to gather up the wicked and "cast them into a furnace of fire" (Matt. 13:41-2, 49-50). Of course, this does not necessarily
mean a literal furnace. The wicked of Sodom and Gomorrah were destroyed by fire from heaven and "the smoke of the country went up as the smoke of a
furnace" (Gen. 19:28).

A number of pseudepigraphic texts speak of a heavenly river of fire into which the dead are made to pass. The righteous cross the river without injury and approach the
throne of God, while the wicked are burned or tortured in the fire. This reminds us of the declaration in Gen. 14:35 JST that "the sons of God should be tried so as
by fire." In 2 Ne. 30:10, we read "the wicked will be destroyed; and he will spare his people, yea, even if it so be that he must destroy the wicked by fire." Lehi and
Nephi, in their vision of the tree of life, "saw that the justice of God did also divide the wicked from the righteous; and the brightness thereof was like unto the brightness
of a flaming fire, which ascendeth up unto God forever and ever, and hath no end" (1 Ne. 15:30). On the other hand, "were the wicked, in their sins, under the
necessity of walking into the presence of the Father and the Son . . . their condition would be more excruciating and unendurable than to dwell in the lake that burns
with fire and brimstone." Elder Orson Pratt declared,

I have often heard blasphemers and drunkards and abominable characters say, I really hope I shall at last get to heaven. If they get there, they will be in the most
miserable place they could be in. Were they to behold the face of God, or the angels, it would kindle in them a flame of unquenchable fire; it would be the very worst
place a wicked man could get into: he would much rather go and dwell in hell with the devil and his host.

The Book of Mormon prophet Moroni probably had this idea in mind when he wrote to the wicked,
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Ye would be more miserable to dwell with a holy and just God, under a consciousness of your filthiness before him, than ye would to dwell with the    damned   souls in
hell. For behold, when ye shall be brought to see your nakedness before God; and also the glory of God, and the holiness of Jesus Christ, it will kindle a flame of
unquenchable fire upon you. (Morm. 9:4-5; see also Mosiah 2:38; 3:25, 27; cf. Jacob 6:9-10)
place a wicked man could get into: he would much rather go and dwell in hell with the devil and his host.

The Book of Mormon prophet Moroni probably had this idea in mind when he wrote to the wicked,

Ye would be more miserable to dwell with a holy and just God, under a consciousness of your filthiness before him, than ye would to dwell with the damned souls in
hell. For behold, when ye shall be brought to see your nakedness before God; and also the glory of God, and the holiness of Jesus Christ, it will kindle a flame of
unquenchable fire upon you. (Morm. 9:4-5; see also Mosiah 2:38; 3:25, 27; cf. Jacob 6:9-10)

I suggest that Abinadi's curse of King Noah, with the specific mention of fire, was intended to indicate the very serious nature of Noah's sins. Like the diseased garment
in Lev. 13:52, 57, and the useless garment in Isa. 14:19-20 (another simile curse), he is not to be honored with burial. Instead, he will suffer death by fire, which is the
ultimate punishment of the wicked.

  * My thanks go to John L. Sorenson for making his files on the figurines available and to Michael P. Lyon for preparing the accompanying figures.

  1 The two forms are common through scholarly and popular literature. The Egyptians used both ï¿½wbti and wï¿½bti.

  2 "Two Figurines from the Belleza and Sanchez Collection," in Reexploring the Book of Mormon , ed. John W. Welch (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS,
1992), 18-9. This was based on the FARMS update for January 1984.

  3 Ibid., 19.

  4 Ibid.

  5 Mariano Cuevas, Historia de la Nacion Mexicana (Mexico: Talleres Tipograficos Modelo, 1940), 14, 16.

  6 "Two Figurines from the Belleza and Sanchez Collection," 19.

  7 Ibid., 18.

  8 Ibid.

  9 Ibid., 19.

  10 John L. Sorenson, "The Significance of an Apparent Relationship between the Ancient Near East and Mesoamerica," in Man across the Sea: Problems of Pre-
Colombian Contacts, ed. Carroll L. Riley et al. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1971), 223.

  11 Robert F. Smith, private communication to John L. Sorenson, 1 October 1976, courtesy John L. Sorenson.

  12 Heinrich Schï¿½fer, "Die angebliche ï¿½gyptische Figur aus Rhodesia," Zeitschrift fï¿½r Ethnologie 38 (1906): 899-901.

  13 Ibid., 901, fig. 12.

  14 Henry G. Fischer, "Varia Aegyptiaca," Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 2 (1963): 39 and plate IV.

  15 Mark Depauw, "'Rhodesian' and 'Mexican' Shawabties in Antwerp," Gï¿½ttinger Miszellen 155 (1996): 15-7.

  16 Schï¿½fer, "Die angebliche ï¿½gyptische Figur," 901, fig. 12.

  17 Ibid., 902.

  18 Fischer, "Varia Aegyptiaca," 39; Depauw, "'Rhodesian' and 'Mexican' Shawabties," 15-7.

   19 Stuart Tyson Smith, "Intact Tombs of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Dynasties from Thebes and the New Kingdom Burial System," Mitteillungen der deutschen
archï¿½ologischen Instituts Kairo 48 (1992): 199-200.

  20 Ibid., 200 n. 10; T. Eric Peet, The Great Tomb-Robberies of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty (Oxford: Clarendon, 1930).

  21 I. E. S. Edwards, "Bill of Sale for a Set of Ushabtis," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 57 (1971): 120-4.

  22 In a personal communication with John L. Sorenson in April 1997, Romeo Hristov, a scholar in Mexico, reported that the artifacts are not available for current
examination because they disappeared in a burglary from the home where they were stored.

  23 John L. Brooke, The Refiner's Fire: The Making of Mormon Cosmology, 1644-1844 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), xiii, says that the "White
Salamander Letter" forged by Mark Hofmann provided the initial impetus to write his book. He cites it as evidence in his book (ibid., 364 n. 17) and concludes the
book with the same salamander letter (ibid., 299-305). More insidious is the way in which Hofmann forgeries become evidence by being cited from secondhand
sources.

  24 For a survey of forgeries in LDS history, see Richard E. Turley Jr., Victims: The LDS Church and the Mark Hofmann Case (Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois
Press, 1992), 1-23

  1 In this journal alone, the following articles have discussed the subject: Todd R. Kerr, "Ancient Aspects of Nephite Kingship in the Book of Mormon," Journal of
Book of Mormon Studies 1/1 (1992): 85-118; Brett L. Holbrook, "The Sword of Laban as a Symbol of Divine Authority and Kingship," Journal of Book of Mormon
Studies 2/1 (1993): 3972; Daniel N. Rolph, "Prophets, Kings, and Swords: The Sword of Laban and Its Possible Pre-Laban Origin," Journal of Book of Mormon
Studies 2/1 (1993): 739; William J. Adams Jr., "Nephi's Jerusalem and Laban's Sword," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/2 (1993): 194-5; and John A.
Tvedtnes, "The Iliad and the Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4/2 (1995): 147.
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  2 1QM V 11-4, in Florentino Garcï¿½a Martï¿½nez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 99.

  3 For details, see Adams, "Nephi's Jerusalem."
Studies 2/1 (1993): 3972; Daniel N. Rolph, "Prophets, Kings, and Swords: The Sword of Laban and Its Possible Pre-Laban Origin," Journal of Book of Mormon
Studies 2/1 (1993): 739; William J. Adams Jr., "Nephi's Jerusalem and Laban's Sword," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/2 (1993): 194-5; and John A.
Tvedtnes, "The Iliad and the Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 4/2 (1995): 147.

  2 1QM V 11-4, in Florentino Garcï¿½a Martï¿½nez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 99.

  3 For details, see Adams, "Nephi's Jerusalem."

* This article was prompted by a question from a FARMS subscriber, Dale Willes, who asked if any ancient traditions about the burning of garments existed that might
explain Abinadi's prophecy about the fate of king Noah.

   2 Mark J. Morrise, "Simile Curses in the Ancient Near East, Old Testament, and Book of Mormon," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 2/1 (1993): 124-38. His
discussion of Mosiah 12:3, 10-2 is found on page 133.

  3 Hugh Nibley, The Prophetic Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1989), 305.

  4 For the use of the furnace simile for destruction, but without fire, see Ex. 9:8-11; Rev. 9:2-13.

  5 Mishnah, Sukkah 5:2-3.

  6 Jewish tradition indicates that priestly garments could not be consumed by fire and sometimes protected their wearers from harm. See the discussion in John A.
Tvedtnes, "Priestly Clothing in Bible Times," in Donald W. Parry, Temples of the Ancient World (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1994), 659-61.

  7 Testament of Isaac 5:21-9; Sibylline Oracles 2:196-213, 252-86, 286-308, 313-8, 330-8; Ethiopic Apocalypse of Peter; cf. Zech. 3:2.

   8 Joseph Smith taught that "God Almighty Himself dwells in eternal fire . . . all corruption is devoured by the fire. 'Our God is a consuming fire' [Heb. 12:29; cf.
Deut. 4:24] . . . immortality dwells in everlasting burnings . . . all men who are immortal dwell in everlasting burnings" (HC 6:366). While the wicked suffer "a torment as
the lake of fire and brimstone" (HC 6:317), the righteous dwell in flames (HC 6:51-2). Those who are exalted become, in the resurrection, kings and priests to God, as
the other gods before them, and are "able to dwell in everlasting burnings, and to sit in glory, as do those who sit enthroned in everlasting power" (HC 6:305; see also
6:306, 476 and JD 8:92).

  9 JD 8:154.

  10 JD 7:89.

Consecrate

To do something "with sacredness," to dedicate, devote, and focus oneself toward the realization of a sacred end. In addition, it is to set apart and designate for sacred
purposes, as when priests and teachers are called and put in place in the Church (2 Ne. 5:26). The Saints of the Most High consecrate their resources to God when
they enter into the law of consecration and stewardship (3 Ne. 26:19; 4 Ne. 1:3; D&C 42:30). If they are submissive, the people of the Lord may have their desires
and their works consecrated by God to their eternal gain (2 Ne. 32:9; 33:4).

Garrett, Henry Dean

Consecration law of

See All things common.

Consign

See Appendix C.

Constrain

See Appendix C.

Constrained

See Appendix C.

-Contention

Throughout the Book of Mormon, "contentions" occurred among the people, always with negative consequences. The term is synonymous to or used in conjunction
with such words and expressions as "wars" (1 Ne. 12:3; Jacob 7:26), "dissensions" (Jarom 1:13), "hatred" (Jacob 7:26), "fight[ing] and quarrel[ing]" (Mosiah 4:14),
stirring hearts to anger (Alma 51:9; 3 Ne. 11:29), "disputations" (4 Ne. 1:2), and "great doubtings" (3 Ne. 8:4). The prophet Mormon was grieved by contention
among the people (Moro. 8:4), and the Savior clearly taught the Nephites that "the devil . . . is the father of contention," and anyone "that hath the spirit of contention is
not of me." He proclaimed, "This is not my doctrine, to stir up the hearts of men with anger, one against another; but this is my doctrine, that such things should be done
away" (3 Ne. 11:29-30).

Contention arose throughout the Book of Mormon as the product of greed, pride, and ambition; it was the disrupter of peace, the forerunner of war. For example,
Alma 50:25-26 details the contentions that arose over claims to certain Nephite lands, while Alma 51:2-9 describes the beginning of contentions over the Nephite form
of government. Those who wanted "kings were those of high birth" who themselves "sought to be kings; and they were supported by those" ambitious for "power and
authority" (Alma 51:8). These internal contentions diverted and enervated the Nephite nation, very nearly delivering it into the hands of its external enemies. Only the
valor of men like Moroni 1 , Helaman 2 , and Pahoran 1 , fighting in the strength of the Lord, preserved it. In the end, contention contributed to the destruction of both
the Nephite and the Jaredite nations.
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The record verifies that contention accompanies wickedness. When the people are righteous and loving, peace prevails and the Church and its people       flourish.
they are not righteous and loving, wars and contentions abound. The nearly two hundred years of peace and happiness that followed the Savior's ministry in the New
World were a direct result of the absence of "envyings," "strifes," "tumults," and all other forms of wickedness (4 Ne. 1:16). The antidote to contention is said to be the
authority" (Alma 51:8). These internal contentions diverted and enervated the Nephite nation, very nearly delivering it into the hands of its external enemies. Only the
valor of men like Moroni 1 , Helaman 2 , and Pahoran 1 , fighting in the strength of the Lord, preserved it. In the end, contention contributed to the destruction of both
the Nephite and the Jaredite nations.

The record verifies that contention accompanies wickedness. When the people are righteous and loving, peace prevails and the Church and its people flourish. When
they are not righteous and loving, wars and contentions abound. The nearly two hundred years of peace and happiness that followed the Savior's ministry in the New
World were a direct result of the absence of "envyings," "strifes," "tumults," and all other forms of wickedness (4 Ne. 1:16). The antidote to contention is said to be the
"love of God" (4 Ne. 1:15). Mormon declared the marvelous results of a contention- free society: "Surely there could not be a happier people among all the people
who had been created by the hand of God" (4 Ne. 1:16).

Merrill, Byron R.

Conversion

See Born again.

Corianton

A younger son of Alma 2 , Corianton (ca. 74 b.c. ) accompanied his father and others on a mission to the Zoramites 2 . But on that mission, much to his father's
consternation, he was distracted by the harlot Isabel and he for-sook the ministry. His actions damaged the missionary effort, for as Alma told him, "when they saw
your conduct they would not believe in my words" (Alma 39:11). Chapters 39 through 42 of Alma record the prophet's teachings in his effort to bring his son to
repentance. One senses in these chapters not only Alma's great knowledge and spiritual power but also his tender concern for a son who had fallen into error. Through
inspiration, Alma taught Corianton basic gospel doctrine, tailoring his instruction to specific concerns raised by Corianton. In so doing, Alma used the word of God to
nullify any of the rationalizations Corianton might have employed in an effort to excuse his behavior (Alma 39:3-6; 40:1; 41:1; 42:1, 30). That Corianton responded
repentantly to his father's words is suggested by Alma's sending him forth again to "declare the word" and bring those who had fallen into error "unto repentance" (Alma
42:31). The record confirms that Corianton did return to his ministry (Alma 43:1-2; 49:30). After the reestablishment of peace and the passing of Helaman 2 and
Moroni 1 , Corianton is said to have left to carry provisions to the Nephites who emigrated north by sea (Alma 63:10).

The inclusion of these chapters by Mormon fulfills important Book of Mormon purposes. Alma's words to Corianton confirm and amplify biblical teachings on vital
gospel subjects. They also contain truths that have special application to the latter days. For example, Alma taught the seriousness of immorality (Alma 39:5-6),
condemning fornication and showing its place in the hierarchy of grievous sins. By analyzing the nar-ra-tive, the reader living in a time of rampant immorality can gain
insight about how to remain morally pure. Moreover, Alma's words to Corianton teach those who succumb to this sin the necessary steps to true repentance , the
doctrines that make repentance possible, and the eternal consequences that await the wicked as well as the righteous.

Alma's teachings to his son clarify other doctrines as well. In compelling prose, he affirmed the antiquity of the gospel (Alma 39:15-19) and presented priceless truths
regarding the resurrection and the spirit world (Alma 40), the law of restoration (Alma 41), the plan of salvation and God's placing cherubim and the flaming sword in
Eden to prevent Adam and Eve from partaking of the tree of life after their fall (Alma 42:2-6), the effects of the Fall and the need for redemption (Alma 42:6-14), and
the relationship between justice and mercy (Alma 42:15-25).

Not to be overlooked is the contribution the Corianton story makes to parents and teachers seeking help in bringing a wayward child or sin- bound adult back to the
fold. Alma sought to change his son's behavior by teaching him gospel doctrine, an effective antidote for sin. In Alma's view, the word of God had a "powerful effect
upon the minds" of human beings, more powerful "than the sword, or anything else" (Alma 31:5).

See also Chastity.

Arnold, Marilyn

Coriantor

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Coriantum 1

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Coriantum 2

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Coriantum r 1

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Coriantum r 2

The last Jaredite king and sole survivor of his people. More a warrior than a diplomat, Coriantumr 2 was "studied . . . in all the arts of war and all the cunning of the
world" (Ether 13:16). He reigned during a time of intense crime, secret combinations, political upheaval, and constant civil war. A contem-porary of the prophet Ether,
he and his people were warned on several occasions to repent. The Lord had said specifically that unless Coriantumr and his household repented, Coriantumr alone
would survive to witness the destruction of the entire Jaredite nation (Ether 13:20-22). The prophecy was ignored, and it was fulfilled.

The account of Coriantumr chronicles a series of battles over a number of years, battles in which Coriantumr was wounded several times by those who sought his
throne. Only after "nearly two millions of his people" were slain did Coriantumr begin "to repent of the evil which he had done" and "remember the words" of the
prophets (Ether 15:2-3). But it was too late. His efforts to negotiate peace with his arch enemy Shiz failed (Ether 15:4-6, 18). Shiz's relentless pursuit of Coriantumr
was fueled by the loss of his brother in battle and by his desire to prove untrue a prophecy recorded by Ether (Ether 14:24).

After four years of building their armies- consisting of Jaredite men, women, and children, all of whom had lost the Spirit of God and were filled with vengeance and
 Copyright
anger (Ether(c) 2005-2009,armies
             15:9-22)-the     Infobase   Media Corp.
                                     of Coriantumr and Shiz engaged in a final battle that lasted a matter of days. By the last hour, only Coriantumr and Shiz were
                                                                                                                                                       Page    576alive.
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a dramatic episode, Coriantumr beheaded Shiz (Ether 15:30-31).

Ether had prophesied that Coriantumr would witness "another people receiving the land for their inheritance" (Ether 13:21). This prophecy was fulfilled when
was fueled by the loss of his brother in battle and by his desire to prove untrue a prophecy recorded by Ether (Ether 14:24).

After four years of building their armies- consisting of Jaredite men, women, and children, all of whom had lost the Spirit of God and were filled with vengeance and
anger (Ether 15:9-22)-the armies of Coriantumr and Shiz engaged in a final battle that lasted a matter of days. By the last hour, only Coriantumr and Shiz were alive. In
a dramatic episode, Coriantumr beheaded Shiz (Ether 15:30-31).

Ether had prophesied that Coriantumr would witness "another people receiving the land for their inheritance" (Ether 13:21). This prophecy was fulfilled when
Coriantumr "was discovered by the people of Zarahemla; and he dwelt with them for the space of nine moons" (Omni 1:21) until his death (Ether 13:21).

Richardson, Matthew O.

Coriantumr 3

A Nephite defector esteemed for his "strength and . . . great wisdom" by the Lamanite king Tubaloth, who led Lamanite armies against the Nephites (Hel. 1:16).
Coriantumr boldly captured the Nephite capital city of Zarahemla but was subsequently slain in battle as the Nephites reclaimed their cities (Hel. 1:15-33). The story of
Coriantumr adds yet another name to the list of hardened dissenters whose defection to the Lamanites proved deadly for the Nephites.

Wilson, Keith J.

Corihor 1

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Corihor 2

Jaredite who lived in the days of Ether and Coriantumr 2 . All the record indicates about Corihor is that his children did not repent (Ether 13:17).

Corihor land of and valley of

Jaredite regions to which Shiz and his armies fled after being defeated by the troops of Coriantumr 2 . Sweeping off all in their path who would not join them (Ether
14:26-27), the armies of Shiz camped in the valley of Corihor. From there they answered Coriantumr's challenge to a fierce and deadly battle on the hill Comnor (Ether
14:28-29).

Corom

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Corruption incorruption

Words used in the Book of Mormon to contrast the nature of mortal things and immortal things, of temporal things and spiritual things. In all cases, except for Lehi 1's
more general use of the terms in his discussion of the need for opposition in all things (2 Ne. 2:11), "corruption" refers to the mortal body, which is subject to death and
dissolution, and "incorruption" refers to the immortal body, which is resurrected, spiritual , and will abide forever (2 Ne. 9:7; Mosiah 16:10; Alma 5:15; 11:45; 12:18;
40:2; 41:4; Morm. 6:21).

See also Mortal, mortality; Resurrection, the.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Costly apparel

Jacob 2 , Alma 2 , and Mormon warned against the wearing of costly apparel, or expensive attire and costly ornaments, as indicative of excessive pride and hearts set
upon worldly riches. Wearing costly apparel, they implied, is too costly for the soul, obtained as it is at too great a sacrifice: the loss of eternal life. Jacob chastened his
people, whose pride was manifest in "the costliness of [their] apparel" (Jacob 2:13). The wicked Nehor's pride was evidenced, Mormon wrote, in his own "very costly
apparel" (Alma 1:6). Mormon included the wearing of costly apparel in a long list of sins that characterized those who did not belong to the Nephite Church in Alma 2's
day (Alma 1:32; ca. 90 b.c. ). Later Alma rebuked the Church for the same prideful display (Alma 5:53; cf. 4:6).

Mormon described the effects of pride and prosperity on his people, who, only one hundred sixty- seven years after Christ's ministry, "had become exceedingly rich" (4
Ne. 1:23), rejected "the true church of Christ" (4 Ne. 1:26), and began to be "lifted up in pride, such as the wearing of costly apparel, and all manner of fine pearls, and
of the fine things of the world" (4 Ne. 1:24). Alma the Younger rebuked the Zoramites 2 , whose worldliness he called on God to witness: "Behold, O my God, their
costly apparel . . . and all their precious things" (Alma 31:28). He warned them of the eternal consequences of preferring materialism to the designs of God. From the
example of one prosperous group of Nephites, it appears that avoiding costly apparel is one key to avoiding the negative effects of prosperity (Alma 1:25-31).

Cracroft, Richard H.

Countenance

The radiance of one's appearance or demeanor, reflecting one's spiritual state. Alma 2 linked spiritual rebirth to having God's image engraved upon one's countenance
(Alma 5:14, 19). The light that emanates from a Christlike life is discernible in the countenances of individuals who have been purified through the Atonement (3 Ne.
19:25; cf. 13:22-23). The apostle Paul said of his own rebirth, "Christ liveth in me" (Gal. 2:20). Conversely, the absence of this light in the countenance of the wicked is
a witness against them (2 Ne. 13:9).

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Covenant people of the Lord

Although
 Copyrightthe
            (c)phrase "covenant
                2005-2009,      peopleMedia
                            Infobase  of the Lord"
                                             Corp. occurs only six times in the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 14:14; 15:14; 2 Ne. 30:2; Morm. 3:21; 8:15,  Page  21),
                                                                                                                                                           577the concept
                                                                                                                                                                  / 919
of a "covenant people" belonging to the Lord is a major theme of that sacred record. On one level, the terminology points to inheritors of the Lord's covenant with
Abraham (1 Ne. 15:14-18; 2 Ne. 29:14). On another, it refers to recipients of the covenant made with the Israelites at Sinai (1 Ne. 17:40; Ether 4:15). Such covenant
people include Jews (2 Ne. 25:15-19; Morm. 3:21), the house of Israel, including all the descendants of Israel, or Jacob (1 Ne. 22:3-12), and the "children of
Skinner, Andrew Charles

Covenant people of the Lord

Although the phrase "covenant people of the Lord" occurs only six times in the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 14:14; 15:14; 2 Ne. 30:2; Morm. 3:21; 8:15, 21), the concept
of a "covenant people" belonging to the Lord is a major theme of that sacred record. On one level, the terminology points to inheritors of the Lord's covenant with
Abraham (1 Ne. 15:14-18; 2 Ne. 29:14). On another, it refers to recipients of the covenant made with the Israelites at Sinai (1 Ne. 17:40; Ether 4:15). Such covenant
people include Jews (2 Ne. 25:15-19; Morm. 3:21), the house of Israel, including all the descendants of Israel, or Jacob (1 Ne. 22:3-12), and the "children of
men" (Moro. 7:31-32).

As with all covenant relationships initiated by the Lord, blessings come for obedience (Mosiah 4:3; 5:2-9) as well as penalties or curses for disobedience (2 Ne. 9:1,
27-38). The Lord calls his covenant people "my people" (2 Ne. 29:14), and such persons who faithfully keep their covenants are allowed to dwell "with God in a state
of never- ending happiness" (Mosiah 2:41; cf. Alma 34:36).

Brown, S. Kent

Covenant(s)

A solemn agreement between two or more parties. God makes covenants with individuals and peoples promising certain blessings for obedience to his will. One
important purpose of the Book of Mormon is "to show unto the remnant of the House of Israel what great things the Lord hath done for their fathers; and that they may
know the covenants of the Lord" (Title Page). Accordingly, God's covenants are an essential element of the Book of Mormon. The term "covenant" and its variants
appear 154 times in the Book of Mormon.

Two major types of covenant relationships are found in the scriptures, which may be referred to as vertical covenants and horizontal covenants. Vertical covenants are
agreements and vows made between God and man; horizontal covenants are promises and oaths between man and man. Approximately three- fourths of the covenant
citations in the Book of Mormon refer to sacred relationships between God and mortals in the vertical dimension, either collectively (such as with the house of Israel or
the posterity of Lehi 1 ), or individually, through special covenant ordinances such as baptism or in private vows and promises (e.g., Mosiah 18:10-13; 21:31-32; Alma
7:15). Those with whom God makes covenants are referred to as a "covenant people" (e.g., 1 Ne. 14:14; 2 Ne. 6:13, 17). The Jews are referred to as an ancient
covenant people (2 Ne. 29:4-5), but God makes it clear that being part of a covenant people is more dependent upon righteousness than genealogy (e.g., 2 Ne. 30:2).
Examples of peoples with whom God has made covenants include members of the house of Israel, who were promised that they would ultimately be gathered and
redeemed both spiritually and temporally (e.g., 1 Ne. 22:6-12; 2 Ne. 10:7; 29:1, 14; 3 Ne. 5:24-26; 16:5-12; 20:21-31), and Lehi's posterity, a remnant of Israel who
were promised that as a people they would "not utterly be destroyed . . . but that [God] would preserve them; and in future generations they shall become a righteous
branch unto the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 9:53). Examples of covenants God has made with individuals include the covenant God made with Abraham, which promised
Abraham that through his posterity "all the kindreds of the earth" would be blessed (1 Ne. 15:18; 3 Ne. 20:25), God's covenant to Lehi that the promised land of
America would "be a land for the inheritance of [his] seed" (2 Ne. 1:5; cf. 1 Ne. 13:30; 3 Ne. 15:12-13), the covenant to Enos that the Book of Mormon would
eventually be brought forth to the Lamanites (Enos 1:16), the promise to Alma 2 that he would have eternal life (Mosiah 26:20), and the promise to Joseph 1 that a
righteous branch of Israel would be raised up from him, that the Messiah would be "made manifest unto them in the latter days," and a " choice seer" descended from
him would play a vital role in restoring God's covenants (2 Ne. 3:3-7). At the end of the Book of Mormon, Moroni 2 summarized one of God's greatest covenants with
his children: "And again, if ye by the grace of God are perfect in Christ, and deny not his power, then are ye sanctified in Christ by the grace of God, through the
shedding of the blood of Christ, which is in the covenant of the Father unto the remission of your sins, that ye become holy, without spot" (Moro. 10:33). The Book of
Mormon bears witness that God has, does, and will remember and keep his covenants (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:40; 19:15; 22:11; 2 Ne. 10:15; Enos 1:17; 3 Ne. 5:25; 16:11;
29:3, 8; Morm. 8:23).

Nephi 1 was told by an angel that the book he beheld in vision among the Gentiles (the Bible) was "a record of the Jews, which contain[ed] the covenants of the
Lord" (1 Ne. 13:23). Unfortunately, the great and abominable church subsequently took away many of those gospel covenants (1 Ne. 13:26, 28). Nephi received the
promise, however, that in the last days those covenants would be restored and fulfilled, especially by the coming forth of the Book of Mormon and the restoration and
spreading of the gospel through the work of faithful Gentiles who would be "numbered among" (1 Ne. 14:2) the covenant people (1 Ne. 13:23-:17; cf. 15:12-19; 22:3-
27; 3 Ne. 20:21-31; 21:1-7, 12-29).

Less often in the Book of Mormon, agreements or covenants, also called oaths , were made (horizontal dimension) between individuals or groups of people (e.g.,
Mosiah 9:6; Alma 44:14-20; 46:20, 35; 51:6; 53:17; 62:16). Sometimes covenants were entered into to facili-tate evil, such as covenants and oaths associated with
secret combinations (e.g., Alma 37:27, 29; Hel. 1:11-12; 2:3; 6:21-30; 3 Ne. 6:28-30).

See also Abrahamic covenant; Israel, covenants unto; Joseph 1 , covenants unto.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Cowdery Oliver

See Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Creation the

God's act of bringing into existence the heavens, earth, and all things therein. Many of the greatest prophet- teachers in the Book of Mormon, as well as God himself,
taught the doctrine of the Creation. Their statements place the Creation at the heart of the Father's grand, eternal plan of salvation, along with the Fall and the atonement
of Jesus Christ. The Creation, the Fall, and the Atonement are, according to Elder Bruce R. McConkie, "the three pillars of eternity" and are inextricably linked to one
another. The close association between "these three divine events . . . insep-arably woven together into one grand tapestry" (McConkie, Witness, 81) is summarized by
Moroni 2 : "Behold he [God] created Adam, and by Adam came the fall of man. And because of the fall of man came Jesus Christ, even the Father and the Son; and
because of Jesus Christ came the redemption of man" (Morm. 9:12). The teachings of Ammon 2 and Aaron 3 to Lamoni and his father also reflect this seminal
relationship (Alma 18:36, 39; 22:12-13).

At least nine other important aspects concerning the Creation are presented in the Book of Mormon. Many of these truths were likely understood from the brass plates,
which contained the five books of Moses with its account of the Creation (1 Ne. 5:10-12; Alma 22:12). What is said of the Creation in the Book of Mormon is
consistent with the accounts of the Creation in the King James Version of the Bible as well as scripture of the Restoration (e.g., Alma 22:12; Gen. 1:26; Moses 2:26):

1. The Creation is the direct result of God's all- encompassing power, will, wisdom, and purposes (2 Ne. 2:13-15; Jacob 4:9; Mosiah 4:9; 5:15; cf. D&C 29:30-31;
Moses  1:31, 33). If there were no God, "there could have been no creation" (2 Ne. 2:13).
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2. God created the heavens, the earth, and all things therein (2 Ne. 2:14; Mosiah 4:9; 5:15; Alma 22:10-11; Morm. 9:11).
consistent with the accounts of the Creation in the King James Version of the Bible as well as scripture of the Restoration (e.g., Alma 22:12; Gen. 1:26; Moses 2:26):

1. The Creation is the direct result of God's all- encompassing power, will, wisdom, and purposes (2 Ne. 2:13-15; Jacob 4:9; Mosiah 4:9; 5:15; cf. D&C 29:30-31;
Moses 1:31, 33). If there were no God, "there could have been no creation" (2 Ne. 2:13).

2. God created the heavens, the earth, and all things therein (2 Ne. 2:14; Mosiah 4:9; 5:15; Alma 22:10-11; Morm. 9:11).

3. Because God created all things, he is above all his creations; he speaks, and his creations obey (Jacob 4:9; Mosiah 5:15; cf. D&C 88:41; Abr. 3:16-19).

4. The God who created the heavens, the earth, and all things that in them are is the Lord Jesus Christ, the Redeemer (Mosiah 5:15; 3 Ne. 9:15; Morm. 9:11), who is
also Jehovah of the Old Testament (3 Ne. 15:5). When the prophets, as well as Jehovah himself, say that he (Jehovah) created all things, they were speaking in broad
terms and referring to the principle of divine investiture of authority: "Jehovah was, under the direction and by appointment of the Father, the executive in the creation.
He created all things on earth, except man. `When it came to placing man on earth, there was a change in Creators. That is, the Father himself became personally
involved. All things were created by the Son, using the power delegated by the Father, except man. In the spirit and again in the flesh, man was created by the
Father'" (McConkie, Promised, 62; qtd. in McConkie et al., 4:278).

5. God created all things for a specific purpose: "The earth that it should be inhabited . . . his children that they should possess it" (1 Ne. 17:36; cf. Moses 1:39). Joseph
Smith learned that marriage and family life lie at the core of God's reason for creating the earth and its inhabitants: "For marriage is ordained of God unto man . . . that
he should have one wife, and they twain shall be one flesh, and all this that the earth might answer the end of its creation; and that it might be filled with the measure of
man, according to his creation before the world was made" (D&C 49:15-17).

6. God created the heavens, the earth, and man by the power of his word in a seemingly miraculous way to the understanding of mortal beings (Morm. 9:17). Although
humankind does not and cannot now know all the particulars about the Creation, the Lord has promised that such knowledge will be revealed in a future day (D&C
101:32-34).

7. God created man after his own image, indicating, as the Lord himself said, that there is a profound similarity between man and God as well as between the physical
bodies and spirits of mankind (Ether 3:15-16; cf. Alma 18:34; 22:12; Moses 1:6; 3:5; Gen. 1:26).

8. God created Adam, who was the first man and the first parent (1 Ne. 5:11; Alma 22:12; Morm. 9:12). This truth was taught to the ancient patriarchs from the very
beginning (Moses 3:7).

9. God created all things in a paradisiacal, immortal state before the fall of Adam, after which the earth entered a lower, fallen condition (2 Ne. 2:22). Of four distinct
phases through which God's created things have passed or will pass before their final, eternal state, the Book of Mormon provides information on three. No reference
can be found in the Book of Mormon regarding the first phase, or spirit creation, of "all things," which is known from Moses 3:5 and Doctrine and Covenants 29:31-
34, but the Book of Mormon does teach of a premortal existence of mankind (Alma 13:3-5). The second phase of created things is the paradisiacal or physical-
spiritual state, when there was no death and Adam was not subject to the vicissitudes of mortality before his fall (2 Ne. 2:15-22). The third phase of creation is the
mortal, temporal, or natural state that was introduced by the Fall, in which all things became subject to death and humans began to experience pain, suffering, and a
sinful nature (2 Ne. 2:19, 23-26; Mosiah 3:11, 19; Alma 42:7-14; Ether 3:2). The fourth phase is the paradisiacal, millennial condition, when Satan will have no power
over the hearts of the people and "cannot be loosed for the space of many years,"when Jesus Christ will reign (1 Ne. 22:26), and people and animals will live together
in peace (2 Ne. 21:6-9).

See also Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Heaven; Man, creation of; Plan.

Bibliography

McConkie, Joseph Fielding, Robert L. Millet, and Brent L. Top. Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon. 4 vols. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1987- 92.

McConkie, Bruce R. A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

--- . The Promised Messiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Cross

See Appendix C.

Cross suffer his

See Suffer his cross.

Cross yourself

To cross is to erase, cancel, preclude, or stop (Webster). Corianton, errant son of Alma 2 , was counseled to "go no more after the lusts of your eyes, but cross
yourself in all these things" (Alma 39:9). Thus Alma seemed to be calling his son to "take up his cross" and deny himself of ungodliness and worldly lusts (JST Matt.
16:25, 26), to put off the natural man (Mosiah 3:19), and repent-literally, to "turn away from" (2 Ne. 9:45) or to work at cross purposes to deeds and attitudes that
reflect a fallen or unredeemed nature.

Bibliography

Webster, Noah. An American Dictionary of the English Language. 1828.

Millet, Robert L.

Crosses

See Appendix C.
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Crucify crucified
Crosses

See Appendix C.

Crucify crucified

A form of punishment practiced by such peoples as the Assyrians, Persians, and Romans that brought about death by prolonged suspension from a cross. Nephi 1
knew of crucifixion, having seen the Savior "lifted up upon the cross and slain for the sins of the world" (1 Ne. 11:33). Christ attributed symbolic significance to being
"lifted up." He taught his disciples, "I had been lifted up upon the cross, that I might draw all men unto me, that as I have been lifted up by men even so should men be
lifted up by the Father, to stand before me, to be judged of their works" (3 Ne. 27:14). Jacob 2 learned that "because of priestcrafts and iniquities" those at Jerusalem
would "stiffen their necks against [Christ], that he be crucified" (2 Ne. 10:3-5). Additionally, the family of Lehi 1 knew of Christ's crucifixion from Neum's prophecy
recorded on the brass plates (1 Ne. 19:10). After Christ's resurrection, 2,500 people testified of his crucifixion, having seen with their eyes and felt with their hands "the
prints of the nails in his hands and in his feet," adding their witness that he was the promised Messiah of whom all the prophets had foretold (3 Ne. 11:15).

Fronk, Camille

Crying from the dust

A phrase, or variations of it, used in two ways by Book of Mormon prophet- writers.

First, "crying from the dust" refers to their individual messages, testimonies, and records that would be read and taught long after they had died and their physical bodies
returned to the dust, or were buried in their graves. Thus, they would seem to "speak as if it were from the dead" (2 Ne. 27:13; 3:19-20; Morm. 9:30; Moro. 10:27).
Isaiah's prophetic metaphor of the dead speaking or whispering "out of the dust" (Isa. 29:4) was clearly understood by Nephite prophets to be their words or records,
which would come forth at a future time. For example, Nephi 1 prophesied, "Those who shall be destroyed [the Nephites] shall speak [cry] unto them [their
descendants living in the last days] out of the ground, and their speech shall be low out of the dust" (2 Ne. 26:16). Nephi consciously wrote his record with this in mind:
"I speak unto you as the voice of one crying from the dust" (2 Ne. 33:13).

Second, the concept is used by Moroni 2 to refer to the pleas of departed Saints, which cry out for fulfillment of the Lord's promises or for "vengeance" (justice) (Ether
8:24) upon the wicked (Morm. 8:21-24; Ether 8:23-25; cf. 2 Ne. 28:10; 3 Ne. 9:11).

The concept of truth coming forth from the earth also applies to the Book of Mormon itself, a record sealed up and hid in the ground but brought forth from the earth
by the Lord in modern times (Morm. 8:16, 26; cf. Moses 7:62).

See also Familiar spirit.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Cubit

A measurement of length used commonly in the ancient Near East, referred to in the Book of Mormon only in Jesus' sermon at the temple (3 Ne. 13:27). Although the
standard size of the cubit seems to have varied somewhat through time and among cultures, it was roughly equivalent to the distance from the elbow to the tip of the
fingers, or about 18 inches. In teaching the "twelve whom he had chosen" in the Americas about their dependence on God, Jesus asked, "Which of you by taking
thought can add one cubit unto his stature?" (3 Ne. 13:25, 27; cf. Matt. 6:27; Luke 12:25).

Ball, Terry B.

Cumber

See Appendix C.

Cumeni city of

Nephite city captured by the Lamanites (Alma 56:13-14) and then retaken when Helaman 2 and his army surrounded the city and cut off supplies to the Lamanite army
within (Alma 57:7-12; ca. 63 b.c. ). Soon another Lamanite army arrived with reinforcements and provisions for the troops at Cumeni, but Helaman and his forces
defeated them. Helaman attributed the victory to the return of a group of soldiers who had been sent to escort Lamanite prisoners to Zarahemla and to the faith and
fortitude of the 2,060 stripling warriors (Alma 57:17-23).

Cumenihah

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Cumoms

See Animals.

Cumorah battle of

The final conflict between the Nephites and Lamanites took place approximately a.d. 385 in "the land of Cumorah, by a hill which was called Cumorah" (Morm. 6:2). It
was the culmination of continual wars waged between two wicked peoples. The leader of the Nephite armies was the prophet Mormon. Nephite men, women, and
children gathered under his direction at Cumorah and fearfully waited for the superior Lamanite armies to fall upon them. At least 230,000 Nephite soldiers were killed.
From the top of the hill Cumorah, the wounded Mormon lamented over the loss of his people while he and -twenty- four survivors beheld the bodies of the dead
strewn upon the battlefield (Morm. 6:10-11, 17-22). Among the survivors was Mormon's son Moroni to whom, just prior to the time of the battle, Mormon entrusted
the plates upon which he had made his inspired abridgment of the Nephite records. A few other surviving Nephites escaped to the land southward following the battle
atCopyright
   Cumorah,(c)
             but2005-2009,   Infobase
                  they were later huntedMedia
                                         downCorp.
                                              by the Lamanites and destroyed (Morm. 6:15; 8:2).                                                  Page 580 / 919

The battle of Cumorah fulfilled prophecy. Approximately one thousand years earlier Nephi 1 saw in vision that "because of the pride of [his] seed, and the temptations
children gathered under his direction at Cumorah and fearfully waited for the superior Lamanite armies to fall upon them. At least 230,000 Nephite soldiers were killed.
From the top of the hill Cumorah, the wounded Mormon lamented over the loss of his people while he and -twenty- four survivors beheld the bodies of the dead
strewn upon the battlefield (Morm. 6:10-11, 17-22). Among the survivors was Mormon's son Moroni to whom, just prior to the time of the battle, Mormon entrusted
the plates upon which he had made his inspired abridgment of the Nephite records. A few other surviving Nephites escaped to the land southward following the battle
at Cumorah, but they were later hunted down by the Lamanites and destroyed (Morm. 6:15; 8:2).

The battle of Cumorah fulfilled prophecy. Approximately one thousand years earlier Nephi 1 saw in vision that "because of the pride of [his] seed, and the temptations
of the devil," the seed of his brethren (Lamanites) would overpower the Nephites (1 Ne. 12:19-20; 2 Ne. 26:10, 18; cf. Jacob 5:40). Further, Alma the Younger
confided to his son Helaman 2 that "in four hundred years from the time that Jesus Christ shall manifest himself unto them . . . the people of Nephi shall become
extinct" (Alma 45:9-11). The reason for such great consequences is "they shall sin against so great light and knowledge" (Alma 45:12; cf. 9:18-23; Hel. 15:17). The
destruction of the Nephite nation at Cumorah confirms the principle that "whatsoever nation shall possess [the promised land] shall serve God, or they shall be swept
off . . . when they are ripened in iniquity" (Ether 2:9).

Ostler, Craig James

Cumorah hill

The modern- day hill Cumorah is a glacial deposit called a drumlin, one of hundreds in upstate New York, and is located in the township of Manchester about three
miles southeast of the Joseph Smith Sr. farm. In September 1823 the angel Moroni showed Joseph Smith the hill and told him that buried there was a book written on
gold plates containing an account of the former inhabitants of this land and the fulness of the gospel as delivered by the Savior (JS-H 1:34). Joseph wrote, "I knew the
place the instant that I arrived there. . . . On the west side of this hill, not far from the top, under a stone of considerable size, lay the plates, deposited in a stone
box" (JS-H 1:50-51). In addition to being the place of safekeeping for the gold plates, the hill Cumorah was the place where each autumn for four years young Joseph
received further instruction concerning "what the Lord was going to do, and how and in what manner his kingdom was to be conducted in the last days" (JS-H 1:54).
Brigham Young reported that when Joseph returned the plates, "the hill opened, and they walked into a . . . large and spacious room . . . [containing] more plates than
probably many wagon loads" (Young, 19:38).

The prophets Mormon and Moroni 2 are the only Book of Mormon writers to use the name Cumorah and all references are associated with the hiding of Nephite
records and the destruction of the Nephite and Jaredite nations. The Nephites gathered to the land Cumorah near the hill Cumorah for their final battle with the
Lamanites (Morm. 6:2-6; 8:2). The Jaredites were destroyed as a nation at the hill Ramah, which was the same as the Nephite hill Cumorah where Mormon hid up the
sacred records (Ether 15:11; Morm. 6:6).

Some modern scholars believe there are two Cumorahs, one in Central America where the final battle between the Nephites and Lamanites took place and where
Mormon hid all the records, and a second hill in New York State where the gold plates were deposited by Moroni and where Joseph Smith received them from the
angel Moroni (Palmer, 346-47).

Just when this New York hill was first called Cumorah is difficult to determine, but by 1835 the name Cumorah seemed to be well-known, at least among Church
members. Joseph Smith referred to the hill but only used the name Cumorah once in his personal writings: "Glad tidings from Cumorah!" (D&C 128:20). The U.S.
Geological Survey of 1898 called the hill "Mormon Hill." In 1952, however, the name was officially changed to Hill Cumorah. Between 1914 and 1928 the Church
acquired a portion of the hill by purchasing a ninety- seven- acre farm owned by James Inglis. In 1928 the heirs of Pliny T. Sexton finally agreed to sell their portion of
the hill to the Church (about 482 acres). On 2 February 1928, Willard W. Bean wrote to the First Presidency, setting forth the terms of the purchase. Bean received a
letter from the First Presidency, also dated 2 February 1928, instructing him to purchase the hill if at all possible. Bean said, "Rather a peculiar coincidence that they
should be writing me the same day and possibly the same hour to do something which I was telling them I had already carried into effect to the very last detail" (Bean,
686).

In July 1935 a forty- foot shaft of Vermont granite topped by a nine- foot bronze statue of Moroni was placed at the highest point of the hill Cumorah, near the north
end. The monument symbolizes a "pillar of light" and contains four bronze sculptured panels on the base depicting (1) Joseph Smith receiving the plates, (2) the Three
Witnesses to the plates' authenticity, (3) the Eight Witnesses to the plates' authen-ticity, and (4) Moroni's challenge to Book of Mormon readers as recorded in Moroni
10:4.

Speaking at the dedication of the monument, David O. McKay of the First Presidency said: "We are not erecting [the monument] to perpetuate the deeds of Moroni,
nor are we erecting it to honor his father Mormon, nor indeed to perpetuate the life and deeds of Joseph Smith. . . . This monument is built as an expression of gratitude
for the restoration of the gospel of Jesus Christ and as a manifestation to all the world of our faith in the personality and divine fatherhood of God" (qtd. by Porter, 79).

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Cumorah, battle of; Moroni 2 , visits of, to Joseph Smith.

Bibliography

Bean, Willard W. "Change of Sentiment." Improvement Era 31 (June 1928): 682- 87.

Palmer, David. "Hill Cumorah." Encyclopedia of Mormon-ism. Edited by Daniel H. Ludlow et al. 4 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1992.

Porter, Larry C., Milton V. Backman, and Susan Easton Black. Regional Studies in Latter- day Saint Church History: New York. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young
University, 1992.

Young, Brigham. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854- 86.

Jr., Rex C. Reeve

Cunning

See Appendix C.

Cureloms

See Animals.

Curious
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See Appendix C.
See Animals.

Curious

See Appendix C.

Curse cursing(s)

Most frequently, God's censure of wickedness (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:23); less often, a person's censure of God or another individual (e.g., Alma 49:27). Curses from God
took the forms of destruction of life, of forced social differentiation, and of loss of personal property. Concerning destruction of life, the Book of Mormon specifies that
wars and civil conflicts, which resulted in widespread death, stemmed from transgression of God's laws (e.g., 2 Ne. 5:25; Ether 11:6). Social differences between
Nephites and Lamanites came about because of willful sinning by Lamanite ancestors (e.g., 2 Ne. 5:21-23; Alma 3:6-10). The loss of property, particularly that hidden
in the earth, affected Nephites and Lamanites as well as Jaredites before them. For example, Samuel the Lamanite had prophesied that when the Lord cursed the earth
and the people's riches, their treasures and tools would "become slippery." These same people would "weep and howl," lamenting , "O that we had remembered the
Lord our God . . . for behold, our riches are gone from us" (Hel. 13:30-36; cf. Morm. 1:17-18; Ether 14:1).

Curses and blessings often have to do with a people inhabiting a promised land. The book of Deuteronomy focuses much attention on the Lord's "blessings" that will
come to the land and its people because of righteous living and, in contrast, the "curses" resulting from iniquity (Deut. 27:11-28:68; cf. Abr. 2:6). Similarly, the Book of
Mormon speaks repeatedly of blessings and curses that awaited descendants of Lehi 1 and Sariah, depending on their attention to the commandments. For example,
when Lehi addressed his children shortly before his death, he declared the following principle: "This land is consecrated unto him whom [God] shall bring. . . . If iniquity
shall abound cursed shall be the land for their sakes, but unto the righteous it shall be blessed forever" (2 Ne. 1:7). Thus, the Lord established the pattern for those who
inherited the land, including consequences-"curses"-for disobedience (cf. Enos 1:10; Alma 45:16; Hel. 13:17). Importantly, the earlier Jaredite people had lived under
the same obligations, illustrating the Lord's consistency in dealing with peoples in lands of promise (e.g., Ether 7:23).

After writing of the wicked Amlicites who had brought a cursing upon themselves because of their "open rebellion against God," Mormon taught, "And even so doth
every man that is cursed bring upon himself his own condem-nation" (Alma 3:18-19; cf. 30:53). As a remedy, only appropriate repentance can remove curses imposed
by God (e.g., Ether 9:16-35).

See also Curse of Adam, the.

Brown, S. Kent

Curse of Adam the

An expression unique to Christ in a revelation to Mormon (Moro. 8:8). The curse of Adam is the state of spiritual death , or alienation from God, that befell Adam and
Eve after their transgression (Alma 42:7). This curse was imposed upon their posterity: "All mankind became a lost and fallen people" (Alma 12:22). Yet, "the Son of
God hath atoned for original guilt, wherein the sins of the parents cannot be answered upon the heads of the children, for they are whole from the foundation of the
world" (Moses 6:54; cf. Moro. 8:8). Consequently, all souls are born innocent and spiritually alive (D&C 93:38). They remain in this saved state until they themselves
commit sin upon attaining the age of accountability (Mosiah 3:16; D&C 20:71). Though the "curse of Adam" (Moro. 8:8), the first spiritual death, has long since been
lifted through the Atonement, those who fail to repent of their sins will be subject to a "second" (Alma 12:32) spiritual death following the last judgment (Alma 12:31-
36; Hel. 14:15-19; D&C 19:3; 29:41).

See also Children, salvation of little; Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Turner, Rodney

Cut off

To be severed from someone or something. Because of the Fall, mankind was "cut off both temporally and spiritually from the presence of the Lord" (Alma 42:7). To
be cut off temporally generally means to die physically, i.e., to be "cut off out of the land of the living" (Mosiah 14:8), "cut off from the face of the earth" (Alma 9:11;
42:6; Morm. 3:10; cf. Moro. 8:14). Several references point to that specific time period of earth's history when Christ will come to "execute judgment in righteousness,"
and the wicked, as a group, will be destroyed from the earth, or "cut off from among the people" (1 Ne. 22:20-21; 3 Ne. 20:23; 21:11-21; cf. D&C 133:63-64). To
be "cut off [spiritually] from the presence of the Lord" is to lose the power and blessings of God's Spirit, to be "without God in the world" (1 Ne. 2:21; Alma 41:11),
left "to depend upon their own strength and upon their own wisdom" (Hel. 16:15). This is the condition the hard of heart, the disobedient, and the rebellious bring upon
themselves (2 Ne. 1:20; Alma 36:30; 37:13). Those who persist in their rebellion, even until the final judgment, will be "cut off and destroyed forever," suffering a
permanent "spiritual death" or "second death" (2 Ne. 1:17; Hel. 14:16-18; cf. Alma 40:26; D&C 88:35).

"Cut off" is also used in reference to one group of people intercepting the movements of another group (Alma 46:30-31; 50:11-12; 3 Ne. 4:24-26; Morm. 5:4), or
severing a group from its "support" or supply source (Alma 57:10-12; 58:15-20).

See also Cast off; Judgment, the; Spiritual death.

Dahl, Larry Evans

D

D
Damnation

The Book of Mormon speaks of damnation in two contexts: (1) being denied salvation, meaning a fulness of salvation, or eternal life (Alma 9:28; 3 Ne. 26:5); and (2)
being "delivered up to the devil" (Mosiah 16:11).

Persons denied salvation include those who refuse to believe, repent, and receive the ordinance of baptism (2 Ne. 9:24; 3 Ne. 11:34; Morm. 9:23; Ether 4:18); those
who fail to become as little children (Mosiah 3:18); those who partake of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper unworthily (3 Ne. 18:29); and those who build up
churches
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Being delivered up to the devil, in an ultimate sense, is the fate of sons of perdition. It is for those who willfully choose to follow "the evil spirit" to the end (Mosiah 2:32-
33). At the Judgment "they are consigned to an awful view of their own guilt and abominations, which doth cause them to shrink from the presence of the Lord into a
being "delivered up to the devil" (Mosiah 16:11).

Persons denied salvation include those who refuse to believe, repent, and receive the ordinance of baptism (2 Ne. 9:24; 3 Ne. 11:34; Morm. 9:23; Ether 4:18); those
who fail to become as little children (Mosiah 3:18); those who partake of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper unworthily (3 Ne. 18:29); and those who build up
churches unto themselves "to get gain" (Morm. 8:33).

Being delivered up to the devil, in an ultimate sense, is the fate of sons of perdition. It is for those who willfully choose to follow "the evil spirit" to the end (Mosiah 2:32-
33). At the Judgment "they are consigned to an awful view of their own guilt and abominations, which doth cause them to shrink from the presence of the Lord into a
state of misery and endless torment, from whence they can no more return; . . . mercy could have claim on them no more forever" (Mosiah 3:25-26). For sons of
perdition, then, this damnation is permanent (Alma 12:16-18; D&C 76:37-39, 43-48). Others suffer the buffetings of Satan temporarily, suffering as do the
permanently damned, but not forever. Some of these persons will experience the pains of hell in the postmortal spirit world (D&C 76:84-85, 106; 138:30-37, 58-59);
others experience the pains of damnation for a time here on earth. Alma 2 , for example, testified that "for three days and for three nights" he was "racked, even with the
pains of a damned soul." Those hellish pains turned to peace and joy as he "cried within [his] heart: O Jesus, thou Son of God, have mercy on me, who am in the gall of
bitterness, and am encircled about by the everlasting chains of death" (Alma 36:12-21).

Book of Mormon prophets describe the suffering of the damned as "misery and endless torment," which "torment is as a lake of fire and brimstone, whose flames are
unquenchable," (Mosiah 3:25-27) and which "has no end" (2 Ne. 9:16). Abinadi said the wicked who are unredeemed "shall have cause to howl, and weep, and wail,
and gnash their teeth" (Mosiah 16:1-3). As miserable as they are, under "a consciousness of [their] filthiness before [God]," Moroni 2 concluded that they would be
"more miserable to dwell with a holy and just God" than with "the damned souls in hell" (Morm. 9:3-5).

At the Judgment, all those who suffer damnation in either context-being denied the fulness of salvation or being permanently delivered up to the devil-"shall confess
before God that his judgments are just" (Mosiah 16:1). Each will be "constrained to exclaim: Holy, holy are thy judgments, O Lord God Almighty-but I know my guilt; I
transgressed thy law, and my trans-gressions are mine" (2 Ne. 9:46).

See also Hell; Lake of fire and brimstone; Spiritual death.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Darkness night of

See Night of darkness.

Dash

See Appendix C.

Daunted

See Appendix C.

David

A king of Israel, father of Solomon. Jacob 2 referred to him as "David of old" (Jacob 1:15). During the days of Jacob, Nephite men were committing whoredoms by
practicing unauthorized plural marriage and using the scriptural accounts of David and Solomon to justify, or "excuse," their behavior (Jacob 2:23-24; cf. D&C 132:38-
39).

David land of

One area from which the young Mormon's troops were driven (ca. a.d. 327). His frightened army retreated north to the city of Angola and then to the lands of David
and Joshua. This marked his initial experience in combat (Morm. 2:3-6).

Day of the Lord

According to Isaiah and Malachi, the time when the Lord would return to the earth to cleanse it of iniquity and usher in his millennial reign (2 Ne. 12:12-13; 23:6, 9; 3
Ne. 25:5). The Zoramites 2 also used this phrase to signify the one day of the week when they worshipped God (Alma 31:12).

See also Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Merrill, Byron R.

Dead works

Religious works without the life or confirmation of the Spirit and thus the life of salvation. These are works without saving merit because they are performed contrary to
true doctrine or divinely given procedures, as in the case of the baptism of little children (Moro. 8:7-10, 23), Mosaic ordinances after Christ had fulfilled the law (Heb.
9:13-14), or sacred ordinances performed by those not having authority (D&C 22:2). The baptism of little children is a dead work because the purposes of baptism do
not apply to them; they are saved by the "pure mercies of God" through the Atonement, without baptism. They cannot sin and thus have no need for repentance (Moro.
8:19-22; cf. D&C 29:46-48; 74:7).

See also Children, baptism of little.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Deadness of the law

Phrase used by Nephi 1 to teach that salvation is through Christ, not through obedience to the law of Moses . For when the ultimate objective of the law of Moses is
fulfilled-to lead people to Christ-the law becomes dead, meaning it has achieved its intended purpose (2 Ne. 25:24-27; cf. 11:4). When Israel sinned in the wilderness,
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                                                 the Melchizedek Priesthood and gave Israel instead the lesser law of Moses (D&C 84:24-25; JST Ex.   Page     583
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3:19). This law was to continue until Christ's coming, when the fulness of the gospel would be restored (3 Ne. 1:24-25; 15:3-5; D&C 84:26-27; JST John 1:20-28).
The apostle Paul repeatedly taught concerning the "deadness" of this lesser law after Christ had replaced it. As a remedial program for sinful Israel (Gal. 3:24-25), it
Deadness of the law

Phrase used by Nephi 1 to teach that salvation is through Christ, not through obedience to the law of Moses . For when the ultimate objective of the law of Moses is
fulfilled-to lead people to Christ-the law becomes dead, meaning it has achieved its intended purpose (2 Ne. 25:24-27; cf. 11:4). When Israel sinned in the wilderness,
God took away the fulness of the gospel and the Melchizedek Priesthood and gave Israel instead the lesser law of Moses (D&C 84:24-25; JST Ex. 34:1-2; Gal.
3:19). This law was to continue until Christ's coming, when the fulness of the gospel would be restored (3 Ne. 1:24-25; 15:3-5; D&C 84:26-27; JST John 1:20-28).
The apostle Paul repeatedly taught concerning the "deadness" of this lesser law after Christ had replaced it. As a remedial program for sinful Israel (Gal. 3:24-25), it
could not "justify" those who violated its precepts nor grant them eternal life (Rom. 3:20-28; Gal. 3:10-13; cf. 2 Ne. 2:5-8; JST John 1:17-18). The prophet Abinadi
bore similar witness when he explained that "salvation doth not come by the law alone," for without the atonement of Christ, people "must unavoidably perish,
notwithstanding the law of Moses" (Mosiah 13:27-31). Although the Nephites had both the gospel and the Melchiz-e-dek Priesthood and were "made alive in Christ
because of [their] faith," they continued to obey the law of Moses for obedience' sake, even though they understood that the law itself would be "done away" when
Christ would come to fulfill it (2 Ne. 25:24-27).

See also Justification.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Dearth

See Appendix C.

Death and hell

The eternal state of suffering which would befall all humankind had there been no atonement. Jacob 2 referred to the two with the singular epithet "that awful
monster" (2 Ne. 9:26). In this way he linked them as one single power, defining spiritual death as hell (2 Ne. 9:10, 12; cf. Rev. 6:8; 20:13-14).

Jacob spoke of two deaths: "temporal" death, meaning the separation of the body and the spirit, and "spiritual death," meaning the separation of the individual from God
(2 Ne. 9:10-12). Temporal death will be fully overcome for all through the power of the resurrection; all graves will be forever empty (2 Ne. 9:11; Alma 11:41, 45;
12:18). Spiritual death denotes that condition which befalls the wicked in the spirit world . There they suffer under the power of the devil (2 Ne. 9:19). For most, this
state is only temporary, because the power of Satan, along with that of death and hell, will be destroyed through the power of the Atonement and the resurrection of the
Lord (2 Ne. 9:12); however, some, the filthy still, will suffer the effects of the second death eternally, cut off from God, consigned to a place where "their torment is as a
lake of fire and brimstone" (2 Ne. 9:16; 28:22-23).

See also Awful monster; Lake of fire and brimstone.

Draper, Richard D.

Death bands of

See Bands of death.

Death spiritual

See Spiritual death.

Death taste of

See Taste of death.

Death temporal

See Temporal death.

Death view his

See View his death.

Decrees of God

The laws, or eternal proclamations, of God. The Book of Mormon makes two points concerning the decrees of God. First, they are unalterable (Alma 29:4; 41:8).
God has decreed, for example, that mankind will receive either "life or death," salvation or destruction in the eternities according to their desires for good or for evil
(Alma 29:5). Second, God has decreed that the land of the Book of Mormon "is a land of promise; and whatsoever nation shall possess it shall serve God, or they shall
be swept off when . . . they are ripened in iniquity" (Ether 2:9). If the inhabitants of this land will worship Jesus Christ, the God of this land, they "shall be free from
bondage, and from captivity, and from all other nations under heaven" (Ether 2:12).

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Deliverance

See Book of Mormon, selected themes of, bondage and deliverance.

Demands of justice

Rewards or punishments strictly applied in response to obedience or disobedience to irrevocable laws of God (2 Ne. 2:10; 9:17; Alma 7:20; 42:16; D&C 130:20-21).
Inasmuch as all mankind are "fallen" and to some degree or another disobedient, they are in the "grasp of justice" (Alma 42:14), which exacts payment for every broken
law. Mercy , through the atonement of Jesus Christ, satisfies the "demands of justice" for those who are ignorant of the law and for those who knowingly disobey but
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repent, "while he that exercises no faith unto repentance is exposed to the whole law of the demands of justice" (Alma 34:16; cf. 2 Ne. 9:26; Mosiah 2:38;584  / 919
                                                                                                                                                           15:8-9, 24;
Alma 42:15; Moro. 8:22).
Rewards or punishments strictly applied in response to obedience or disobedience to irrevocable laws of God (2 Ne. 2:10; 9:17; Alma 7:20; 42:16; D&C 130:20-21).
Inasmuch as all mankind are "fallen" and to some degree or another disobedient, they are in the "grasp of justice" (Alma 42:14), which exacts payment for every broken
law. Mercy , through the atonement of Jesus Christ, satisfies the "demands of justice" for those who are ignorant of the law and for those who knowingly disobey but
repent, "while he that exercises no faith unto repentance is exposed to the whole law of the demands of justice" (Alma 34:16; cf. 2 Ne. 9:26; Mosiah 2:38; 15:8-9, 24;
Alma 42:15; Moro. 8:22).

See also Appease; Justice, law of; Satisfy.

Freeman, Robert C.

Descendants of the Jews

Citizens of the kingdom of Judah regardless of their blood line (2 Ne. 30:4). When Lehi 1 led his people out of the land of Jerusalem 1 around 600 b.c. , the only
kingdom remaining of the original two Israelite kingdoms was the southern kingdom of Judah . All of the northern Israelite kingdom and parts of the kingdom of Judah
had been destroyed more than 110 years earlier. Thus, while Lehi and his posterity were blood descendants of the tribe of Joseph 1 (1 Ne. 5:14), they were also
political and cultural descendants of the kingdom of Judah (2 Ne. 30:4; 1 Ne. 1:4), the only Israelite kingdom remaining. Individuals who can trace their heritage back
to the southern kingdom of Judah may likewise be classified as "descendants of the Jews."

See also Jew(s).

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Deseret

Jaredite name for honeybee (Ether 2:3). When Jared 1 , his brother, their relatives, and their friends left the tower at the time the Lord confounded the language of the
people and departed for the promised land, they took with them animals, fish, seeds, and "deseret."

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Desire(s)

The longings of the heart, that for which one truly hopes. Desire plays a critical role in the plan of salvation. Alma 2 testified, "I know that [God] granteth unto men
according to their desire, whether it be unto death or unto life; yea, I know that he allotteth unto men, yea, decreeth unto them decrees which are unalterable, according
to their wills, whether they be unto salvation or unto destruction. Yea, and I know that good and evil have come before all men; he that knoweth not good from evil is
blameless; but he that knoweth good and evil, to him it is given according to his desires, whether he desireth good or evil, life or death, joy or remorse of
conscience" (Alma 29:4-5).

One of God's unalterable decrees is that those who inherit the kingdom of God must have experienced a change of heart, a change from desiring the things of the world
to desiring the things of God. This was the case with the people of king Benjamin, who testified of the "Spirit of the Lord Omnipotent, which has wrought a mighty
change in us, or in our hearts, that we have no more disposition to do evil, but to do good continually" (Mosiah 5:2). After a similar experience, king Lamoni and his
servants all declared that "their hearts had been changed; that they had no more desire to do evil" (Alma 19:33). Alma 2 experienced such a change of heart at the time
an angel appeared to him and he was "born of the Spirit." The Lord explained to Alma "that all mankind, yea, men and women, all nations, kindreds, tongues and
people, must be born again; yea, born of God, changed from their carnal and fallen state, to a state of righteousness, being redeemed of God, becoming his sons and
daughters; and thus they become new creatures; and unless they do this, they can in nowise inherit the kingdom of God" (Mosiah 27:24-26). Alma had been an
unbeliever who went about seeking to destroy the church of God. Now, as he contemplated the heavens with "numberless concourses of angels . . . singing and praising
their God," he said, "my soul did long to be there" (Alma 36:22). This longing, this consuming desire for the things of God, comes through the sanctifying power of the
Holy Ghost to those who yield their hearts to God. Those so blessed become like the ancient Saints who "could not look upon sin save it were with abhorrence" (Alma
13:12; Hel. 3:35). Proclaiming his testimony of this principle, Joseph Smith taught "that the nearer man approaches perfection, the clearer are his views, and the greater
his enjoyments, till he has overcome the evils of his life and lost every desire for sin" (Smith, 51). Thus, rather than desiring to walk in the paths of sin, these individuals
seek to partake of the fruit of the tree of life , or the love of God , which Nephi 1 described as "most desirable above all things" and "the greatest of all the gifts of
God" (1 Ne. 11:22; 15:36; cf. 8:10, 12, 15; Alma 32:40-42).

The Lord delights to grant the desires of the righteous, knowing they will not ask amiss (Hel. 10:1-10; cf. D&C 38:39; 41:1; 50:26-29; 59:20; 76:5). Thus, he granted
the desires of his twelve disciples, three who wanted to continue their ministry on the earth until the end of time and nine who requested that when they reached the "age
of man" they could speedily come to the Savior and "find rest" in his kingdom (3 Ne. 28:1-10). Likewise, because of his "great desires to know of the mysteries of
God," Nephi 1 was visited by the Lord and thereby obtained a testimony of his father's words (1 Ne. 2:16; cf. 11:1-5). The brother of Jared 1 testified that the Lord
commanded them to "call upon" him so that they "may receive according to [their] desires" (Ether 3:2).

The righteous not only desire the things of God for themselves but desire that all others enjoy the blessings of the gospel and salvation as well. For example, Lehi 1 (1
Ne. 8:12), Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 6:3), Enos (Enos 1:9, 13), the sons of Mosiah 2 (Mosiah 28:3), and Alma 2 (Alma 29:1-2; 36:24), after they had tasted of the goodness of
God, longed for those same blessings for others. In addition to the desire to be part of God's fold and stand as a witness of God, Alma 1 listed the desire to care for
and help others as requisite for baptism (Mosiah 18:8-10).

In contrast to the desire for righteousness, the wicked "love darkness rather than light" (D&C 10:21). In the premortal life Lucifer became the devil, a fallen angel,
"having sought that which was evil before God." After he "had become miserable forever, he sought also the misery of all mankind." Indeed, "he seeketh that all men
might be miserable like unto himself" (2 Ne. 2:17-18, 27). His followers, like Sherem, endeavor to shake others from their faith in God (Jacob 7:1-5).

Truly, God grants unto men according to their desires, "one raised to happiness according to his desires of happiness, or good according to his desires of good; and the
other to evil according to his desires of evil; for as he has desired to do evil all the day long even so shall he have his reward of evil when the night cometh. And so it is
on the other hand. If he hath repented of his sins, and desired righteousness until the end of his days, even so he shall be rewarded unto righteousness" (Alma 41:5-6).

See also Judgment, the; Restoration, plan of.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                           Page 585 / 919
Dahl, Larry Evans
Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Desolation land of and city of

A Nephite land in the far north. The land of Desolation was the place where the people of Jared first landed (Alma 22:30; Ether 6:12; 7:6). It was in this region that
Limhi's people discovered the Jaredite ruins, describing the land as being "covered with bones of men" and "ruins of buildings" (Mosiah 8:8; cf. Ether 11:6; ca. 121
b.c. ).

The city Desolation was built on the borders of the land Desolation, "by the narrow pass which led into the land southward" (Morm. 3:5-7). Desolation repeatedly
changed hands during battles between Lamanites and Nephites near the end of the Nephite civilization (Morm. 3:7; 4:2-3, 8, 13, 19; ca. a.d. 361-375). Mormon
lamented the barbarity and carnage of the period, declaring that "there never had been so great wickedness among all the children of Lehi, nor even among all the house
of Israel" (Morm. 4:10-12).

Desolation of Nehors

The state of things in the land of Ammonihah after the utter destruction of its inhabitants by Lamanite armies (ca. 81 b.c. ). The dead apostates "of the pro-fession of
Nehor" were "covered with a shallow covering," and "the scent thereof" was so offensive that people avoided the area "for many years" (Alma 16:3, 9-11).

Despair

A state of hopelessness: "If ye have no hope ye must needs be in despair" (Moro. 10:22). "And what is it that ye shall hope for? . . . that ye shall have hope through the
atonement of Christ . . . to be raised unto life eternal" (Moro. 7:41; cf. Alma 26:19). Despair for eternal life comes through sin: "despair cometh because of
iniquity" (Moro. 10:22) and is taken away through faith in Christ, for "if a man have faith he must needs have hope" (Moro. 7:42).

Judd, Daniel K

Devil captivity of the

See Captivity of the devil.

Diligence

Portrayed in the Book of Mormon as a trait of righteousness which brings blessings (Alma 49:30), diligence implies persistent or steady effort and is used in context
with keeping the commandments (1 Ne. 15:11; Enos 1:10; Mosiah 1:11; 4:27; Alma 7:23; 3 Ne. 6:14), laboring to preach the word of God (1 Ne. 17:15; Jacob 1:19;
Jarom 1:11; Hel. 15:6), serving God (Mosiah 7:33; 3 Ne. 5:3), giving heed to God and his word (Alma 7:26; 12:9-11), nourishing the growth of the word of God
(Alma 32:41-43), and laboring in ecclesiastical callings (Jacob 2:3). Those who exhibit this careful and constant effort in spiritual activities are blessed. The sons of
Mosiah 2 obtained the spirit of prophecy and revelation and the ability to teach with power because of their diligence in scripture study, fasting, and prayer (Alma 17:2-
3; cf. Mosiah 1:7).

Top, Brent L.

Dim

See Appendix C.

Disannul

See Appendix C.

Disciple discipleship

A disciple is a pupil and follower of a master teacher or leader. Disciples of Christ, therefore, seek to know Christ's teachings and follow them (2 Ne. 31:10; Jacob
4:6; Alma 14:1; 17:2; 3 Ne. 23:1; D&C 41:5; Matt. 11:29; John 8:31; 13:35).

Thirteen men are specifically identified as Christ's disciples in the Book of Mormon: the Twelve to whom Christ gave "power and authority to baptize," with a particular
commission to testify that they had seen the resurrected Lord (3 Ne. 12:1-2; cf. 1 Ne. 12:8), and Mormon, who declared that he was "a disciple of Jesus Christ, the
Son of God" and, as such, had "been called of him to declare his word among his people, that they might have ever-lasting life" (3 Ne. 5:13).

The Book of Mormon contains many examples of individuals whose lives reflect faith, commitment, sacrifice, and a conscious decision to be followers of Jesus Christ.
They are people who are examples of committed, rather than con-venient, discipleship (Holland, 68-73). Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 were obedient to the Lord's
commandment to leave Jerusalem and retrieve the brass plates from Laban (1 Ne. 1-4); Abinadi submitted to the Lord's will to preach to wicked Nephites which
eventually led to his martyrdom (Mosiah 11-17); Amulek responded to the Lord's call to serve even though it meant the loss of wealth and family (Alma 8:19-15:18);
and the Anti- Nephi- Lehies manifested their commitment to follow Christ at all costs, being willing to die rather than commit sin by taking up their swords again to kill
others (Alma 24; 27:27-29).

In addition to examining the lives of Book of Mormon prophets, one can learn much about discipleship from their words. Disciples are those who look to "the rock
from whence [they] are hewn" (2 Ne. 8:1), bring "forth good works" (Alma 5:41), separate themselves from the wicked (Alma 5:57; cf. Moro. 7:11), are brought
down "into the depths of humility" (Hel. 6:5), have "a sufficient hope by which [they] can enter into the rest of the Lord" (Moro. 7:3), are "filled with [Christ's]
love" (Moro. 7:48), and are "born again; yea, born of God, changed from their carnal and fallen state, to a state of righteousness, being redeemed of God, becoming his
sons and daughters; and thus . . . become new creatures" (Mosiah 27:25-26; cf. Alma 5).

 Copyright
Two         (c) 2005-2009,
     important   sermons, oneInfobase
                              by NephiMedia  Corp.
                                       1 and one by king Benjamin, contain valuable insights on discipleship. Nephi recorded Christ's commandmentPageto "follow
                                                                                                                                                          586 /me,
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and do the things which ye have seen me do" (2 Ne. 31:12; cf. Matt. 16:24; JST Matt. 16:26). He then listed things Christ did, which include "humbl[ing] himself before
the Father" (cf. Mosiah 15:7) and "keeping his commandments" (2 Ne. 31:7).
down "into the depths of humility" (Hel. 6:5), have "a sufficient hope by which [they] can enter into the rest of the Lord" (Moro. 7:3), are "filled with [Christ's]
love" (Moro. 7:48), and are "born again; yea, born of God, changed from their carnal and fallen state, to a state of righteousness, being redeemed of God, becoming his
sons and daughters; and thus . . . become new creatures" (Mosiah 27:25-26; cf. Alma 5).

Two important sermons, one by Nephi 1 and one by king Benjamin, contain valuable insights on discipleship. Nephi recorded Christ's commandment to "follow me,
and do the things which ye have seen me do" (2 Ne. 31:12; cf. Matt. 16:24; JST Matt. 16:26). He then listed things Christ did, which include "humbl[ing] himself before
the Father" (cf. Mosiah 15:7) and "keeping his commandments" (2 Ne. 31:7).

Nephi asked whether individuals can "follow Jesus save [they] shall be willing to keep the commandments of the Father" (2 Ne. 31:10; cf. 2 Ne. 31:6-7; John 5:19;
8:28). The command-ments of the Father for his children include repentance, baptism, and receiving the Holy Ghost. Nephi taught that disciples must obey these
commandments "with full purpose of heart, acting no hypocrisy and no deception before God, but with real intent" (2 Ne. 31:11-13). Thus Christ's disciples must
"reconcile [them]selves to the will of God" (2 Ne. 10:24). As Elder Neal A. Maxwell stated, "The submission of one's will is really the only uniquely personal thing we
have to place on God's altar" ("Swallowed Up," 24). After being baptized by water and receiving the Holy Ghost, "then are ye in [the] strait and narrow path which
leads to eternal life" (2 Ne. 31:18). Nephi listed five imperatives for disciples after they have entered the path, each of which Christ exemplified in perfection as he
sought to do his Father's will on earth: (1) "press forward with a steadfastness in Christ," (2) have "a perfect brightness of hope," (3) have a "love of God and of all
men," (4) feast "upon the word of Christ," and (5) "endure to the end" (2 Ne. 31:20).

King Benjamin's lifelong service models true discipleship. He "had taught [his people] to keep the commandments of God, that they might rejoice and be filled with love
towards God and all men" (Mosiah 2:4). He taught them that they were "eternally indebted to . . . [God], to render to him all that [they] have and are" (Mosiah 2:34),
and to serve God by serving one another (Mosiah 2:17-18; cf. 18:8-10, indicating that such service is part of the baptismal covenant). King Benjamin noted that no
man "knoweth . . . the master whom he has not served, and who is a stranger unto him, and is far from the thoughts and intents of his heart" (Mosiah 5:13).

He also identified important characteristics of sincere disciples who have experienced "great joy," having received a remission of their sins (Mosiah 4:11). For example,
they "shall always rejoice, and be filled with the love of God." They "will not have a mind to injure one another, but to live peaceably, and to render to every man
according to that which is his due" (Mosiah 4:12-13). These disciples teach their children to walk in the gospel path, "to love one another, and to serve one another,"
and they will succor "those that stand in need" (Mosiah 4:14-16). In essence, they will seek to emulate the very things Christ did during his ministries in both the eastern
and western hemispheres.

Discipleship in the Book of Mormon focuses on following the master teacher, Jesus Christ. Those who "come unto Christ" can be "per-fected in him" (Moro. 10:32),
fulfilling Christ's own commission: "What manner of men ought ye to be? Verily I say unto you, even as I am" (3 Ne. 27:27).

See also Book of Mormon, selected themes of, come unto Christ; Born again; Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Bibliography

Holland, Jeffrey R. "The Inconvenient Messiah." Ensign 14 (February 1984): 68- 73.

Maxwell, Neal A. "Swallowed Up in the Will of the Father." Ensign 25 (November 1995): 22- 24.

--- . "King Benjamin's Speech: A Manual for Discipleship." King Benjamin's Speech: "That Ye May Learn Wisdom." Edited by John W. Welch and Stephen D. Ricks.
Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1998.

Strathearn, Gaye

Disciples twelve Nephite

The twelve individuals chosen by Christ to preside over and administer the affairs of the Church in the New World. When Christ appeared at the temple in Bountiful 2
he conferred upon the Twelve the authority to baptize (3 Ne. 11:18-22; 12:1) and commissioned them to minister to the people, which included baptizing, preaching
the gospel (3 Ne. 12:1; 19:6; Morm. 9:22), testifying of Christ (3 Ne. 12:2), and administering the sacrament (3 Ne. 18:1-10). Later Christ also "gave them power to
give the Holy Ghost" (3 Ne. 18:36-37). Throughout the Book of Mormon, the Nephite Twelve are designated as "disciples" rather than "apostles," possibly to
distinguish them from the Twelve Apostles of the New Testament. Although the roles of the two groups are similar, the Nephite disciples have particular stewardship
over Nephi's seed; the New Testament apostles are to judge the twelve tribes of Israel (1 Ne. 12:8-10). It seems clear, however, that the Nephite disciples functioned
as apostles (Moro. 2:1-2; Smith, 4:538).

Although the Twelve are identified by name in 3 Nephi 19:4, little is known about the individual disciples, with the exception of Nephi 3 , who played a prominent role
in 3 Nephi. Collectively, it was the Twelve who received Christ's instruction concerning his Church (3 Ne. 27:1-12) and his gospel (3 Ne. 27:13-28), and to whom
Christ asked, "What is it that ye desire of me, after that I am gone to the Father?" (3 Ne. 28:1). In response to their answers, he promised nine of the Twelve that they
would come to him and "find rest" in his kingdom after they had fulfilled their mortal ministry (3 Ne. 28:3). He promised the remaining three that they would be
translated and allowed to continue their missionary activities among mortals (3 Ne. 28:7-9).

Six centuries before their call, Nephi 1 was shown the Nephite Twelve in vision. An angel told Nephi that "they are righteous forever; for because of their faith in the
Lamb of God their garments are made white in his blood" (1 Ne. 12:7-8, 10). The fulfillment of this prophecy was described, in part, when the Twelve prayed "without
ceasing" (3 Ne. 19:24) and in the process were gloriously transformed to be "as white as the countenance and also the garments of Jesus" (3 Ne. 19:24-25, 30). It was
an indescribably sacred moment as the Nephite disciples prayed, and Christ prayed, and the multitude was blessed to hear and understand the words Christ uttered.
Thus Jesus declared, "So great faith have I never seen among all the Jews" (3 Ne. 19:35).

See also Apostles, the Twelve; Nephites, the Three.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Strathearn, Gaye

Discipline Church
 Copyright
See Church (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
           discipline.                                                                                                                                Page 587 / 919

Disposition
Strathearn, Gaye

Discipline Church

See Church discipline.

Disposition

One's nature, desires, incli-nations, or feelings (Alma 43:6). A disposition not to sin "but to do good continually" (Mosiah 5:2) is a consequence of the spiritual rebirth
that occurs through the application of the atonement of Jesus Christ and through the power of the Holy Ghost (Mosiah 4:1-3). When the Holy Ghost effects a mighty
change in the heart, one's life enters a new state of existence, the inclination to commit sin disappears, and the person is redeemed from a worldly and fallen condition
(Mosiah 27:24-26).

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Dissenters

Individuals and groups within Nephite society who openly opposed and fought the prophets and the legally constituted civil authorities. They are identified as
"dissenters" in the Book of Mormon. Numerous individuals and groups dissented for a variety of reasons over the course of their history. Laman 1 , Lemuel, and the
sons of Ishmael 1 were the first to openly oppose Nephi 1 and his followers, on the grounds that he had "wronged" them at various stages in their flight from Jerusalem,
had "taken the ruling of the people out of their hands," and had "robbed them" in taking "the records which were engraven on the plates of brass" (Mosiah 10:12-16).
Later, such individuals as Sherem, king Noah 3 , Alma the Younger, the sons of Mosiah 2 , Nehor, and Korihor appeared. All of them prideful men, they spoke
persuasively against fundamental doctrines and principles of the gospel and caused serious dissension within the Church (Jacob 7:1-5; Mosiah 11:2-15; 27:8-10; Alma
1:2-6, 16; 30). Although some, such as Alma and the sons of Mosiah, repented and became stalwarts in the faith, such others as the Zoramites 2 , Amalekites, and
Amulonites actually institutionalized their new "doctrines" by creating their own churches. They took their dissent from the gospel so far as to join forces with the
Lamanites (Alma 31:1-23; 35:10-11; 43:4; 21:2-8).

The desire for personal gain manifested itself in other forms of dissension as well. After the reign of the judges had commenced, several ambitious individuals, including
Amlici, Amalickiah (who was supported by "lower judges of the land" who were also for power"; Alma 46:4), and assorted "-king- men" (men "of high birth . . . [who]
were supported by those who sought power and authority over the people"; Alma 51:8), stirred up dissension among the Nephites by seeking to have themselves
established as kings (Alma 2; 46:1-10; 51:2-8). Similarly, people dissented when men they did not support were appointed as chief judge (Hel. 1:1-9; 2:1-5), or, as in
the case of Morianton 2 , when there were disputes over land (Alma 50:25-35).

Individuals who dissented from the Nephites, for whatever reason, generally destroyed themselves spiritually. Mormon, commenting on the fate of various dissenters
over the years, noted that even though they had "been instructed in the same knowledge of the Lord" as other Nephites, "not long after their dissensions they became
more hardened and impenitent, and more wild, wicked and ferocious than the Lamanites" (Alma 47:36). Some went so far as to "cause the Lamanites that they should
harden their hearts" even further, "that they should wax strong in wickedness and their abominations" (Alma 21:3). The evil transformation of such persons seems to
have been complete and almost permanent. For example, when "thousands" of Lamanites converted to the gospel, "only one" of the dissident Amalekites converted
with them (Alma 23:5, 14).

With the possible exception of the "contention and . . . dissensions" that resulted in the departure of many Nephites to settle the land northward in 46 b.c. (Hel. 3:3-11),
dissension, for a number of reasons, weakened the Nephites collectively and invariably led to war with the Lamanites. Many Nephite dissenters joined the Lamanites or
formed alliances with them, adding to their strength numerically (Alma 24:1-2; 61:3-8) and stirring them up to war against the Nephites (e.g., Alma 35:10-11; Hel. 4:4).
Lamanite leaders, moreover, were quick to take advantage of the dissenters' "more wicked and murderous disposition" and their familiarity with Nephite defense
capabilities by appointing them leaders over Lamanite armies (Alma 43:6; 48:5; Hel. 1:15).

Dealing with dissension also served to distract the Nephites and channel their energies away from the performance of important tasks such as defense, which gave the
Lamanites further advantage (Alma 53:8-9). The first time Zarahemla fell to the Lamanites, for example, it was because there was "so much contention and so much
difficulty in the government, that they [the Nephites] had not kept sufficient guards" in the area (Hel. 1:18). Captain Moroni, fully aware of the disastrous effects of
dissent among his people, made it "his first care to put an end to such contentions and dissensions among the people; for behold, this had been hitherto a cause of all
their destruction" (Alma 51:16; cf. 60:23-36).

See also Apostasy.

Hedges, Andrew H.

Divers

See Appendix C.

Divorce

See Writing of divorcement.

Doctrine

A teaching, tenet, principle, or precept that either comes from God (true) or from Satan (false). The gospel or "doctrine of Christ" (2 Ne. 31:2, 21) is the rock upon
which people should build their lives (3 Ne. 11:39-40). Saints are commanded to learn and teach the doctrine of the kingdom (D&C 88:77). The Book of Mormon is
designed to help confound false doctrine (2 Ne. 3:12; 27:35). There is power in the declaration of true doctrine. "True doctrine, understood, changes attitudes and
behavior," Elder Boyd K. Packer testified. "The study of the doctrines of the gospel will improve behavior quicker than a study of behavior will improve behavior. . . .
That is why we stress so forcefully the study of the doctrines of the gospel" (Packer, 20).

See also Points of doctrine.

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd
 Copyright (c)K. Conference
              2005-2009,    Report,Media
                          Infobase October 1986.
                                         Corp.                                                                                                         Page 588 / 919
Millet, Robert L.
See also Points of doctrine.

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd K. Conference Report, October 1986.

Millet, Robert L.

Doctrine and Covenants what it says about the Book of Mormon

A number of the revelations in the Doctrine and Covenants refer to the Book of Mormon. Generally these passages speak of events and instructions surrounding the
coming forth of the Book of Mormon, the role the book is to play in God's plan, and the Lord's admonitions concerning the book.

The coming forth of the Book of Mormon

The Doctrine and Covenants teaches that Moroni 2 , to whom was "committed the keys of the record of the stick of Ephraim," was sent to Joseph Smith to reveal the
Book of Mormon (D&C 27:5; cf. 128:20). Joseph Smith, by the mercy and power of God, was given the ability to translate the Book of Mormon (D&C 1:29; cf. 5:4;
24:1; 135:3) "by the means" of the Urim and Thummim which God had prepared in advance (D&C 20:8).

The Doctrine and Covenants rehearses the story of Joseph Smith's loss of the first portion of the translation of the plates because he gave them to a "wicked man,"
Martin Harris (D&C 3:12-13; 10:1, 6-9). He was commanded not to retranslate the lost portion but rather to substitute for it the account on the plates of Nephi that
basically parallels (but "throw[s] greater views upon [the] gospel"; D&C 10:45) the record contained in the lost manuscript. God would thus confound those evil men
who had stolen and altered the first translation (D&C 10:1, 30, 38-46).

Several men were called to support and assist with the work of translating and publishing the Book of Mormon, including Oliver Cowdery (D&C 6:17; 9:4), Hyrum
Smith (D&C 11:19), and Martin Harris (D&C 19:26). The Three Witnesses (Oliver Cowdery, Martin Harris, and David Whitmer) were called especially to view the
plates and other sacred relics so that they could add to Joseph Smith's their own testimony of their reality (D&C 5:11-15; 17:1-6). The Lord's wise purpose in
preserving these things is to be made known to future generations (D&C 5:9; cf. Alma 37:14-16).

Thus, the Doctrine and Covenants testifies that the Book of Mormon was "given by inspiration," confirmed by "the ministering of angels," and "declared unto the world"
by its witnesses (D&C 20:10).

The role of the Book of Mormon

The Doctrine and Covenants teaches that the Book of Mormon, "the record of the Nephites" (D&C 1:29), "a fallen people" (D&C 20:9), contains the " fulness of the
gospel" (D&C 20:9; 27:5; 42:12; cf. 14:10; 35:12, 17; 39:11) and "the truth and the word of God" (D&C 19:26). It was preserved and brought forth in the latter days
through Joseph Smith (D&C 5:4-10) to go first to the Gentiles and then to the "Jew, of whom the Lamanites are a remnant" (D&C 19:26-27; cf. 20:9) to be another
testimony of the Savior (D&C 3:16-19). By the Book of Mor-mon the Jews would be persuaded to "believe the gospel, and look not for a Messiah to come who has
already come" (D&C 19:27; cf. 2 Ne. 25:17-20). The plates containing the Nephite records, preserved "that the promises of the Lord might be fulfilled, which he made
to his people" (D&C 3:19; cf. Enos 1:13-18), were also intended to help the Lamanites come to the knowledge of their fathers, know the promises of the Lord, believe
the gospel, rely on and be glorified through faith in Christ, and be saved through repentance (D&C 3:20).

Moreover, the Book of Mormon proves "to the world that the holy scriptures are true, and that God does inspire men and call them to his holy work in this age and
generation, as well as in generations of old; thereby showing that he is the same God yesterday, today, and forever" (D&C 20:11-12). Mormon's abridgment contains
truths of the gospel that the Book of Mormon prophets and disciples most desired future generations to have (D&C 10:38-50).

The Lord's admonition concerning the Book of Mormon

The Doctrine and Covenants contains God's own witness that the Book of Mormon is true (D&C 6:17; 17:6; 18:2). He warned that those who "come to a knowledge
of this work" shall be judged thereby. Those "who receive it in faith, and work righteousness, shall receive a crown of eternal life," but those who reject it will be
condemned (D&C 20:13-15; 5:15-19; 84:54-58; cf. 2 Ne. 25:22).

Doctrines taught in the Book of Mormon according to Doctrine and Covenants 20:17-36 are outlined in the accompanying table.

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Book of Mormon, condemnation for treating lightly; Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages);
Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Doctrine of Christ

See Gospel, the.

Doctrine points of

See Points of doctrine.

Doctrines false

See Book of Mormon , selected purposes of, to confound false doctrine.

Dog

See Animals.

Dove form of a
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                    Page 589 / 919
See Form of a dove.

Dreams
See Animals.

Dove form of a

See Form of a dove.

Dreams

See Revelation.

Dregs

See Appendix C.

Dross

See Appendix C.

Durst

See Appendix C.

Dust crying from the

See Crying from the dust.

Dust of the earth less than

See Less than the dust of the earth.

Dwindle

See Appendix C.

E

See Appendix C.

E
Earth cleansing of

See Earth, the.

Earth new heaven and a new

See Heaven.

Earth the

Term that has at least three meanings in the Book of Mormon.

1. One of many worlds created by Jesus Christ, the God of the earth, under the direction and according to the will of God the Father (1 Ne. 17:36; Jacob 4:9; Mosiah
3:8; 3 Ne. 9:15; Moses 1:31-33). Christ created the earth to be a place for man to experience mortality (1 Ne. 17:36), be tested, and "prepare to meet God" (Alma
12:24-25; 34:32; Abr. 3:24-25). The earth and its elements are subject and obedient to God, who often controls those elements to reprove, direct, or bless man (e.g.,
Hel. 12:8-18; 13:18, 30-31; 3 Ne. 9:1-12; Gen. 3:17-19). God cleansed the earth of wickedness by flood during the days of Noah 1 (Gen. 6-9). He will cleanse it
again at the beginning of his millennial reign (1 Ne. 22:16-19, 25-26; D&C 29:10-11), and he will cleanse it a final time after the Millennium , at which point the earth
will pass away and become a new, sanctified earth (3 Ne. 26:3; Morm. 9:2; D&C 29:22-23). The new earth will become a habitation for those receiving a celestial
glory (D&C 88:17-20, 25-26).

2. Collective term referring to all the inhabitants of this world (e.g., 1 Ne. 19:17; 2 Ne. 21:9).

3. The soil or ground (e.g., 1 Ne. 18:24; 21:23; Mosiah 6:7; Alma 48:8).

See also Creation, the; Heaven; Life, purpose of; World, the.

Ball, Terry B.

East wind

In the biblical world, the east wind (the hot desert winds that bring death to vegetation) represents destruction from God (Gen. 41:23; Ezek. 19:12; Hosea 13:15;
Jonah 4:8). The phrase is used twice in the Book of Mormon, both times in Mosiah: "If my people shall sow filthiness they shall reap the east wind, which bringeth
immediate destruction" (Mosiah 7:31) and "they shall also be smitten with the east wind" (Mosiah 12:6).

Ogden, D. Kelly
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Eden the garden of
immediate destruction" (Mosiah 7:31) and "they shall also be smitten with the east wind" (Mosiah 12:6).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Eden the garden of

The place where A dam and Eve lived prior to their fall. The Book of Mormon confirms biblical teachings concerning Eden and what occurred there, such as the
existence of the garden (2 Ne. 2:19), the forbidden fruit and the tree of life (2 Ne. 2:15; Alma 12:21), the placing of the cherubim and a flaming sword to guard the tree
of life (Alma 12:21; 42:2), the presence of the serpent (2 Ne. 2:17-18), and the fall of Adam and Eve (2 Ne. 2:19). In addition, the Book of Mormon enhances under-
standing of the Genesis account regarding Eden's role in the plan of salvation. For example, Adam and Eve could not have children in the garden of Eden (2 Ne. 2:23,
25; cf. Moses 5:11); therefore, "if Adam had not transgressed he would not have fallen, but he would have remained in the garden of Eden. And all things which were
created must have remained in the same state in which they were after they were created; and they must have remained forever, and had no end" (2 Ne. 2:22); there,
cherubim and a flaming sword guarded the tree of life to ensure both the decreed punishment of death and a mortal probationary state for God's children (Alma 12:23-
24, 26; 42:2-10; cf. 2 Ne. 2:21); and there, the serpent was indeed Satan (2 Ne. 2:18). Moreover, from the Eden story readers learn that "opposition in all things" (2
Ne. 2:11) is a necessary part of God's plan, "the forbidden fruit in opposition to the tree of life; the one being sweet and the other bitter" (2 Ne. 2:15).

See also Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Effectual

See Appendix C.

Egypt

The land of ancient Israel's captivity, located in northeastern Africa ( see map, page 412; Bible Maps 2, 9). It is mentioned by various prophets who commented on the
Lord's power and mercy in delivering the children of Israel out of bondage (1 Ne. 5:15; 17:40; 19:10; 2 Ne. 3:10; 25:20; Mosiah 7:19; 12:34; Alma 36:28). Egypt
also figures in references to the ancestry of Lehi 1 through Joseph who was sold into Egypt (1 Ne. 5:14; 2 Ne. 3:4; 4:1).

Egyptian reformed

See Reformed Egyptian.

Egyptians

The people from whom the Israelites under Moses escaped bondage. Nephite prophets used the Exodus narrative to engender faith and trust in God by extolling his
power to assist his people and deliver them from their enemies (1 Ne. 4:3; 17:23-27; Alma 29:12; 36:28; Hel. 8:11).

Lehi 1 was taught in the language of the Egyptians, the language of the engraving on the brass plates (1 Ne. 1:2; Mosiah 1:4).

Elder(s)

A priesthood office in the Nephite Church both before and after the coming of Christ, with presumably similar duties as in the Church today. Alma 2 consecrated
elders, among other priesthood officers, "by laying on his hands according to the order of God" (Alma 4:7; 6:1). When Alma gave up the chief judgeship, he selected
Nephihah, "a wise man who was among the elders of the church," to replace him (Alma 4:16-17). The duties of elders explicitly mentioned in the Book of Mormon
include presiding and watching over the Church (Alma 6:1), ordaining other priesthood officers (Moro. 3:1), "administering the flesh and blood of Christ unto the
church" (Moro. 4:1), and sitting in judgment concerning members of the Church accused of committing sin (Moro. 6:7). Moroni 2 indicated that the "disciples,"
probably meaning the presiding officers of the Church, were called elders (Moro. 3:1). This terminology accords with the latter- day practice of designating apostles
and other general authorities as elders.

The Book of Mormon also mentions "the elders of the Jews" (1 Ne. 4:22, 27). Perhaps this term applies to those entrusted with governmental affairs among the Jews
rather than to a priesthood office (cf. Matt. 15:2; Acts 4:5; 25:15).

See also Church of God (Christ) in ancient America; Elders of the Jews; High priest(s); Priest(s); Teacher(s).

Rhodes, Michael D.

Elders of the Jews

A group of Jewish men with whom Laban associated. The phrase "elders of the Jews" appears only twice in the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 4:22, 27). Apparently in this
context the term "elders" does not refer to holders of the office of elder in the Melchizedek Priesthood but rather to a group of community leaders. Among ancient
Israelites, the elders (Hebrew, literally "bearded ones," that is, old men, or elders, as officials; Dictionary, 4:122-31) were heads of families, clans, and tribes who
provided counsel, judgment, and leadership.

As an institution, "the elders" were well established by the time of Moses. To them Aaron 1 announced God's intention to take the Israelites out of Egypt, and they
accompanied Moses when he went to see Pharaoh (Ex. 3:16-18; 4:29; cf. 17:5; 19:7). With Moses "seventy of the elders of Israel" (Ex. 24:1, 9) were privileged to
see God, and seventy elders, or "officers over" (Num. 11:16) the people, met the Lord in the Tabernacle, where they received a portion of the Spirit, and thus they
could share Moses' burden in leading the people (Num. 11:11-30). Centuries later, Israelite elders requested Samuel 1 to give them a king (1 Sam. 8:4-6), asked
Abner to make David king (2 Sam. 3:17), installed David as king over all Israel (2 Sam. 5:3), and participated in the dedication of Solomon's Temple (1 Kgs. 8:1, 3).
On a local level, elders handled certain kinds of judicial matters at the city gate, or place of judgment (Deut. 21:18-21; 22:15, 18-19; 19:12; 21:3, 6; Ruth 4:1-12; 1
Kgs. 21:11-13).

There were elders "of Israel" (Ex. 3:18), "of my people" (1 Sam. 15:30), "of the con-gregation" (Judg. 21:16), "of Judah" (2 Sam. 19:11), "of the town" (1 Sam. 16:4),
"of the land" (1 Kgs. 20:7), "of [the city of] Jabesh" (1 Sam. 11:3), "of Moab" (Num. 22:7), "of [the king's] house" (2 Sam. 12:17), "of the priests" (2 Kgs. 19:2; Isa.
37:2; cf. Jer. 19:1), and of "all the people . . . carried away captive from Jerusalem to Babylon" (Jer. 29:1).

See also Elder(s).
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Bibliography
There were elders "of Israel" (Ex. 3:18), "of my people" (1 Sam. 15:30), "of the con-gregation" (Judg. 21:16), "of Judah" (2 Sam. 19:11), "of the town" (1 Sam. 16:4),
"of the land" (1 Kgs. 20:7), "of [the city of] Jabesh" (1 Sam. 11:3), "of Moab" (Num. 22:7), "of [the king's] house" (2 Sam. 12:17), "of the priests" (2 Kgs. 19:2; Isa.
37:2; cf. Jer. 19:1), and of "all the people . . . carried away captive from Jerusalem to Babylon" (Jer. 29:1).

See also Elder(s).

Bibliography

Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Edited by G. Johannes Botterweck and Helmer Ringgren. Translated by David E. Green. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans, 1980.

Meservy, Keith H.

Election doctrine of

See Chosen.

Elephant

See Animals.

Elijah

A prophet who ministered in the kingdom of Israel during the ninth century b.c. Elijah is especially remembered for his Old Testament prophecies to the wicked
monarchs Ahab and Jezebel, his sealing of the heavens causing a drought before bringing rain again, his miracles during his stay with the widow of Zarephath, his
confrontation with the priests of Baal on Mt. Carmel, and his visitation by the Lord on Mt. Horeb (1 Kgs. 17-22).

Elijah departed dramatically from the earth in "a chariot of fire" (2 Kgs. 2:11), becoming a translated being reserved to fulfill a future mission (Smith, 191). Part of that
mission was an appearance with Moses, another translated being, on the Mount of Transfiguration to bestow the keys of the sealing power on the apostles Peter,
James, and John (Matt. 17:3; Elias in this verse is the Greek form of Elijah ). These keys are the power to bind or loose on earth and in heaven (Matt. 16:19). They
make all gospel ordinances valid for eternity as well as mortality.

The only specific reference to Elijah in the Book of Mormon is the Savior's quotation of the final two verses of the prophecy of Malachi, which promises a future return
of Elijah before the "great and dreadful day of the Lord," or the second coming of Christ (3 Ne. 25:5-6; cf. Mal. 4:5-6). This prophecy was fulfilled on 3 April 1836 in
Kirtland, Ohio, in the temple of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints when Elijah returned to commit the keys of the sealing power to Joseph Smith (D&C
110:13-16).

See also Translation.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Merrill, Byron R.

Emer

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Emron

See Archeantus.

Endless torment eternal torment never- ending torment

The suffering of the wicked, described as "guilt, and pain, and anguish, which is like an unquenchable fire" (Mosiah 2:38). The term "endless torment" is used by Jacob
2 (2 Ne. 9:19, 26; Jacob 6:10), Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 28:23), and Mormon (Mosiah 28:3; Moro. 8:21). "Eternal torment" is the term used by Alma 2 (Mosiah 27:29; Alma
36:12). "-Never- ending torment" is used by an angel and king Benjamin (Mosiah 2:39; 5:5).

For the devil and his angels, those who are sons of perdition, this torment is truly endless, eternal, and never- ending in the usual sense of those terms. Through
accepting the atonement of Jesus Christ, all others will be released from such suffering in time (2 Ne. 9:12; D&C 76:37-39, 85, 106; 138:58-59). Alma 2 , for
example, suffered "eternal torment" he described as "bitter" and "exquisite," filling his soul with "inexpressible horror" (Alma 36:12-21). When he accepted Christ,
repented, and pleaded for mercy, he was delivered from his suffering and experienced "joy," which he said was "as exceeding as was [his] pain" (Alma 36:20-21).
How something "endless," "eternal," and "-never- ending" can come to an end is explained in latter- day revelation (D&C 19:6-12). Truly, while the torment is being
experienced it is constant, without even momentary relief, and in that sense is endless. But when the demands of justice are met in harmony with the plan of redemption,
"endless punishment" and "eternal punishment," meaning "God's punishment," ends-for "Endless" and "Eternal" are names of God.

See also Hell.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Endurance to the end

A principal component of the gospel of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 27:13-21); a condition of salvation requiring followers of Christ to be obedient to their gospel covenants
(e.g., baptismal covenants) until the end of their mortal lives. Nephi 1 taught that "unless a man shall endure to the end, in following the example of the Son of the living
God, he cannot be saved" (2 Ne. 31:16; cf. 1 Ne. 22:31; 2 Ne. 9:24; 33:4; Omni 1:26; Morm. 9:29; Moro. 8:3). To follow Christ's example requires baptism,
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salvation will come to those who "trust in the Lord," are "diligent in keeping his commandments," and who "continue in the faith even unto the end of [their lives], I mean
the life of the mortal body" (Mosiah 4:6-7; cf. 5:5). Christ declared that if a man "endureth to the end, behold, him will I hold guiltless . . . when I shall stand to judge the
world. . . . And no unclean thing can enter into his kingdom; therefore nothing entereth into his rest save it be those who have washed their garments in my blood,
A principal component of the gospel of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 27:13-21); a condition of salvation requiring followers of Christ to be obedient to their gospel covenants
(e.g., baptismal covenants) until the end of their mortal lives. Nephi 1 taught that "unless a man shall endure to the end, in following the example of the Son of the living
God, he cannot be saved" (2 Ne. 31:16; cf. 1 Ne. 22:31; 2 Ne. 9:24; 33:4; Omni 1:26; Morm. 9:29; Moro. 8:3). To follow Christ's example requires baptism,
reception of the Holy Ghost, and then endurance to the end-one must "continue" (2 Ne. 33:9) to walk on the gospel path (2 Ne. 31:10-20). King Benjamin taught that
salvation will come to those who "trust in the Lord," are "diligent in keeping his commandments," and who "continue in the faith even unto the end of [their lives], I mean
the life of the mortal body" (Mosiah 4:6-7; cf. 5:5). Christ declared that if a man "endureth to the end, behold, him will I hold guiltless . . . when I shall stand to judge the
world. . . . And no unclean thing can enter into his kingdom; therefore nothing entereth into his rest save it be those who have washed their garments in my blood,
because of their faith, and the repentance of all their sins, and their faithfulness unto the end" (3 Ne. 27:16, 19; cf. 1 Ne. 13:37; 3 Ne. 15:9). Having the determination
to retain one's faith unto the end of mortal life is essential for those wishing to be baptized. In recounting the requirements for baptism, Moroni 2 wrote that "none were
received unto baptism save they took upon them the name of Christ, having a determination to serve him to the end" (Moro. 6:3; cf. Mosiah 18:9). The concept of
endurance was part of the set prayer for ordaining priests and teachers. The elders of the Church would lay their hands upon the one to be ordained and say, "In the
name of Jesus Christ . . . I ordain you to be a teacher, to preach repentance and remission of sins through Jesus Christ, by the endurance of faith on his name to the
end" (Moro. 3:3).

The Doctrine and Covenants also includes enduring to the end as a gospel requirement (D&C 14:7; 18:22; 20:25, 29) and provides additional insight concerning the
possibility of growth and development beyond the grave (D&C 138:30-37, 58-59).

In addition to emphasizing the necessity of enduring to the end in righteousness to gain eternal life, the Book of Mormon is instructive on how to endure to the end.
Nephi testified that the "words of Christ" and the Holy Ghost reveal "all things what ye should do" (2 Ne. 32:3, 5). Specific principles and practices that will strengthen
a disciple's quest to remain faithful include praying (2 Ne. 32:8-9; Ether 2:14-15), holding to the iron rod (1 Ne. 8:30; 15:23-24), "feasting" on the word of God (2 Ne.
31:20; 32:3), remembering the Lord (Mosiah 4:11; 3 Ne. 18:7, 11), building a foundation upon Christ (Hel. 5:12; 3 Ne. 14:24-27), being on guard against the devil,
anti-Christs, and false doctrines (3 Ne. 18:15, 18; Alma 30; Jacob 7; 2 Ne. 28), meeting together often (3 Ne. 18:22; Moro. 6:5-6), having a personal testimony of the
truth (Jacob 7:5; Alma 5:45-46; 30:39), seeking first the kingdom of God (Jacob 2:18), having faith in Christ (Alma 14:26; 32; 58:10-12; Ether 12), having hope in
Christ (Ether 12:4; Moro. 7:41), having charity, the "pure love of Christ" (Moro. 7:47), trusting in the Lord (Mosiah 4:6; 7:33; Alma 36:2, 27), putting on the armor of
righteousness (1 Ne. 14:14), partaking of the sacrament (3 Ne. 18:1-13), hearkening to the words of the prophets (Mosiah 15:11; 3 Ne. 10:12), repenting (Mosiah
26:30; Alma 36:16-21), fasting (Hel. 3:35), and serving God (Mosiah 2:17; 7:33; Alma 37:34).

Largey, Dennis L.

Enos

Nephite prophet and record keeper, son of Jacob 2 , and father of Jarom (544 to 420 b.c. ). Enos' reflections about his life just before his death provide all that is
known about him. In consequence of "having been wrought upon by the power of God," Enos wrote, "I must preach and prophesy unto this people, and declare the
word according to the truth which is in Christ" (Enos 1:26). The compulsion to preach and prophesy of Christ characterized his life and was the source of his greatest
joy. Akin to the apostle Paul, Enos knew he had "fought a good fight"; thus, his last words reflect the confidence of a life well spent: "I soon go to the place of my rest,
which is with my Redeemer; for I know that in him I shall rest" (2 Tim. 4:7; Enos 1:27).

Although Enos descended from prophets and was therefore the recipient of a noble spiritual heritage, his achievement of a higher level of spirituality required a
significant price in effort and attitude. Enos would be forever blessed by a hunting trip that provided circumstances that allowed the teachings of his father to sink deeply
into his heart. In the seclusion of the forest Enos' spiritual renewal was effected through a mighty prayer that brought the personal revelation: "Enos, thy sins are forgiven
thee, and thou shalt be blessed" (Enos 1:5). Characteristic of a soul touched by the atonement of Jesus Christ, Enos then turned his attention outward, praying both for
his people and for the Lamanites, his enemies (Enos 1:9, 11). This personal experience with Christ's redemptive power was the catalyst for Enos' lifelong service.

Enos lived in a day of apostasy among both the Nephites and the Lamanites. Presumably, he was an integral part of the struggle to restore to the true faith the
Lamanites who had sworn the destruction of Nephite records, traditions and people (Enos 1:14) and also to stir up the Nephites "continually to keep them in the fear of
the Lord" (Enos 1:23). Efforts among the Lamanites were in vain, for "their hatred was fixed" (Enos 1:20). Among the stiffnecked Nephites only harsh threats and
"great plainness of speech, would keep them from going down speedily to destruction" (Enos 1:23). In addition to this spiritual decay, Enos noted that during his lifetime
he had seen "wars between the Nephites and Lamanites" (Enos 1:24). Likely Enos' plea that God preserve the Nephite records to bless future Lamanites was
motivated by these current events as well as his knowledge of the prophecies recorded on the small plates of Nephi, prophecies concerning the eventual destruction of
the Nephites and the subsequent dwindling in unbelief of the Lamanites (Enos 1:13-18; 1 Ne. 12:14-23; 2 Ne. 26:15-17; D&C 3:19-20).

Enos became the steward of the small plates of Nephi after the death of his father Jacob. When Jacob transferred the plates to Enos, he also communicated the
commandment Nephi 1 had given concerning the nature of their contents (1 Ne. 6:4, 6; Jacob 1:1-4)-a commandment that Enos obeyed (Jacob 7:27). Consistent,
then, with the central purpose of the small plates, to "persuade men to come unto the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, and be saved" (1
Ne. 6:4), Enos chose to tell of how he came unto Christ and received a remission of his sins (Enos 1:1-8). This account adds yet another voice to the Book of Mormon
list of prophets "crying from the dust" (2 Ne. 33:13), testifying that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God.

See also Enos, book of.

Largey, Dennis L.

Enos book of

Fourth book recorded on the small plates of Nephi , written by the prophet Enos between 544 and 420 b.c.

Content and message

The suggested dating for the events recorded in the book of Enos is between 544 and 420 b.c. Within this 124-year period, Nephi 1 died (Jacob 1:12), Jacob 2
completed his writings and died (Jacob 7:27), and Enos grew old (Enos 1:25-27).

The contents of the book of Enos reflect Nephi's wishes concerning the small plates. Enos knew his writing must be of worth to the children of men and persuade them
to come to Christ (1 Ne. 6:4-6). He was to give an account of the ministry of his people and touch only lightly on Nephite history (1 Ne. 9:3; Jacob 1:2; 7:27).
Although only twenty- seven verses long, Enos' brief but vital testament reflects these purposes and constraints. The unity, flow, and reflective tone of the book of Enos
suggest the possibility that he wrote the entire book in a brief period, perhaps just before his death (Enos 1:25-27).

The book of Enos is replete with gospel precepts: first and preeminent, Jesus is the Christ. Enos' story provides yet another testimony of redemption through Christ
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(Enos 1:8; cf. Mark 2:1-5; Luke 8:43-48). Enos' receiving forgiveness and subsequent concern for the welfare of his people, the Nephites, and even for that of his
enemies, the Lamanites, illustrates a fundamental sequence- charity and the desire to do good follow individual, personal reconciliation with God (Enos 1:9, 11, 19, 26;
suggest the possibility that he wrote the entire book in a brief period, perhaps just before his death (Enos 1:25-27).

The book of Enos is replete with gospel precepts: first and preeminent, Jesus is the Christ. Enos' story provides yet another testimony of redemption through Christ
(Enos 1:2-8). It also teaches that forgiveness of sin is not easy but sometimes requires a "wrestle" before God (Enos 1:2) and that it comes through faith in Jesus Christ
(Enos 1:8; cf. Mark 2:1-5; Luke 8:43-48). Enos' receiving forgiveness and subsequent concern for the welfare of his people, the Nephites, and even for that of his
enemies, the Lamanites, illustrates a fundamental sequence- charity and the desire to do good follow individual, personal reconciliation with God (Enos 1:9, 11, 19, 26;
cf. Moro. 8:25-26).

The story of Enos also testifies to the powerful influence parents can have on their children. Enos credited his father with instruction in language as well as teaching him
in the way of the Lord (Enos 1:1). When Enos went into the forest to pray, he reflected on his father's teachings "concerning eternal life, and the joy of the saints" (Enos
1:3). Gospel teaching in the home can strengthen children during critical times as it did Enos (Alma 36:17; 56:47-48).

Furthermore, from the narrative of the book of Enos, readers learn the manner by which revelation may be received (Enos 1:10; cf. D&C 8:2-3). They also are
reminded that the Lord visits his children according to their diligence in keeping the commandments (Enos 1:10) and that he honors his covenants, a truth that brings
peace (Enos 1:16-17).

Enos requested of the Lord that in the event that the Lamanites were to destroy the Nephites, He would preserve the Nephite records to bring the Lamanites to
salvation. The Lord answered Enos' prayer and "covenanted . . . that he would bring [the records] forth unto the Lamanites in his own due time" (Enos 1:16). The
fulfillment of this promise was confirmed by the Lord in modern times: "And for this very purpose are these plates preserved, which contain these records-that the
promises of the Lord might be fulfilled, which he made to his people; and that the Lamanites . . . may believe the gospel and rely upon the merits of Jesus Christ" (D&C
3:19-20; cf. 2 Ne. 26:15-16).

Largey, Dennis L.

Ensign

Term (Hebrew nes ) meaning banner (2 Ne. 23:2) or "standard" (1 Ne. 21:22; cf. Num. 2:2); employed by Isaiah to represent a rallying or gathering point. Specific
references to an ensign or a standard refer to the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 29:2); others point to the restored gospel or church (2 Ne. 21:10, 12; 6:6; cf. 1 Ne. 22:8).

The Lord promised Nephi 1 and his father Lehi 1 that their words and those of their seed (the Book of Mormon) would "proceed forth" out of his mouth to their
descendants and that his words would "hiss forth" to the ends of the earth for a standard or an ensign to his people, which were of the house of Israel (2 Ne. 29:2). He
also identified the time period for the raising of this standard as "that day" when he would remember the covenants he had "made unto the children of men, that I may
set my hand again the second time to recover my people, which are of the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 29:1). These promises are being fulfilled in the latter days as the
ensign (the Book of Mormon) has been raised to the nations to bring people to Christ and his church.

Organized in 1830 through the Prophet Joseph Smith, the restored Church also acts as an ensign as individuals gather to it through conversion. The Gentiles and the
house of Israel were to seek this ensign (2 Ne. 21:10, 12), which is identified in the Doctrine and Covenants as the Lord's "everlasting covenant" that he sent into the
world (D&C 45:9), later identified as the "fulness of [the] gospel" (D&C 133:57). Joseph Smith brought forth the Book of Mormon and organized the Church, both
being ensigns to the nations (2 Ne. 15:26; 21:10; 29:2).

See also Second time.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Entreated

See Appendix C.

Ephraim hill

A Jaredite hill from which Shule smelted ore to make steel swords to arm those who supported his quest to regain the kingdom for his father Kib (Ether 7:9).

Ephraim stick of/Joseph stick of

Name for the writings of the descendants of Joseph 1 , including the Book of Mormon (D&C 27:5). The Lord referred to the "stick of Ephraim" (synonymous with the
"stick of Joseph") when he charged Ezekiel to write on two sticks, one for Judah and the other "for Joseph, the stick of Ephraim," and to "join them one to another into
one stick," making them "one in thine hand" (Ezek. 37:15-17). Ezekiel was further instructed that when the people asked him what the joining of the two sticks meant,
he was to prophesy of a time when the divided kingdoms of Israel would be gathered and reunited under one messianic king and would dwell in righteousness (Ezek.
37:18-28). Latter- day Saints see a fulfillment of this prophecy in the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, "the stick of Joseph," to unite with the Bible, "the stick of
Judah," as a witness for Jesus Christ.

As prophesied by Joseph and recorded in the Book of Mormon, the two sticks are to be used as a tool to gather scattered Israel back to the covenants of the Lord (2
Ne. 3:12; cf. 1 Ne. 13:32-41). Thus, Bible and Book of Mormon prophecies both show that these two books were prepared by the Lord to do his marvelous work.
Christ told the Nephites that the future coming forth of their records (the Book of Mormon) would be a "sign" that the gathering of Israel was "about to take place" (3
Ne. 21:1-7; cf. 29:1). Accordingly, after the Book of Mormon was published, missionaries with both scriptures joined in hand began to gather the Lord's people back
to him.

Speculation over how a "stick" could be thought of as scripture has led some to think the term refers to scrolls or tally sticks (e.g., Nibley, 279-81). Others note that in
ancient Babylonia, where Ezekiel prophesied, scribes typically wrote not only on clay tablets and parchments but also on boards covered with wax, such as Greeks
and Romans used.

Wax writing boards were so easy to make and so practical to use that scribes used them for many different kinds of records, including business, religious, literary,
military, and so forth (e.g., Meservy, 4-13; Mallown, "Excavations," 98-107; Remains, 149-63; Nicolo, 59-70). Scholars further note that the "stick" upon which
Ezekiel wrote is translated from the Hebrew word ets, which means literally a tree , wood, or something wooden and could therefore be referring to a wax writing
board (Meservy, 4-13).

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the owner's name on each board: "For Judah, and for the children of Israel his companions: then . . . for Joseph, the stick [board] of Ephraim, and for all the house of
Israel his companions" (Ezek. 37:16). Moreover, he joined both boards to make one board set (Ezek. 37:17), just as the Mesopotamian writing boards were joined by
military, and so forth (e.g., Meservy, 4-13; Mallown, "Excavations," 98-107; Remains, 149-63; Nicolo, 59-70). Scholars further note that the "stick" upon which
Ezekiel wrote is translated from the Hebrew word ets, which means literally a tree , wood, or something wooden and could therefore be referring to a wax writing
board (Meservy, 4-13).

Other actions by Ezekiel seem to parallel what Babylonian scribes did when they wrote on writing boards. For example, he followed the Babylonian practice of writing
the owner's name on each board: "For Judah, and for the children of Israel his companions: then . . . for Joseph, the stick [board] of Ephraim, and for all the house of
Israel his companions" (Ezek. 37:16). Moreover, he joined both boards to make one board set (Ezek. 37:17), just as the Mesopotamian writing boards were joined by
hinges or thongs. In fact, one wax- board set found in Assyria contained 7,500 lines of text on sixteen boards, making it the equivalent in length of a modern book.

See also Bible, what it says about the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Mallown, M. E. L. "Excavations at Nimrud:1953." IRAQ XVI (1956): 98- 107.

---. Nimrud and Its Remains. Vol. 1. London: Collins, 1966.

Meservy, Keith H. "Ezekiel's Sticks and the Gathering of Israel." Ensign 17 (February 1987): 4- 13.

Nibley, Hugh. An Approach to the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1957.

Nicolo, San. "Haben die Babylonier Wachstafeln als Shrifttraeger gekannt?" Orientalia 17 (1948): 59- 70.

Meservy, Keith H.

Epistles

Epistles are thought of today, often facetiously, as long letters, but in the Book of Mormon, as in the New Testament, the word epistle designates simply a letter or
message. There are eight epistles written in the first person in the Book of Mormon. These letters are from Moroni 1 to Ammoron (Alma 54:5-14), Ammoron to
Moroni (Alma 54:16-24), Helaman 2 to Moroni (Alma 56:2-58:41), Moroni to Pahoran 1 (Alma 60:1-36), Pahoran to Moroni (Alma 61:2-21), Giddianhi to
Lachoneus 1 (3 Ne. 3:2-10), and two letters of Mormon to his son, Moroni 2 (Moro. 8:2-30; 9:1-26). In addition, there are references to ten other epistles: Ammoron
asked Moroni 1 for an exchange of prisoners (Alma 54:1); Helaman 2 received an epistle from Ammoron promising to deliver the city of Antiparah to Helaman in
exchange for prisoners of war (Alma 57:1); Helaman declined Ammoron's proposal (Alma 57:2); Moroni wrote his first epistle to Pahoran (Alma 59:3); the Lamanite
king sent an epistle to Mormon (Morm. 3:4); Mormon wrote to the Lamanite king and received a response (Morm. 6:2-3); Coriantumr 2 sent an epistle to Shiz and
received one in return (Ether 15:4-5); and Coriantumr sent another epistle to Shiz (Ether 15:18).

Taking an expanded view of the epistle form, Sidney B. Sperry found a ninth epistle in Ether 5, the instructions of Moroni 2 to the future translator of the Book of
Mormon (106). Here, Moroni said, "I have told you the things which I have sealed up; therefore touch them not in order that ye may translate" (Ether 5:1). Building on
Sperry's insight, one could think of Moroni elsewhere as writing epistles to the Gentiles and the Lamanites. Indeed, the Book of Mormon as a whole might be
considered as an epistle to a latter- day audience.

Looking closely at the epistles in the Book of Mormon, one can see how striking differences in personalities and purposes emerge from the ways the letters are
presented.

Moroni 1 to Ammoron (Alma 54:5-14)

Moroni had received a letter from Ammoron "desiring that he would exchange prisoners" (Alma 54:1). Ammoron had earlier proposed a prisoner exchange with
Helaman. The latter declined the proposal, saying he was confident his forces could take the city of Antiparah and thereby reclaim the Nephite prisoners, which they
did (Alma 57:1-5).

There are several ways to read Moroni's letter to Ammoron. While Moroni initially "felt to rejoice exceedingly" at Ammoron's request, he then thought about the many
Nephite women and children who had been taken prisoner and determined to get Ammoron to up a man and his wife and his children, for one prisoner" (Alma 54:2-3,
11). Moroni had "a stratagem to obtain as many prisoners of the Nephites from the Lamanites as it were possible" (Alma 54:3). While it is not clear what that stratagem
was, it may have been to use the force of language rather than the force of arms to threaten Ammoron. It appears, however, that Moroni became genuinely angry and
exaggerated his threatening, which, as Ammoron's subsequent letter to Moroni indicated, did not intimidate Ammoron. On the other hand, Ammoron agreed to
Moroni's counteroffer, but he did so in such an offending manner that Moroni refused the exchange.

Moroni enlisted God on his side, whose "sword of his almighty wrath . . . doth hang over you except ye repent" and retreat (Alma 54:6). He evoked an "awful hell" and
said Ammoron would "pull down the wrath of that God whom you have rejected upon you, even to your utter destruction" (Alma 54:7, 9). Moroni also called
Ammoron "a child of hell" and said that Moroni's people, including his women and children, would fight Ammoron "until you are destroyed from off the face of the
earth" (Alma 54:11-12). One can see the intensification of anger in this letter, from the somewhat formulaic "sword of his almighty wrath" to Moroni's affirming "we will
maintain our religion and the cause of our God" to "I am in my anger, and also my people; ye have sought to murder us, and we have only sought to defend
ourselves" (Alma 54:6-13). That concluding statement, coming after Moroni had made his main proposal, penetrated to the quick.

Ammoron to Moroni (Alma 54:16-24)

Ammoron responded angrily. He picked up the charge of murder in Moroni's letter and reciprocated: "I am the brother of Amalickiah whom ye have murdered. . . .
And if it so be that there is a devil and a hell, behold will he not send you there to dwell with my brother whom ye have murdered, whom ye have hinted that he hath
gone to such a place?" (Alma 54:16, 22). Further, he claimed, "We fear not your threatenings" (Alma 54:19). His letter responded nearly item by item to Moroni's,
including a rather rational agreement to Moroni's proposal regarding the exchange of prisoners: "I will grant to exchange prisoners according to your request" (Alma
54:20). His response, however, was intended to be as offensive as possible, so in his attempt to bring about the exchange, he was as ineffectual in his writing as was
Moroni. Upon reading this letter, the even "more angry" Moroni determined not to exchange prisoners unless Ammoron rescinded his malign purposes (Alma 55:1-2).

While both Moroni and Ammoron failed in their written communications, Moroni tried a stratagem that did work: He enticed the Lamanite guards to become drunk and
then armed the Nephite prisoners. As a consequence, he took more Lamanite prisoners at the same time he freed the Nephite men, women, and children who had been
imprisoned in the city (Alma 55:3-24).

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Helaman's letter to his "dearly beloved brother, Moroni, as well in the Lord as in the tribulations of our warfare" (Alma 56:2) intertwines the two themes found in his
While both Moroni and Ammoron failed in their written communications, Moroni tried a stratagem that did work: He enticed the Lamanite guards to become drunk and
then armed the Nephite prisoners. As a consequence, he took more Lamanite prisoners at the same time he freed the Nephite men, women, and children who had been
imprisoned in the city (Alma 55:3-24).

Helaman 2 to Moroni (Alma 56:2-58:41)

Helaman's letter to his "dearly beloved brother, Moroni, as well in the Lord as in the tribulations of our warfare" (Alma 56:2) intertwines the two themes found in his
salutation: warfare and being "in the Lord." While recounting various stratagems and battles, Helaman emphasized the devotion and courage of his two thousand
stripling warriors-his "sons" (Alma 56:46)-who not only fought valiantly but were totally faithful to what their mothers had taught them. "Never were men known to have
fought with such miraculous strength," Helaman said, affirming both physical strength in battle and heaven- sent aid (Alma 56:56). His youthful soldiers obeyed "with
exactness" and "according to their faith it was done unto them" (Alma 57:21). Preserved against great odds, Helaman's "sons" exercised "exceeding faith" and were
spared through "the miraculous power of God" (Alma 57:26). Helaman said his young soldiers "stand fast in that liberty wherewith God has made them free" (Alma
58:40).

In addition to these main themes, Helaman cited the repeated deliverance of the Nephites, their remarkable successes in reclaiming cities taken by the Lamanites, and
his consternation that "the government does not grant us more strength" (Alma 58:34).

Moroni's second epistle to Pahoran 1 (Alma 60:1-36)

Responding immediately to Helaman's concern about lack of support from the government, Moroni wrote his first epistle to Pahoran, the chief governor, asking for
reinforcements for Helaman's armies (Alma 59:3). Subsequently, the great city of Nephihah fell because there was not a large enough defense force (Alma 59:5-11).
Not receiving a response (and it is possible the first letter was never delivered), Moroni became angry with the government because of "their indifference concerning the
freedom of their country" (Alma 59:13). It may also be that Moroni felt frustrated at not having helped defend Nephihah himself, having "supposed" the government
would do it (Alma 59:9).

Actually, the second letter to Pahoran was not just to Pahoran alone but "also to all those who have been chosen by this people to govern and manage the affairs of this
war" (Alma 60:1). In it Moroni recounted his armies' sufferings, decrying the great neglect of the government in not sending reinforcements and in withholding
provisions, and his great sorrow at the loss of the city of Nephihah. Reflecting the real problem, Moroni recalled the wickedness of the king- men and the consequent
murder of women and children (Alma 60:15-17).

Moroni initially qualified his accusations: "We know not but what ye are also traitors to your country" (Alma 60:18). "Or is it," he surmised, "that ye have neglected us
because ye are in the heart of our country and ye are surrounded by security" (Alma 60:19). With this forthright man whose strong feelings, as in his letter to Ammoron,
soon turned to anger, suppositions seem to have become actualities in his mind. "Except ye do repent of that which ye have done," he said, he would have to cleanse
"our inward vessel, yea, even the great head of our government" (Alma 60:24). He called for defense of the country, showing the style and rhetoric he undoubtedly had
used earlier to rally people behind him (Alma 60:29). And in his last element of appeal, he said he had been directed by God, who declared, "If those whom ye have
appointed your governors do not repent of their sins and iniquities, ye shall go up to battle against them" (Alma 60:33). His concluding statements are forcefully
balanced: Send provisions and men "speedily," or I will "come unto you speedily. . . . I seek not for power, but to pull it down. I seek not for honor of the world, but
for the glory of my God, and the freedom and welfare of my country" (Alma 60:34-36).

Pahoran to Moroni (Alma 61:2-21)

Whether or not Moroni's first letter mis-carried, his second one brought a quick response from Pahoran. The king- men "have daunted our freemen that they have not
come unto you," Pahoran wrote (Alma 61:4). Implicitly, Pahoran had been daunted, too. In contrast to Moroni's impassioned rhetoric and incorrect suppositions,
Pahoran responded mildly, "I am not angry, but do rejoice in the greatness of your heart" (Alma 61:9). His is the rhetoric of a politician or a diplomat, not a warrior:
"We would not shed the blood of the Lamanites if they would stay in their own land. . . . We would subject ourselves to the yoke of bondage if it were requisite with
the justice of God, or if he should command us so to do" (Alma 61:10, 12). His first approach was to "resist evil . . . with our words," and, failing that, to resist
rebellions "with our swords" (Alma 61:14). In contrast with Moroni, the man of action, Pahoran expressed worry about "whether it should be just in us to go against
our brethren" (Alma 61:19). And this was from a leader who had been expelled from the capital city and whose people in the outlying areas were being slaughtered
because of the king- men. Further, the king- men were treasonous, having entered into a covenant with the Lamanite king to control Zarahemla and thus assist the
Lamanites in conquering the rest of the land. Pahoran was encouraged, however, by Moroni's affirmation: "But ye have said, except they repent the Lord hath
commanded you that ye should go against them" (Alma 61:20). He ended his letter by advising Moroni to "strengthen Lehi and Teancum in the Lord" and come help
him (Alma 61:15, 17-18, 21). Moroni obeyed with great success, defeating the king- men and "immediately" arranging for provisions and men to be sent to Helaman
(Alma 62:12).

Giddianhi to Lachoneus 1 (3 Ne. 3:2-10)

The epistle from Giddianhi to Lachoneus began with flattering words dripping with hypocrisy as well as an undercutting snideness: "Lachoneus, most noble and chief
governor of the land, behold, I . . . do give unto you exceedingly great praise because of your firmness . . . in maintaining that which ye suppose to be your right and
liberty; yea, ye do stand well, as if ye were supported by the hand of a god, in the defence of your liberty, and your property, and your country, or that which ye do call
so" (3 Ne. 3:2; italics added). I am "feeling for your welfare," he said (3 Ne. 3:5). It may have been a velvet paw, but the lion's claws were revealed soon enough in
Giddianhi's saying he desired Lachoneus' people to "yield up unto this my people, your cities, your lands, and your possessions" (3 Ne. 3:6), claiming that the works of
the Gadianton secret society were good and that the Nephites had taken their rights of government from them. Giddianhi then swore "with an oath" that if Lachoneus
would not yield to his demands, he and his robbers would "let fall the sword upon you even until ye shall become extinct" (3 Ne. 3:8).

Astonished by Giddianhi's boldness, Lachoneus saw through his demands and threatenings "and could not be frightened" by them (3 Ne. 3:12). Subsequently, he
gathered all his people and their substance unto one place to withstand a long siege and eventually defeated the Gadianton robbers.

Two letters: Mormon to his son Moroni 2 (Moro. 8:2-30; 9:1-26)

In his first epistle to his son, Mormon provided an extensive answer, given by revelation, to disputations concerning child baptism. Besides being the fullest treatment in
the scriptures of this topic, the letter is a poignant testimony of Mormon's love for his son Moroni and for children, whom he loved "with a perfect love" (Moro. 8:17).
The motivation for this type of love, he revealed later, comes by following right principles, which brings "the Holy Ghost, which Comforter filleth with hope and perfect
love, which love endureth by diligence unto prayer" (Moro. 8:26). The spirit of this letter is similar to that in Mormon's sermon recorded in Moroni 7 with its instructions
on faith, hope, and charity. It is an important letter which would have helped Moroni respond to the disputations. Further, it was one which Moroni was impelled to
preserve for a future generation, doing so with little space left and under extreme difficulties.

Mormon's second epistle paralleled Moroni's own situation in writing to future readers, after finding himself still alive longer than he had anticipated. Mormon wrote so
his son "may(c)know
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                                        (Moro.Corp.
                                               9:1) but related something he found grievous-the wickedness of a people "whose delight is in so much       abomination"
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concerning whom Mormon cried to God that he "come out in judgment" against them (Moro. 9:13-15). After including some horrific details of the Nephites' depravity,
Mormon appealed to his son to continue his righteous labor, "that we may conquer the enemy of all righteousness, and rest our souls in the kingdom of God" (Moro.
9:6). Moroni confirmed his acceptance of that commission in the closing words of his record.
preserve for a future generation, doing so with little space left and under extreme difficulties.

Mormon's second epistle paralleled Moroni's own situation in writing to future readers, after finding himself still alive longer than he had anticipated. Mormon wrote so
his son "may know that I am yet alive" (Moro. 9:1) but related something he found grievous-the wickedness of a people "whose delight is in so much abomination" and
concerning whom Mormon cried to God that he "come out in judgment" against them (Moro. 9:13-15). After including some horrific details of the Nephites' depravity,
Mormon appealed to his son to continue his righteous labor, "that we may conquer the enemy of all righteousness, and rest our souls in the kingdom of God" (Moro.
9:6). Moroni confirmed his acceptance of that commission in the closing words of his record.

From its position in the book of Moroni, this letter has the effect of being Mormon's farewell to his son. In the earlier letter he had said farewell until he wrote or met his
son again; here he gave his last injunction to his son to be faithful in Christ and bestowed his benediction: "May the grace of God the Father . . . and our Lord Jesus
Christ . . . be, and abide with you forever. Amen" (Moro. 9:26). Of course Mormon did see Moroni again and delivered up to him the plates (Moro. 9:24), but this
epistle remains the last known written communication of Mormon to Moroni, one which undoubtedly gave Moroni sustenance as he continued to be a lone witness of
the "utter destruction" of the Nephites (Moro. 9:22).

General epistles in the Book of Mormon

When in his last words Moroni 2 said, "I write unto my brethren, the Lamanites" (Moro. 10:1), the effect is that of a general epistle to the Lamanites. The phrase "write
unto" in the New Testament is associated with writing an epistle, for example, Luke to Theophilus (Luke 1:3), Paul to Timothy (1 Tim. 3:14), and Peter's second epistle
(2 Pet. 3:1). Perhaps, however, Moroni thought of his written word as not limited to those who would read it: "And when ye shall receive these things," he said (Moro.
10:4), rather than "read these things." His words would be declared "like as one crying from the dead, yea, even as one speaking out of the dust" (Moro. 10:27). The
implication is that those who were not able to read Moroni's instructions and testimony themselves, would somehow be made aware of them.

Nephi 1 said, "I write unto my people" (2 Ne. 25:3), with the effect of his writing being a general epistle to his people, both in the near future and in the last days (2 Ne.
25:21). And just as Mormon said to his "beloved son, I write unto you again" (Moro. 9:1), so he said to his latter- day audience, "I write unto you, Gentiles, and also
unto you, house of Israel. . . . Yea, behold, I write unto all the ends of the earth" (Morm. 3:17-18). This could also be considered a general epistle; Mormon did not
simply write for these people, he wrote unto them.

There are many different literary genres in the Book of Mormon, but the effect of the overall work is that of a lengthy letter delivered to a latter- day audience. Mormon
and Moroni were not just writing a history. Rather, they had specific audiences in mind. "I speak unto you, ye remnant of the house of Israel," Mormon wrote (Morm.
7:1). "Jesus Christ hath shown you unto me, and I know your doing," Moroni said to a latter- day audience (Morm. 8:35). Again, "And now I, Moroni, bid farewell
unto the Gentiles, yea, and also unto my brethren whom I love, until we shall meet before the judgment- seat of Christ" (Ether 12:38). Moroni's writings are directed to
a specific audience and contain personal appeals; they are, in effect, epistles.

Bibliography

Sperry, Sidney B. Our Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Stevens & Wallace, 1948.

Rust, Richard Dilworth

Errand from the Lord

To be on the Lord's errand is to be called and sent under his direction. The phrase "errand from the Lord" appears only once in the Book of Mormon (Jacob 1:17). In
the case of Jacob 2 , his errand began when he and his brother Joseph 2 "had been consecrated priests and teachers of [the Nephites], by the hand of Nephi" (Jacob
1:18; 2 Ne. 5:26). When Jacob said that he taught his people in the temple, "having first obtained [his] errand from the Lord" (Jacob 1:17), he was likely referring to his
immediate "errand" to rebuke, warn, and teach the Nephites concerning pride and immorality (Jacob 2-3), a responsibility given him through revelation (Jacob 2:11).

Williams, Clyde James

Esrom

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Esteem

See Appendix C.

Eternal life

See Salvation.

Eternal torment

See Endless torment, eternal torment, never- ending torment.

Ethem

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Ether

Son of Coriantor and last prophet among the Jaredites. Ether wrote the final Jaredite record, consisting of twenty- four plates (Ether 1:1-6). Moroni 2 indicated that the
record was called the book of Ether (Ether 1:2); his abridgment of the writings of Ether constitutes the present book of Ether. Ether was a direct descendant of Jared
1 , who helped lead a small group of faithful people from the tower of Babel to the New World (Ether 1:6-33).

Highly praised by Moroni, Ether lived and prophesied boldly among the almost universally wicked Jaredites during the reign of Coriantumr 2 , the last king before the
Jaredite destruction. Ether, Moroni said, "could not be restrained because of the Spirit of the Lord which was in him" (Ether 12:2); "great and marvelous were the
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prophecies of Ether" (Ether 13:13). Unceasingly, Ether urged the people, from daylight till dark, to repent; otherwise, he warned, they would be destroyed (Ether
12:3). Not only did Ether serve as a warning voice but he taught the Jaredites about the power of faith and hope (Ether 12:3-4). He also rehearsed the sacred history
of mankind, beginning with Adam (Ether 1:3-5); he "saw the days of Christ"; he prophesied concerning the biblical Jerusalem and the future New Jerusalem on the
1 , who helped lead a small group of faithful people from the tower of Babel to the New World (Ether 1:6-33).

Highly praised by Moroni, Ether lived and prophesied boldly among the almost universally wicked Jaredites during the reign of Coriantumr 2 , the last king before the
Jaredite destruction. Ether, Moroni said, "could not be restrained because of the Spirit of the Lord which was in him" (Ether 12:2); "great and marvelous were the
prophecies of Ether" (Ether 13:13). Unceasingly, Ether urged the people, from daylight till dark, to repent; otherwise, he warned, they would be destroyed (Ether
12:3). Not only did Ether serve as a warning voice but he taught the Jaredites about the power of faith and hope (Ether 12:3-4). He also rehearsed the sacred history
of mankind, beginning with Adam (Ether 1:3-5); he "saw the days of Christ"; he prophesied concerning the biblical Jerusalem and the future New Jerusalem on the
American continent (Ether 13:1-11).

The wicked Jaredites, however, "esteemed" their great prophet "as naught, and cast him out." By day, he hid in a cave and there completed the remainder of his large
record. At night he ventured out to view the destruction of his people as they fought a lengthy and bloody civil war (Ether 13:13-15). It was Ether who spoke "the
word of the Lord" to Coriantumr, prophesying that if he and his household would repent, he would retain his kingdom, and his people would be spared. "Otherwise
they should be destroyed" and Coriantumr would be the only survivor, living long enough to witness the fulfilling of prophecy concerning "another people" inheriting the
land (Ether 13:20-21). Coriantumr, his household, and his people failed to heed Ether's words and sought to kill him (Ether 13:22). Ether lived to witness the fulfillment
of the inspired words he uttered. He observed the final battles, including the hand- to- hand combat between Coriantumr and Shiz, leaving Coriantumr as the sole
survivor (Ether 15:13-32). Ether completed his writings and hid them away "in a manner that the people of Limhi did find them" a few centuries later (Ether 15:33;
Mosiah 8:6-9). The last words of Ether contemplate whether he would be translated or die as other men, the option not mattering to him as long as he would be "saved
in the kingdom of God" (Ether 15:34).

See also Ether, book of; Jared 1 , posterity of; Plates of Ether.

Orden, Bruce A. Van

Ether book of

An abridgment by Moroni 2 from a much longer record known as the plates of Ether (Ether 1:2; 15:33). The original unabridged narrative began at the creation of the
world and continued through the story of Adam to the days of the tower of Babel. Aware that those accounts were available to his audience elsewhere, Moroni chose
to concentrate on the record's unique material concerning the Jaredites (Ether 1:1-5; cf. Mosiah 28:17).

Content and message

The narrative in the book of Ether commences with the tower of Babel, when the people of Jared 1 and his brother were granted an exemption from the confusion of
tongues and began their divinely led journey to the New World (Ether 1:33-43). During this journey, the premortal Jesus Christ appeared to the brother of Jared (Ether
3:1-16), revealing truths about the nature of God, the role of Christ, and the nature of the spirit body.

The longest portion of Jaredite history is covered in only a few chapters (Ether 7-11). It is, however, a highly instructive history, vividly illustrating the practical effects of
both righteous and evil choices and showing that these alternatives have been available from the beginning. One noteworthy contribution of the book is its account of the
rise of secret, satanic, oath- bound conspiracies among the Jaredites, based on ancient models found in the documents they had brought with them from the Old World
(Ether 8:7-18; 9:1; cf. Moses 5:29-31, 49-55). Righteous kings, too, looked to the ancient past for direction. By contrast, though, they repeatedly remembered the
mighty deeds of God on behalf of their ancestors, and, in effect, patterned their lives upon the sacred history of their people (e.g., Ether 6:30; 7:27; 10:2).

The fall of the Jaredite nation is chronicled in the last three chapters (Ether 13-15). From their earliest days, the Jaredites were cautioned that wickedness and apostasy
would lead to their utter destruction (Ether 2:8; 9:20; 14:25; cf. 2:11). Somewhat later they were warned of their possible replacement by another people (Ether 11:20-
21; 13:21). Toward the end of their history, these warnings became more and more intense and were conveyed by many prophets (Ether 11:1-20). Ether, who lived
during the reign of Coriantumr 2 , the last Jaredite king, was one of these inspired messengers. But the people rejected his message and cast him out. Obliged to watch
the destruction of his nation from "the cavity of a rock," going out only at night to observe, he recorded what he saw and what it meant (Ether 12:1-3; 13:13-14, 20-
22). At one point, before the end, Ether was sent to the king himself, warning Coriantumr that if he did not repent, the Jaredites would be anni-hilated while Coriantumr
himself would survive to receive burial at the hands of a foreign nation. The king paid no attention. Later, however, Coriantumr recognized the magnitude of the evil that
he and his peers had committed and sought to repent, but it was too late (Ether 13:20-22; 15:1-5, 18-19). "The Spirit of the Lord had ceased striving with them, and
Satan had full power over the hearts of the people; for they were given up unto the hardness of their hearts, and the blindness of their minds that they might be
destroyed" (Ether 15:19). The final destruction of the Jaredite nation occurred near the hill Ramah, in the same location where the Nephites, who knew the hill as
Cumorah, would later meet their end (Ether 15:11). Divinely commanded to do so, Ether emerged from his hiding place to certify that the prophecies had been fulfilled
and to finish and bury his record so that it might be found by the foreign people he knew would come (Ether 15:33).

The earliest of the Book of Mormon peoples to come across the wreckage of Jaredite civilization were the people of Zarahemla. They had made their first landing in an
area rather far to the north that came to be known among the Nephites as Desolation. It earned this desig-nation because of the bones and ruins that marked it (Alma
22:30). There they discovered Coriantumr, the sole Jaredite survivor named in the Book of Mormon narrative, other than the prophet Ether himself (Ether 15:29-32).
They also recovered a large engraved stone, or stela, bearing Coriantumr's royal genealogy. When the Nephites and the people of Zarahemla united under the rule of
Mosiah 1 , he translated the stone's inscriptions (Omni 1:19-22).

The people of king Limhi found the original book of Ether on twenty- four gold plates late in the second century before the coming of Christ. When Limhi's people were
reunited with the people of Zarahemla, Mosiah 2 , grandson of Mosiah 1 and king of Zarahemla, received the plates and translated them (Mosiah 22:13-14; 28:11-17).

Nonetheless, and despite strong indications of popular interest in the contents of the plates (e.g., Mosiah 8:12, 19; 22:14; 28:12), there was considerable reluctance
among subsequent Nephite record keepers to disclose fully what the Jaredite record contained. The Nephite authorities were especially troubled by the book's account
of secret combinations. For instance, although Alma 2 encouraged his son Helaman 2 to share with his people the cautionary tale of the evil and destruction wrought by
such combinations among the Jaredites, he also advised him to withhold anything specific relating to their actual oaths and covenants, lest these prove seductive (Alma
37:21, 27, 29, 32; 63:12; Hel. 6:25). It appears that the forbidden items were indeed kept secret. Later, when the Nephites themselves learned of such oaths and
covenants, it was not from the Jaredite records but through direct satanic inspiration (Hel. 6:26). Moroni was forbidden to write all of the prophecies of Ether (Ether
13:13).

Despite its brief and summary nature, the book of Ether contributes richly to latter- day understanding of the gospel and the ways in which the Lord acts to teach,
discipline, and save his earthly children. Its discussion of the Americas as a "land of promise" (Ether 2:8-12) remains deeply relevant to modern- day inhabitants of the
New World. Its inspired words and dramatic history portray not only the rewards of righteousness and the penalties that follow sin, verifying the principles taught in the
Nephite record, but confirm what happens to a society when it reaches a "fulness of iniquity" (Ether 2:10). Its prophetic description of the coming forth of additional
scripture (Ether 4:1-17) eloquently testifies to one of the unique truths of the gospel-that true Saints of all ages can look forward to receiving more of the word of God.
Most importantly, throughout its pages, but particularly in the account of the premortal Savior's appearance to the brother of Jared (Ether 3:1-16), the book of Ether is
aCopyright   (c) 2005-2009,
  powerful witness            Infobase
                     and another        Media
                                  testament      Corp.Christ as the atoning, divine Redeemer of the world.
                                             of Jesus                                                                                                  Page 598 / 919

See also Babel, tower of; Fulness of iniquity; Jaredite civilization; Jesus Christ, premortal appearances of; Sealed portion of the gold plates.
New World. Its inspired words and dramatic history portray not only the rewards of righteousness and the penalties that follow sin, verifying the principles taught in the
Nephite record, but confirm what happens to a society when it reaches a "fulness of iniquity" (Ether 2:10). Its prophetic description of the coming forth of additional
scripture (Ether 4:1-17) eloquently testifies to one of the unique truths of the gospel-that true Saints of all ages can look forward to receiving more of the word of God.
Most importantly, throughout its pages, but particularly in the account of the premortal Savior's appearance to the brother of Jared (Ether 3:1-16), the book of Ether is
a powerful witness and another testament of Jesus Christ as the atoning, divine Redeemer of the world.

See also Babel, tower of; Fulness of iniquity; Jaredite civilization; Jesus Christ, premortal appearances of; Sealed portion of the gold plates.

Peterson, Daniel C.

Ether plates of

See Plates of Ether.

Eve

The first mortal woman and the wife of Adam. Eve and Adam are the first parents of humankind (1 Ne. 5:11). The Book of Mormon confirms the biblical account of
Eve being tempted by the serpent in the garden of Eden and the consequences that followed her transgression. The Book of Mormon clarifies that the serpent in the
Genesis narrative was the devil, "the father of all lies" (2 Ne. 2:18-19; cf. Gen. 3:4-5, 23).

See also Eden, the garden of; Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Everlasting fire

See Lake of fire and brimstone.

Evil concept of

Evil is the antithesis of good. As Christ personifies all that is good, Satan personifies all that is evil. Good and evil coexist under opposition: there is good because there
is evil, life because there is death, and so forth (2 Ne. 2:11-13). In mortality the distinction between true good and true evil is often blurred because fallen men and
women, being a compound of both spiritual and carnal natures, frequently have difficulty comprehending the difference. But mankind is not left alone in discerning
between good and evil: "For behold, the Spirit of Christ is given to every man, that he may know good from evil; wherefore, I show unto you the way to judge; for
every thing which inviteth to do good, and to persuade to believe in Christ, is sent forth by the power and gift of Christ; wherefore ye may know with a perfect
knowledge it is of God. But whatsoever thing persuadeth men to do evil, and believe not in Christ, and deny him, and serve not God, then ye may know with a perfect
knowledge it is of the devil" (Moro. 7:16-17; cf. James 1:17). Hence Isaiah's warning: "Wo unto them that call evil good, and good evil, that put darkness for light, and
light for darkness, that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter" (2 Ne. 15:20 // Isa. 5:20). Moroni 2 counseled, "Lay hold upon every good gift, and touch not the evil
gift, nor the unclean thing" (Moro. 10:30). In succumbing to evil, one's moral vision becomes increasingly distorted.

Whatever leads mankind away from Christ and his commandments is evil regardless of how good it may appear to be. Evil can be overcome. Through Christ's
atonement and the sanctifying power of the Holy Ghost, all evil can be purged out of the human soul, rendering it "spotless, pure, fair, and white . . . at that great and
last day" (Morm. 9:6; cf. Mosiah 5:2; Alma 19:33).

See also Good, concept of; Light of Christ.

Turner, Rodney

Evil one

The "evil one" (2 Ne. 4:27) can refer to the devil himself as a spirit personage as well as to the influence, disposition, or ambience characteristic of him. Lehi 1 spoke of
"an angel of God" who fell from heaven and became the devil, "the father of all lies," who seeks "the misery of all mankind" (2 Ne. 2:17-18). He is the "evil one" who
seeks to captivate and destroy the souls of men (Hel. 8:28; 2 Ne. 2:27; Alma 34:35). His spirit, or influence, promotes pride (2 Ne. 9:28), anger and contention (2 Ne.
28:20; Moro. 9:3; 3 Ne. 11:29), carnal security and hedonism (2 Ne. 9:30; 28:21; Hel. 12:1-6). It is the same spirit that attends secret com-binations of murder and
darkness (2 Ne. 9:9). In short, his spirit is one of anti- Christ, anti- prayer, and anti- happiness, even despair (2 Ne. 32:8; Alma 41:10-11; Moro. 7:17; 10:22).

See also Satan.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Exalt

See Appendix C.

Excommunication

See Blotted out.

Exhort

See Appendix C.

Exhortation

See Appendix C.

Exodus the
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The story of God's gracious rescue of the ancient Israelites from bondage in Egypt, including the events in the Sinai wilderness (Ex.-Deut.; Bible Map 2). Drawing on
the account preserved on the plates of brass, Book of Mormon prophets and teachers frequently appealed to the Exodus, both when expressing important doctrinal
teachings, particularly the Atonement, and when proving that God, in his "tender mercies," offers to his people "the power of deliverance" (1 Ne. 1:20).
See Appendix C.

Exodus the

The story of God's gracious rescue of the ancient Israelites from bondage in Egypt, including the events in the Sinai wilderness (Ex.-Deut.; Bible Map 2). Drawing on
the account preserved on the plates of brass, Book of Mormon prophets and teachers frequently appealed to the Exodus, both when expressing important doctrinal
teachings, particularly the Atonement, and when proving that God, in his "tender mercies," offers to his people "the power of deliverance" (1 Ne. 1:20).

The Book of Mormon presents a broad recollection of incidents from the Exodus. In fact, the Book of Mormon starts earlier than the Bible by taking note of a
prophecy about Moses' birth (2 Ne. 3:17). In addition, there is reference to Moses' call at the burning bush (1 Ne. 17:24; Ex. 3:1-4:23), Moses' rod (2 Ne. 3:17; Ex.
4:1-5), the Hebrews' inability to free themselves (1 Ne. 17:24-25; Ex. 3:7-8; 6:5-7), Israel's escape from Pharaoh by way of the Red Sea (1 Ne. 4:2; 17:27; Ex. 14),
the manna that God miraculously provided to feed Israel (1 Ne. 17:28; Ex. 16), the rock that brought forth water to quench their thirst (1 Ne. 17:29; Ex. 17:6), the
divine guidance that the Lord provided (1 Ne. 17:30; Ex. 13:21-22), and Israel's rebellion in the wilderness (1 Ne. 17:30, 41-42; Jacob 1:7; Ex. 16:2, 8; 32).

Doctrines taught and events occurring at Mt. Sinai, or Mt. Horeb, receive prominent notice in the Book of Mormon, including God's covenant with Israel and the Ten
Commandments (Mosiah 12:33-36; 13:11-24; 3 Ne. 15:5, 8; 25:4; Ex. 20:1-17), the law given to Moses (e.g., 2 Ne. 3:17; Alma 25:15; Ex. 31:18), the sacrifices and
burnt offerings that Nephites continued to offer (1 Ne. 5:9; Mosiah 2:3-4; Lev. 1-7), and the later brazen serpent, which Moses raised on a pole (2 Ne. 25:20; Hel.
8:14-15; Num. 21:4-9). At least one of Moses' prophecies, that about the prophet "like unto me," received attention from the resurrected Savior (3 Ne. 20:23; 1 Ne.
22:20-21; Deut. 18:15, 18-19). Moses' shining face is referred to (Mosiah 13:5; Ex. 34:29-35), as is his being "buried by the hand of the Lord" (Alma 45:19; Deut.
34:5-6).

For Nephi 1 , the Exodus was proof that God could and would bless and deliver his people, even miraculously (1 Ne. 4:1-3; 17:23-42). He saw that the brazen
serpent prophetically prefigured the Savior (2 Ne. 25:20). God's role as deliverer also embraces the teaching of God as redeemer and points directly to Jesus'
atonement (Ex. 3:8; 12:12-13, 27). In a personal report of the power of the Atonement to rescue a sinful person, Alma 2 overtly linked his own deliverance from sin
through the Atonement to the might of God manifested both in freeing the Hebrew slaves under Moses and in guiding his ancestors in their flight from Jerusalem (Alma
36:2, 18-21, 27-29; cf. 38:8-9). It is doctrinally significant that Alma saw spiritual deliverance from sin and temporal deliverance from afflictions as parts of a whole.

See also Book of Mormon, selected themes of, bondage and deliverance; Law of Moses; Fiery flying serpents; Sinai, mount; That prophet.

Bibliography

Brown, S. Kent. From Jerusalem to Zarahemla. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1998.

Daube, David. Exodus Pattern in the Bible. London: Faber and Faber, 1963.

Szink, Terry. "Nephi and the Exodus." Rediscovering the Book of Mormon. Edited by John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and
FARMS, 1991.

Brown, S. Kent

Expedient

See Appendix C.

Experiment upon my word

To test or examine the truth of the gospel. The experiment first requires giving place for it in one's heart (Alma 32:27-28). Gospel knowledge is attained through
obedience (John 7:17); thus, further, the experiment to determine truth entails living gospel principles. Using the metaphor of a planted seed , Alma 2 compared good
seeds that grow with one's coming to a knowledge of gospel truth (Alma 32:28-34).

Williams, Clyde James

Expounded all the scriptures in one

The Savior demonstrated how the scriptures and the prophetic word bear harmonious witness, especially of him (2 Ne. 11:4; Jacob 4:4; 7:11; cf. Luke 24:27). The
risen Lord "expounded all the scriptures in one" and then commanded the Nephites to teach what he had expounded (3 Ne. 23:14; cf. 26:1).

Millet, Robert L.

Extolled

See Appendix C.

Eye of faith

To see with the eyes of a believer and thus patiently anticipate the fulfillment of all that God has declared and promised (Alma 5:15; 32:40). For example, with an eye of
faith Nephi 1 pressed forward toward the promised land with enthusiasm and gratitude for his blessings (1 Ne. 17:2). Devoid of such faith in future blessings, Laman 1
and Lemuel rebelliously desired to return to Jerusalem (1 Ne. 17:20-21). Abraham and Sarah were faithful, being "persuaded" of promises they had seen only "afar
off" (Heb. 11:13). Similarly, Moses esteemed the blessings of being a disciple of Christ "greater riches than the treasures in Egypt" (Heb. 11:24-27). Enos' sins were
forgiven because of his faith in Christ whom he had "never before heard nor seen" with his natural eyes (Enos 1:8). Elder Boyd K. Packer taught that to see with the
eye of faith is "to see with the eyes [you] possessed before [you] had a mortal body; . . . to hear with ears [you] possessed before [you] were born; . . . to push back
the curtains of mortality and see into the eternities" (Packer, 6). Moroni 2 recorded that the faith of many in mortality was "so exceedingly strong" that they were
blessed to see with their physical eyes those things they had seen with an eye of faith (Ether 12:19).

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd
 Copyright  (c)K. "The GreatInfobase
                2005-2009,   Plan of Happiness."
                                      Media Corp.Doctrine and Covenants/Church History Symposium Speeches. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus
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                                                                                                                                                 600of/ 919
Latter- day Saints, 1993.

Fronk, Camille
blessed to see with their physical eyes those things they had seen with an eye of faith (Ether 12:19).

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd K. "The Great Plan of Happiness." Doctrine and Covenants/Church History Symposium Speeches. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1993.

Fronk, Camille

Ezias

Nonbiblical Old World prophet who lived before 600 b.c. Mentioned once in the record by Nephi 2 (Hel. 8:20), Ezias was listed with the prophets who taught faith in
and redemption through Christ (Hel. 8:13-23).

Ezrom

See Nephite weights and measures.

F
Faggots

See Appendix C.

Fain

See Appendix C.

Fair

See Appendix C.

Faith

Trust, confidence, and belief, based on evidence, in someone or something that motivates one to resolve and to act (Talmage, 96, 100, 102; Smith, Lectures, 1:1, 9,
10). From a gospel perspective, faith is the trust and confidence in and reliance upon the merits, mercy, and grace of Jesus Christ that leads to repentance and
obedience to his commandments. Faith is the first principle of the gospel of Jesus Christ (A of F 4; 3 Ne. 27:16-21; cf. 11:31-38; 2 Ne. 31:17-20). It is a gift of the
Spirit (Moro. 10:11), a divine endowment. The Lord extends his arm of mercy toward those who trust in him rather than in the arm of flesh (2 Ne. 4:34; Mosiah 23:22;
29:20). Of the two thousand stripling warriors, Helaman 2 noted, "Now this was the faith of these of whom I have spoken; they are young, and their minds are firm,
and they do put their trust in God continually" (Alma 57:27). Nephi 1 explained that the Saints of God were able to come unto Christ through "relying wholly upon the
merits of him who is mighty to save" (2 Ne. 31:19). Moroni 2 likewise wrote that people are nourished by the good word of God, "to keep them in the right way . . .
relying alone upon the merits of Christ, who was the author and the finisher of their faith" (Moro. 6:4). Jacob 2 added the sobering conclusion to the matter: only those
who have "perfect faith in the Holy One of Israel"-- meaning, presumably, a wholehearted belief in, a complete trust in, and a total reliance upon the cleansing power of
Christ's redeeming blood-can be saved in the kingdom of God (2 Ne. 9:23).

Aaron 3 taught the father of king Lamoni that "since man had fallen he could not merit anything of himself" (Alma 22:14). Man's good works, though acceptable to
God, will always be insufficient to save him (2 Ne. 25:23). Thus there is a need for an atonement, a means of reconciling finite man with an infinite Deity. Because "all
have sinned, and come short of the glory of God" (Rom. 3:23), man cannot be justified-pronounced innocent or free from sin-by law or by works alone. Man's only
option is to be justified by faith, to lean upon One who did in fact keep the law of God perfectly. In the words of Amulek, the atonement of Christ "bringeth about
means unto men that they may have faith unto repentance" (Alma 34:15; cf. Rom. 5:2).

God the Father is the ultimate object of worship (2 Ne. 25:16; Jacob 4:5; D&C 18:40; 20:19; JST John 4:25-26). Faith is therefore exercised in God the Father, just
as it is in the Son. To have faith in the Son of God is to have faith in God the Father. Thus "as Christ is the way to the Father, faith centers in him and in his redeeming
sacrifice and goes thereby to the Father, who is the Creator" (McConkie, 185).

Saving faith is based in true evidence

The Lord does not leave honest seekers in the dark, void of divine assistance; he provides evidence upon which to build houses of faith. "All belief is founded on
evidence," Elder Orson Pratt explained. "A true faith is founded on true evidence; a false faith on false evidence. And in no case can a man have faith, either true or
false, unless it is the result of true or false evidence. The greater the evidence, the greater will be the faith resulting from that evidence" (Pratt, 48; cf. Heb. 11:1;
McConkie, 166). Korihor had every reason to have faith in God; as Alma 2 pointed out, he had evidence from the prophets and the scriptures as well as the order of
the cosmos (Alma 30:44; cf. D&C 88:45-47). But he rejected that evidence and thereby laid the foundation for his own destruction. Near the end of the Nephite saga,
Mormon prayed with all his heart for the deliverance of his people, but his prayers were "without faith, because of the hardness of their hearts" (Morm. 3:12). Mormon
was unable to exercise faith in their behalf because his people, who refused to accept divine evidence of the truth, offered no evidence that they intended to repent of
their wickedness or change their ways.

Alma 2 explained that to have "faith is not to have a perfect knowledge of things" but to have a "hope for things which are not seen, which are true" (Alma 32:21 italics
added; cf. Ether 12:6; Heb. 11:1). Sincerity and devotion to a cause are not sufficient; saving faith can only be exercised in that which is true. Thus no matter how
commit-ted the Zoramites 2 were to their liturgy atop the Rameumptom (Alma 31), their false beliefs concerning God could not result in faith unto life and salvation.
Their refusal to believe in the coming condescension of God the Son precluded salvation, no matter how consistently they cried out to their deity in their weekly ritual.

In the scriptures, there is no distinction between true faith and true belief; belief is a synonym for faith. To have faith in Christ is to believe in Christ, to "believe that he is,
and that he created all things, both in heaven and in earth; [to] believe that he has all wisdom, and all power, both in heaven and in earth" (Mosiah 4:9). The Nephite
prophets labored diligently to invite their people "to believe in Christ, and to be reconciled to God" (2 Ne. 25:23), "for the Lord covenanteth with none save it be with
them that repent and believe in his Son, who is the Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 30:2). The Nephites were called upon to "believe in Christ, and view his death, and suffer
his cross and bear the shame of the world" (Jacob 1:8). Truly, "whosoever shall believe on the Son of God, the same shall have everlasting life" (Hel. 14:8; cf. Morm.
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Faith as a principle of power
and that he created all things, both in heaven and in earth; [to] believe that he has all wisdom, and all power, both in heaven and in earth" (Mosiah 4:9). The Nephite
prophets labored diligently to invite their people "to believe in Christ, and to be reconciled to God" (2 Ne. 25:23), "for the Lord covenanteth with none save it be with
them that repent and believe in his Son, who is the Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 30:2). The Nephites were called upon to "believe in Christ, and view his death, and suffer
his cross and bear the shame of the world" (Jacob 1:8). Truly, "whosoever shall believe on the Son of God, the same shall have everlasting life" (Hel. 14:8; cf. Morm.
7:10).

Faith as a principle of power

The Prophet Joseph Smith taught that faith is a principle of power, the power by which gods and men bring to pass divine purposes ( Smith, Lectures, 1:13-17; 7:2; cf.
Heb. 11:3). Through faith the power of God is accessed or made manifest. When imprisoned, Alma and Amulek prayed, "O Lord, give us strength according to our
faith which is in Christ, even unto deliverance. And they broke the cords with which they were bound . . . and the walls of the prison were rent in twain. . . . And Alma
and Amulek came forth out of the prison" (Alma 14:26-28). When people operate by faith, they operate according to the mind and will of God (McConkie, 167, 191-
92, 206). Faith is not merely the power of suggestion, the power of positive thinking. People do not exercise faith by wishing and willing something to be. Faith is
centered in what the Lord wants, not what man wishes. Men and women operate by faith when they seek to know the mind of God on a matter and then proceed
confidently; they first obtain their "errand from the Lord" (Jacob 1:17) and then move forward with a quiet but dynamic assurance that God will work his wonders
through them. Nephi was "led by the Spirit, not knowing beforehand the things which [he] should do" (1 Ne. 4:6). He could move into difficult and even life- threatening
situations, such as retrieving the brass plates, without knowing the details of his assignment, for his confidence was centered in God and in the knowledge that God had
indeed commanded Lehi to have him return to Jerusalem to obtain the sacred records (1 Ne. 3:7). Abinadi evidenced his faith in the Savior when he sealed his
messianic witness with his life's blood (Mosiah 11:20-17:20), just as Zenos (Hel. 8:19) and Zenock (Alma 33:15-17) had done many years before. Ammon 2 , Aaron
3 , Omner, and Himni exercised their faith in the redemption of Christ, volunteered for missionary service, and became instruments in the hands of God to lead many
thousands of Lamanites to the gospel (Mosiah 28:1-9; Alma 17-23). Alma 2 and Amulek were delivered from captivity through their faith (Alma 14:26-28; Ether
12:13). Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 , sons of Helaman 3 , both men of profound faith and spiritual maturity (Hel. 3:21; 11:18-19), participated in the spiritual rebirth of a large
number of Lamanites (Hel. 5; Ether 12:14). Because of the faith of the brother of Jared 1 , he was able to remove a mountain (Ether 12:30). In addition, the brother of
Jared "could not be kept from beholding within the veil." Indeed, "the Lord could not withhold anything from him, for he knew that the Lord could show him all
things" (Ether 3:19, 26; 12:20).

Fruits of faith

There are numerous fruits of faith that derive from believing, trusting, and relying upon Christ. It is through faith, for example, that forgiveness comes, by which the soul
is cleansed (1 Ne. 12:10) and by which people are made whole and alive in Christ (2 Ne. 25:25; Enos 1:8). Faith leads to joy and peace of conscience (Mosiah 4:3;
Hel. 5:47). It is by faith that men and women undergo a mighty change of heart when they come into the gospel covenant (Mosiah 5:7; Alma 5:12).

Faith and patience often result in deliverance (1 Ne. 1:20; 7:17; Jacob 3:1; Mosiah 24:11-16; Alma 14:26-28). Helaman 2 wrote how "the Lord our God did visit us
with assurances that he would deliver us; yea, insomuch that he did speak peace to our souls, and did grant unto us great faith, and did cause us that we should hope
for our deliverance in him" (Alma 58:11). Through faith, deliverance comes not only from physical bondage or oppression but also from temptation and from Satan's
grasp. Alma instructed his son Helaman to teach the people "to humble themselves and to be meek and lowly in heart; teach them to withstand every temptation of the
devil, with their faith on the Lord Jesus Christ" (Alma 37:33).

Spiritual gifts, signs, and wonders are also fruits of faith in Christ (2 Ne. 26:13; 27:23). Jesus announced to the Nephites that signs "follow them that believe" (Morm.
9:22-24). Mormon explained that "it is by faith that miracles are wrought; and it is by faith that angels appear and minister unto men" (Moro. 7:37; cf. Mosiah 8:18; 3
Ne. 19:35). Before listing the various gifts of the Spirit, Moroni 2 exhorted his readers to "deny not the power of God; for he worketh by power, according to the faith
of the children of men, the same today and tomorrow, and forever" (Moro. 10:7).

Faith and hope are inextricably connected: to have true faith in Christ is to have hope in Christ. Ether taught, "Whoso believeth in God might with surety hope for a
better world, yea, even a place at the right hand of God, which hope cometh of faith" (Ether 12:4). Individuals like the Zoramites begin with the simple hope that there is
a Savior (Alma 32:27). On the other end of the continuum are those who know their Lord, have treasured up his word, and have been valiant in their witness. Theirs is
"a more excellent hope" (Ether 12:32), a hope for eternal life (Moro. 7:40-42). Disciples of Christ have hope, not in the worldly sense (wishing or yearning) but rather
in the sense of anticipation, expectation, and assurance that through the Divine Redeemer they will enjoy peace in this world and eternal glory in the world to come.
Thus, the final fruit of faith is eternal life (Alma 32:41).

Faith and knowledge

Faith and knowledge build upon one another. A certain degree of knowledge is necessary to exercise even "a particle of faith" (Alma 32:27). One must first have the
knowledge, the idea that there is a God, for example, before one can begin to develop saving faith. Then, after one has begun to develop faith, new and added
knowledge comes-new feelings and desires, new insights, new perspectives. There is a sense in which one might speak, as Alma 2 did to the Zoramites 2 (Alma 32:34;
cf. Ether 3:19), of one's faith being replaced by knowledge whenever a testimony of a particular principle has been obtained. In this process faith does not disappear
but instead is added upon and further strengthened. Though one's knowledge may be perfect and one's faith dormant "in that thing," or in the principle tested, one must
continue to exercise faith in the future applications of the principle involved. For example, even after one receives a spiritual witness of tithing or the blessings associated
with the payment of it, one must still exercise faith in the principle of tithing in the future. And each time a principle is applied and blessings are realized, turning faith into
knowledge, faith in that principle increases. Faith can thus grow from one level to another-"a particle of faith" (Alma 32:27), "sufficient" faith (3 Ne. 17:8), "much
faith" (Mosiah 27:14), "strong" faith (Alma 7:17), "exceeding faith" (Mosiah 4:3), "exceedingly great faith" (Moro. 10:11)-into "perfect faith" (2 Ne. 9:23), perfect faith
being "the principle of power which existed in the bosom of God, by which the worlds were framed" ( Smith, Lectures, 1:15; cf. Heb. 11:3). Perhaps at that level, faith
and knowledge could be considered synonymous. God is the embodiment of faith and knowledge, just as he is the embodiment of truth and love and light and justice
and judgment and mercy. And so mortals are working not toward that day when they will no longer live and act by faith but rather toward that day when they operate
by perfect faith. "In the eternal sense," Elder Bruce R. McConkie wrote, "because faith is the power of God himself, it embraces within its fold a knowledge of all
things. This measure of faith, the faith by which the worlds are and were created and which sustains and upholds all things, is found only among resurrected persons. It
is the faith of saved beings" (209).

Further, Moroni 2 set forth the truth found also in the New Testament, the doctrine that one gains faith and comes to "know" as they "do" (John 7:16-17). He
confirmed that "faith is things which are hoped for and not seen; wherefore, dispute not because ye see not, for ye receive no witness until after the trial of your
faith" (Ether 12:6). President Harold B. Lee taught that one must be willing to "walk to the edge of the light, and perhaps a few steps into the darkness, and you will find
that the light will appear and move ahead of you" (cited in Packer, 184). Thus one grows in faith through continued faithfulness, which in turn increases one's knowledge
as one receives a deeper witness (evidence) from the Spirit. Confirming signs or evidence thereby follow one who believes (Morm. 9:24-25; D&C 63:9-11).

How to obtain faith

"Faith comes by hearing the word of God," Joseph Smith taught, "through the testimony of the servants of God; that testimony is always attended by the spirit of
prophecy
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Redeemer" (1 Ne. 19:23). The Zoramites were called upon to plant the word in their hearts, to ponder upon and pray over the idea that Christ should come to earth
and offer salvation to all men (Alma 32:26-31; 33:14-23; 34:4-5). In his sermon on faith (Alma 32-33), Alma described the process by which the faithless can, in time,
develop the saving faith in Christ that leads to life eternal. That process entails belief, action, and spiritual confirmation. One begins through demonstrating a willingness
How to obtain faith

"Faith comes by hearing the word of God," Joseph Smith taught, "through the testimony of the servants of God; that testimony is always attended by the spirit of
prophecy and revelation" (Smith, Teachings, 148). Nephi 1 read the words of Isaiah to his people that he "might more fully persuade them to believe in the Lord their
Redeemer" (1 Ne. 19:23). The Zoramites were called upon to plant the word in their hearts, to ponder upon and pray over the idea that Christ should come to earth
and offer salvation to all men (Alma 32:26-31; 33:14-23; 34:4-5). In his sermon on faith (Alma 32-33), Alma described the process by which the faithless can, in time,
develop the saving faith in Christ that leads to life eternal. That process entails belief, action, and spiritual confirmation. One begins through demonstrating a willingness
to experiment upon the idea of a Savior, to plant that idea in one's heart. One then performs the actions appro-priate to spiritual investigation, such as prayer, scripture
study, association with the people of God, and meaningful service to fellow-men. Then comes a confirmation, the peaceful but powerful assurance that the word is
good, that in fact Jesus is the Christ, the Redeemer of the world, and that salvation comes through him. There also follows the corollary change of nature that flows from
faith in the Lord. The believer begins over time to embody and exemplify Christlike attributes, for "every seed bringeth forth unto its own likeness" (Alma 32:31).

Faith is built upon and strengthened through submission and surrender to the Lord. Mormon spoke of a time when the Nephites "did fast and pray oft, and did wax
stronger and stronger in their humility, and firmer and firmer in the faith of Christ, unto the filling their souls with joy and consolation, yea, even to the purifying and the
sanctification of their hearts, which sanctification cometh because of their yielding their hearts unto God" (Hel. 3:35). Nephi 2 , son of Helaman 3 , taught that faith
comes as people repent and cry unto God, so that "the cloud of darkness shall be removed from overshadowing you" (Hel. 5:41).

In the first estate mankind walked by sight and by faith. Those who were valiant in the premortal existence demonstrated "exceeding faith and good works" there and
were foreordained to significant assignments here (Alma 13:1-6). In this life mankind walks by faith (2 Cor. 5:7). That is, he proceeds through life with the Spirit- given
assurance that his actions are approved of God and will result in the salvation of his soul. Therefore, to see with an "eye of faith" (Alma 5:15; 32:40) is to act according
to the witness of the Spirit, to act as though one has seen and thus has perfect knowledge. The Saints of God thus view things with an eye of faith in this life, until one
day, because of their faithful endurance, they will see "with their eyes the things which they had beheld with an eye of faith" (Ether 12:19). Those who are true to their
covenants in this life will eventually develop and acquire that level of faith that God enjoys, until faith dwells in them independently (McConkie, 169).

Faith, the pathway to eternal life

The Prophet Joseph Smith taught that "when men begin to live by faith they begin to draw near to God; and when faith is perfected they are like him; and because he is
saved they are saved also; for they will be in the same situation he is in, because they have come to him; and when he appears they shall be like him, for they will see
him as he is." In this sense, the plan of salvation is "a system of faith-it begins with faith, and continues by faith; and every blessing which is obtained in relation to it is the
effect of faith, whether it pertains to this life or that which is to come. To this all the revelations of God bear witness" ( Smith, Lectures, 7:8, 17).

Alma 2 taught that if people will nourish the word, especially the proposition concerning the redemptive reality of Jesus the Christ, the fruits of faith will be forthcoming
in their lives, and the seed of faith in Christ "shall take root; and behold it shall be a tree springing up unto everlasting life. And because of your diligence and your faith
and your patience with the word in nourishing it, that it may take root in you, behold, by and by ye shall pluck the fruit thereof, which is most precious, which is sweet
above all that is sweet, and which is white above all that is white, yea, and pure above all that is pure; and ye shall feast upon this fruit even until ye are filled, that ye
hunger not, neither shall ye thirst" (Alma 32:41-42).

See also Belief, believe; Trial of faith; Unbelief.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Packer, Boyd K. The Holy Temple. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1980.

Pratt, Orson. Orson Pratt's Works. Salt Lake City: Parker Pratt Robison, 1965.

Smith, Joseph. Lectures on Faith. Compiled by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

--- . Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Talmage, James E. Articles of Faith. London: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1924.

Millet, Robert L.

Faith eye of

See Eye of faith.

Faith trial of

See Trial of faith.

Faith unto repentance

The motivating power that leads one to repentance and spiritual rebirth (Alma 34:15-17; Hel. 15:7). Thus, faith is "unto," not separate from, repentance. Faith unto
repentance is possible because of the atone-ment of Christ and is required to gain the blessings of "the great and eternal plan of redemption" (Alma 34:15-16).

Top, Brent L.

Fall of Adam and Eve the

The Fall occurred as a consequence of Adam and Eve's partaking of the forbidden fruit in the Garden of Eden. All things had been created in a paradisiacal, ter-restrial,
spiritual condition (not subject to death; 2 Ne. 2:22). When Adam and Eve fell, all things on earth fell with them; the nature of life on earth changed dramatically. All
forms of life then existed in a telestial condition and were subject to disease, decay, death, and sin. Lehi 1 learned from the brass plates that had Adam and Eve not
partaken of the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , "all things which were created must have remained in the same state in which they were after they were
created;
 Copyrightand(c)
              they must have Infobase
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                                          forever,Corp.
                                                   and had no end" (2 Ne. 2:22). That is to say, if Adam and Eve had not taken the fruit, they would still
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some six thousand years later, in their same state, and the other sons and daughters of God would have remained in an unimproved, premortal condition. The great plan
of happiness would have been frustrated. There would have been no children, no blood, no mortality and death, no probationary experience on earth, no atoning
sacrifice, no forgiveness, no resurrection, and thus no hope for joy here or eternal glory hereafter. Thus, "Adam fell that men might be; and men are, that they might
The Fall occurred as a consequence of Adam and Eve's partaking of the forbidden fruit in the Garden of Eden. All things had been created in a paradisiacal, ter-restrial,
spiritual condition (not subject to death; 2 Ne. 2:22). When Adam and Eve fell, all things on earth fell with them; the nature of life on earth changed dramatically. All
forms of life then existed in a telestial condition and were subject to disease, decay, death, and sin. Lehi 1 learned from the brass plates that had Adam and Eve not
partaken of the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , "all things which were created must have remained in the same state in which they were after they were
created; and they must have remained forever, and had no end" (2 Ne. 2:22). That is to say, if Adam and Eve had not taken the fruit, they would still be in the Garden
some six thousand years later, in their same state, and the other sons and daughters of God would have remained in an unimproved, premortal condition. The great plan
of happiness would have been frustrated. There would have been no children, no blood, no mortality and death, no probationary experience on earth, no atoning
sacrifice, no forgiveness, no resurrection, and thus no hope for joy here or eternal glory hereafter. Thus, "Adam fell that men might be; and men are, that they might
have joy" (2 Ne. 2:23-25; cf. Moses 3:9; 5:11; 6:48).

Compared with the teachings of many Christian churches, the Latter- day Saint concept of the fall of Adam and Eve is remarkably optimistic. Joseph Smith and modern
prophets have taught that the Fall was as much a part of the foreordained plan of the Father as was the A tone-ment , that Adam and Eve went into the Garden of Eden
to fall (2 Ne. 2:25; Moses 6:48). The scriptures of the Restoration affirm that partaking of the forbidden fruit constituted a transgression and not a sin. Although the
Book of Mormon does not differentiate between sin and transgression, in this case at least there is a technical distinction (2 Ne. 2:22; 9:6; Mosiah 3:11; Moses 5:10-
11; 6:59; A of F 2; Smith, 63; Oaks, 98). Thus Latter- day Saints do not believe that Adam and Eve's transgression resulted in human depravity or in a type of "original
sin" that entails upon their posterity that would necessitate infant baptism (Moro. 8:8-24). In the words of Elder Orson F. Whitney, "The fall had a twofold direction-
downward, yet forward. It brought man into the world and set his feet upon progression's highway" (287).

The Book of Mormon testifies that the Fall is a companion doctrine with the Atonement. "Just as a man does not really desire food until he is hungry," President Ezra
Taft Benson observed, "so he does not desire the salvation of Christ until he knows why he needs Christ. No one adequately and properly knows why he needs Christ
until he understands and accepts the doctrine of the Fall and its effect upon all mankind. And no other book in the world explains this vital doctrine nearly as well as the
Book of Mormon" (33). In other words, to teach the Atonement without understanding the Fall is to offer medication without knowing of the malady, to present a
solution without pointing out the problem.

The Fall brought upon all mankind a physical death; every man and woman is born into this life, and every man and woman must die-their spirits will be separated from
their bodies. The Fall also brought about spiritual death , an alienation and estrangement from the presence and influence of Deity; all mankind were thus fallen and
thereby "in the grasp of justice; yea, the justice of God" (Alma 42:9, 14). Lehi explained that all mankind would remain in a lost and fallen condition unless they learned
to rely upon the merits and mercy of Christ the Redeemer (1 Ne. 10:6; 2 Ne. 2:8). God "gave commandment that all men must repent; for he showed unto all men that
they were lost, because of the transgression of their parents" (2 Ne. 2:21). As Adam learned, men and women are "conceived in sin" (Moses 6:55), in that they come
forth into a world of sin; and conception becomes the vehicle, the means whereby a fallen nature is transmitted to the posterity of Adam and Eve. Because the seeds of
sin and death are present from the time of conception, as children "begin to grow up, sin conceiveth in their hearts, and they taste the bitter, that they may know to prize
the good" (Moses 6:55). The brother of Jared 1 noted that "because of the fall our natures have become evil continually" (Ether 3:2).

To say that men are not responsible or accountable for their first parents' action is not to say that they are unaffected by it; to say that they do not inherit an original sin
through the Fall is not to say that they do not inherit a fallen nature-mortality, what the scriptures call "the flesh"-and thus the capacity to sin. Fallenness a nd mortality
are inherited, and they are a natural consequence of physical life. An angel thus explained to king Benjamin that all people, including little children, are in desperate need
of the Atonement: "For behold, as in Adam, or by nature, they [children] fall, even so the blood of Christ atoneth for their sins" (Mosiah 3:16). The angel went on to
explain that the natural man , or the spiritually unregenerated man, is an enemy to God and will remain an enemy unless or until he or she is born of the Spirit and thus
transformed in Christ (Mosiah 3:19). As Alma 2 later taught, "all men that are in a state of nature"-in an unrefined, unredeemed condition-are in a state contrary to the
state of happiness and are thus working against their own best interest (Alma 41:10-11).

It is only through the recognition of one's mortal limitations that a person is in a position to come unto Christ and have weakness transformed into strength (Jacob 4:7;
Ether 12:27; 2 Cor. 12:9). Truly, "since man had fallen he could not merit anything of himself; but the sufferings and death of Christ atone for their sins, through faith and
repentance, and so forth" (Alma 22:14). In short, mortals cannot be saved by their own merits, for they would forevermore come short of the divine standard. It is only
through reliance upon the merits and grace of the Holy Messiah that the effects of the Fall may be canceled and the goodness and mercy of Jesus imputed to a person's
account (2 Ne. 2:8; 31:19; Moro. 6:4). President Brigham Young taught, "Do not suppose that we shall ever in the flesh be free from temptations to sin. . . . I think we
shall more or less feel the effects of sin so long as we live, and finally have to pass the ordeals of death" (Young, 10:173). Nephi 1 , surely one of the most faithful men
who ever lived, grieved over his susceptibility to sin. "O wretched man that I am!" he cried out. "I am encompassed about, because of the temptations and the sins
which do so easily beset me" (2 Ne. 4:17-18). Nevertheless, Nephi knew in whom he had trusted: "My God hath been my support" (2 Ne. 4:19-20). Nephi knew his
Lord and trusted in Christ's infinite power to sanctify and save him.

It is not an overstatement to say that Latter- day Saints glory in the fall of Adam and Eve. Because of the Fall, mortality and all its blessings and challenges came to be.
Because of the Fall, all are able to come to earth, take a physical body, learn to bridle their passions and yield their wills to the will of God, and know the sweet peace
that accompanies righteous living. Because of the Fall, these corruptible bodies will die "to fulfil the merciful plan of the great Creator" (2 Ne. 9:6). To answer the
effects of the Fall, Jesus the Christ came to earth as a sinless offering, an infinite and eternal atoning sacrifice. In short, had there been no fall, there would have been no
atonement and thus no hope for joy in this world and eternal glory in the world to come.

See also Awful monster; Curse of Adam, the; Eden, the garden of; First judgment; Innocence, state of; Sin, transgression.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. A Witness and a Warning. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Oaks, Dallin H. Conference Report, October 1993.

Smith, Joseph. The Words of Joseph Smith. Compiled by Andrew F. Ehat and Lyndon W. Cook. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University,
1980.

Whitney, Orson F. Cowley and Whitney on Doctrine. Compiled by Forace Green. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1963.

Young, Brigham. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854- 86.

Millet, Robert L.

Fallen people record of

The Book of Mormon is "a record of a fallen people" (D&C 20:9). It chronicles the rise and fall of two major civilizations in America: the Nephites- Lamanites and the
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fallen state (1 Ne. 10:6; Mosiah 3:18-19; 16:1-8; Alma 42:6-15).
Fallen people record of

The Book of Mormon is "a record of a fallen people" (D&C 20:9). It chronicles the rise and fall of two major civilizations in America: the Nephites- Lamanites and the
Jaredites. In addition, it testifies solemnly that if men and women do not repent and apply the atoning blood of Christ, they will remain forevermore in their lost and
fallen state (1 Ne. 10:6; Mosiah 3:18-19; 16:1-8; Alma 42:6-15).

Millet, Robert L.

False churches

See Churches, false.

False prophets

See Prophets, false.

Familiar spirit

An English translation of the Hebrew word 'owb that refers to (1) a spiritual medium or necromancer who communicates with the dead or (2) a ghost or spirit who
speaks through a necromancer. Isaiah used the term to warn Ariel (another name for Jerusalem) that its inhabitants would be besieged, destroyed, and left to "speak
out of the ground" like "one that hath a familiar spirit" (Isa. 29:1-4). Isaiah's prophecy also refers to the Nephite nation, whose progenitors came out from Jerusalem.
Nephi 1 knew his people would likewise be destroyed, but through the preservation of their words in the Book of Mormon "those who shall be destroyed shall speak .
. . out of the ground, and their speech shall be low out of the dust, and their voice shall be as one that hath a familiar spirit" (2 Ne. 26:15-17). Book of Mormon authors
understood that their words would indeed speak from the grave to future generations (2 Ne. 3:19-20; 33:13; 27:6-14; Morm. 8:23-27; 9:30; Moro. 10:27).

See also Bible, what it says about the Book of Mormon; Crying from the dust.

Meservy, Keith H.

Family

The Book of Mormon can be seen as the journal and saga of a family over a millennium. The opening line of the sacred volume is written by an appreciative son: "I,
Nephi, having been born of goodly parents, therefore I was taught somewhat in all the learning of my father" (1 Ne. 1:1). Moreover, the record keepers of the Book of
Mormon were often fathers and sons.

In the record many important truths about the family and family relations are taught and illustrated. For example, the importance of families in the divine plan can be seen
in the Lord's commandment to Lehi 1 to have his sons return to Jerusalem to obtain wives, for "it was not meet . . . [that Lehi] should take his family into the wilderness
alone; but that his sons should take daughters to wife, that they might raise up seed unto the Lord in the land of promise" (1 Ne. 7:1).

Further, Lehi taught the importance of families as he testified to Jacob 2 that one of the reasons the fall of Adam and Eve was necessary was so that they could have
children and bring forth "the family of all the earth" (2 Ne. 2:19-25; cf. 9:21). Jacob later severely chastised wicked husbands among the Nephites (Jacob 2:7-9) who
had committed "whoredoms"and been unfaithful to their wives and children. He explained how their moral misconduct had "broken the hearts of [their] tender wives,"
"lost the confidence of [their] children," and made them more wicked than the Lamanites who were, in spite of their other sins, faithful to their families (Jacob 2:23-35;
3:1-8). Moroni 1 spoke of the "sacred support" that fathers owe to their families (Alma 44:5), a belief that led them to establish the "title of liberty" (Alma 46:12-13)
and fight valiantly to preserve their families (e.g., Mosiah 20:11; Alma 35:14; 43:9, 45; 48:10, 24; Morm. 2:23).

The record also illustrates that marrying and having children is part of being a righteous society (4 Ne. 1:10-11). Furthermore, faithful parents deeply desire that their
families will accept the gospel and reap the rewards of righteousness (e.g., 1 Ne. 8:12; 2 Ne. 1:13-19; 4:15; 25:26; Jacob 4:2-3). They teach their children true
doctrine and strive to instill faith (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:8-10; 2 Ne. 1-3; Mosiah 1:2-8; 4:14-15; Hel. 5:5-12; Alma 36-42; Moro. 8-9). Children are blessed when they
remember these teachings, live faithful to them, and look to them in times of need (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:1; Enos 1:1, 3; Alma 36:17-18; 56:47-48).

Nephite history shows the tragedy of sibling rivalry. Sadly, centuries of war between the wayward posterity of Laman 1 and Lemuel and the descendants of Nephi 1
resulted primarily over the issue of family leadership (e.g., 1 Ne. 16:37-38; 18:10; 2 Ne. 5:3; Mosiah 10:12-17; Alma 18:38; 54:17).

See also Marriage; Parenting.

Brinley, Douglas E.

Fasting

Abstinence from food and drink for specified periods of time. As it is among Latter- day Saints, fasting was a significant aspect of the religious life in ancient Israel and
among the Nephites. Fasts-private and public, periodic and spontaneous-were important observances.

Periodic fasts

Day of Atonement: The only fast prescribed for the ancient Israelites in the five books of Moses took place on the Day of Atonement, "the tenth day of [the] seventh
month" of the ancient Israelite calendar (the first month of the current Jewish calendar; e.g. Lev. 23:27; cf. 16:29, 31; Num. 29:7-10). The observance of the Day of
Atonement is never mentioned outright in the Book of Mormon but may be connected with Alma 44:24 and 45:1, where fasting, rejoicing, and prayer are mentioned as
taking place at the beginning of the year, or the first month, perhaps the very time when the Day of Atonement was celebrated among the Nephites.

Spontaneous fasts

Fasting following a death: Both the Book of Mormon and the Bible provide examples of fasting as a sign of mourning following a death. Public fasting along with prayer
and mourning occurred in the Book of Mormon after the murder of the chief judge Seezoram (Hel. 9:10). No reason is given in Helaman for these fasts, but they may
have been to obtain solace for the living rather than mercy for the dead. Similarly, after Israel was defeated by the Philistines, the corpses of Saul and his sons were
hung upon the walls of Beth- shan. The men of Jabesh- gilead retrieved their bodies and fasted for seven days (1 Sam. 31:11-13; 1 Chr. 10:12), as did David and his
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Petitionary fasting: Examples of spontaneous petitionary fasts may be found several times in the Book of Mormon and the Old Testament. In the Book of Mormon,
Fasting following a death: Both the Book of Mormon and the Bible provide examples of fasting as a sign of mourning following a death. Public fasting along with prayer
and mourning occurred in the Book of Mormon after the murder of the chief judge Seezoram (Hel. 9:10). No reason is given in Helaman for these fasts, but they may
have been to obtain solace for the living rather than mercy for the dead. Similarly, after Israel was defeated by the Philistines, the corpses of Saul and his sons were
hung upon the walls of Beth- shan. The men of Jabesh- gilead retrieved their bodies and fasted for seven days (1 Sam. 31:11-13; 1 Chr. 10:12), as did David and his
companions (2 Sam. 1:12).

Petitionary fasting: Examples of spontaneous petitionary fasts may be found several times in the Book of Mormon and the Old Testament. In the Book of Mormon,
when Alma the Younger lay speechless and paralyzed, his father gathered the priests "to fast, and to pray to the Lord their God that he would open the mouth of Alma,
that he might speak" (Mosiah 27:22-23; cf. Alma 10:7). So, too, David "fasted, and went in, and lay all night upon the earth" as he prayed to the Lord to spare the life
of his first son with Bathsheba (2 Sam. 12:16-23; cf. Neh. 1:4; Ps. 69:10; 109:24; Dan. 6:18; 9:3).

Preparatory fasting: Fasting in preparation to obtain the gifts of the Spirit can be seen in the Book of Mormon in the account of the sons of Mosiah 2 , who gave
themselves "to much prayer, and fasting; therefore they had the spirit of prophecy, and the spirit of revelation" (Alma 17:3, 9; cf. 5:46; 8:26). Similarly, Moses fasted on
the mountain for forty days before receiving the Ten Commandments (Ex. 34:28; Deut. 9:9).

Fasting as a religious exercise: Although there are three passages in the Book of Mormon that may refer to fasting as a religious exercise before the resurrected Christ
appeared to the Nephites (Omni 1:26; Alma 6:6; Hel. 3:35), following His appearance, fasting is mentioned in the Book of Mormon only as a devotional practice in the
worship of the Christian community (3 Ne. 27:1; 4 Ne. 1:12; Moro. 6:5). Fasting as a devotional exercise, though not found in the Old Testament before the
Babylonian exile, burst into full bloom during the early pre- Christian centuries and is also frequently mentioned in the New Testament ( Testament of Joseph 3:4; 9:2;
Judith 8:6; Luke 2:36-38).

Examples of fasting in the Old Testament and in passages of the Book of Mormon from before the visit of the resurrected Lord show numerous sources of motivation,
but communal fasting as a devotional act plays a relatively minor role. By the time of Christ, however, religious devotion had become an important motive for fasting
and remained so both in the ancient Church in the Holy Land and in the Christian community in the New World.

Ricks, Stephen David

Fatherhood

See Parenting.

Fatness

See Appendix C.

Favored

Term used to describe those indi-viduals and nations who are blessed, protected, and prospered of the Lord on account of their faithfulness and obedience to the
commandments of God (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:1; 3:6; 17:35; 2 Ne. 1:19; Mosiah 1:13; 10:13; Alma 48:20; cf. D&C 130:20-21). A person or nation once favored of the Lord
may lose those blessings and fall from such a state through rebellion and wickedness (e.g., Alma 9:18-23).

See also Respecter of persons.

Top, Brent L.

Fear

The word fear appears in several contexts throughout the Book of Mormon.

1. Fear of the Lord. Reverence, honor, deference, or worship of God (e.g., 2 Ne. 21:2, 3; 27:34; cf. Deut. 6:2; 10:20; Ps. 25:14; Prov. 10:27; Jer. 32:40). "In good
men, the fear of God is a holy awe or reverence of God and his laws, which springs from a just view and real love of the divine character, leading the subjects of it to
hate and shun every thing that can offend such a holy being, and inclining them to aim at perfect obedience" (Webster). Fear of the Lord in this context, a central
concept throughout the Old Testament, is brought into the Book of Mormon through material quoted from Isaiah and Malachi and is found in many other passages as
well. Those who fear God are those whom God declares his "jewels" (3 Ne. 24:17), and they shall be protected, healed, and cared for (3 Ne. 24:16-25:2). The Book
of Mormon gives examples of men who feared God rather than man (Alma 60:28; 3 Ne. 4:10), and contains the admonition to "work out [one's] salvation with fear
before God" (Alma 34:37; Morm. 9:27).

2. Fear of God's judgment. Being afraid of divine punishment (2 Ne. 12:10, 19, 21; Enos 1:23; Mosiah 4:1-2; Alma 36:7). Nephi 1 feared or worried concerning the
fate of his wicked brothers (1 Ne. 17:47; 18:10; cf. 8:4, 36). The Anti- Nephi- Lehies refused further armed con-flict for fear that even one additional slaying might
bring them condemnation despite their repentance for past killings (Alma 27:23; Hel. 15:9). Some individuals' recognition of their sins brought fear, for example,
Sherem (Jacob 7:19), Lamoni (Alma 18:5), and Alma 2 (Alma 36:11). Similarly, many felt fear during divine mani-festations of God's power (e.g., Alma 14:26-27, 29;
19:24; 22:21, 23; Hel. 5:23, 28, 34). Fear of mortal judgment is likewise described (e.g., Alma 1:17-18; 17:29; Hel. 2:11). This type of fear helped expose Seantum
as the killer of the chief judge (Hel. 9:30, 34-35).

3. Fear or absence of fear of mortals (e.g., Mosiah 20:3; Alma 20:11, 23; 47:2; 49:17; Hel. 8:4, 10; Ether 14:18; 3 Ne. 4:10), particularly towards an enemy during
battle (e.g., Alma 2:23; 44:15; 58:29; Hel. 11:32). Related to this absence of fear towards others is the lack of fear (terror) some felt towards death during battle. On
the righteous side, the stripling warriors did not fear death because of their faith (Alma 56:47; cf. 27:28); on the wicked side, the last Nephites were so vengeful it
seemed to Mormon they had no fear of death (Moro. 9:5).

4. Fear or being concerned about something (e.g., Mosiah 21:19; 26:13; 29:7; Alma 26:10; 31:4; 50:32). Often it appears in the phrase, "I fear lest," and this fear
might be best interpreted "worry" (e.g., Ether 12:25; Alma 22:22; 56:55).

5. The challenge to "fear . . . not ." Appears in exhortations (e.g., 2 Ne. 8:7; 9:46) and in words of comfort-"the righteous need not fear" (1 Ne. 22:17, 22; 2 Ne. 9:40).
One of the blessings of the millennial day will be rest from fear (2 Ne. 24:3).

6. False teachings about fear. Nehor taught that one "need not fear nor tremble" because all mankind would be saved (Alma 1:4). And the Lord proclaimed that he
would   do a "marvelous work and a wonder" among latter- day people, because their fear towards him was taught by the "precepts of men" (2 Ne. 27:25-26). One of
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be light (2 Ne. 28:8).
One of the blessings of the millennial day will be rest from fear (2 Ne. 24:3).

6. False teachings about fear. Nehor taught that one "need not fear nor tremble" because all mankind would be saved (Alma 1:4). And the Lord proclaimed that he
would do a "marvelous work and a wonder" among latter- day people, because their fear towards him was taught by the "precepts of men" (2 Ne. 27:25-26). One of
the false philosophies exposed by the Book of Mormon was the notion that one could fear God, yet still "eat, drink, and be merry" because the future judgment would
be light (2 Ne. 28:8).

Bibliography

Webster, Noah. An American Dictionary of the English Language. 1828.

Ludlow, Jared Warner

Fiery flying serpents

Associated with the Egyptian Sinai (Isa. 30:6), these serpents were considered extremely poisonous and came to represent agents of divine chastisement (2 Ne.
24:29). In recounting the proofs of God's power manifested in the Exodus (1 Ne. 17:23-42), Nephi 1 observed that because of the "iniquity" of the Israelites God had
"sent fiery flying serpents among them." But in his mercy God had also "prepared a way that they might be healed" (1 Ne. 17:41). The means of healing consisted of a
brass representation of a serpent twisted on a pole upon which the Israelites could gaze (Num. 21:4-9). This brass serpent was interpreted by later Book of Mormon
prophets to typify the Savior (Hel. 8:14-15; cf. John 3:14-15).

See also Brazen serpent.

Bibliography

Handy, Lowell K. "Serpent (Religious Symbol)." The Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by David Noel Freedman et al. 6 vols. New York: Doubleday, 1992. 5:1113-
15.

Brown, S. Kent

Filthy filthiness

A condition of being polluted, defiled, or unclean. All who have sinned are filthy, and only those who have been washed through the blood of the Savior will be found
clean (Alma 5:21-22). The term "filthy" is also used to describe hell and its inhabitants. In Lehi 1's vision of the tree of life, a river of filthy water constituted an "awful
gulf" which separated the wicked from the tree (1 Ne. 15:26-29; 8:13). This river represented "the depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16), which is a place prepared for those
who are found filthy at the judgment bar (2 Ne. 9:16; Morm. 9:14), for "the kingdom of God is not filthy" and no unclean thing can enter therein (1 Ne. 15:33-34; Alma
7:21). The term "filthy" is also used to describe the polluting effect of sin upon an entire people (1 Ne. 12:23; Jacob 3:5, 9-10; Morm 5:15). The Book of Mormon
illustrates that such filthiness is a condition which can afflict successive gener-ations (Jacob 3:9-10).

Freeman, Robert C.

Fine

See Appendix C.

Fire baptism of

See Baptism of fire.

Fire lake of

See Lake of fire and brimstone.

Firebrands

See Appendix C.

Firm and steadfast and immovable

Being firm and immovable is arriving at that state of faith and conviction which enables the saints of God to undergo tribulation, temptation, and persecution while
remaining resolute and unwavering in their spiritual convictions. This attribute is mentioned several times in the Book of Mormon. King Benjamin concluded his great
sermon with these words: "I would that ye should be steadfast and immovable . . . that Christ . . . may seal you his" (Mosiah 5:15). Father Lehi, fearful for the future of
his son Lemuel, said, "O that thou mightest be like unto this valley, firm and steadfast, and immovable in keeping the commandments of the Lord!" (1 Ne. 2:10). Alma 2
pointed out that despite considerable contention, many of his people "did stand fast in the faith," and "were steadfast and immovable in keeping the commandments of
God, and they bore with patience the per-secution which was heaped upon them" (Alma 1:25). Mormon recounted how, in times of "great persecutions," the "more
humble part of the people" were strengthened in their trial, "and did wax . . . firmer and firmer in the faith of Christ" (Hel. 3:34-35). Samuel the Lamanite lauded those
Lamanite converts to the Church who remained "firm and steadfast in the faith" (Hel. 15:8, 10), and the record kept by Nephi 3 , grandson of Helaman 3 , similarly
praises the Lamanite converts for being "firm, and steadfast, and immovable, willing with all diligence to keep the commandments of the Lord" (3 Ne. 6:14).

Cracroft, Richard H.

First judgment

Physical and spiritual death , the decreed consequence of Adam and Eve's transgression in partaking of the forbidden fruit (Alma 12:23-24; Hel. 14:16; Gen. 2:17;
Moses 3:17). Jacob 2 testified that without the infinite atonement of Jesus Christ the "first judgment" would be "endless"-"this flesh must have laid down to rot and to
crumble to its mother earth, to rise no more. . . . And our spirits must have become like unto [the devil] . . . to be shut out from the presence of our God" (2 Ne. 9:7-
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See also Awful monster; Fall of Adam and Eve, the.
Physical and spiritual death , the decreed consequence of Adam and Eve's transgression in partaking of the forbidden fruit (Alma 12:23-24; Hel. 14:16; Gen. 2:17;
Moses 3:17). Jacob 2 testified that without the infinite atonement of Jesus Christ the "first judgment" would be "endless"-"this flesh must have laid down to rot and to
crumble to its mother earth, to rise no more. . . . And our spirits must have become like unto [the devil] . . . to be shut out from the presence of our God" (2 Ne. 9:7-
10).

See also Awful monster; Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Largey, Dennis L.

First place

Alma 2 explained that "in the first place"-in the premortal existence-men were "left to choose good or evil." Being endowed with moral agency in that first estate (Abr.
3:22-26), many exercised "exceeding faith and good works" and were therefore foreordained to receive the priesthood in mortality (Alma 13:3).

See also Premortal existence.

Millet, Robert L.

Firstfruits first- fruits first fruits

Term used at least three ways in the Book of Mormon.

1. Jesus Christ himself, as "the first that should rise" from the dead, or be resurrected, and also "the firstfruits unto God, inasmuch as he shall make intercession for all
the children of men" (2 Ne. 2:8-9; 1 Cor. 15:20, 23; Col. 1:15-18). In addition, the term "firstfruits" in reference to Jesus Christ is appropriate because he is the
"Firstborn" spirit child of Elohim (D&C 93:21). As a foreshadowing of Jesus Christ as "firstfruits" the ancient Israelites were commanded to "give," or dedicate to God,
the "firstborn of [their] sons" (Ex. 22:29), to sacrifice to God the "firstling males" of their flocks and herds (Deut. 15:19-21), and to bring "the first of the firstfruits" of
their land "into the house of the Lord" (Ex. 23:19). Book of Mormon peoples followed this same practice, "according to the law of Moses," specifically noting the
sacrifice of the "firstlings of their flocks" (Mosiah 2:3).

2. Followers of Christ who are worthy to come forth in the first resurrection and be "presented as the first- fruits of Christ unto God" (Jacob 4:11), the first harvest of
souls redeemed through the atonement of Christ.

3. The first action as a consequence of another action or principle. For example, "the first fruits of repentance is baptism" (Moro. 8:25).

See also Fruit.

Wilson, Keith J.

Flatter flattery

"To coax; to attempt to win by . . . praise or enticements," also "false praise; commendation . . . for the purpose of gaining favor and influence" (Webster). Flattery
appears in context with deception (Mosiah 26:6), idolatry (Mosiah 11:7), apostasy (Alma 46:7), cunning words (Ether 8:2), vain words (Mosiah 11:7), leading hearts
to do wickedly (Alma 46:10; Mosiah 27:8), bringing souls to destruction (Alma 30:47), false prophets (Hel. 13:27-28), false doctrine (Jacob 7:2), powerful speech
attributed to the power of the devil (Jacob 7:4), and making promises for personal gain (Alma 46:5; Hel. 2:5; Ether 8:17). Only once is flattery used in a positive sense-
Ammon 2 "flattered," (persuaded or encouraged) his fellow servants at the waters of Sebus to retrieve the scattered flocks (Alma 17:31).

Flattery is one of Satan's most effective tools. "And behold," Nephi 1 taught, "others he flattereth away, and telleth them there is no hell; and . . . I am no devil, for there
is none-and thus he whispereth in their ears, until he grasps them with his awful chains, from whence there is no deliverance" (2 Ne. 28:22).

President Joseph F. Smith identified flattery as one of the three great temptations facing the Latter- day Saints (Smith, 312-13).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph F. Gospel Doctrine. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1986.

Webster, Noah. An American Dictionary of the English Language. 1828.

Bott, Randy L.

Flaxen cord

A single lightweight linen strand. This type of cordage is not durable and with some effort it can be broken. The phrase "flaxen cord" symbolizes Satan's effort to use a
sin or spiritual weakness to lead an individual from one degree of sin to another. If one does not sever himself from these weaker "cords" (i.e., sins) but "justify . . . a
little sin" (2 Ne. 28:8), Satan will eventually bind him permanently with his "strong cords" (2 Ne. 26:22; Alma 34:35).

Williams, Clyde James

Flesh

A word used with three principle meanings: (1) the physical body (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:48; 2 Ne. 9:4-8; Mosiah 12:2); (2) mankind in mortality (e.g., 1 Ne. 19:14; 21:26;
22:22; 2 Ne. 2:5, 8, 21; 4:34; Alma 31:26); and (3) ten-dencies and temptations associated with the physical, fallen body (e.g., 1 Ne. 19:6; 22:23; 2 Ne. 2:28-29;
4:17, 27; 10:24).

Were it not for the Savior's atonement, "this flesh must have laid down to rot and to crumble to its mother earth, to rise no more" (2 Ne. 9:7-8). The broken bread of
the sacrament represents the broken flesh of the Savior (3 Ne. 18:5-7) who took upon himself flesh and blood (Mosiah 7:27), and having laid down his life, took it up
again to bring
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                              Infobase (2  Ne. 2:8)
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performed in the flesh, or in the mortal body (Alma 5:15; 11:43-44).

God "created all flesh . . . the one being . . . as precious in his sight as the other," his purpose being that "they should keep his commandments and glorify him
4:17, 27; 10:24).

Were it not for the Savior's atonement, "this flesh must have laid down to rot and to crumble to its mother earth, to rise no more" (2 Ne. 9:7-8). The broken bread of
the sacrament represents the broken flesh of the Savior (3 Ne. 18:5-7) who took upon himself flesh and blood (Mosiah 7:27), and having laid down his life, took it up
again to bring to pass the resurrection (2 Ne. 2:8) of all mankind in which spirit and flesh will be reunited to stand before God and be judged according to the works
performed in the flesh, or in the mortal body (Alma 5:15; 11:43-44).

God "created all flesh . . . the one being . . . as precious in his sight as the other," his purpose being that "they should keep his commandments and glorify him
forever" (Jacob 2:21). But, as all men are lost and fallen (1 Ne. 10:6), no flesh (no fallen person) can be justified before God, nor can any flesh dwell in his presence
except through the regenerating power of the Atonement (2 Ne. 2:5, 8). Man's task is to repent while in the flesh, a period of probation for that purpose (2 Ne. 2:21).

The devil seeks to subject mankind through the appetites of the flesh, while God works with man's spirit through the enticing of the Holy Spirit (2 Ne. 2:28-29; Mosiah
3:19; cf. 1 Ne. 22:23). Jacob 2 pled with his brethren to "reconcile yourselves to the will of God, and not to the will of the devil and the flesh" (2 Ne. 10:24), earlier
reminding them that "to be carnally- minded is death, and to be spiritually- minded is life eternal" (2 Ne. 9:39).

Thomas, M. Catherine

Flesh according to the

See According to the flesh.

Flesh after the manner of the

See After the manner of the flesh.

Flowers

Plant reproductive structures. Parts or types of flowers are referred to three times in the Book of Mormon in the context of metaphors and similes used to warn and
teach the people. Isaiah warned the wicked that in the day the Lord punishes them, "their blossoms shall go up as dust," suggesting that they will not be allowed
posterity (2 Ne. 15:24 // Isa. 5:24). Abinadi apparently warned wicked king Noah 3 that he would soon be driven from his throne just like the wind drives away the
blossoms or down of a thistle flower (Mosiah 12:12). The Savior instructed the Nephite Twelve disciples that while they ministered to the people they should rely on
the Lord for sustenance, as do the beautiful "lilies of the field" (3 Ne. 13:28; cf. Matt. 6:28; Luke 12:27).

See also Trees.

Foods

See Agriculture in the Book of Mormon.

Forbidden fruit

The fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil was forbidden to Adam and Eve upon penalty of death (2 Ne. 2:15-19; Mosiah 3:26; Alma 12:22-23; Moses 3:9,
16-17). The nature of the forbidden fruit has not been revealed. Elder Bruce R. McConkie suggested that when Adam and Eve partook of this fruit they "complied with
whatever the law was that brought mortality into being" (McConkie, 86). Thus God's prohibition against partaking of the "forbidden fruit" may have been essentially a
statement of consequences, what would come about if and when they did partake: The Lord said that if Adam "wished to remain as he was in the garden, then he was
not to eat the fruit, but if he desired to eat it and partake of death he was at liberty to do so" (Smith, 231).

See also Cherubim and a flaming sword; Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. " Was the Fall of Adam Neces-sary?" Improvement Era 65 (April 1962): 230- 31.

Millet, Robert L.

Foreknowledge of God

The ability of God to see and know the future. The Book of Mormon affirms unequivocally the foreknowledge of God-"For he knoweth all things, and there is not
anything save he knows it" (2 Ne. 9:20). This knowledge includes the history of the earth and of individuals from their beginning to their end (Ether 3:25-27; cf. 1 Ne.
11-15; 14:26; 2 Ne. 27:7, 10; Moses 1:8). God's fore-knowledge permits his followers to have absolute trust in him. They can trust him because "he prepareth a way
to accomplish all his works among the children of men; for behold, he hath all power unto the fulfilling of all his words" (1 Ne. 9:6; cf. Smith, 4:5, 11). Additionally,
God's foreknowledge testifies to the "obstinate" that the true source of this knowledge is God, not an idol (1 Ne. 20:3-8).

Centuries before particular events took place, God revealed to his prophets important details pertaining to the history and salvation of mankind on this earth. Some of
these events included the birth and ministry of the Savior (1 Ne. 11:12-21; Mosiah 3:5-10), the great apostasy (1 Ne. 13:2-9, 20-29), the scattering and gathering of
Israel (Jacob 5; 1 Ne. 22:3-12), the history of the Nephites and Lamanites (1 Ne. 12; 2 Ne. 26:1-10), the discovery and colonization of America (1 Ne. 13:12-19; 3
Ne. 21:4), the coming forth of the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 13:34-36; 2 Ne. 27), the restoration of the gospel (1 Ne. 15:13-15; 22:8-11; 2 Ne. 3), the last days
(Morm. 8:26-35), the second coming of Christ (3 Ne. 24), and the Millennium (1 Ne. 22:24-28; 2 Ne. 30:12-18).

Furthermore, the Book of Mormon teaches that in the premortal existence, God fore-ordained those whom he foreknew to hold his priesthood and become leaders in
his kingdom on the earth (Alma 13:3, 7; cf. Abr. 3:23; Jer. 1:5; JS-H 1:33).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph.
 Copyright     Lectures on Faith.
           (c) 2005-2009,         Compiled
                           Infobase Media by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.
                                           Corp.                                                                                                    Page 609 / 919
Draper, Richard D.
his kingdom on the earth (Alma 13:3, 7; cf. Abr. 3:23; Jer. 1:5; JS-H 1:33).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Lectures on Faith. Compiled by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Draper, Richard D.

Foreordination

See Chosen.

Forgiveness

Two related meanings of this word may be found in the Book of Mormon.

1. The mercy that one extends to a fellow being who has injured, offended, or trespassed against him. The Lord expects those who profess to be his disciples to
"forgive one another [their] trespasses." One who fails to forgive others "hath brought himself under condemnation" (Mosiah 26:31; cf. D&C 64:9-11). Christ taught his
disciples that forgiveness of personal sin is directly linked to their forgiveness of others (3 Ne. 13:11, 14-15; cf. Matt. 6:14-15; 18:21-35).

2. A remission of sins. Through faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, repentance , and baptism, a sinner applies the atonement of Jesus Christ to sins for which he is
accountable, and he is forgiven, being made pure and clean before the Lord (Mosiah 4:2,10; 3 Ne. 27:19-20). There is one sin for which forgiveness is unavailable:
denying the Holy Ghost (Alma 39:6; D&C 76:30-38; 132:27). Though "all manner of sin and blasphemy shall be forgiven unto men," except "blasphemy against the
Holy Ghost" (Matt. 12:31-32; cf. Smith, 356-57), one can sin seriously enough that forgiveness cannot be granted on the same basis it is granted for less serious sins.
Murderers, for instance, must traverse a different path than others to obtain forgiveness. Faith, repentance, ordinances, and grace by virtue of the atonement of Christ
are not enough in their case. These things are necessary but not sufficient; they must also suffer "through hell" (Smith, 339) even "until they have paid the last
farthing" (Smith, 189; cf. 359; Alma 39:6). President Boyd K. Packer taught that "forgiveness does not, however, necessarily assure exaltation, as is the case with
David (see D&C 132:38-39; see also Ps. 16:10; Acts 2:25-27)" (21 n. 15).

The Book of Mormon teaches how to know that one has obtained a forgiveness of sins. There are numerous examples of people, such as Enos, king Benjamin's
people, and Alma the Younger, who received and recognized forgiveness. Among the indicators or "fruits of forgiveness" is a peace of conscience. To Enos, the Lord
declared, "Thy sins are forgiven thee, and thou shalt be blessed" (Enos 1:5). Enos wrote, "My guilt was swept away" (Enos 1:6). King Benjamin's people knew they
had been forgiven of their sins by "having [a] peace of conscience" (Mosiah 4:3; cf. 27:29). Forgiveness of sins also brings increased feelings of divine joy and love for
and from God (Mosiah 4:2-3; Alma 5:26; Moro. 8:26). King Benjamin's people further attested that as they gained a remission of their sins, the Lord "wrought a
mighty change in us, or in our hearts, that we have no more disposition to do evil, but to do good continually" (Mosiah 5:2; cf. Alma 13:11-12; 19:33). Obtaining
forgiveness of sin also brings increased love for our fellowmen and a desire to serve and save them (1 Ne. 8:12; Mosiah 4:11, 13, 16; Alma 36:24). As evidenced by
the sons of Mosiah 2 and others, receiving forgiveness through the Atonement not only cleanses one of sins but inspires devotion to others and thus enables greater
service in the kingdom of God (Mosiah 27:35-36; 28:2-4; cf. Enos 1:9, 11).

King Benjamin taught that after obtaining forgiveness, one must strive to "retain a remission of . . . sins" through remembering "the greatness of God," humbling oneself,
praying, and "standing steadfastly in the faith" (Mosiah 4:11-12).

See also Born again; Murder; Unpardonable sin.

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd K. "The Brilliant Morning of Forgiveness." Ensign 25 (November 1995): 18- 21.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Top, Brent L.

Form of a dove

Nephi 1 testified that after Jesus' baptism, the Holy Ghost would descend "upon him in the form of a dove" (1 Ne. 11:27; 2 Ne. 31:8). Joseph Smith explained that
John "led the Son of God into the waters of baptism, and had the privilege of beholding the Holy Ghost descend in the form of a dove, or rather in the sign of the dove,
in witness of that administration[.] The sign of the dove was instituted before the creation of the world, a witness for the Holy Ghost, and the devil cannot come in the
sign of a dove. The Holy Ghost is a per-sonage, and is in the form of a personage. It does not confine itself to the form of the dove but in sign of the dove. The Holy
Ghost cannot be transformed into a dove; but the sign of a dove was given to John to signify the truth of the deed, as the dove is an emblem or token of truth and
innocence" (Smith, 275-76).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Fronk, Camille

Fornication

See Chastity.

Forswear

See Appendix C.

Fortifications
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-Man- made structures designed to limit the mobility of attackers and protect defenders from attack. The Book of Mormon describes the use of a number of types of
forti-fications including walled cites, ditches, wooden palisades, breastworks of timber and earth, fortified gates, pickets, towers, and strongholds.
See Appendix C.

Fortifications

-Man- made structures designed to limit the mobility of attackers and protect defenders from attack. The Book of Mormon describes the use of a number of types of
forti-fications including walled cites, ditches, wooden palisades, breastworks of timber and earth, fortified gates, pickets, towers, and strongholds.

The most detailed description of fortifications in the Book of Mormon comes from the great wars in the early first century b.c. (Alma 49:2-22; 50:1-11; 53:3-7). The
fortifications described in these examples seem to have been typical of Book of Mormon fortifications in general (Alma 50:6). The foundation of the fortification was an
earthen wall created by digging a "ditch" (Alma 49:18; 53:3) and "cast[ing] up" (Alma 53:4) a "ridge of earth round about" (Alma 49:4; 50:1). The ditch faced outward,
toward the enemy, thus in effect doubling the height of the earthen wall (Alma 49:18), since an enemy would have to both climb out of the ditch and over the wall. This
basic fortification could be strengthened by adding a timber palisade on top of the earthen wall (Alma 50:1-2), or a timber structure to support the earthen wall (Alma
53:4). They could be further strengthened by wooden towers (Alma 50:2-4).

This description corresponds quite closely to archaeological evidence of Mesoamerican fortifications such as those found at Becan. It has only been in the past few
decades that strong archaeological evidence concerning the extensive use of fortifications in pre- Columbian Mesoamerica has been properly evaluated. Recent
archaeological studies have demonstrated that fortifications were widespread in Mesoamerica from at least the first millennium b.c. Pre- Columbian forti-fications
identified by archaeologists include walls of earth, mud brick, or stone; wooden palisades; spike and thorn barriers; moats and trenches; fortified bridges and gates;
special fortifications for missile troops (archers, slingers, and javelin men); and towers and other elevated structures, broadly paralleling the types of fortifications
described in the Book of Mormon.

In contrast to ancient Near Eastern siegecraft but in parallel with pre- Columbian siegecraft, no types of pre- gunpowder artillery, siege engines, or siege towers are
mentioned in the Book of Mormon.

See also Armor; Warfare in the Book of Mormon; Weapons.

Bibliography

Sorenson, John L. "Fortifications in the Book of Mormon Account Compared with Mesoamerican Fortifi-cations." Warfare in the Book of Mormon. Edited by
Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1990.

Hamblin, William J.

Foundation

Two meanings for this term may be found in the Book of Mormon.

1. That period in the premortal existence when preparations were made to carry out God's great and eternal purposes, the plan of redemption. Hence, Book of
Mormon prophets employed the phrase "from the foundation of the world" in referring to the time during which God prepared the plan of redemption (1 Ne. 10:18;
Mosiah 15:19; Alma 12:25, 30; 18:39; 22:13; 42:26), provided for a Savior (Mosiah 18:13; Hel. 5:47; Ether 3:14), foreordained priesthood bearers (Alma 13:3, 5),
and prepared his kingdom for the righteous (2 Ne. 9:18).

2. A direct reference to Jesus Christ. Jacob 2 and Helaman 3 taught that as the "stone" or "rock" upon which faith must be built, Christ is the "only sure foundation" of
everyone's hope for redemption, even for the Jews, though they would reject him during his mortal ministry (Jacob 4:15-17; Hel. 5:12).

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Fountain

A body or source of water, such as a spring, well, pool, reservoir, or sea. Used literally, the word is consistent with ancient Near Eastern language patterns, as in the
phrases "the fountain of the Red Sea" (1 Ne. 2:9) or "a fountain of pure water" (Mosiah 18:5).

Often "fountain" is used metaphorically to refer to a concentrated source of righteousness or wickedness. Lehi 1 , for example, exhorted Lemuel to be like the river they
had seen emptying into the Red Sea, "continually running into the fountain of all righteousness" (1 Ne. 2:9). Nephi 1 saw in vision that the rod of iron, or word of God,
"led to the fountain of living waters" which was "a representation of the love of God" (1 Ne. 11:25). On the other hand, he learned that "the fountain of filthy water . . .
and the depths thereof are the depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16). Mormon taught that an evil man cannot do that which is good (Moro. 7:10). He illustrated his point by
using the analogy of a fountain: "For behold, a bitter fountain cannot bring forth good water; neither can a good fountain bring forth bitter water; wherefore, a man being
a servant of the devil cannot follow Christ; and if he follow Christ he cannot be a servant of the devil" (Moro. 7:11).

Ultimately, "fountain" is used as a symbol for Jesus Christ, as Mormon implied. Moroni was commanded to write in order that the children of men might "come unto the
fountain of all righteousness and be saved" (Ether 8:26). He was further taught by the Lord that the "fountain of all righteousness" is the Lord himself (Ether 12:28).
Indeed, Jesus Christ is the source and reservoir of all truth and goodness. The Savior taught this concept in the eastern hemisphere to the Samaritan woman at the well
during his mortal ministry. He referred to himself as the source or well of "living water. . . . springing up into everlasting life" (John 4:10, 14; cf. Alma 32:41).

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Fowl

See Animals.

Freedom

A condition or state that allows self- determination to act or carry out choices resulting from the exercise of agency . In the Book of Mormon, freedom refers primarily
to the absence of bondage or enslavement to others, although the book's central message is the acquisition of freedom from the bondage of sin and death through Christ
(Mosiah 5:8; cf. 2 Ne. 2:26-27; Alma 58:41). From the days of Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 5:14; Jacob 1:10), the righteous sought to preserve their "freedom from bondage" by
defending themselves against their enemies when commanded by the Lord (Alma 51:21; 43:45-49; 3 Ne. 2:12; cf. D&C 98:23-33). Mormon described captain
Moroni   as a(c)
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(Alma 43:48). He established the standard known as the title of liberty, which stated, "In memory of our God, our religion, and freedom, and our peace, our wives, and
our children" (Alma 46:12). Pahoran 1 equated this "spirit of freedom" with having the "Spirit of God" (Alma 61:15).
A condition or state that allows self- determination to act or carry out choices resulting from the exercise of agency . In the Book of Mormon, freedom refers primarily
to the absence of bondage or enslavement to others, although the book's central message is the acquisition of freedom from the bondage of sin and death through Christ
(Mosiah 5:8; cf. 2 Ne. 2:26-27; Alma 58:41). From the days of Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 5:14; Jacob 1:10), the righteous sought to preserve their "freedom from bondage" by
defending themselves against their enemies when commanded by the Lord (Alma 51:21; 43:45-49; 3 Ne. 2:12; cf. D&C 98:23-33). Mormon described captain
Moroni as a great preserver of freedom (Alma 48:11-13) who fought against the Lamanites and Nephite dissenters by inspiring his troops with thoughts of liberty
(Alma 43:48). He established the standard known as the title of liberty, which stated, "In memory of our God, our religion, and freedom, and our peace, our wives, and
our children" (Alma 46:12). Pahoran 1 equated this "spirit of freedom" with having the "Spirit of God" (Alma 61:15).

To remind the Nephites of the blessings of freedom, Alma the Younger admonished them to remember both the captivity of their fathers (Alma 5:6; 29:11-12; 36:28-
29) and the source of their deliverance from bondage (Alma 5:4; 36:2), a message he had personally received from an angel (Mosiah 27:16).

Additionally, the Book of Mormon teaches concerning the necessity of establishing governments and electing political leaders that will preserve freedom (Mosiah 29:18,
25; Alma 50:39; 59:13; cf. Ether 6:22-23); it warns against establishing secret combinations, which will "overthrow" freedom (Ether 8:25; cf. 3 Ne. 9:9); it proclaims
the "decrees of God" to those who live on the promised land who desire to maintain freedom (Ether 2:9-12); and it contains prophecies pertaining to God's involvement
in the establishment of America as a free land to accomplish his divine purposes (1 Ne. 13:17-19; 3 Ne. 21:4).

See also Book of Mormon, selected themes of, bondage and deliverance.

Merrill, Byron R.

Freemen

Nephite citizens who "covenanted to maintain their rights and the privileges of their religion by a free government" and who favored the retention of Pahoran 1 as chief
judge (Alma 51:6; 67 b.c. ). The freemen, also called the "people of liberty" (Alma 51:7, 13) opposed the king- men , a Nephite faction who desired that the laws of
the land be altered to establish a king. When Pahoran refused the petitions of the king- men to change the law, they were angry and sought his removal (Alma 51:3-4).
To settle the contention between the two divisions (king- men and freemen), an appeal was made to the voice of the people , resulting in favor of Pahoran and the
freemen. Although the king- men were defeated, they persisted in their efforts to establish a king, even to the extent of driving Pahoran and the freemen from Zarahemla
(Alma 61:3-5). Upon being informed of this internal rebellion through an epistle from Pahoran, captain Moroni hastened to Pahoran's assistance with "a small number of
men." Rallying troops en route, they arrived in the land of Gideon, united forces with Pahoran and the freemen, and retook Zarahemla (Alma 62:1-9; ca. 62 b.c. ).

The freemen are also mentioned as troops under Moroni's command in the wars with the Lamanites (Alma 60:25).

Manscill, Craig K.

Fro

See Appendix C.

Fruit

The word fruit has four different meanings in the Book of Mormon.

1. The love of God . Partaking of the fruit of the tree of life is the focus of Lehi 1's dream . Eating the fruit represents partaking of the love of God-the greatest
manifestation being the condescension of God-Christ's birth, life, and atonement (1 Ne. 11:2-33). God's love is evidenced by his children in such ways as forgiveness,
joy, resurrection, spiritual gifts, and the ultimate gift of eternal life (Enos 1:2-8; Mosiah 4:1-3; Alma 36:16-21; 2 Ne. 2:8; Mosiah 15:9; Moro. 10:8-18; 1 Ne. 15:36;
D&C 14:7). The fruit tasted sweeter, appeared more white, and produced greater joy and desire for righteous-ness than anything Lehi had ever experienced. All who
"press . . . forward, continually holding fast to the rod of iron" will likewise be able to experience this glorious fruit (1 Ne. 8:30, 10-12).

In his sermon to the outcast Zoramites 2 (Alma 32-33), Alma 2 identified fruit as the reward of a process, begun by planting a seed of desire to believe in Christ, and
nurtured by faith, diligence, and patience. Descriptive of the bounteous blessings of Christ's atonement, the fruit is most precious, sweet, white, and filling, leaving a
disciple to no more hunger or thirst (Alma 32:42).

2. The product of a person's endeavors, whether righteous or evil, and the basis for Christ's judgment. The Savior taught that people are known by their fruits or works
(3 Ne. 14:15-20; cf. Moro. 7:5-11). Qualification for baptism requires a candidate to bring "forth fruit . . . worthy of it" (Moro. 6:1). Worthy fruit includes sincere
repentance, a broken heart and contrite spirit, and a determination to serve Christ to the end (Moro. 6:2-3; D&C 20:37). All are invited to bring "forth fruit meet for
repentance" to receive the Lord's greatest blessings (Alma 12:15; 13:13; 34:30).

In Zenos' allegory (Jacob 5), preserving the fruit of the olive trees is the sole concern of the Lord. This effort represents the Lord's purpose, his work and glory (Jacob
5:54; Moses 1:39). The fruit itself, good or bad, represents people's response to Christ's labors on their behalf. He grieves when the fruit becomes bitter despite his
constant care and efforts. He rejoices with his laborers when much good fruit (righteous, covenant- keeping people) is produced and becomes "like unto one body" and
"equal" (Jacob 5:74), descriptive of a Zion- like people (Moses 7:18).

3. Progeny. Described as "the fruit of my loins" (2 Ne. 3:4, 14; Jacob 2:25).

4. The edible part of a plant (1 Ne. 17:5-6; 18:6; Mosiah 9:9; 3 Ne. 24:11).

See also Firstfruits, first-fruits, first fruits; Forbidden fruit; Fruit meet for repentance.

Fronk, Camille

Fruit meet for repentance

Deeds or "fruit" that are "meet for," meaning appropriate to repentance or indicative of it. Alma 2 declared that to be saved and enter into the "rest of the Lord," one
must bring forth "fruit meet for repentance" (Alma 12:15; 13:12-13). This " fruit" includes works of righteousness, humility, faith, obedience, and baptism for the
remission of sins (Alma 5:33-36, 54; Moro. 8:25).

Top, Brent L.
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Fulfill all righteousness
must bring forth "fruit meet for repentance" (Alma 12:15; 13:12-13). This " fruit" includes works of righteousness, humility, faith, obedience, and baptism for the
remission of sins (Alma 5:33-36, 54; Moro. 8:25).

Top, Brent L.

Fulfill all righteousness

Nephi 1 explained that the Savior "fulfill[ed] all righteousness" by being baptized in that he showed the "straitness of the path, and the narrowness of the gate,"
demonstrating humility and obedience to the will of the Father and setting an example for all mankind (2 Ne. 31:5-21; cf. Matt. 3:15). The Prophet Joseph Smith
observed that no accountable person, not even the sinless Son of Man, can enter the kingdom of God without baptism (Smith, 266).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Bott, Randy L.

Fulness of his own time

See Fulness of time.

Fulness of iniquity

The stage of sin and evil that inevitably leads to destruction. "It is the everlasting decree of God" that the people who inhabit the Americas "shall serve God or shall be
swept off" when they have reached the "fulness of iniquity" (Ether 2:10). This stage is reached when the people, by rejecting "every word of God" (1 Ne. 17:35), have
"ripened in iniquity" (Ether 2:9).

The Book of Mormon mentions conditions that lead to a fulness of iniquity. For example, when the great destructions among the Nephites and Lamanites occurred
immediately before the appearance of Christ in the Americas, the survivors were told why the wicked had been destroyed. They had killed the prophets and cast out
the righteous from among them (3 Ne. 9:10-11; cf. Alma 10:23; Hel. 13:13-14).

The Book of Mormon also mentions other specific types of wickedness that characterize societies that are approaching the fulness of iniquity: delight in violence
(Morm. 4:11), support of secret combinations (3 Ne. 9:9; Ether 8:20-22), indulgence in the occult (Morm. 1:19; 2:10), and gross debauchery (Moro. 9:8-11). When
people seek "for happiness in doing iniquity" all the days of their lives, the days of their "probation are past . . . [and] it is ever-lastingly too late, and [their] destruction is
made sure" (Hel. 13:38). They reach the fulness of iniquity.

Near the end of Nephite society, the military leader and prophet Mormon, writing to his son Moroni, explained why he felt that his people would be destroyed. He
lamented, "How can we expect that God will stay his hand in judgment against us? . . . O the depravity of my people! They are without order and without mercy. . . .
Behold, thou knowest the wickedness of this people; thou knowest that they are without principle, and past feeling. . . . Behold, my son, I cannot recommend them
unto God lest he should smite me" (Moro. 9:14, 18-21).

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Fulness of the Gentiles

That period of time, beginning with the restoration of the gospel through Joseph Smith, in which the fulness of the gospel is taken primarily to Gentile nations. The
fulness of the Gentiles culminates or is "fulfilled" at or near the second coming of Christ, after the Gentiles have had a full opportunity to receive the gospel. Gospel
preaching will then be directed principally to the Jews and all the house of Israel.

The term "fulness of the Gentiles" is used twice in the Book of Mormon, once by Nephi 1 and once by Christ. Nephi prophesied that "through the fulness of the
Gentiles . . . in the latter days . . . shall the fulness of the gospel of the Messiah come unto the Gentiles, and from the Gentiles unto the remnant of our seed" (1 Ne.
15:13). To his twelve disciples in America the Savior explained that "through the fulness of the Gentiles" the scattered descendants of the Jews, "my people at
Jerusalem," would be brought to a knowledge of their Redeemer. He clarified that such would happen "in the latter day" when the "fulness of these things [would] be
made known" to the Gentiles (3 Ne. 16:4-7).

Although Book of Mormon prophets clearly taught that the Gentiles would take the gospel to all the house of Israel and to all nations, they did not always use the
phrase "fulness of the Gentiles" in discussing this concept (Title Page; 1 Ne. 21-22; 2 Ne. 27; 29-30; Jacob 5-6; 3 Ne. 21). In one instance, Nephi employed the
phrase "days of the Gentiles" to refer to this concept and the designated time period, "the last days" (2 Ne. 27:1).

In 1823 Moroni 2 told Joseph Smith "that the fulness of the Gentiles was soon to come in" (JS-H 1:41). The Doctrine and Covenants contains the phrase "times of the
Gentiles" instead of "fulness of the Gentiles," but "times of the Gentiles" refers to the same period and specifies what marks the beginning and ending of that era: "When
the times of the Gentiles is come in, a light shall break forth among them that sit in dark-ness, and it shall be the fulness of my gospel" (D&C 45:28), a clear reference to
the Restoration. In one sense, the times of the Gentiles "began" in the days of Paul, when he turned from preaching to the Jews and offered the gospel to the Gentiles
(Acts 13:46-47). In Paul's day the gospel was preached first to the Jews and then to the Gentiles. In the latter days the gospel goes first to the Gentiles and then to the
Jews (1 Ne. 13:42). The restoration of the gospel through the Prophet Joseph Smith marks the beginning, or the coming in, of the "times of the Gentiles" in the latter
days. The fulfilling of the times, or fulness of the Gentiles, will take place in a generation that rejects the light "because of the precepts of men," a generation that will "see
an overflowing scourge . . . a desolating sickness" covering the land, as well as war, natural cala-mities, and "many desolations" (D&C 45:29-33). Moreover, Luke
stated that "the generation when the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled, shall not pass away, till all be fulfilled" (JST Luke 21:32; cf. D&C 45:35-44).

An important promise the Lord made to the Jews will be realized when the times (fulness) of the Gentiles is fulfilled: Although they have been trodden down and "led
away captive into all nations," they will be gathered again to Jerusalem and taught of the Lord (Luke 21:24; Rom. 11:25; D&C 45:24-25, 48-53). Nephi prophesied
that even before the full realization of this promise, the Jews would "begin to believe in Christ; and they shall begin to gather in upon the face of the land" (2 Ne. 30:7).

See also Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Israel, gathering of; Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning; Last shall be first, and the first shall be last.

Dahl, Larry Evans
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Fulness of the gospel

The Book of Mormon contains the fulness of the gospel , as defined by the Savior (D&C 20:9; 27:5; 42:12). As a second witness, this record declares the good news
See also Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Israel, gathering of; Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning; Last shall be first, and the first shall be last.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Fulness of the gospel

The Book of Mormon contains the fulness of the gospel , as defined by the Savior (D&C 20:9; 27:5; 42:12). As a second witness, this record declares the good news
or glad tidings that Jesus Christ came into the world to ransom and redeem fallen men and women from sin and death, and that through faith in the Lord Jesus Christ,
repentance, baptism, the reception of the Holy Ghost, and enduring faithfully to the end (3 Ne. 27:13-22; A of F 3; 4) mankind may partake of the blessings of the
Atonement and thereby be saved (D&C 39:6; 76:40-42). This "does not mean it contains every teaching, every doctrine ever revealed. Rather, it means that in the
Book of Mormon we will find the fulness of those doctrines required for our salvation" (Benson, 18).

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. A Witness and a Warning. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Millet, Robert L.

Fulness of time

A phrase referring to the time when the Savior would come to the earth to perform his mortal ministry, including the Atonement. It is used twice by Lehi 1 in instructing
his son Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 2:3, 26) and once by Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 11:7), though Nephi used an expanded form of the phrase-"the fulness of his own time." Paul used "the
fulness of the time" (Gal. 4:4), with the same meaning as in the Book of Mormon. A similar phrase, "fulness of times" (plural) is used many times in the Doctrine and
Covenants, usually referring to the "dispensation of the fulness of times," the dispensation beginning at the restoration of the gospel through the Prophet Joseph Smith
(D&C 27:13; 112:30; 121:31; 124:41; 128:18-20; 138:53). Doctrine and Covenants 76:106 employs the phrase "fulness of times" to refer to the end of the
Millennium.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Gadianton robbers

G
Gad city of

An otherwise unknown city that Christ, during the calamities that attended his crucifixion, "caused to be burned with fire, and the inhabitants thereof, because of their
wickedness in casting out the prophets" (3 Ne. 9:10-11).

Gadiandi city of

After Christ's crucifixion, the city of Gadiandi and others sank in the earth, burying their inhabitants. Hills and valleys replaced cities, literally hiding their wickedness (3
Ne. 9:8).

Gadianton

Leader of the band of robbers organized by Kishkumen during the judgeship of Helaman 3 (50 b.c. ). Gadianton was known for his prowess in speaking and his secret
murders and robbery. He promised his followers that if they succeeded in helping him obtain the judgment- seat, he would place them in power (Hel. 2:4-5). Following
Kishkumen's death in the failed assassination attempt on chief judge Helaman, Gadianton fled to escape execution (Hel. 2:10-11). From the time he took control of the
group until the end of Nephite history, this band was called the Gadianton robbers (Hel. 6:18; 4 Ne. 1:42; Morm. 2:28). According to Mormon, Gadianton did not get
his secret oaths and covenants from the Jaredite records in Helaman's care but rather from Satan himself (Hel. 6:26, 29). Mormon noted that "this Gadianton did prove
the overthrow, yea, almost the entire destruction of the people of Nephi" (Hel. 2:13).

Rhodes, Michael D.

Gadianton robbers

A wicked band originally led by a man named Kishkumen, united to mur-der, rob, and gain power (Hel. 2:8; ca. 52 b.c. ). This band began with a group of Nephites
who supported Paanchi in his desire to be the new Nephite chief judge. When the people selected his brother Pahoran 2 to rule, Paanchi rebelled and was arrested,
tried, and condemned to death (Hel. 1:5-8). His angry supporters sent Kish-kumen to murder Pahoran (Hel. 1:9-11). Afterwards, Kishkumen and those who sent him
entered into a covenant never to reveal who murdered the chief judge. Gadianton, a man noted for his oratorical ability and skill in killing and robbery, soon rose to be
the leader of this group (Hel. 2:4). From then until the end of Nephite history, the band was named after Gadianton (Hel. 6:18; 4 Ne. 1:42; Morm. 2:28).

Gadianton promised power to his group if they would successfully help him achieve the chief judgeship. Accordingly, Kishkumen again sought to murder the chief
judge, but this time he failed and was killed. Fearing for his life, Gadianton escaped into the wilderness (Hel. 2:11). During the next few years he continued his work,
establishing secret combinations "in the more settled parts of the land" (Hel. 3:23; 50 b.c. ).

In 25 b.c. , "Gadianton's robbers and mur-derers" flourished among both Nephites and Lamanites but particularly "among the more wicked part of the Lamanites" (Hel.
6:18). Righteous Lamanites were successful the following year in eliminating the robbers by preaching "the word of God" to them (Hel. 6:37). But the Nephites took a
different course and chose to "build them up and support them," and thus the Gadianton robbers were able to gain "sole management" of the Nephite government (Hel.
6:38-39). Their work of assassinating Nephite chief judges continued with the killing of both Cezoram and his son (Hel. 6:19) and later Seezoram (Hel. 8:27-28; 9:27;
between 23 and 20 b.c. ). To carry out their crimes and to hide their deeds, the Gadianton robbers made wicked covenants inspired by Satan (2 Ne. 26:22; Hel. 6:26-
30).

For a brief period the Gadianton robbers were "swept away" by repentant Nephites who "were about to perish by famine" (18 b.c. ), but they returned "in the space of
not many years" to again cause "havoc" and destruction among Nephites and Lamanites (Hel. 11:7, 10, 26-27; 12 b.c. ). By around 11 b.c. the Gadianton robbers had
become so powerful that they were able to defy the combined armies of both the Nephites and the Lamanites (Hel. 11:32).
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Several years after the birth of Christ, because of the size and immense destruction caused by the robbers, "it became expedient that all the people, both the Nephites
and the Lamanites, should take up arms against them," and a series of devastating wars followed (3 Ne. 2:11-19; a.d. 13-15). The chief robber Giddianhi wrote the
For a brief period the Gadianton robbers were "swept away" by repentant Nephites who "were about to perish by famine" (18 b.c. ), but they returned "in the space of
not many years" to again cause "havoc" and destruction among Nephites and Lamanites (Hel. 11:7, 10, 26-27; 12 b.c. ). By around 11 b.c. the Gadianton robbers had
become so powerful that they were able to defy the combined armies of both the Nephites and the Lamanites (Hel. 11:32).

Several years after the birth of Christ, because of the size and immense destruction caused by the robbers, "it became expedient that all the people, both the Nephites
and the Lamanites, should take up arms against them," and a series of devastating wars followed (3 Ne. 2:11-19; a.d. 13-15). The chief robber Giddianhi wrote the
Nephite chief judge Lachoneus 1 a letter demanding that the Nephites surrender and join them (3 Ne. 3; a.d. 16). Lachoneus did not respond to the letter but instead
enacted a plan wherein all his people gathered with their belongings and food to the center of their land (3 Ne. 3:21-25; a.d. 17). The robbers, who could no longer
survive on plundering, were forced to come out in open battle and were then defeated (3 Ne. 4:1-7, 12-13, 26-27; a.d. 19-21).

Only a few years later ( a.d. 29) the secret practices of the Gadianton robbers resurfaced, which resulted in the complete breakdown of the Nephite government (3
Ne. 6:28-30; 7:1-3). The destruction of the wicked at the time of Christ's crucifixion eliminated the Gadianton robbers from among the Nephites and Lamanites, but by
about a.d. 260 "the wicked part of the people began again to build up the secret oaths and combinations of Gadianton" (4 Ne. 1:42), and it was not long before they
again spread over the entire land (4 Ne. 1:46).

After introducing the man Gadianton in his abridgment of the plates of Nephi, Mormon's knowledge of the destructive role the Gadianton robbers played in Nephite
history caused him to note for his readers, "Ye shall see that this Gadianton did prove the overthrow, yea, almost the entire destruction of the people of Nephi" (Hel.
2:13; cf. Ether 8:19-21).

Rhodes, Michael D.

Gadiomnah city of

Wicked city mentioned only in connection with its destruction at the time of Jesus' death. The Lord caused the city and its inhabitants to be buried "in the depths of the
earth," and he "made hills and valleys in the places thereof" (3 Ne. 9:8).

Gainsaying

See Appendix C.

Garment(s)

Literally, article(s) of clothing (1 Ne. 4:19; Mosiah 12:3). Metaphorically, a term used to represent a person's soul, which can be soiled or sanctified (2 Ne. 9:44; Alma
46:21-23; Morm. 9:35; Ether 12:38; 1 Ne. 12:11; Alma 13:12; Ether 13:10; Mosiah 2:28).

For example, dereliction of duty or sin has a staining effect on one's garments (Jacob 1:19; Alma 5:22-24). Jacob 2 reported that they labored "with all diligence,"
"answering the sins of the people upon our own heads if we did not teach them the word of God . . . wherefore, by laboring with our might their blood might not come
upon our garments; otherwise their blood would come upon our garments, and we would not be found spotless at the last day" (Jacob 1:19; 2:2).

Because "no unclean thing can enter into his kingdom," all must have their garments cleansed through the Atonement. The Savior taught how to wash one's garments
clean: "Nothing entereth into his rest save it be those who have washed their garments in my blood, because of their faith, and the repentance of all their sins, and their
faithfulness unto the end" (3 Ne. 27:19; cf. Alma 5:27).

In Isaiah's writings "garment" is used in describing the fate that will come upon those who condemn the Lord's servant: "They shall wax old as a garment, and the moth
shall eat them up" (2 Ne. 7:9). Additionally, "the earth shall wax old like a garment" (2 Ne. 8:6) and "Jerusalem, the holy city" is invited by the Lord to "put on thy
beautiful garments"; perhaps a reference to Jerusalem's restoration to righteousness when "henceforth there shall no more come into thee the uncircumcised and the
unclean" (2 Ne. 8:24 // Isa. 52:1; D&C 113:7-8; cf. 1 Ne. 21:18 // Isa. 49:18; Zeph. 1:7-8; Rev. 19:7-8).

Bott, Randy L.

Garners

See Appendix C.

Gate(s)

A point of access into a place or state, often used figuratively by the Savior and his prophets. Jacob 2 taught that the path leading to eternal life can only be accessed
through a gate of which Christ alone is the keeper (2 Ne. 9:41; Jacob 6:11). Christ described this gate as "strait," meaning narrow or strict (3 Ne. 14:14), yet it is open
to all who have true faith (Hel. 3:28). Nephi 1 explained that a person enters this gate through repentance and baptism followed by the reception of the Holy Ghost (2
Ne. 31:17-18; 33:9). He further taught that the gate is only the beginning of the path and that one must continue in righteousness to achieve eternal life (2 Ne. 31:19-
20). In contrast, the Savior taught that the gates to destruction or hell are wide and well used (3 Ne. 14:13) and that "the gates of hell stand open to receive" those who
alter his doctrine (3 Ne. 11:39-40; 18:13).

Literal gates are also mentioned in the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 7:10; 21:23; Hel. 7:10). For protection, the Nephites constructed high walls around many of their
cities, obliging their enemies to attempt entrance through the gates. Being constricted and well guarded, the gates made access possible only at great cost of human lives
(Alma 49:18-21).

See also Strait, straight.

Bott, Randy L.

Gathering of Israel

See Israel, gathering of.

Gazelem
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Name or title given to a servant of God who would use a "stone," or the Urim and Thummim, in order to translate the twenty- four plates of the Jaredites from which
came the book of Ether (Alma 37:21-24). The name- title likely refers to Joseph Smith, since he used the Urim and Thummim to translate the Book of Mor-mon,
Gathering of Israel

See Israel, gathering of.

Gazelem

Name or title given to a servant of God who would use a "stone," or the Urim and Thummim, in order to translate the twenty- four plates of the Jaredites from which
came the book of Ether (Alma 37:21-24). The name- title likely refers to Joseph Smith, since he used the Urim and Thummim to translate the Book of Mor-mon,
including the book of Ether. Moreover, in revelations recorded in the Doctrine and Covenants, Joseph Smith is called "Gazelam," which is perhaps a variant of Gazelem
(pre-1981 editions only-D&C 78:9; 82:11; 104:26, 43, 45, 46; McConkie, 307-8; Smith, 2:56-57).

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. " Gazelam." Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1979.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Huntington, Ray Lynn

Gems stones and rocks

The Book of Mormon contains no references to gems and precious stones, except for one reference to pearls (4 Ne. 1:24) and a quotation from the prophet Isaiah in
which the Lord pledged to build up his once- afflicted people: "I will lay thy stones with fair colors, and lay thy foundations with sapphires. And I will make thy
windows of agates, and thy gates of carbuncles, and all thy borders of pleasant stones" (3 Ne. 22:11-12). Ancient gem names commonly identified min-erals entirely
different from the minerals known by those same names today. For example, "sapphire" is said to be Hebrew and is used repeatedly in the Old Testament for the gem
known today as lapis lazuli (Moore, 166-67). Bible translators sometimes supplied gem names common in their culture without regard for biblical intent ( Interpreter's,
2:899). For example, "carbuncle" is a term from the Middle Ages referring to any cabochon- cut red stone, usually garnet.

Although the Nephite records are largely silent on the subject, the Americas are not devoid of precious gems. Southwest Brazil is one of the most prolific gem regions
on earth. Central Mexico is the leading source of fire opal, and the early Spanish conquerors returned with abundant jade from the Aztecs of Mesoamerica and
emeralds from the Incas of Peru.

The one gem acknowledged by the Nephites in the context of their own lifestyle is the pearl (4 Ne. 1:24), probably taken from the coastal waters of the southern
Caribbean, west coast Central America, or the Gulf of California, judging from modern sources of supply. Any large river of the temperate zones may have provided
freshwater pearls.

Stones

Stones are cited in the Book of Mormon as a medium for use by a seer in the translation of earlier writings (Mosiah 7:13; 28:13-16; Ether 3:23).

One engraved stone (stela) is cited in the Book of Mormon record (Omni 1:20). It was translated by Mosiah 1 , and its engravings "gave an account of one
Coriantumr, and the slain of his people" (Omni 1:21). Similar engraved marker stones, or stelae, were common in ancient Canaan, Syria, and Mesopotamia, revealing
the deeds of mighty leaders. They were commonly made of granite or some dense fine- grained rock such as basalt or limestone.

The brother of Jared 1 "did molten out of a rock sixteen small stones," subsequently to be touched by the finger of God to "shine forth in darkness" (Ether 3:1-4) and
provide light for the enclosed seagoing Jaredite vessels. They were described as "white and clear, even as trans-parent glass" (Ether 3:1). If these stones derived from
molten rock, as the text seems to suggest, they may indeed have been glass, in contrast to crystalline solids. Glassy materials containing impurities are often fluorescent,
providing a very low intensity light for a brief period after exposure to visible or ultraviolet light. The Ether narrative makes it clear, however, that the light that emanated
from the stones was provided by God (Ether 3:4-6).

Stone is also used as a metaphor for Christ. Jacob 2 prophesied that "by the stumbling of the Jews they will reject [Christ,] the stone upon which they might build and
have safe foundation" (Jacob 4:15-17).

Brimstone

Brimstone is a common name for sulfur or sometimes pitch. It is cited often in the Book of Mormon, always in association with "fire," as a metaphor for the torment of
the unrighteous (e.g., 2 Ne. 9:16, 19, 26; Jacob 3:11; 6:10).

Cement

The Nephites are said to have become "exceedingly expert in the working of cement" and to have built houses of cement "in the which they did dwell" (Hel. 3:7)
because "timber was exceedingly scarce in the land northward" (Hel. 3:10). Cement is mixed with sand, gravel, and water to become a building aggregate called
"concrete." The physical and chemical nature of concrete changes with changing technology. Likely the Book of Mormon writer intended to convey a building material
similar to what is now called concrete.

Rock

The word rock appears in the Book of Mormon largely as a metaphor for a firm foundation (Hel. 5:12; 3 Ne. 11:39) and salvation (2 Ne. 4:30). Nephi 1 and his
brothers hid in the "cavity of a rock" (1 Ne. 3:27) and Ether "dwelt in the cavity of a rock" (Ether 13:18). Rock cavities, caves, or caverns are formed almost
exclusively in limestone and similar "carbonate" rocks. Limestone is impure calcium carbonate (CaCO 3 ) deposited most commonly in shallow ocean waters, ancient
and modern. It is a very common type of rock on all continents and is the dominant rock type of the Holy Land.

Bibliography

The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. 4 vols. Edited by George A. Buttrick. Nashville: Abingdon, 1962.

 Copyright
Jeweler's  (c) 2005-2009,
          Dictionary. EditedInfobase Media
                             by Donald     Corp. 3d ed. Radnor, Pa.: Jeweler's Circular- Keystone, 1976.
                                       S. McNeil.                                                                                                         Page 616 / 919

Moore, N. F. Ancient Mineralogy. New York: Amo Press, 1978.
Bibliography

The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. 4 vols. Edited by George A. Buttrick. Nashville: Abingdon, 1962.

Jeweler's Dictionary. Edited by Donald S. McNeil. 3d ed. Radnor, Pa.: Jeweler's Circular- Keystone, 1976.

Moore, N. F. Ancient Mineralogy. New York: Amo Press, 1978.

Wright, R. V., and L. Chadbourne. Gems and Minerals of the Bible. New Canaan, Conn.: Keats Publishing, 1970.

Phillips, William Revell

Generation generations

Terms referring to a group of people living during the same period of time and, by extension, the period of time itself. The terms "generation" and "generations" are
common in the Book of Mormon and the Bible. In the Old Testament these words are usually translations of the Hebrew root dor, meaning a "circle," as in a "cycle of
life" or "lifetime," or meaning "assembly," as a "circle of contem-porary people." The terms are used in several different senses in the Old Testament and the Book of
Mormon.

1. The period between the birth of parents and the birth of their children. Adult contem-poraries of the parents are considered part of the parents' generation; their
children belong to the next generation. The common Book of Mormon phrase "from generation to generation" (2 Ne. 8:8; 25:16; Moro. 10:28) simply means "from
parents to children," without any specific chronological implication. The phrase "unto the third and fourth generation" (Ex. 20:5; Mosiah 13:13) indicates that the actions
of parents can have a serious effect on their descendants.

2. The period of time during which all of the contemporaries live and die. This use seems to be the sense of the term in 4 Nephi 1:14, 18-22, where most of the first
generation after Christ had died by the year a.d. 110 (v. 14), and most of the second had died by a.d. 200 (v. 22). Book of Mormon prophets and the Savior
prophesied that the fourth generation from the coming of Christ (that is, within four hundred years) would turn from righteousness and would be destroyed (1 Ne.
12:11-12; 2 Ne. 26:9; Alma 45:10-12; Hel. 13:5-10; 3 Ne. 27:32).

3. A designation or characterization of a specific group of people at a given time, such as "blessed are this people in this generation" (Alma 27:12), a "wicked and
perverse gener-ation" (Alma 9:8; 10:17, 25; Hel. 13:29), and "unto future generations" (Alma 24:14; 37:18-19; 3 Ne. 26:2).

Bibliography

Freedman, D. N., J. Lundbom, and G. J. Botterweck. Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Edited by G. Johannes Botterweck. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans, 1978. 3:169- 81. S.v. "Dor."

Hamblin, William J.

Gentile(s)

A word used to translate the Hebrew goyim, literally meaning "the nations." The use of the term has varied with time and among people. In the Book of Mormon, the
Gentiles are generally all those who are not Jews or who did not come from the Jewish people. Thus, by this definition, the Gentiles may include those who are of the
blood of Israel but who have lost their identity and been assimilated into non- Jewish nations.

Early in the Old Testament record, the word Gentile appears to have been used by the descendants of Jacob 1 to refer to anyone not of the nation or house of Israel
(e.g., Gen. 10:5). By the end of the seventh century b.c., the location and identity of many of the tribes of Israel were lost, due largely to the Assyrian conquest and
deportation of the kingdom of Israel (1 Ne. 22:4; 2 Kgs. 17:5-23; 722 b.c. ). The remnant of the house of Israel who remained in the Holy Land began to refer to
themselves simply as the "Jews," either because they were literal descendants of Judah or because they had been assimilated into the kingdom of Judah. Thus Lehi 1
and his posterity considered themselves to be "descendants of the Jews." They were cultural or political Jews, although they knew their actual forefather was Joseph 1
rather than Judah (2 Ne. 30:4; 33:8; 1 Ne. 5:14).

From the perspective of Nephi, who identified his people as Jews (2 Ne. 30:4; 33:8), there were only two groups of people-Jews and Gentiles. This view of Jew and
Gentile is maintained today by those who consider themselves Jews (e.g., 3 Ne. 15:21-22).

The Book of Mormon refers to Gentiles during Christ's time (e.g., 3 Ne. 15:21-22), before the restoration of the gospel (e.g., 1 Ne. 13:12-19, 29-30), and after the
restoration of the gospel (e.g., 1 Ne. 14:1-2; 2 Ne. 29:3; 3 Ne. 30). It is not always easy to discern whether the word Gentiles refers to non- Israelites or Israelites in a
Gentile culture (cf. D&C 109:60).

The Book of Mormon makes clear that the gospel was to be restored in the last days in a great Gentile nation, the United States of America, and go forth to all people
who inhabit the nations of the earth (1 Ne. 13:38-40; 15:13-14; 22:7-12). Those through whom the gospel was restored were cultural or political Gentiles but of the
blood of Israel: "Thus Joseph Smith, of the tribe of Ephraim, the chief and foremost tribe of Israel itself, was the Gentile by whose hand the Book of Mormon came
forth, and the members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, who have the gospel and who are of Israel by blood descent, are the Gentiles who carry
salvation to the Lamanites and to the Jews" (McConkie, 233; cf. Title Page; D&C 109:60).

See also Descendants of the Jews; Fulness of the Gentiles; Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Gentiles, mother; Gentiles, nations of the; Israel, numbered
among.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. The Millennial Messiah: The Second Coming of the Son of Man. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Gentiles Book of Mormon message concerning

The Gentiles , as the term is used in the Book of Mormon, are all those who are not Jews , including those who may be of the blood of Israel but have lost their identity
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and been assimilated into non- Jewish nations. The Book of Mormon speaks to the Gentiles as it describes the blessings and responsibilities the Lord offers  them/ and
                                                                                                                                                                   919
warns of the consequences that would follow if they fall into sin and apostasy.
Gentiles Book of Mormon message concerning

The Gentiles , as the term is used in the Book of Mormon, are all those who are not Jews , including those who may be of the blood of Israel but have lost their identity
and been assimilated into non- Jewish nations. The Book of Mormon speaks to the Gentiles as it describes the blessings and responsibilities the Lord offers them and
warns of the consequences that would follow if they fall into sin and apostasy.

Blessings

The latter days were designated by Christ as the "times of the Gentiles" and by Nephi 1 as the "days of the Gentiles" (D&C 45:28; 2 Ne. 27:1). The Book of Mormon
explains why this designation is fitting. In a vision of the future of the promised land , Nephi learned that in the latter days the Spirit of God would come upon a man
(Columbus) who was among the Gentiles (in Europe) and lead him to the promised land (the Americas). Other Gentiles would also be "wrought" upon by the Spirit to
bring them out of captivity to the promised land (1 Ne. 13:12-14). These Gentiles would be blessed and prosper in the land (1 Ne. 13:15-16; 2 Ne. 10:10-11). Their
mother Gentiles (England) would gather to battle against them (the Revolutionary War), but the Lord would come to the aid of the Gentiles in his choice land, and they
would be delivered out of their enemies' hands (1 Ne. 13:17-19). These events that brought the Gentiles to the land of promise and "set [them] up as a free people"
were all part of God's plan to restore his gospel and bring forth the Book of Mormon (3 Ne. 21:4).

The latter- day Gentiles would have the Bible, from which many "plain and precious" truths had been removed by the "great and abominable church ," causing them to
stumble and giving Satan power over them (1 Ne. 13:20-29, 34). But through the Book of Mormon and other latter- day scriptures, the Lord in his mercy would bring
forth his gospel among the Gentiles and restore the precious truths that were lost (1 Ne. 13:32-42; cf. 2 Ne. 26:14-17; 27:6-35; 3 Ne. 16:6-7). Christ taught that this
restoration would be a sign to scattered Israel that he was about to gather them in from their "long dispersion" (3 Ne. 21:1-7). If the Gentiles would then hearken unto
Christ and accept the gospel they would be "numbered among the house of Israel" (1 Ne. 14:1-2; cf. 2 Ne. 10:18; 30:1-2; 3 Ne. 16:13; 30:1-2), help build the New
Jerusalem (3 Ne. 21:22-24), and eventually have all the revelations of God unfolded unto them (Ether 4:6-13). Thus "the times of the Gentiles," also known as the
"fulness of the Gentiles" (1 Ne. 15:13; 3 Ne. 16:4), is that time in the latter days when they shall have access to the fulness of the gospel.

Responsibilities

Although Gentiles would initially scatter the house of Israel, including the descendants of Lehi (1 Ne. 13:14, 30-31; 15:17; 22:7; 2 Ne. 26:15; 3 Ne. 16:8; 20:27-28;
Morm. 5:9, 20), after they receive the gospel and the Book of Mormon, they are expected to share it with the world, especially to the remnant of Lehi's descendants
and others of the scattered house of Israel (1 Ne. 15:13-17; 22:8-9; 2 Ne. 30:3-8; 3 Ne. 21:2-5; Morm. 5:10; cf. 1 Ne. 10:11-14). As they do so, the Gentiles will be
like "nursing fathers, and . . . nursing mothers" carrying the lost and scattered people back to the Lord and his covenants (1 Ne. 21:22-23; 22:8; 2 Ne. 10:8-9, 18).

Warnings

The Book of Mormon warns of the sin and apostasy that will be prevalent among the Gentiles. Nephi 1 saw the great and abominable church among the Gentile nations
and that it would persecute and slay the Saints of God (1 Ne. 13:4-9). He further warned of the pride , false churches , false doctrines, priestcraft , and secret
combinations that would plague the latter- day Gentiles and cause them to reject the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 26:20-22, 29; 27:1-5; 28; 29; cf. Morm. 8:26-41; Ether
8:23-26). He promised that through the "marvelous work" of the restoration of the gospel and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, God would establish truth,
correct wrong thinking, and expose the wicked (2 Ne. 27:26-35).

Christ explained that the opportunity to have the gospel would be extended to the latter- day Gentiles because of their belief in Christ and the unbelief of the house of
Israel (3 Ne. 16:7; cf. Morm. 5:19). He then warned the Gentiles that if they did not accept the gospel and persisted in sin, then he would allow the house of Israel to
"tread them down" (3 Ne. 16:8-15; cf. 20:15-21, 28; 21:11-12; Morm. 5:22-24). Nephi foresaw that such apostasy on the part of the Gentiles would result in their
being destroyed both spiritually and temporally (1 Ne. 14:5-7; cf. 2 Ne. 30:1-2; 3 Ne. 21:14-21; Ether 12:35), and Moroni 2 explained that the Gentiles could only
continue in the promised land upon conditions of righteousness (Ether 2:9-12).

See also Ensign; Fulness of the Gentiles; Israel, gathering of; Israel, numbered among.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Gentiles fulness of the

See Fulness of the Gentiles.

Gentiles mother

Those European countries from which colonists immigrated to the Americas, and which subsequently, and unsuccessfully, "gathered together upon the waters, and upon
the land also, to battle against" those colonists (1 Ne. 13:17). England, France, Spain, and Portugal all waged unsuccessful wars against colonists in the New World.

Hedges, Andrew H.

Gentiles nations of the

All non- Israelite nations (e.g., nations other than the kingdom of Judah and the Nephite/Lamanite nations) of the world. Nephi 1 saw in vision the "nations and
kingdoms of the Gentiles" (1 Ne. 13:1-3). He beheld Columbus and other Gentiles from the Gentile nations of Europe cross the ocean to the Americas discovering the
descendants of Lehi 1 whom Nephi termed "the seed of my brethren" (1 Ne. 13:12-14). After arriving in their New World promised land, Nephi pro-phesied that the
Lord would "raise up a mighty nation among the Gentiles, yea, even upon the face of this land" (1 Ne. 22:7). This mighty Gentile nation, the United States of America,
would be the place for the restoration of the gospel of Jesus Christ (1 Ne. 22:8; cf. 3 Ne. 21:4). Nephi taught that it would be the Gentiles who would gather scattered
Israel (including their own posterity) in the latter days through the preaching of the gospel (1 Ne. 15:13-19; cf. 1 Ne. 10:14; 2 Ne. 21:22). Moreover, the Lord
proclaimed that Gentile nations would be instrumental in "carrying [the Jews ] forth to the lands of their inheritance" (2 Ne. 10:8).

Nephi also saw in his vision the formation of the "great and abominable church" (1 Ne. 13:6) "among the nations of the Gentiles" (1 Ne. 13:4). This church would take
away plain and precious parts of the Bible, after which the Bible would go "unto all the nations of the Gentiles" including across the ocean to the New World (1 Ne.
13:29).

Furthermore, the Book of Mormon contains prophecies concerning the wickedness that would exist among the nations of the Gentiles and warns of impending
judgments "except they repent" (3 Ne. 20:20; 1 Ne. 14:13; 2 Ne. 27:1).
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See also Nephi 1's vision.
13:29).

Furthermore, the Book of Mormon contains prophecies concerning the wickedness that would exist among the nations of the Gentiles and warns of impending
judgments "except they repent" (3 Ne. 20:20; 1 Ne. 14:13; 2 Ne. 27:1).

See also Nephi 1's vision.

Jr., Rex C. Reeve

Gentiles times of the

See Fulness of the Gentiles.

Geography

The specific locations of the ancient Book of Mormon civilizations are unknown. And The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints does not sponsor research with
the intention of ultimately designating an exact geography. Instead Church leaders emphasize the spiritual messages of the record and its cardinal purpose as "Another
Testament of Jesus Christ" (e.g., Hinckley, 52; Nelson, 69). Still, students of the Book of Mormon have sought to more fully understand the book and its message
through studying what Book of Mormon record keepers did say about their lands and cities. Such understanding of the physical settings gives insight into the dynamics
of the narrative, as well as providing readers with mental images of the stage upon which the Nephite, Lamanite, and Jaredite stories took place. From geographical
cues within the Book of Mormon text it can be assumed that the region in which Book of Mormon peoples lived was both topographically and ecologically diverse.
The text speaks of mountains (e.g., Alma 47:7; 3 Ne. 8:10) and valleys (e.g., Mosiah 24:20; Alma 2:20), rivers (e.g., Alma 2:15; Hel. 3:4) and "waters" (e.g., Mosiah
18:8; Morm. 6:4), wildernesses (e.g., Mosiah 7:4; Alma 22:27-28) and seashores (e.g., Alma 51:32; Morm. 4:3). It speaks of journeys "up" and journeys "down"
between major population centers (e.g., Mosiah 7:1-2, 4; Alma 27:5). Moreover, the record mentions a "sea east," "sea west," "sea south," and a "sea north" (Alma
22:27; Hel. 3:8). The territory was apparently longer going north to south than east to west and had two major divisions, the "land southward" and the "land
northward" (e.g., Alma 22:32; 3 Ne. 3:24). These lands were divided by a "narrow neck of land" (e.g., Alma 63:5; Ether 10:20). Such descriptions have led many to
the assumption that Book of Mormon lands are roughly shaped like an hour glass.

Since the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, researchers have sought to place Book of Mormon cities and geographical features in a modern setting. Efforts to
impose geographical clues within the text upon a modern map have produced many proposals. Historically, these proposals range from geographic models that identify
South America as the land southward, North America as the land northward, and Central America as the narrow neck of land, to models that place all of the Book of
Mormon cities and geographical features in the north-eastern part of the United States.

The most widely accepted models today locate all of the Book of Mormon cities and geographical features in Mesoamerica (i.e., Middle or Central America).
Proponents of these and other models have attempted to identify existing cities (ruins), lands, and geographical features that are consistent with the Book of Mormon
text.

When considering the validity of various geographical models important questions should be considered. For example, is the proposed model compatible with current
archaeological and cultural evidence? Is there evidence that the area proposed was populated with sufficient cities and people during Book of Mormon times? Did
these people have the writing and technological skills described in the narrative? Does the model adequately match geographical features mentioned in the record such
as bodies of water, wilderness areas, and the narrow neck of land with real world features? Does the model adequately account for distances between lands with
proper consideration given to travel time, direction, speed, and terrain? These and other issues have given rise to much study and discussion. The fact that careful,
honest scholars examine the same available data and propose somewhat different models is evidence that all the information needed to establish an exact model is not
yet known. In the words of Elder John A. Widtsoe, "All such studies are legitimate, but the conclusions drawn from them, though they may be correct, must at best be
held as intelligent conjectures" (3:93).

See also Archaeology.

Bibliography

Hinckley, Gordon B. "The Cornerstone of Our Faith." Ensign 14 (November 1984): 50- 53.

Nelson, Russell M. "A Testimony of the Book of Mormon." Ensign 29 (November 1999): 69- 71.

Widtsoe, John A. Evidences and Reconciliations. 3 vols. Salt Lake City, Utah: Bookcraft, 1943.

The following sources provide in- depth discussion of issues dealing with Book of Mormon geography:

Allen, Joseph L. Exploring the Lands of the Book of Mormon. Orem, Utah: S. A. Publishers, 1989. Treatise exploring Mesoamerica as a geographical setting for the
Book of Mormon. Discusses dates and languages relative to the topic. Reviews archaeological, his-torical, cultural, and geographical connections between the region
and the Book of Mormon. Surveys current models for a Mesoamerican setting for the text and then systematically proposes locations for lands, journeys, cities, and
various geographical features mentioned in the Book of Mormon. Contains a brief history of the geography question from 1830 to 1989. Includes numerous
photographs and drawings. (437 pages)

Clark, John. Review of F. Richard Hauck, Deciphering the Geography of the Book of Mormon: Review of Books on the Book of Mormon. Vol. 1. Provo, Utah:
FARMS, 1989. Briefly reviews Hauck's model for a Mesoamerican setting for the Book of Mormon, followed by a suggested internal model for Book of Mormon
geography based on a study of geography passages from the text itself. Includes several maps of proposed internal geography. (51 pages)

--- . "Book of Mormon Geography." Encyclopedia of Mormonism. Edited by Daniel H. Ludlow et al. 4 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1992. 1:176-79. Discusses
considerations and challenges in reconstructing Book of Mormon geography. Provides a general overview of Book of Mormon geography extracted from the text itself.
Notes that while many researchers currently conclude that Mesoamerica is the likely setting for the Book of Mormon, no official Church endorsement has been given to
any internal or external geography. Includes a review of statements regarding Book of Mormon geography by various Church leaders. (4 pages)

Hauck, F. Richard. Deciphering the Geography of the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988. Proposes a Mesoamerican setting for the Book of
Mormon. Develops internal spatial maps of Book of Mormon geography based on routes, settlements, history, topography, and other geographical features mentioned
in the text. The maps are then laid over modern maps to evaluate possible correlations. Includes many maps and charts. (239 pages)

 Copyright
Palmer,      (c) A.
         David   2005-2009,
                    In Search Infobase  Media
                              of Cumorah:   NewCorp.
                                                  Evidences for the Book of Mormon from Ancient Mexico. Bountiful, Utah: Horizon Publishers, 1981.    Page   619 / 919
                                                                                                                                                         A treatise
supporting the "two Cumorah" theory. Distinguishes between "Moroni's Cumorah" in New York where the plates were deposited and "Mormon's Cumorah" where the
final battle occurred and which it identifies as Cerro Vigia in Mexico. Considers historical, cultural and textual evidence to propose locations for many other Book of
Hauck, F. Richard. Deciphering the Geography of the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988. Proposes a Mesoamerican setting for the Book of
Mormon. Develops internal spatial maps of Book of Mormon geography based on routes, settlements, history, topography, and other geographical features mentioned
in the text. The maps are then laid over modern maps to evaluate possible correlations. Includes many maps and charts. (239 pages)

Palmer, David A. In Search of Cumorah: New Evidences for the Book of Mormon from Ancient Mexico. Bountiful, Utah: Horizon Publishers, 1981. A treatise
supporting the "two Cumorah" theory. Distinguishes between "Moroni's Cumorah" in New York where the plates were deposited and "Mormon's Cumorah" where the
final battle occurred and which it identifies as Cerro Vigia in Mexico. Considers historical, cultural and textual evidence to propose locations for many other Book of
Mormon sites as well. Includes numerous photographs, illustrations and maps. (254 pages)

Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City and Provo: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985. An in- depth study of a
plausible setting for Book of Mormon geography in Mesoamerica. Reviews both the culture, history, and geography of the region as understood by current scholars,
and the culture, history, and geography of the Book of Mormon as described in the text. Throughout, the volume offers suggestions of how the Book of Mormon
people, lands, and culture fit into the proposed Mesoamerican setting. Includes many photographs and detailed graphical depictions of possible Book of Mormon
locations. (415 pages)

--- . The Geography of Book of Mormon Events: A Source Guide. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1992. Reviews the history of the problem of Book of Mormon geography.
Provides a summary of many of the models proposed for Book of Mormon geography by various researchers. Gives a list of all passages related to geography in the
text and offers suggestions for evalu-ating geography models. Includes many maps. (428 pages)

--- . Mormon's Map. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 2000. Primarily focuses on developing an internal map ("Mormon's Map") for Book of Mormon lands. Uses the text to
consider the overall configuration, geographical features, distances, directions, and the environment of the lands. Also discusses Book of Mormon cultural and historical
issues relative to the geography. Includes an extensive scripture reference for geographical sites. (154 pages)

eds.

Gid

Nephite chief military officer (ca. 63 b.c. ) who, with his men, quelled a rebellion of prisoners of war, helped defend the city Cumeni (Alma 57:22, 28-35), and later
helped Helaman 2 and Teomner take the city Manti by stratagem (Alma 58:13-23). Gid was a man of faith who attributed their deliverance in battle to God.

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Gid city of

Nephite city captured by Amalickiah and the Lamanites (Alma 51:26), fortified as a prisoner compound, and then cleverly retaken by Moroni 1 without bloodshed.
Moroni used a descendant of Laman 1 from among his ranks, whose name was also Laman 4 , to take strong wine to the Lamanite guards in Gid. When the guards
were drunken and asleep, Moroni's men, in the silence of the night, "cast" weapons in to the Nephite prisoners within the city and surrounded the Lamanite army. In the
morning, when the Lamanites saw their plight both within and without the city, they surrendered and pleaded for mercy (Alma 55:4-24).

Giddianhi

Governor of the Gadianton robbers ( a.d. 15) whose band emerged as a major threat to both Nephites and Lamanites after the birth of Christ. Because the Nephites
had gathered their substance into one place and Giddianhi's people could no longer subsist without robbing and plundering, Giddianhi led his fearful armies in an assault
against the Nephites. In this campaign he was eventually slain by the armies of Gidgiddoni (3 Ne. 4:5-14).

Knowledge of the character of Giddianhi stems principally from the threatening epistle he wrote the Nephite chief judge Lachoneus 1 . In the epistle he demanded the
surrender of Nephite lands and possessions, and he threatened destruction if Lachoneus failed to comply (3 Ne. 3:2-10). Elements of Giddianhi's letter echo the
character, strategy, and designs of Satan .

To influence the chief judge, Giddianhi used insincere flattery, or "exceedingly great praise" (3 Ne. 3:2; cf. 2 Ne. 28:22), and then sought to shake Lachoneus' faith by
challenging his belief that the Nephites were supported by God (3 Ne. 3:2; cf. Matt. 4:6; 27:40). Giddianhi was mocking ("it seemeth a pity unto me"), intimidating
("that ye should be so foolish and vain as to suppose that ye can stand against so many brave men"), and arrogant ("who are at my command") (3 Ne. 3:3; cf. Moses
1:19-20). His bold assertions were fueled by "everlasting hatred" and a perverted view of right and wrong (3 Ne. 3:4; cf. 2 Ne. 15:20). Although Giddianhi pretended
otherwise, he had no concern for the welfare of others (3 Ne. 3:5). Finally, Giddianhi proposed, "I write unto you, desiring that ye would yield up unto this my people,
your cities, your lands, and your possessions . . . and unite with us . . . that ye may be like unto us . . . [and] ye shall not be destroyed" (3 Ne. 3:6-8). Similarly, Satan's
ultimate destructive design is for humankind to "yield up" unto him their souls and to "unite" with him. What Satan does not reveal is the ultimate consequence of such a
course-eternal misery (2 Ne. 2:27; 9:9; 28:21-22).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to reveal the enemies of Christ.

Largey, Dennis L.

Giddonah 1

Father of Amulek, son of Ishmael 2 , and descendant of Aminadi who interpreted writing on the wall of the temple, "which was written by the finger of God" (Alma
10:2).

Giddonah 2

High priest in the land of Gideon who questioned Korihor (ca. 74 b.c. ), asking why he taught against Christ and "the pro-phecies of the holy prophets." When Korihor
replied with a series of false and blasphemous accu-sations, Giddonah and the chief judge refused to respond to them. Instead, they sent Korihor bound to the high
priest Alma 2 and to the chief judge Nephihah at Zarahemla (Alma 30:21-29).

Gideon

A Nephite military leader and patriot (ca. 145-91 b.c. ) who fought against the evils of king Noah 3 (Mosiah 19:4). As a captain to king Limhi, he counseled with the
king  and helped
 Copyright        avoid war with
             (c) 2005-2009,      the Lamanites
                             Infobase          over their kidnapped daughters (Mosiah 20:17-22). Later he devised an inspired escape plan to deliver
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                                                                                                                                                          Nephites
                                                                                                                                                               / 919out
of bondage (Mosiah 22:3-; 25:16; Alma 1:8). As an old man, Gideon was a teacher in the Church. He withstood the false teachings of Nehor with the "words of God,"
and Nehor slew him in anger (Alma 1:7-9). The Nephites named a land, a valley, and a city after the righteous Gideon (Alma 2:20; 6:7), who represents the ideal of
faithful courage.
Gideon

A Nephite military leader and patriot (ca. 145-91 b.c. ) who fought against the evils of king Noah 3 (Mosiah 19:4). As a captain to king Limhi, he counseled with the
king and helped avoid war with the Lamanites over their kidnapped daughters (Mosiah 20:17-22). Later he devised an inspired escape plan to deliver the Nephites out
of bondage (Mosiah 22:3-; 25:16; Alma 1:8). As an old man, Gideon was a teacher in the Church. He withstood the false teachings of Nehor with the "words of God,"
and Nehor slew him in anger (Alma 1:7-9). The Nephites named a land, a valley, and a city after the righteous Gideon (Alma 2:20; 6:7), who represents the ideal of
faithful courage.

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Gideon land of valley of and city of

Land, valley, and city on the eastern side of the River Sidon, named after Gideon, a Nephite patriot during the reigns of kings Noah 3 and Limhi. The valley of Gideon
is first mentioned as an encampment during the battle of Alma 2 with the Amlicites (Alma 2:20). Later, after Alma had relinquished the judgment- seat to Nephihah, he
traveled to the valley of Gideon where the city of Gideon was located and there commended the people for their righteousness and preached the coming of Jesus Christ
(Alma 6:7-8:10; ca. 83 b.c. ). Nine years later the anti-Christ Korihor attempted to preach in the land of Gideon but with little success. He was bound and brought
before Gideon's chief judge, and also the high priest Giddonah 2 (Alma 30:21, 23). More than a decade after that event, the king- men took over Zarahemla and the
chief judge Pahoran 1 fled to Gideon. There he awaited the assistance of captain Moroni 1 in regaining Zarahemla from the dissenters (Alma 61:5, 15; 62:3-7).

Ironically, many years later, Samuel the Lamanite specifically named Gideon as a city that would experience "wo" because of the wickedness of her inhabitants (Hel.
13:15; ca. 6 b.c. ).

Gidgiddonah

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:13; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Gidgiddoni

A Nephite prophet and chief commander of the Nephite armies (ca. a.d. 16). Gidgiddoni's military appointment was according to Nephite custom, which mandated
that chief captains be individuals with "the spirit of revelation and also prophecy" (3 Ne. 3:19). It was Gidgiddoni who warned the Nephites about staging an offensive
against the Gadianton robbers, advising them instead to maintain a defensive posture by gathering to the center of their land and forcing the robbers to come against
them (3 Ne. 3:21; cf. Alma 43:46-47). He led the righteous Nephites and Lamanites (3 Ne. 2:11-16) in their successful defense against the fearsome robbers (ca. a.d.
18-19), but the slaughter in that battle exceeded any known "among all the people of Lehi since he left Jerusalem" (3 Ne. 4:11-13). Under the leader-ship of
Gidgiddoni and Lachoneus 1 the Nephites prospered, the Gadianton robbers were eliminated, and peace was established in the land until ca. a.d. 28 (3 Ne. 5:4-6; 6:4-
9).

Williams, Clyde James

Gifts of the Spirit

See Spiritual gifts.

Gilbert John Hulburd

The compositor for the first printing of the Book of Mormon, published by E. B. Grandin's printing shop in Palmyra, New York, in 1830. Gilbert (1802-1895), who
lived and worked in Palmyra for more than seventy years, set the type and created the pages for that first edition.

Most available information about Gilbert's role in the printing of the Book of Mormon comes from two letters written to James Cobb (10 February and 16 March
1879), and an 8 September 1892 memorandum. In these documents Gilbert stated that after Grandin agreed to publish the Book of Mormon, Hyrum Smith and Martin
Harris brought him each morning the pages he was to set in type that day. Each night they retrieved the pages to guard against possible theft. Gilbert also noted that the
Prophet Joseph Smith entered the print shop only once, for a few minutes, during the entire course of the work.

The pages Hyrum and Martin brought Gilbert were nearly always pages from a second copy of the manuscript, called the printer's copy, which Joseph had asked
Oliver Cowdery to prepare. The original dictated manuscript was to remain in their keeping. In producing the printer's copy, Oliver was to correct grammar and
spelling errors found in the original manuscript, apparently because it had been written very rapidly. Gilbert could not merely replicate the printer's copy but divided it
into sentences and paragraphs because "every Chapter, if I remember correctly, was one solid paragraph, without a punctuation mark, from beginning to end" (Wood,
xxix). Both the original and printer's copies show each chapter to be a solid paragraph with a period only at the end. When Gilbert asked Hyrum and Martin about
sentences and paragraphs, they instructed him to make them as needed but not to change any words.

It was no easy task to set the type, punctuate, and make the paragraphs for a five-hundred-page manuscript that Gilbert was permitted to see only in segments (the first
segment was twenty- four pages long and included the title page). The whole procedure was ripe for error. But the most significant challenge Gilbert faced was his total
ignorance of the book he had to set in type. Nearly all the people, places, and circumstances were totally unfamiliar to him. He had never heard of Moroni, or the
Lamanites, or the Jaredites; he did not know who they were or what relationship any might have had to any other. Examination of the title page, which was reproduced
from the printer's copy, illustrates the difficulty. The entire page was written with indiscriminate capital letters and no periods. Slash marks indicated the ends of lines.
Gilbert had to decide what words to place in the title, which in the subtitle, and what sizes of type he should set them in. When modern readers look at the printed page,
it all seems so simple, but creating the printed page from a handwritten account without punctuation was no easy matter. In his attempt "to make it read as I supposed
the Author intended" (Wood, xxix), Gilbert made a major error on the title page. Because he had not yet been able to read the book of Ether, he did not know that it
was the record of the Jaredites, so he placed the statements about those people in two different paragraphs, as if they referred to two different records. This error was
printed on the title page of the first edition of the Book of Mormon but was changed in the second edition printing in 1837. Finally, Gilbert requested and received
permission to take the manuscript home and punctuate it at night so he could "get along faster in the day time," for, as he explained, "now I have frequently to stop
[setting type] and read half a page to find how to punctuate it" ("Memorandum," 2). Gilbert promised to protect the pages and not leave them at the shop overnight.

Gilbert said he worked from August 1829 until early March 1830 before he had the Book of Mormon all set and printed. It went then to the bindery, and some bound
copies became available for sale 26 March 1830.
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John H. Gilbert performed an extremely valuable service to the Church in setting the type, punctuating the sentences, and building the paragraphs for the first edition of
the Book of Mormon. All his obituaries note that Gilbert was most widely known as the typesetter for the first Book of Mormon.
[setting type] and read half a page to find how to punctuate it" ("Memorandum," 2). Gilbert promised to protect the pages and not leave them at the shop overnight.

Gilbert said he worked from August 1829 until early March 1830 before he had the Book of Mormon all set and printed. It went then to the bindery, and some bound
copies became available for sale 26 March 1830.

John H. Gilbert performed an extremely valuable service to the Church in setting the type, punctuating the sentences, and building the paragraphs for the first edition of
the Book of Mormon. All his obituaries note that Gilbert was most widely known as the typesetter for the first Book of Mormon.

See also Book of Mormon, printing and publication of; Book of Mormon, title page of; Grandin, Egbert Bratt.

Bibliography

Gilbert, John H. Letters to James Cobb, 10 February and 16 March 1879. New York Public Library, New York City.

--- . "Memorandum, made by John H. Gilbert Esq., Sept. 8th 1892." King's Daughters Library, Palmyra, New York.

Tate, Charles D., Jr. "John H. Gilbert's Work on the Book of Mormon." Regional Studies in Latter- day Saint Church History: New York. Edited by Larry C. Porter,
Milton V. Backman Jr., and Susan Easton Black. Provo: Department of Church History and Doctrine, Brigham Young University, 1992.

Wood, Wilford C. Joseph Smith Begins His Work. Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1963.

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Gilead

Jaredite who fought Coriantumr 2 two years after Coriantumr had defeated and killed his brother Shared. Gilead was beaten by Coriantumr and driven into the
wilderness of Akish, after which an intense and costly battle took place. Coriantumr's siege in the wilderness failed when Gilead and his men escaped in the night and
"slew" part of Coriantumr's drunken army. Gilead went to Moron and "placed himself upon the throne of Coriantumr" but was later murdered by his high priest (Ether
14:3-9).

Gilgah

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Gilgal

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Gilgal city of

The city of Gilgal was sunk and buried in the earth because of its wickedness during the calamities that attended the death of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 9:6).

Gilgal valley of

Scene of two fierce Jaredite battles between the armies of Coriantumr 2 and Shared. In the first, which lasted three days, Coriantumr was victorious and continued to
pursue Shared to the plains of Heshlon. There Shared prevailed, forcing Coriantumr back to the valley of Gilgal. But the tide turned again, and Coriantumr killed
Shared in battle (Ether 13:28-31).

Gimgimno city of

Wicked city mentioned only in connection with its destruction at the time of Jesus' death. The Lord caused the city and its inhabitants to be buried "in the depths of the
earth," and he "made hills and valleys in the places thereof" (3 Ne. 9:8).

Gird

See Appendix C.

Glory

Term used three ways in the Book of Mormon.

1. Noun denoting respect, fame, or honor. "For none can have power to bring it [the Book of Mormon record] to light save it be given him of God; for God wills that it
shall be done with an eye single to his glory" (Morm. 8:15; cf. 1 Ne. 20:10-11).

2. Noun referring to the splendor and radiance associated with the power of God. "Yea, thus saith the Spirit: Repent, all ye ends of the earth, for the kingdom of heaven
is soon at hand; yea, the Son of God cometh in his glory, in his might, majesty, power, and dominion" (Alma 5:50; cf. 2 Ne. 12:21; 3 Ne. 26:3).

3. Verb expressing delight or pleasure. "I glory in plainness; I glory in truth; I glory in my Jesus" (2 Ne. 33:6; cf. Alma 26:16; 29:9).

Draper, Richard D.

Glut

See Appendix C.
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Gnashing
Glut

See Appendix C.

Gnashing

See Appendix C.

God nature of

The God testified of in the Book of Mormon is the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (1 Ne. 6:4); Jehovah; Jesus Christ . He is the same God known to Latter- day
Saints as they read the Bible and the revelations of the Restoration. The Book of Mormon establishes and confirms many important truths about the nature of God.

God is omnipotent, omniscient, and omnibenevolent

The God of the Book of Mormon prophets has all attributes of godliness in their perfection. He is omnipotent (all powerful), omniscient (all knowing), and
omnibenevolent (all good). Challenging his people to have faith, king Benjamin said, "Believe in God; believe that he is, and that he created all things, both in heaven and
in earth; believe that he has all wisdom, and all power, both in heaven and in earth; believe that man doth not comprehend all the things which the Lord can
comprehend" (Mosiah 4:9). Moroni 2 testified that God knows "all things, being from everlasting to everlasting, behold, he sent angels to minister unto the children of
men, to make manifest concerning the coming of Christ; and in Christ there should come every good thing" (Moro. 7:22; cf. 2 Ne. 2:24; 9:20; W of M 1:7; Alma
26:35; 40:5, 10). Jacob 2 spoke of God's mercy , wisdom, grace , goodness, justice, holiness, and power (2 Ne. 9:6, 8, 10, 17, 20; Jacob 2:5; cf. Mosiah 4:9; Alma
26:35; Ether 3:4; cf. Smith , 4). Similarly, Alma 2 taught that the "plan of redemption" requires God to maintain a perfect balance between mercy and justice. If he were
to fail to do so, he "would cease to be God" (Alma 42:13, 15).

The premortal Jesus (Jehovah), a spirit Man

The first chapter of Genesis announces that man was created in the image and likeness of God (Gen. 1:26-27). Many, holding to the notion that God is spirit, without
bodily form, view this declaration figuratively and suggest it means there is something in the intellect, mind, or soul of man that in some vague way represents the mind of
God. The Book of Mormon makes it clear that the premortal Jehovah was a spirit man and that mankind was literally created in his image and likeness. In the account
of the brother of Jared 1 , he asked the Lord to touch the stones he had prepared to give light in the barges in which his people would travel from the Old World to the
New. When the Lord did so, the veil was taken from the eyes of the brother of Jared, and he saw that the finger of the Lord "was as the finger of a man, like unto flesh
and blood" (Ether 3:6). The Lord told the brother of Jared, "Because of thy faith thou hast seen that I shall take upon me flesh and blood" (Ether 3:9). Then, because of
the faith of the brother of Jared, the Lord fully manifested himself unto him and said, "I am he who was prepared from the foundation of the world to redeem my
people. Behold, I am Jesus Christ. I am the Father and the Son" (Ether 3:14). "Seest thou that ye are created after mine own image?" the brother of Jared was asked.
Christ then explained, "Yea, even all men were created in the beginning after mine own image. Behold, this body, which ye now behold, is the body of my spirit; and
man have I created after the body of my spirit; and even as I appear unto thee to be in the spirit will I appear unto my people in the flesh" (Ether 3:15-16). This
explanation to the brother of Jared is a clear indication that the physical mortal body the Savior would take upon himself on this earth would be in the same form as his
premortal spirit body (cf. D&C 77:2).

The corporeality of God

Abinadi testified that "God himself shall come down among the children of men," take upon himself flesh, suffer death, and be resurrected (Mosiah 15:1-9). Amulek
described resurrection as the union of body and spirit "never to be divided" (Alma 11:45), and Alma 2 noted that "even a hair of the head shall not be lost; but all things
shall be restored to their proper and perfect frame" (Alma 40:23; 41:2). Thus the physical body created by God for man, that body which he described as being in his
image and likeness, is as eternal in its resurrected state as the spirit that inhabits it. Such, also, is the nature of the God who created it. Christ retained the body of flesh
he regained at resurrection, the body that would "never . . . be divided" from his spirit after resurrection. And that body is forever a glorified resurrected body of flesh
and bones "as tangible as man's" (D&C 130:22).

The corporeality of the resurrected Christ is confirmed in the Book of Mormon when Christ appeared in the New World and commanded the people to place their
hands in his side and feel the prints of the nails in his hands and feet, that they might know that he is "the God of Israel, and the God of the whole earth," who had been
slain for the sins of the world (3 Ne. 11:14).

God is unchanging

Moroni 2 testified that God is the "same yesterday, today, and forever, and in him there is no variableness neither shadow of changing" (Morm. 9:9). Alma 2 bore
similar witness and promised that God will not "vary from that which he hath said" nor turn from "that which is right to that which is wrong," and "therefore, his course is
one eternal round" (Alma 7:20).

A God of revelation and miracles

The God of the Book of Mormon is a God of revelation and a God of miracles . To suppose that revelation has ceased, that miracles are a thing of the past, or that
gifts, healings, or other spiritual manifestations have been done away is to suppose that God has changed. But Nephi 1 declared that because God is unchanging he has
and will continue to unfold his "mysteries" to those that diligently seek him (1 Ne. 10:18-19). Similarly, Moroni 2 wrote, "If ye have imagined up unto yourselves a god
who doth vary, and in whom there is shadow of changing, then have ye imagined up unto yourselves a god who is not a God of miracles. But behold, I will show unto
you [that is, the Book of Mormon will teach and testify of] a God of miracles, even the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob; and it is that
same God who created the heavens and the earth, and all things that in them are" (Morm. 9:9-11).

See also Body of my spirit; God is the same yesterday, today, and forever; God the Father; Jesus Christ, role of, as Father and Son; Justice, law of; One eternal round;
One God.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Lectures on Faith. Compiled by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Copyright
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                                    today                                                                                                                 Page 623 / 919

God's absolute integrity and constancy in being willing to reveal his will, effect miracles, and dispense the gifts of the Spirit to mankind in all ages of the world according
Smith, Joseph. Lectures on Faith. Compiled by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

God is the same yesterday today and forever

God's absolute integrity and constancy in being willing to reveal his will, effect miracles, and dispense the gifts of the Spirit to mankind in all ages of the world according
to their faith. With God, "there is no variableness neither shadow of changing" (Morm. 9:9; Alma 7:20). He is "unchangeable from all eternity to all eternity" (Moro.
8:18); "the course of the Lord is one eternal round" (1 Ne. 10:18-19). If this were not so, "doubt would take the place of faith" (Smith, 3:21). Not only does the Book
of Mormon proclaim God's unchanging nature in this regard but is tangible evidence of it (2 Ne. 29:9; cf. D&C 20:8-12).

God's nature does not change, but he works among men according to their faith or their unbelief (2 Ne. 27:23). Moroni 2 testified that God "is the same yesterday,
today, and forever, and that all these gifts of which I have spoken, which are spiritual, never will be done away, even as long as the world shall stand, only according to
the unbelief of the children of men" (Moro. 10:19). Mormon affirmed that if God were a changeable being "he would cease to be God," adding, "he changeth not . . .
and he ceaseth not to be God, and is a God of miracles. And the reason why he ceaseth to do miracles among the children of men is because that they dwindle in
unbelief" (Morm. 9:19-20). Not only are miracles wrought by faith but "it is by faith that angels appear and minister unto men; wherefore, if these things have ceased wo
be unto the children of men, for it is because of unbelief, and all is vain" (Moro. 7:37).

With all of man's variableness, God remains unchangeable, responding to mankind's needs and faith "according to that which is just and true" (Alma 29:8; 12:10-11;
Hel. 12:1-6). Elder Bruce R. McConkie taught, "We are saved today by obedience to the same eternal laws that have saved men in all ages past and that will save
them in all ages future. The Author and Finisher of our faith is the same yesterday, today, and forever" (1:51).

See also God, nature of; One eternal round.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. The Mortal Messiah: From Bethlehem to Calvary. 4 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1979- 81.

Smith, Joseph. Lectures on Faith. Compiled by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Williams, Clyde James

God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob

Phrase referring to Jehovah ( Yahweh ), the premortal name for Jesus Christ, the God with whom the prophet- patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob made covenants
(1 Ne. 17:40; Abr. 2:6-11; Gen. 17; 26:1-4, 24; 28). Referring to the Lord in this manner would remind the Nephites, who were descendants of Abraham, of their
covenant relationship with God. Nephi 1 recorded that the purpose of his writing was to "persuade men to come unto the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and
the God of Jacob, and be saved" (1 Ne. 6:4). The phrase was also used when reminding the people of God's power in connection with the miraculous Exodus from
Egypt (1 Ne. 19:10; Mosiah 7:19; 23:23), and Alma 2 used it in reference to the deliverance of his people (Alma 29:11; 36:2). The use of this phrase evidently
endured to the end of Nephite history, because Moroni 2 used it in his testimony of the great God of miracles (Morm. 9:11).

Ludlow, Victor L.

God the Father

That God who is the literal father of Jesus Christ (1 Ne. 11:16-21; Alma 7:10). Although the scriptures teach little about the Father directly, one learns much about him
through Christ.

Christ is separate from and obedient to the Father

The Book of Mormon teaches that Christ is separate and distinct from the Father and that the Son is subservient to his Father. Explaining why it was necessary for
Christ to be baptized, Nephi 1 said: "Notwithstanding he being holy, he showeth unto the children of men that, according to the flesh he humbleth himself before the
Father, and witnesseth unto the Father that he would be obedient unto him in keeping his commandments" (2 Ne. 31:7). Christ came to glorify the Father, which could
be done only by his suffering "the will of the Father in all things" (3 Ne. 11:11). When the resurrected Christ ministered among the Nephites, he demonstrated his
distinctness from the Father and his deference to him as he prayed to the Father on their behalf (e.g., 3 Ne. 17:15-18; 19:19-34).

Christ taught the doctrine of the Father

As to that which he taught, Christ said, "It is the doctrine which the Father hath given unto me" (3 Ne. 11:32). Thus Christ said, "He that will not believe me will not
believe the Father who sent me" (Ether 4:12). As the Atonement is to reconcile men to the Father, so all that Christ did and taught centered the attention of those he
taught upon the Father. When Christ gave the Nephites the words of Malachi, he said, "These scriptures, which ye had not with you, the Father commanded that I
should give unto you" (3 Ne. 26:2). Speaking of the latter- day gathering of Israel, Christ said, "Then shall the work of the Father commence at that day, even when this
gospel shall be preached among the remnant of this people. Verily I say unto you, at that day shall the work of the Father commence among all the dispersed of my
people . . . to prepare the way whereby they may come unto me, that they may call on the Father in my name" (3 Ne. 21:26-27).

Worshipping the Father in the name of Christ

The true Saint worships the Father in the name of the Son (2 Ne. 25:16; Jacob 4:5). Accordingly, one is to pray to the Father in the name of Christ (2 Ne. 32:9; 3 Ne.
17:3; 18:20; 19:6; 21:27) and keep the Father's commandments by following Christ (2 Ne. 31:10-11). As Christ prayed for the Nephites, he taught that as they believe
in him they become "one" with him and the Father (3 Ne. 19:23, 29; cf. John 17:20-23). Thus, when the voice of the Father is heard, he directs listeners to "hear" his
Beloved Son (e.g., 3 Ne. 11:1-7; JS-H 1:17).

See also God, nature of; Godhead; Jesus Christ, role of, as Father and Son.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Godhead
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God the Father , his Son Jesus Christ , and the Holy Ghost , three separate and distinct personages, constitute the Godhead. Because they enjoyed the blessings of the
fulness of the gospel, the Book of Mormon prophets knew by revelation and scripture (the brass plates) that there was a Heavenly Father, a Beloved Son, and a Holy
McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Godhead

God the Father , his Son Jesus Christ , and the Holy Ghost , three separate and distinct personages, constitute the Godhead. Because they enjoyed the blessings of the
fulness of the gospel, the Book of Mormon prophets knew by revelation and scripture (the brass plates) that there was a Heavenly Father, a Beloved Son, and a Holy
Ghost. Evidence in the Book of Mormon of a three- member Godhead includes the following:

God and his prophets have declared from the beginning that Christ should come as a Savior and Messiah (1 Ne. 10:4; Jacob 7:11; Moro. 7:23). Zenos and Zenock,
two of the major prophets of the brass plates, clearly taught that the mercies of the Father come through the mediation of the Son (Alma 33:11, 15-16).

Prayer is to the Father in the name of the Son (2 Ne. 32:9; 3 Ne. 18:19-20; Morm. 9:27; Ether 4:15; Moro. 4:3; 5:2; 8:3; 10:4).

Worship is of the Father in the name of the Son (2 Ne. 25:16; Jacob 4:4-5).

The Father, Son, and Holy Ghost constitute one God or, in other words, one Godhead (2 Ne. 31:21; Alma 11:44; 3 Ne. 11:27, 36; Morm. 7:7; Ether 12:41; The
Testimony of the Three Witnesses).

It is through the condescension of the Son of the Most High God that redemption comes (1 Ne. 11:6, 24; Mosiah 3:5-9).

Christ received power from his Father to reconcile the repentant to the Father (Mosiah 15:2-3; Alma 12:33-34; Hel. 5:10-11; Morm. 7:5; Moro. 7:22-27).

Christ received direction from his Father and worked in harmony with him (2 Ne. 31:10-12; 3 Ne. 11:32; 26:2).

See also Jesus Christ, role of, as Father and Son.

Millet, Robert L.

Gold plates

Metal plates containing ancient records delivered to Joseph Smith by the angel Moroni from which the Book of Mormon was translated. Historical sources indicate that
at least thirteen individuals were privileged to see the gold plates: Joseph Smith (the translator); Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Martin Harris (the Three
Witnesses); Joseph Smith, Sr., Hyrum Smith, Samuel Smith, Christian Whitmer, Jacob Whitmer, Peter Whitmer Jr., John Whitmer, and Hiram Page (the Eight
Witnesses); and Mary Musselman Whitmer, wife of Peter Whitmer Sr. (Cook, 13, 28, 33, 50-51,182, 214, 216, 217-18). Of these thirteen persons who saw the
gold plates, only Martin Harris, David Whitmer, and Joseph Smith left known published descriptions. Harris estimated the size of the plates to be 8 x 7 x 4 inches
(length- width- height) and the weight in the vicinity of 40 to 50 pounds. He also said that the three rings that bound the volume together were made of silver (Harris,
165). Whitmer gave several varying descriptions of the sacred record, indicating the length and width of the plates to be 8 x 7 (Cook, 172, 254), and 8 x 4 (Cook,
248). In two accounts he indicated that the plates were "wider than long," 6-7 x 8 (Cook, 21), and 6 x 9 (Cook, 64). Furthermore, Whitmer stated the sealed portion
appeared "as solid to my view as wood" and composed about half of the entire volume (Cook, 20-21), while on another occasion he indicated "-one- third . . .
appeared to be loose" (Cook, 75). Emma Smith, the prophet's wife, was never permitted to view the plates while they were uncovered, but she had some firsthand
knowledge of the general size and feel of the plates. She stated that the plates "often lay on the table . . . wrapped in a small linen table cloth. . . . I once felt of the
plates, as they thus lay on the table, tracing their outline and shape. They seemed to be pliable like thick paper, and would rustle with a metalic [ sic ] sound when the
edges were moved by the thumb, as one does sometimes thumb the edges of a book." While she indicated that she never uncovered or looked at the plates, she
frequently lifted them. "I moved them from place to place," she said, "as it was neccessary [ sic ] in doing my work" (Bidamon, 290).

The most accurate and reliable description of the gold plates was given by Joseph Smith in 1842: "These records were engraven on plates which had the appearance of
gold, each plate was six inches wide and eight inches long a nd not quite so thick as common tin. They were filled with engravings, in Egyptian characters and bound
together in a volume, as the leaves of a book with three rings running through the whole. The volume was something near six inches in thickness, a part of which was
sealed. The characters on the unsealed part were small, and beautifully engraved. The whole book exhibited many marks of antiquity in its construction and much skill in
the art of engraving" (Smith, 1:431). Joseph Smith said that the record had the "appearance of gold." Based upon descriptions by eyewitnesses and considering known
factors and principles associated with metallurgy, it seems the plates would not have been made from pure 24-carat gold, for that would have made them too heavy and
too pliable. They were likely fashioned from an alloy of gold mixed with copper and silver to make approximately 8-carat gold material (Putnam, 788-89, 828-30).

Joseph Smith had the plates in his possession from 22 September 1827 until approximately 1 July 1829, or a period of just over twenty-one months. The only
exception was during the summer of 1828 when the plates were taken from him for a short period in consequence of Martin Harris's losing the 116 pages of translated
Book of Mormon manuscript. Upon completion of the translation, the Prophet delivered the plates back to the angel Moroni, who "has them in his charge until this
day" (JS-H 1:60).

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mor-mon, 9; The Structure of the Book of Mormon, 17; Book of Mormon, translation of; Metals, ancient writing on;
Metals of the Book of Mormon; Moroni 2 , visits of, to Joseph Smith; Plates of Mormon; Sealed portion of the gold plates; Stone boxes, burial of documents in;
Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Bidamon, Emma Hale Smith. "Last Testimony of Sister Emma." Saints' Herald 26 (1 October 1879).

Cook, Lyndon W., ed. David Whitmer Interviews: A Restoration Witness. Orem, Utah: Grandin Book, 1991.

Harris, Martin. "Statement," in "Mormonism-No. II." Tiffany's Monthly 5 (1859).

Putnam, Read H. "Were the Golden Plates Made of Tumbaga?" Improvement Era 69 (September 1966): 788- 89.

Smith, Joseph. Papers of Joseph Smith. Vol. 1, Autobio-graphical and Historical Writings. Edited by Dean C. Jessee. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989.

Baugh, Alexander L.

Copyright
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       concept      of Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                            Page 625 / 919

Jesus Christ is the touchstone of all that is genuinely and lastingly good: "And whatsoever thing is good is just and true; wherefore, nothing that is good denieth the
Smith, Joseph. Papers of Joseph Smith. Vol. 1, Autobio-graphical and Historical Writings. Edited by Dean C. Jessee. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989.

Baugh, Alexander L.

Good concept of

Jesus Christ is the touchstone of all that is genuinely and lastingly good: "And whatsoever thing is good is just and true; wherefore, nothing that is good denieth the
Christ, but acknowledgeth that he is" (Moro. 10:6). He declared, "Good cometh of none save it be of me. I am the same that leadeth men to all good" (Ether 4:12; cf.
Omni 1:25; Alma 5:40; Moro. 7:12, 24; 10:6). Mormon taught, "For every thing which inviteth to do good, and to persuade to believe in Christ, is sent forth by the
power and gift of Christ; wherefore ye may know with a perfect knowledge it is of God" (Moro. 7:16). Sadly, too many having a knowledge of this principle fail to
apply it when confronted with evil and temptation. They sin against light, against goodness (Alma 10:6; 45:12). Those who lack knowledge to distinguish between good
and evil are "blameless" (Alma 29:5; cf. 2 Ne. 9:25-26), but for those who willfully sin against light, their darkness deepens (Alma 12:9-11; 2 Ne. 9:27). One's true
motives and feelings determine whether a supposedly righteous act is good or evil: "For behold, God hath said a man being evil cannot do that which is good" (Moro.
7:6). That is, for the doer, an act is evil if the spirit behind it is corrupt, even though the act itself may have the appearance of being good and may even result in good
for another. The act takes on the nature of the actor. Joseph Smith defined the word "Mormon" as meaning "more good" (Smith, 300). The Book of Mormon reflects
this definition in its powerful declaration of Christ as the source and epitome of all that is eternally good.

See also Evil, concept of.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Turner, Rodney

Goodly

See Appendix C.

Goodly parents

This phrase appears once in the Book of Mormon, at the opening of Nephi 1's record on the small plates: "I, Nephi, having been born of goodly parents" (1 Ne. 1:1).
Accor-ding to the 1828 edition of Webster's American Dictionary of the English Language, in Joseph Smith's day the word goodly meant graceful or pleasant. Nephi
repeated the word parents only twice: once in reference to Adam and Eve (1 Ne. 5:11) and once in reference to his own parents (1 Ne. 18:17).

Nephi partially explained the meaning of the expression "goodly parents" when he noted, "Therefore I was taught somewhat in all the learning of my father . . . having
had a great knowledge of the goodness and the mysteries of God" (1 Ne. 1:1). In Nephi's words, his parents' teaching was an important element when he described
them as "goodly." This teaching had both a practical side-"I make a record in the language of my father" (1 Ne. 1:2)-and spiritual dimension. It was this combination in
his parents' instruction, a feature of "goodly parents," that prepared Nephi to "make a record" which "is true" (1 Ne. 1:1, 3).

Brown, S. Kent

Gospel fulness of the

See Fulness of the gospel.

Gospel the

The "good news" concerning Christ's atonement , resurrection , and judgment by which all mankind may be saved in the kingdom of God through faith , repentance ,
baptism , receiving the Holy Ghost , and enduring in faithfulness unto the end (3 Ne. 11:32-39; 27:13-21; D&C 76:40-43, 51-53). The Book of Mormon equates the
gospel with the "doctrine of Christ," both consisting of the same principles (Jacob 7:6; 1 Ne. 15:14; 2 Ne. 31:2-21; 3 Ne. 11:31-40). It also confirms the antiquity of
the gospel (Moses 5:59); it was taught to the Book of Mormon peoples long before Christ's mortal ministry (e.g., 2 Ne. 31).

Christ taught that "the gates of hell shall not prevail against" those who build upon his gospel (3 Ne. 11:39). Building upon the gospel includes obedience to the first
principles and ordinances -faith, repentance, baptism, receiving the Holy Ghost-becoming as a little child, pressing forward with a "steadfastness in Christ, having a
perfect brightness of hope, and a love of God and of all men . . . feasting upon the word of Christ," and enduring in righteousness unto t he end (2 Ne. 31:20; 3 Ne.
11:32-36; cf. A of F 3, 4). Nephi 1 taught that "this is the way; and there is none other way nor name given under heaven whereby man can be saved in the kingdom of
God" (2 Ne. 31:21). By following this path one washes one's garments in Christ's blood and will stand "spotless" before him at the last day (3 Ne. 27:16-20), inheriting
eternal life (2 Ne. 31:20). Nephi learned that even the Lamb of God submitted to the gospel ordinance of baptism to "fulfill all righteousness" and show that "he would
be obedient unto [the Father] in keeping his commandments" (2 Ne. 31:6-7). Christ is thus the great exemplar inviting all people to come "follow me, and do the things
which ye have seen me do" (2 Ne. 31:12; 3 Ne. 27:21).

In contrast, Christ also taught that those who "declare more or less than this, and establish it for my doctrine" are built upon a sandy foundation and "the gates of hell
stand open to receive" them (3 Ne. 11:40; cf. D&C 20:35; Deut. 4:2; Rev. 22:18). Declaring "more or less" would include denying that Christ is the source of salvation
and perverting the "true points of . . . doctrine" (3 Ne. 21:6), as did Sherem, Nehor, and Korihor (Jacob 7; Alma 1; 30). It would also include the deliberate excising of
"plain and most precious" parts of the gospel and "many covenants of the Lord," which were "taken away out of the gospel of the Lamb" by the "great and abominable
church" during the early part of the Christian era. This loss would cause "an exceedingly great many [to] stumble" (1 Ne. 13:24-29), enabling Satan to have "great
power over them" (1 Ne. 13:29). Churches built upon false doctrine, or upon only parts of the gospel of Jesus Christ, whether in Book of Mormon times or in the latter
days, will not endure, though they may have "joy in their works for a season" (3 Ne. 27:11; 1 Ne. 22:23; 2 Ne. 26:20; 28:3-4; 4 Ne. 1:26-; Morm. 8:28-32). The
Savior taught the Nephites that the distinguishing features of his church are that it bears his name and that it is built upon his gospel: "And if it so be that the church is
built upon my gospel then will the Father show forth his own works in it" (3 Ne. 27:8-10).

One powerful contribution of the Book of Mormon in today's world, therefore, is the knowledge that it brings that the Lord has remembered his covenant with Israel
and restored the fulness of the gospel so that they may "come to the knowledge of their Redeemer and the very points of his doctrine, that they may know how to come
unto him and be saved" (1 Ne. 15:14; 3 Ne. 16:11-12). The role of the Book of Mormon in clarifying the doctrines of the gospel was enunciated by the Lord himself
millennia ago. He told Joseph who was sold into Egypt that in the latter days the record written by the descendants of Judah (the Bible) and the record written by
Joseph's descendants
 Copyright            (the Book
            (c) 2005-2009,       of Mormon)
                             Infobase  Media would
                                                Corp. "grow together, unto the confounding of false doctrines and laying down of contentions" (2 Ne. 3:12).
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As Book of Mormon prophets taught "the gospel," they did not attempt to include all the principles contained therein. They would often emphasize a particular point of
doctrine or discuss a few specific elements of the gospel, depending upon the needs of their listeners. In so doing, however, all the other principles and ordinances that
One powerful contribution of the Book of Mormon in today's world, therefore, is the knowledge that it brings that the Lord has remembered his covenant with Israel
and restored the fulness of the gospel so that they may "come to the knowledge of their Redeemer and the very points of his doctrine, that they may know how to come
unto him and be saved" (1 Ne. 15:14; 3 Ne. 16:11-12). The role of the Book of Mormon in clarifying the doctrines of the gospel was enunciated by the Lord himself
millennia ago. He told Joseph who was sold into Egypt that in the latter days the record written by the descendants of Judah (the Bible) and the record written by
Joseph's descendants (the Book of Mormon) would "grow together, unto the confounding of false doctrines and laying down of contentions" (2 Ne. 3:12).

As Book of Mormon prophets taught "the gospel," they did not attempt to include all the principles contained therein. They would often emphasize a particular point of
doctrine or discuss a few specific elements of the gospel, depending upon the needs of their listeners. In so doing, however, all the other principles and ordinances that
make up the gospel of Jesus Christ remain implicit. This is in accord with a recognized rhetorical device known as merismus, wherein explicitly highlighting one aspect of
a topic invokes implicitly the complete definition of that topic in the mind of the reader or listener (Reynolds, 43-47). Two clear examples are the teachings of king
Benjamin and Amulek. Both explicitly discussed the attainment of salvation "through faith on [Christ's] name" (Mosiah 3:9), or "faith unto repentance" (Alma 34:15-16),
without mentioning the other necessary remaining principles and ordinances of the gospel. Similarly, Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 9), Abinadi (Mosiah 15), a nd Alma 2 (Alma
33:22; 36:12-21) all proclaimed the central doctrine of the gospel, the atonement of Christ, without delineating the other necessary principles and ordinances that must
follow faith in Jesus Christ. Indeed, "none of the prophets have written, nor prophesied, save they have spoken concerning this Christ" (Jacob 7:11). And whenever
they so spoke or wrote, the necessity of accepting the fulness of the gospel was clearly implied.

The Book of Mormon not only contains explications of the gospel but also illustrates the effects of obedience to or rejection of the gospel in people's lives. Early in the
record is a sharp contrast between the Lamanites, who rejected the gospel and who "did become an idle people, full of mischief and subtlety" (2 Ne. 5:24), and the
Nephites, who "did observe to keep the judgments, and the statutes, and the commandments of the Lord" (2 Ne. 5:10). The gospel brought to king Benjamin's people,
to Alma 2 and the four sons of Mosiah 2 , and to many others peace of conscience and great joy because of forgiveness of their sins, a change of heart or disposition,
an honest concern for others, and a commitment to serve God to the end of their days (Mosiah 4:3; 5:1-5; 27; 28:1-8; Alma 5:11-14; 13; 19). "Thousands" of
previously warlike Lamanites ( Anti- Nephi- Lehies ) were converted to the gospel by the sons of Mosiah and "never did fall away" (Alma 23:5-6). They laid down
their swords and were prepared to suffer death rather than take them up again (Alma 24:18). In contrast, the Ammulonites and Amalekites, Nephite dissenters who
had rejected the gospel, became "more hardened, and thus their state [became] worse than though they had never known these things" (Alma 24:30). These same
patterns of behavior and outcomes associated with accepting or rejecting the gospel of Jesus Christ are illustrated again and again throughout the Book of Mormon.

Through latter- day revelation, the Lord affirmed that the Book of Mormon contains the fulness of the gospel (D&C 20:9; 27:5; 42:12; 135:3; JS-H 1:34). It teaches
and expounds "those laws, doctrines, ordinances, powers, and authorities needed to enable men to gain the fulness of salvation" (McConkie, 333).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to confound false doctrine; Endurance to the end; Fulness of the gospel; More or less; Plain and precious things, loss
of and restoration of.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966.

Reynolds, Noel B. "The Gospel of Jesus Christ as Taught by the Nephite Prophets." Brigham Young University Studies 31 (Summer 1991): 31- 50.

gs & led

Go to

See Appendix C.

Government principles of

The establishment of a system of government is an act of moral agency and thus is something for which men are held accountable by God. Latter- day revelation affirms
"that governments were instituted of God for the benefit of man; and that he holds men accountable for their acts in relation to them, both in making laws and
administering them, for the good and safety of society. . . . that no government can exist in peace, except such laws are framed and held inviolate as will secure to each
individual the free exercise of conscience, the right and control of property, and the protection of life. . . . that all men are bound to sustain and uphold the respective
governments in which they reside, while protected in their inherent and inalienable rights by the laws of such governments" (D&C 134:1-2, 5).

All varieties of civil governance perform several necessary functions, including the creation of rules or norms that govern and justify social action, resolution of conflict
within society, punishment of lawbreakers through governmental use of instruments of coercion, and the construction of mechanisms of social cooperation to achieve
valued ends. Book of Mormon governments all provided such functions for their peoples through systems of law, armed force, incarceration and punishment,
adjudication, and taxation.

There is a critical relationship between the civil government and the spiritual growth of its constituents-the possibilities fostered or ham-pered by a civil government for
its people to establish Zion.

The ideal form of government is a theocracy with God as the head, a kingdom with Christ as king. On earth such a government would be best represented by the
Lord's Zion, a righteous people led by revelation from God to prophet- leaders and confirmed to the people themselves by the Spirit of God. Thus a standard of
comparison is provided by which the merits of all government systems, and peoples' response to them, can be judged. Elements of Zion-like civil governance would
include (1) the equality of persons, that no man is esteemed above another (Mosiah 23:7; 27:3-5; 29:38; cf. D&C 78:5-6); (2) the erasure of privileges based upon
race, lineage, wealth, learning, and so forth (4 Ne. 1:17; cf. 3 Ne. 6:12); (3) the elimination of temporal poverty (4 Ne. 1:3; cf. Moses 7:18); (4) the establishment of
laws that are consistent with God's commandments (Mosiah 2:13; 29:25); and (5) the preservation of the moral agency of the individual, especially in reference to
religious belief (Alma 30:7-11; cf. D&C 98:5; 101:77-78; 134:2, 4).

The establishment of Zion is one of God's foremost desires for all of his children. To the extent that governments hinder God's children from their destiny, they bring
about misery, evil, and death, both spiritual and temporal. Hence, to understand the saga of the Book of Mormon peoples, it is important to examine their choices in
government. These choices were fraught with spiritual significance and either brought them closer to their God or severed them from him.

There are several ways in which civil governments may circumscribe the ability of a people to establish Zion and cause them to stumble: (1) the actual form of
government; (2) the manner in which the governing of a people is carried out by their leaders, regardless of the form of government; (3) the beliefs or ideology upon
which the government is built; and (4) the degree to which the people who are governed acquiesce or collude in governmental departure from the ideals of Zion.

As illustrated in Jaredite, Nephite, and Lamanite history, the Book of Mormon provides a wonderful treatise on these four aspects of spiritual danger in human
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The form of government
which the government is built; and (4) the degree to which the people who are governed acquiesce or collude in governmental departure from the ideals of Zion.

As illustrated in Jaredite, Nephite, and Lamanite history, the Book of Mormon provides a wonderful treatise on these four aspects of spiritual danger in human
governance.

The form of government

The Book of Mormon teaches that some forms of government provide greater possibility of spiritual progress and lesser threat of spiritual regress than others. Perhaps
the riskiest form of government, from a spiritual perspective, is mortal autocracy, or supreme rule by one man over all others. Despite the righteous rule of kings such as
Benjamin and Mosiah 2 , the prophet leaders of the Book of Mormon all counseled against an autocratic system of government because of the spiritual risk involved.
The people of Nephi 1 , after living for a time in the promised land, desired that he should become their king, but he resisted and "was desirous that they should have no
king" (2 Ne. 5:18). When Alma 1 fled from king Noah 3 with those who had converted to the gospel, his people requested that he become their king. Alma refused,
explaining, "Behold, it is not expedient that we should have a king; for thus saith the Lord: Ye shall not esteem one flesh above another, or one man shall not think
himself above another" (Mosiah 23:7). In the minds of some, autocracy itself appears to legitimize social inequality, which is anti- Zion (D&C 78:5-6). At what is
arguably one of the pinnacles of Nephite society, king Mosiah transformed the system of government from a mon-archy to a system of judges because of the danger of
unjust kings (Mosiah 29:16). At one point, Nephite civilization was threatened with utter destruction by their enemies because of the rebellion of the king- men , who
wished to establish autocratic privilege for themselves in society. Only the destruction of the king- men by Nephite armies (Alma 51) and later executions of those who
would not "take up arms in the defense of their country" prevented the worst from occurring (Alma 62:9-11). Though the Book of Mormon does not explain the
precise form of government the Nephites had before their total destruction approximately four hundred years after Christ's appearance, most other societal destructions
in the Book of Mormon were of autocratically ruled societies, such as the Jaredites, the people of king Noah, the tribal leagues, and robber bands.

Behavior of leaders, regardless of the form of government

The reason that Nephi, Alma, Mosiah, and others spoke against autocracy had to do with the manner in which the governors of society rule, regardless of the form of
government. Alma and Mosiah both plainly taught that "if it were possible that ye could always have just men to be your kings it would be well for you to have a
king" (Mosiah 23:8; 29:13). Nevertheless, because of the dire consequences of an unjust king being in power, both also strongly opposed government by kings for their
people. After reminding his hearers of the "iniquity of king Noah and his priests," Alma warned, "trust no man to be a king over you" (Mosiah 23:9, 13). Mosiah
explained that "because all men are not just it is not expedient that ye should have a king or kings to rule over you. For behold, how much iniquity doth one wicked king
cause to be committed, yea, and what great destruction!" (Mosiah 29:16-17). Alma decried how the abominations favored by a king are forced upon or adopted by
the people, creating a "snare" wherein the people become "bound with the bands of iniquity" (Mosiah 23:9, 12). Mosiah testified, "Ye cannot dethrone an iniquitous
king save it be through much contention, and the shedding of much blood. For behold, he has his friends in iniquity, and he keepeth his guards about him; and he teareth
up the laws of those who have reigned in righteousness before him; and he trampleth under his feet the commandments of God; and he enacteth laws, and sendeth them
forth among his people, yea, laws after the manner of his own wickedness; and whosoever doth not obey his laws he causeth to be destroyed; and whosoever doth
rebel against him he will send his armies against them to war, and if he can he will destroy them; and thus an unrighteous king doth pervert the ways of all
righteousness" (Mosiah 29:21-23). There is also the problem of the crushing tax burden a wicked king places upon his people so that he might live in leisure and high
consumption (Mosiah 11:1-6).

The Book of Mormon contains an account in which personal behavior on the part of the leader, the Jaredite king Morianton 1 , caused him to be "cut off from the
presence of the Lord," although his behavior in regards to his kingship was by and large just (Ether 10:10-11). Morianton's ability to compartmentalize his wicked
behavior is highly unusual, especially in autocracy, and should probably be regarded an exception rather than the rule.

Although iniquity may be more likely in an autocracy because of the concentration of so much power in the hands of one person, or just a few, it can also pervade other
forms of government. The Book of Mormon shows that even the system of judges set up by the Nephites after the reign of king Mosiah could be rendered ineffective
by unrighteous leaders. Despite an elaborate system of checks and balances whereby lower judges could be overruled by higher judges, and a combination of lower
judges could remove a higher judge from office (Mosiah 29:28-29), eventually wicked judges and those who sought to restore a system of nobility and privilege from
which they themselves would benefit ruined the government and brought destruction upon their society (Alma 10:27; 3 Ne. 6; a.d. 29-34).

Beliefs or ideology upon which a government is based

The Book of Mormon teaches that the "incorrectness of the traditions of their fathers" may warp a society and cause its members to pursue evil goals (Alma 9:16-17;
Hel. 15:4). False ideology in the Book of Mormon is most often connected with the evil traditions of Lamanite fathers, which traditions caused their descendants to
forget great spiritual knowledge, to hate their brethren, and to seek "by the power of their arms to destroy [the Nephites] continually" (Jacob 7:24; cf. Mosiah 10:12-
17). Elements of Nephite society also demonstrated the wickedness and conflict that can be created by governments established by wicked individuals for -self- serving
purposes, as in the case of wicked king Noah (Mosiah 11) and the king- men (Alma 51, 61, 62), where the traditions of nobility passed onto them by their fathers was
corrupted and misapplied.

Acquiescence and collusion of the governed in departure from the ideals of Zion

In a nonautocratic society, accountability for the manner and actions of the government ultimately rests upon the people. Mosiah, in arguing for the benefits of the new
system of judges he proposed, stated that the election of judges by the voice of the people would permit them to have the government they wanted. Of course, this is a
double- edged sword. If the people are generally good, then a nonauto-cratic system of government should yield a generally benign and responsive government. On the
other hand, if the people are generally evil, then the government would reflect their corruption. Mosiah noted: "Now it is not common that the voice of the people
desireth anything contrary to that which is right; but it is common for the lesser part of the people to desire that which is not right; therefore this shall ye observe and
make it your law-to do your business by the voice of the people. And if the time comes that the voice of the people doth choose iniquity, then is the time that the
judgments of God will come upon you; yea, then is the time he will visit you with great destruction even as he has hitherto visited this land" (Mosiah 29:26-27). Because
all of the people-not just one wicked ruler who has caught his people in a "snare"-are at fault, societal destruction is the inevitable and just consequence.

In summary, the system of government established in any society has an integral relationship to the spiritual progress and regress therein. In a sense, the government and
its workings are a symbol of the spiritual state of a society. Given the benchmark of Zion, the Lord will hold man accountable for his actions in establishing and enacting
government. The history of the peoples of the Book of Mormon is an eloquent treatise in this regard.

See also Judges, reign of.

Hudson, Valerie M.

Grace
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Favor or goodwill extended by God to his children. Grace is part of God's eternal, unchanging nature, perfectly expressed through the plan of salvation and the
atonement of Jesus Christ (Moro. 10:32-33).
Hudson, Valerie M.

Grace

Favor or goodwill extended by God to his children. Grace is part of God's eternal, unchanging nature, perfectly expressed through the plan of salvation and the
atonement of Jesus Christ (Moro. 10:32-33).

The Book of Mormon affirms that grace is an attribute of God the Father, of Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Ghost (Ether 12:41). At times the record refers simply to
"the grace of God," without delineating any one member of the Godhead (2 Ne. 10:24; Jacob 4:7; Mosiah 18:16, 26; 27:5). At other times the record specifically
points to either the grace of the Father (Moro. 8:3), the grace of both Jesus and the Father (Moro. 7:2; 9:26), or the grace of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 2:6, 8; Alma 5:48;
9:26-27; 13:9; Ether 12:26, 27, 36).

Inasmuch as the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost compose one Godhead, or "one God" (2 Ne. 31:21), the term "God" includes any and all of them, and the grace that
flows from them is the same.

God's attitude towards human beings is positive; he is neither neutral nor disinterested. He is predisposed to act in their behalf; he wants them to succeed. The blessings
that God showers upon mankind to help them succeed constitute expressions of his grace or favor.

In human relationships, "to find grace in someone's eyes" (e.g., Gen. 39:4) is to be viewed favorably by another person, to be accepted, liked, or approved of. To
receive of God's grace is similarly a token of his approval and support; however, expressions of grace differ from other kinds of blessings in that they are gifts. They are
given not as rewards but simply because it is God's nature to help others when they are unable to help themselves (Moses 1:39; 1 Jn. 4:7-8).

Like any loving parent, God is predisposed to act in his children's behalf, and he freely blesses them with many things, through his grace, that they do not earn or
deserve (e.g., Mosiah 2:21, 24; cf. Rom. 11:6). Otherwise, grace becomes a wage or reward, and wages are not gifts but are justly owed to those who earn them. Yet
long before mortals could obey or disobey God, before they could earn or deserve either reward or punishment, before they were even born, God already loved them
and was already acting in their behalf-through his grace.

Most expressions of God's grace, his predisposition to act in his children's favor, are given to all human beings unconditionally. Just as human parents normally love and
bless their children even before their children can respond in kind, so God loves and blesses his children with gracious gifts motivated by his love for them. Among these
gifts are a divine parentage, agency, and the atonement of Jesus Christ. Though offered to all, not everyone will accept the opportunities offered through God's grace.
Divine grace can be resisted and rejected, for God will force no one into his kingdom. Thus, it is possible to "grow in grace" through faith-fulness (2 Pet. 3:18) or "fall
from grace" through unfaithfulness (D&C 20:32; cf. Gal. 1:6; 5:4). Happily, for those who truly desire God's kingdom, the grace of God is sufficient to overcome any
obstacle but an unwilling or disloyal heart (2 Ne. 2:6-7; Ether 12:26-27; Moro. 10:32; D&C 17:8; 18:31; 2 Cor. 12:9). God has, through his grace, already done more
for human beings than he is generally given credit for, and he will, through grace, overcome all obstacles for those who continue to seek him. Truly, mankind is saved by
grace. Lehi 1 testified "there is no flesh that can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits, and mercy, and grace of the Holy Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:8).
The Book of Mormon makes clear however, that salvation does not come by grace alone. Nephi 1 and Jacob 2 explained that salvation comes by the grace of God,
"after all we can do" "after ye are reconciled unto God" (2 Ne. 25:23; 10:24). What mankind can do to be reconciled to God is to come unto Christ through faith,
repentance, and baptism by water and Spirit (2 Ne. 31:17-21; Alma 24:10-11; A of F 3; 4). These works of themselves save no one. They do, however, provide
"access" to God's grace (Rom. 5:1-2).

In sum, then, grace refers to all those loving gifts that God has bestowed upon his children that enable them, but never force them, to return to his presence.

See also Mercy; Merits of Christ.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Grafting

Grafting is a common horticultural process whereby a branch or bud of one plant is attached to and allowed to grow from the root stock of a compatible plant variety
( see photograph of grafting, page 619). This process allows the desired qualities (usually the fruit) of the top of one plant to grow from a plant with desirable root
qualities. The allegory of the olive tree in Jacob 5 uses this common practice of grafting in a metaphorical way to explain (1) how and why the house of Israel will be
scattered throughout the world and why non- Israelites will be brought into the house of Israel during this scattering period, and (2) how, in the latter days, the scattered
house of Israel will be brought back to its roots. The first process began some time before and continued long after Lehi 1 . In this period God had tame olive branches
(members of the house of Israel) scattered around the world and branches of the wild olive tree (non- Israel) grafted into the tame olive tree (Israel). In the latter days
God began grafting back into the root stock of Israel the tame branches he had earlier grafted into wild olive trees. The later grafting represents a return to the
covenants associated with the house of Israel. This return, or gathering of the house of Israel, continues today as the scattered descendants of Israel begin, through the
Prophet Joseph Smith and the Restoration, to understand their relationship to the house of Israel and begin to accept "the knowledge of the true Messiah" (1 Ne.
10:14) and "the very points of his doctrine" (1 Ne. 15:14).

See also Adoption; Israel, gathering of; Israel, scattering of; Olive trees; Zenos, allegory of.

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Grain

See Agriculture in the Book of Mormon.

Grandin Egbert Bratt

A Palmyra, New York, publisher who printed the first edition of the Book of Mormon.

Grandin was born in Freehold, Monmouth County, New Jersey, on 30 March 1806 to William and Ame (Amy) Lewis Grandin. At age four (in 1810) he moved with
his family to northern Ontario County, New York (later Wayne County). The Grandins located at Pultneyville, town of Williamson, on the shore of Lake Ontario. At
about age sixteen or seventeen (ca. 1822-1823), E. B. Grandin entered into an apprenticeship with Pomeroy Tucker in the village of Palmyra, New York (Maxson;
Guide, 83).

Tucker, who(c)had
 Copyright        purchased Infobase
                2005-2009,   the Palmyra   Herald
                                        Media     and Canal Advertiser from Timothy C. Strong in 1823 and changed the name to Wayne Sentinel, later published the
                                               Corp.                                                                                                Page 629 / 919
newspaper jointly with John H. Gilbert (1824-27). Grandin received training as an apprentice in the shop of these two qualified printers, a shop initially located on the
southeast corner of Main Street and what would become Fayette Street in 1829. Tucker next relocated his printing establishment two blocks east of the present
Grandin building at the "first door" of the "James Jenner Block" (erected in 1825) on the northwest corner of the intersection of East Main and Clinton Streets. The
about age sixteen or seventeen (ca. 1822-1823), E. B. Grandin entered into an apprenticeship with Pomeroy Tucker in the village of Palmyra, New York (Maxson;
Guide, 83).

Tucker, who had purchased the Palmyra Herald and Canal Advertiser from Timothy C. Strong in 1823 and changed the name to Wayne Sentinel, later published the
newspaper jointly with John H. Gilbert (1824-27). Grandin received training as an apprentice in the shop of these two qualified printers, a shop initially located on the
southeast corner of Main Street and what would become Fayette Street in 1829. Tucker next relocated his printing establishment two blocks east of the present
Grandin building at the "first door" of the "James Jenner Block" (erected in 1825) on the northwest corner of the intersection of East Main and Clinton Streets. The
Wayne Sentinel for 17 January 1826 places the paper at the new location. In April 1827, at age twenty- one, Grandin himself purchased the Wayne Sentinel and
became its editor and publisher until 1832. He later sold half of the Sentinel to Theron R. Strong, 30 January 1832 (Hamilton, 275, 302-4; Grandin, 30 January 1832;
Lowe).

Grandin printed his first issue of the Wayne Sentinel on 13 April 1827. John Gilbert announced in that number that "a sale and transfer of this paper, and of the Printing
and Bookselling establishment connected with it, has been made to Mr. Egbert B. Grandin , who will now assume the management of the paper and other affairs of the
concern." It was later stated in the 14 November 1828 Sentinel, "The next number of this paper will be issued from the new office, in the third story of the west
apartment of Thayer and Grandin's Block, where all kinds of Job and Book Printing will continue to be executed with accuracy and despatch." The three- story space
in the west bay of the newly constructed "Thayer & Grandin's Row" was located on the north side of East Main Street between William and Market Streets. One of
the earliest references to the building later being called the more familiar "No. 5, Exchange Row" appeared in the Wayne Sentinel, 1 July 1831. Today the building is
designated as 219 East Main, "Book of Mormon Historic Publication Site." The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints owns the first two bays on the west side
(Enders; Lowe). E. B. Grandin rented the west bay of the newly constructed Federal- style commercial building (built 1827-28) from his brother Philip Grandin and
business partners Joel and Levi Thayer, twin brothers. In addition to maintaining his printing shop on the third story, he entered into a partnership with Luther Howard
during the fall and winter of 1829-30 while the publication of the Book of Mormon was in progress. Grandin and Howard jointly operated the Palmyra Bookstore on
the first story, and Howard supervised the book bindery on the second level ( Wayne Sentinel, 12 June 1829; Enders; Lowe).

Grandin had married Harriet Rogers, 23 Decem-ber 1828. Harriet was born 27 Octo-ber 1810 in Williamson, New York, the daughter of William and Hannah Selby
Rogers. Pomeroy Tucker had previously married Harriet's sister, Lucy Rogers, in 1824. Thus Grandin's former printing mentor also became his brother- in- law
(Enders; Maxson; Hamilton, 303-4).

The Prophet Joseph Smith said that as the translation of the golden plates was nearing completion at the Peter Whitmer Sr. farm in Fayette, New York, "we went to
Palmyra, Wayne county, N. Y : Secured the copyright; and agreed with Mr. Egbert Grand[i]n to print five thousand copies, for the sum of three thousand
dollars" ( Times and Seasons, 3:943). Pomeroy Tucker remembered that it was in June 1829 that the Prophet, Hyrum Smith, Oliver Cowdery, and Martin Harris
applied to Grandin to print the Book of Mormon (Tucker, 50). John H. Gilbert recalled that "in the forepart of June, 1829, Mr. E. B. Grandin, the printer of the
`Wayne Sentinel,' came to me and said he wanted I should assist him in estimating the cost of printing 5000 copies of a book that Martin Harris wanted to get printed. .
. . It was the second application of Harris to Grandin to do the job" ("Memorandum").

Joseph Smith filed for coverage under the 1790 U.S. copyright act which required that an author or proprietor "before publication deposit a printed copy of the title of
such . . . book or books, in the clerk's office of the district court where the author or proprietor shall reside: And the clerk of such court is hereby directed and required
to record the same forthwith, in a book to be kept by him for that purpose, in the words following, (giving a copy thereof to the said author or proprietor, under the seal
of the court, if he shall require the same)." Then follows a sample of the required document (Peters, 1:125). Grandin was the printer who prepared the required copy of
the title page of the Book of Mormon, which was submitted to R. [Richard] R. [Ray] Lansing, clerk of the Northern District Court, who had his home and office at
Utica, New York (Bagg, 332-34; Spafford, copyright page, 535). Lansing then entered the title application in a formatted record book under date of 11 June 1829. It
is not certain whether Joseph Smith simply submitted his title entry by mail to Lansing at Utica, New York, or whether it was delivered by hand. Lansing filed the
copyright entry with the title page in Washington, D.C. (Lansing), and Joseph Smith was given an author's copy of Lansing's record. This copy is handwritten and not
an exact duplicate as to line spacing and the like (copy in Church Archives). Only a portion of the copyright application issued by Lansing was subsequently copied into
the "Printer's Manuscript" of the Book of Mor-mon prepared by Oliver Cowdery. When type was set for the copyright page in the first edition, the entire document
was included as required by law (Printer's manuscript; Lansing; Smith; compare Skousen, 48-49).

Grandin also printed a copy of the title page of the Book of Mormon in the Wayne Sentinel on 26 June 1829 with the introductory comment, "We have been furnished
with the following, which is represented to us as intended for the title page of the work-we give it as a curiosity." Then follows the title page, with minor punc-tuation
changes, as it was eventually printed in the 1830 edition. Grandin later accurately printed, save for some punctuation changes, copies of the title page in issues of the
Wayne Sentinel for 26 March 1830 (the day the Book of Mormon was first made available to the public at Grandin's Palmyra Bookstore), for 2, 9, and 16 April, and
for 7 May 1830. This notice was accompanied by the following comment, "The above work, containing about 600 pages, large Duodecimo, is now for sale, wholesale
and retail, at the Palmyra Bookstore." The purpose appears to be that of providing an advertisement for the book, but, as suggested by Richard L. Anderson, it may
also have been an attempt at "curing," or satisfying the legal requirement of the copyright law which specified that "such author or pro-prietor shall, within two months
from the date thereof, cause a copy of the said record [the clerk's copyright entry] to be published in one or more of the newspapers printed in the United States, for
the space of four weeks." Anderson further suggests that the printers "may have thought they were complying with the intent of the law by printing just what they had
originally submitted to the clerk of the court-the title page" (interview; Peters, 1:125; 2:171). The comparative length of the title page alone may have been a factor. It is
important to note, however, that the U.S. copyright act called for the newspaper to print the complete copyright entry as prepared by the clerk of the district court and
not just the content of the title page itself. The 1790 act provided a definite outline to follow (Peters, 1:125). Grandin knew the law and the proper format as evidenced
by his printing of Lansing's copyright entry for himself when he, Grandin, filed a title submission to print "Notes on Title IV. Chapter II. of part III. of the Revised
Statutes of the State of New York" in May of that same year ( Wayne Sentinel, May 7, 14, 21, 28, and 4 June 1830). Interestingly, both Grandin's personal legal
notice and the Book of Mormon title page appear on the same page in the 7 May 1830 issue of the Sentinel.

The original printing of the title page of the Book of Mormon on 26 June 1829 would further suggest the general time period in which ongoing negotiations with Grandin
for the printing of the Book of Mormon were taking place. Finding that Martin Harris was to provide the financial security for the project, Grandin initially expressed his
reluctance to publish the Book of Mormon as requested, "believing the whole affair to be a wicked imposture and a scheme to defraud Mr. Harris, who was his
friend" (Tucker, 51). Joseph Smith and his friends were under the necessity of going to Rochester, New York, where they next applied to Thurlow Weed, former
printer of the Rochester Daily Telegraph with Robert Martin in 1826, and current editor of the Rochester Anti- Masonic Enquirer (1828-1830) to act as publisher.
Weed, operating out of the office of the Rochester Daily Telegraph, twice rejected their request (Weed, 1:358-59; Hamilton, 306-7). The Prophet then visited the
Rochester office of book publisher Elihu F. Marshall, who "gave his terms for the printing and binding of the book, with his acceptance of the proffered mode of
security for the payment" (Tucker, 52).

Even with Marshall's affirmation, the Prophet made yet another attempt to enlist Grandin. Grandin was informed that the job would be done with or without him and
that because of the convenience and money- saving aspects of working with a Palmyra publisher close to their residence he was still their preference. Tucker observed,
"It was upon this statement of the facts, and in this view of the case, that Mr. Grandin, on taking the advice of several discreet, fair- minded neighbors, finally
reconsidered his course of policy, and entered into contract for the printing and binding of five thousand copies of the Book of Mormon" (Tucker, 52-53). Grandin's
grandson Henry Allen stated that "after consulting friends who felt that it was merely a business matter and that he would be in no way related to the religion, he
consented" (qtd. in Porter, 52).
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Agreement was reached on the terms of the publication between the parties and the requisite number of copies to be printed between mid- August 1829 and 26 March
1830. Milton W. Hamilton put this accomplishment in an interesting perspective when he stated, "Two outstanding publishing events occurred in western New York in
this period (1785-1830). The first was the printing of William Morgan's revelation of Masonry in the office of David C. Miller, in Batavia (1826), which, with attendant
"It was upon this statement of the facts, and in this view of the case, that Mr. Grandin, on taking the advice of several discreet, fair- minded neighbors, finally
reconsidered his course of policy, and entered into contract for the printing and binding of five thousand copies of the Book of Mormon" (Tucker, 52-53). Grandin's
grandson Henry Allen stated that "after consulting friends who felt that it was merely a business matter and that he would be in no way related to the religion, he
consented" (qtd. in Porter, 52).

Agreement was reached on the terms of the publication between the parties and the requisite number of copies to be printed between mid- August 1829 and 26 March
1830. Milton W. Hamilton put this accomplishment in an interesting perspective when he stated, "Two outstanding publishing events occurred in western New York in
this period (1785-1830). The first was the printing of William Morgan's revelation of Masonry in the office of David C. Miller, in Batavia (1826), which, with attendant
events, profoundly influenced the development of the press within the state. The second was the publication of the Book of Mormon or `Golden Bible' of Joseph Smith
by E. B. Grandin, of Palmyra (1830)" (Hamilton, 78-79).

Through the Wayne Sentinel, Grandin became an influential spokesman for the Wayne County Democratic Party and was a strong Jacksonian. He also served the
Palmyra community in such civic functions as a village trustee (Grandin, 7 February 1831), collector of taxes, clerk of the board of inspectors of elections, and
constable ( Guide, 84). In 1831 and 1832 Grandin experienced a series of unfortunate financial reverses that necessitated his divesting himself of his printing
establishment, which was accomplished by April 1833 ( Guide, 85). Theron R. Strong is listed as publisher with the 2 January 1833 issue of the Wayne Sentinel. Over
a period of years, Grandin was occupied in a succession of businesses, i.e., "butcher, tanner, public servant, super-intendent of an Erie Canal cargo boat, farmer, and
commissioning and forwarding merchant." He was periodically drawn back to the Wayne Sentinel office to work for later owners ( Guide, 85-86; Hamilton, 303-4).

A virtually unexplored opportunity to extract valuable information from Grandin on the circumstances surrounding the publication of the Book of Mormon ended
abruptly when he died at age thirty- nine. While recovering from a protracted illness, he suffered a relapse due to complications of pneumonia and passed away on 16
April 1845 ( Wayne Sentinel, 23 April 1845, 3). Grandin is buried in the Palmyra City Cemetery, Section R, Lot 111. His epitaph reads, "An honest man, the noblest
work of God."

See also Book of Mormon, printing and publication of; Gilbert, John Hulburd.

Bibliography

Allen, Henry M. "Letter to the Librarian of the Palmyra Library." March 1964. E. B. Grandin file, King's Daughters' Free Library. Palmyra, New York.

Anderson, Richard L. Personal interview. 2 June 1998. Provo, Utah.

Bagg, M. M. The Pioneers of Utica. Curtiss and Childs, 1877.

Enders, Donald L. Personal interview. 28 January 1998. Salt Lake City, Utah.

Gilbert, John H. "Memorandum, made by John H. Gilbert Esq, Sept 8th. 1892," King's Daughters' Free Library, Palmyra, New York.

Grandin, Egbert B. Diary. 1 January 1831 to 2 February 1841. Church Archives, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah.

Guide to Exhibits at the Book of Mormon Historic Publi-cation Site at Palmyra, New York. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1998.
Courtesy of Donald L. Enders, Church Archives.

Hamilton, Milton W. The Country Printer: New York State, 1785-1830. Port Washington, L. I., New York: Ira J. Friedman, 1964.

Lansing, R. R. See Joseph Smith, copyright entry in Court of the United States for the Northern District of New York, September 1826 to May 1831; 116:107.
Copyright Office, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Lowe, Robert O. Personal interview. 18 July 1998. Palmyra, New York, village and town historian.

Maxson, Anna L., great- great- granddaughter of E. B. Grandin. Personal correspondence. Toledo, Ohio, 3 June 1998.

Peters, Richard, Esq., ed. The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America from the Organization of the Government in 1789, to March 3, 1845. 2 vols.
Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1845.

Porter, Larry C. "The Book of Mormon: Historical Setting for Its Translation and Publication." Joseph Smith: The Prophet, the Man. Edited by Susan Easton Black
and Charles D. Tate Jr. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1993.

Printer's manuscript of the Book of Mormon. Com-munity of Christ Library- Archives, Independence, Missouri.

Skousen, Royal. The Printer's Manuscript of the Book of Mormon: Typographical Facsimile of the Entire Text in Two Parts. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 2001.

Smith, Joseph. The Book of Mormon. Palmyra, N.Y.: E. B. Grandin, 1830.

Spafford, Horatio Gates. A Gazetteer of the State of New York. Albany: B. D. Packard, 1824.

Times and Seasons. 3 (15 October 1842): 943.

Tucker, Pomeroy. Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1867.

Wayne Sentinel. 12 June 1829.

Weed, Thurlow. Autobiography of Thurlow Weed. Edited by Harriet A. Weed. Vol. 1. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1884.

Porter, Larry C.

Great and abominable church

ACopyright
   great evil(c) 2005-2009,
              Nephi 1 saw in Infobase  Media
                             an important     Corp.
                                          vision he experienced while en route to the promised land. In chapters 13 and 14 of 1 Nephi, the prophetPage   Nephi631      / 919
                                                                                                                                                                 described the
vision in which he saw the future of the world and its kingdoms. Nephi 1's vision is the type of revelation known in biblical literature as apocalyptic, and it is represented
in the New Testament most fully by the Revelation of John. The revelations of Nephi and of John have more in common, however, than merely the apocalyptic form,
Porter, Larry C.

Great and abominable church

A great evil Nephi 1 saw in an important vision he experienced while en route to the promised land. In chapters 13 and 14 of 1 Nephi, the prophet Nephi described the
vision in which he saw the future of the world and its kingdoms. Nephi 1's vision is the type of revelation known in biblical literature as apocalyptic, and it is represented
in the New Testament most fully by the Revelation of John. The revelations of Nephi and of John have more in common, however, than merely the apocalyptic form,
for Nephi's vision (1 Ne. 14:19-28) anticipates that of John. The two are complementary, centering in part on the same characters and themes: the Lamb and his
church, the Apostasy, the great and abominable church of the devil, and the restoration of the gospel in the latter days. When added to the information found in John's
revelation and other pertinent scriptures, Nephi's descriptions point to some historical conclusions about the nature of the Apostasy and the identity of the great and
abominable church.

In an attempt to understand the message of Nephi and John, terms must be defined. The Greek word apostasia (apostasy) means "rebellion" or "revolution." It conveys
the sense of an internal takeover within an organization or institution by factions hostile to the intentions of its previous leaders. The translation "mutiny" for apostasia,
calls up the image of a ship being commandeered by those who are not authorized to do so and being taken in a direction the ship was not intended to go. Because
early Christians often thought of the Church as a ship, it seems "mutiny" conveys exactly the right sense of what Paul and others meant by the term "apostasy."

It is also important to analyze and define the component parts of the phrase "great and abominable church." In this context, "great" is an adjective of size rather than of
quality and (like the Hebrew gadol or the Greek megas) informs of the great size of the abominable entity. Secondary meanings might refer to great wealth or power.
The term "abominable" is used in the Old Testament to describe that which God hates, which cannot fail to arouse his wrath. In the book of Daniel, the abomination of
deso-lation is that thing which is so hateful to God that its presence in the temple causes the divine presence to depart, leaving the sanctuary desolate (Dan. 11:31;
12:11; Matt. 24:15; JS-M 1:12-20). In the Old Testament, the terms translated into English as "abominable" or "abomination" (Hebrew roots shiqqutz, ta'ab, piggul;
Greek Septuagint and New Testament bdelugma) are usually associated with one of two practices: idolatrous worship or gross sexual immorality (e.g., Lev. 18:22;
20:13; Deut. 27:15; 2 Chr. 15:8; Jer. 44:3-5; Ezek. 22:11).

The term "church" (Hebrew qahal or edah; Greek ekklesia) had a slightly broader meaning anciently than it does now and referred to an assembly, congregation, or
association of people that bonded them together and commanded their loyalties. Thus the term was not necessarily restricted to religious associations and, in fact, at
Athens was used to denote the legislative assembly of government. When all this is put together, it appears that the phrase "great and abominable church" means an
immense assembly or association of people bound together by their loyalty to that which God hates. Most likely this will be a religious association involved specifically
in sexual immorality and/or idolatry (that is, false worship-abandoning the God of Israel and worshipping anything else).

While the revelation of John does not use the exact term "great and abominable church," the entity so described by Nephi is clearly the harlot described by John in
Revelation 17-18, because identical and similar terms "mother of abominations," "mother of harlots," and "the great whore that sitteth upon many waters" are used by
both prophets (1 Ne. 14:10-12, 16; Rev. 17:1, 5).

Characteristics of the great and abominable church in 1 Nephi may be listed as follows:

1. It persecutes, tortures, and slays the Saints of God (13:5).

2. It seeks wealth and luxury (13:7).

3. It is characterized by sexual immorality (13:7).

4. It has excised plain and precious things from the scriptures (13:26-29).

5. It has dominion over all the earth, among all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people (14:11).

6. Its fate is to be consumed by a world war, in which the nations it incited against the Saints turn to war among themselves until they destroy the great and abominable
church itself (22:13-14).

These same characteristics are also attributed to the whore (Babylon) in the Revelation of John:

1. She is drunk with the blood of the Saints and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus and of the prophets (17:6; 18:24).

2. She is characterized by the enjoyment of great wealth and luxury (17:4; 18:3, 11-16).

3. She is characterized by sexual immorality (17:1, 2, 5).

4. She has dominion over all nations (17:15, 18; 18:3, 23-24).

5. Her fate is to be consumed by the very kings who have made war on the Lamb under the influence of her deceptions (17:14-16; 18:23).

It should be noted that one characteristic not common to both prophetic descriptions is Nephi's statement that the great and abominable church held back important
parts of the canon of scripture. But because John's record is one of the very scriptures to which Nephi refers (14:20-23), this omission in John's account is not
surprising.

It must also be noted that in John's revelation the whore cannot be equated with the two beasts; they do not represent the same things. The one beast supports the
whore (Rev. 17:3), but the beast and the whore are separate entities with separate functions in the evil empire, both motivated by the same evil genius, Satan. The
whore of Revelation 17-18 is specifically the satanic counterpart of the woman in chapter 12 who symbolizes the church of Jesus Christ which was forced into the
wilderness (that is, became inaccessible to human beings). Symbol-izing the great and abominable church (the counterfeit) as a whore underscores the nature of her evil:
she is physically and spiritually unfaithful; that is, she represents both sexual immorality and idolatry, the twin abominations of the Old Testament. Thus she is the "mother
of abominations."

Since the great and abominable church from 1 Nephi is identified in every aspect with the whore, while the beast is never even mentioned in Nephi's vision, it follows
that when discussing the great and abominable church, one must not confuse the whore which Nephi saw and described with the beast which he did not. There are no
references to the beasts of Revelation in Nephi's vision of the great and abominable church. As both John and Nephi make clear, the nations outlast the whore, and
they eventually destroy her. Both beast and whore are com-ponent parts of the kingdom of the devil, but they are separate parts even though they sometimes work
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Perhaps the greatest difficulty in Nephi's description of the great and abominable church is an apparent contradiction between chapters 13 and 14. In 1 Nephi 13 the
Since the great and abominable church from 1 Nephi is identified in every aspect with the whore, while the beast is never even mentioned in Nephi's vision, it follows
that when discussing the great and abominable church, one must not confuse the whore which Nephi saw and described with the beast which he did not. There are no
references to the beasts of Revelation in Nephi's vision of the great and abominable church. As both John and Nephi make clear, the nations outlast the whore, and
they eventually destroy her. Both beast and whore are com-ponent parts of the kingdom of the devil, but they are separate parts even though they sometimes work
together.

Perhaps the greatest difficulty in Nephi's description of the great and abominable church is an apparent contradiction between chapters 13 and 14. In 1 Nephi 13 the
great and abominable church is one specific church among many. Indeed, Nephi's description of it as "most abominable above all other churches" (13:5, 26) makes no
sense otherwise. Moreover, it has a specific historical description: it would be formed among the Gentiles after the Bible has been transmitted in its purity to the Gentiles
by the Jews (13:25-26), and it is the specific historical agent responsible for excising plain and precious truths from the scriptural record. It would appear that in chapter
13 Nephi described a specific historical institution as the great and abominable church. To this one must add the information given in Doctrine and Covenants 86:1-4,
which states that the great and abominable church did its work after the apostles had fallen asleep, that is, around the end of the first century. Similarly, in the Revelation
of John, the role of the whore has a historical frame. She comes into the picture after the beasts, upon which she rides and which give her support, and she is eliminated
from the picture while they yet continue. Again, the great and abominable church (Babylon) is not a term identical with "the kingdom of the devil," for the whore is only
one of the component parts of a larger empire, together with the beasts, the image, the horns, and the false prophet-and also with other false churches. This last idea is
clearly brought out in 1 Nephi 22:22-23: "But it is the kingdom of the devil, which shall be built up among the children of men, which kingdom is established among
them which are in the flesh-for the time speedily shall come that all churches which are built up to get gain, and all those who are built up to get power over the flesh,
and those who are built up to become popular in the eyes of the world, and those who seek the lusts of the flesh and the things of the world, and to do all manner of
iniquity; yea, in fine, all those who belong to the kingdom of the devil are they who need fear, and tremble" (italics added).

Indisputably, the full kingdom of the devil is made up of many churches (or denominations) and will be until the end of the world. Taking 1 Nephi 13 and 22 as starting
points, one might be justified in asking which of all those false denominations is the actual great and abominable church of the devil. The apparent contradiction comes in
1 Nephi 14:10, in which it is said that there are only two churches: "And he said unto me: Behold there are save two churches only; the one is the church of the Lamb of
God, and the other is the church of the devil."

How can this be? How can the devil's church or churches be one and many at the same time? The apparent contradiction actually gives the solution to the larger puzzle
and ultimately the identification of the great and abominable church.

The answer is that the term is used in two different ways in these two chapters. In chapter 13 it is used historically, and in chapter 14 it is used typologically, or
apocalyptically. In apocalyptic literature (both Revelation and 1 Nephi 13-14 are apocalyptic in nature) the seer is caught up in vision and sees things from God's
perspective. Time ceases to be an important element. This is why the chronology of John's revelation at times seems to be scrambled. Apocalyptic visions are highly
symbolic, usually requiring an angelic interpreter for the seer to understand what he sees. But the symbols are inclusive; that is, they stand for archetypical categories
into which all specific instances of something can be placed. This is why the whore can be called Nineveh (some of John's language comes from Nahum's description of
Nineveh), or Babylon, Sodom, Egypt, Jerusalem 1 , or Rome. It doesn't matter; the names change, but the character "that great city" remains the same in every
dispensation. To illustrate, consider the name of the whore, or great and abominable church: Babylon. A literal reading would lead one to believe that some particular
city is being described, and one would want to know which city it was. But in reading carefully, it can be seen that Babylon in John's revelation is not one city but many
cities, all of which fall into the larger category of "that great city," which is the anti-thesis of the city of God, the heavenly Jerusalem or Zion. Just as Zion is wherever the
pure in heart dwell (D&C 97:21), so Babylon is where the whore lives. Because Latter- day Saints understand that Zion is a spiritual category, which may in different
contexts mean Salt Lake City, Far West, Jerusalem, or the City of Enoch, they should also understand Zion's opposite, Babylon, in the same way. It is precisely this
variable identity that Jacob 2 taught when he said, "Wherefore, he that fighteth against Zion, both Jew and Gentile, both bond and free, both male and female, shall
perish; for they are they who are the whore of all the earth; for they who are not for me are against me, saith our God" (2 Ne. 10:16; italics added). In other words
Babylon, "the whore of all the earth," is in this context anyone who fights against Zion.

In apocalyptic literature the cast of characters is constant in every dispensation; they are these same archetypical categories into which all things can be placed. From
the apocalyptic point of view there is one script, one plot, from the foundation of the world until its end. The characters in the play and the lines they deliver are always
the same from dispensation to dispen-sation, although the individual actors who play the roles and speak the lines may change with time. Therefore, there is always the
role of "that great city," though the part might be played at different times in history by Sodom, Egypt, Nineveh, Babylon, Rome, Berlin, Moscow, or Washington, D.C.
The important thing is to know what the archetypical patterns are and their identifying characteristics. Then one can orient oneself in any time or place and know who
functions now in the role of Babylon and where Zion is located.

Once it is understood that the term "great and abominable church" has two extensions, the one open, inclusive, and archetypical, and the other limited and historical, the
rest is easy. In chapter 14, Nephi described the archetypical roles themselves: "There are save two churches only" (that is, Zion and Babylon). But in chapter 13 he
referred to the specific institution (the actor, if you will) who played the role of Babylon in the Roman Empire in the second century a.d. Nevertheless, it will not do
much good in the twenty- first century to know who played Babylon in the second. One needs to recognize Babylon now, in this era, although the actors have been
changed.

Apocalyptic literature is also dualistic. Because it deals with archetypes, it boils everything down to opposing principles: love and hate, good and evil, light and dark.
There are no gray areas in apocalyptic scripture. At the very least, everything can be reduced to the opposing categories of A and not- A ("They who are not for me
are against me, saith our God"; 2 Ne. 10:16). In the realm of religion, there are only two categories: religion that will save and religion that will not. The former is the
church of the Lamb, and the latter-no matter how well intentioned -is a counterfeit. Thus, even a "good" church must still be part of the devil's kingdom in the sense
used in 1 Nephi 14 ("there are save two churches only"), for it cannot do what it pretends to do. Nevertheless, such a church cannot be called the "great and
abominable church" in the sense used in 1 Nephi 13, for its intentions are good and honorable, and quite often such churches teach people enough truth that they can
then recognize the true church when they meet it. These churches do not slay the saints of God, they do not seek to control civil governments, nor do they pursue
wealth, luxury, and sexual immorality. Such churches may belong to the kingdom of the devil in the apocalyptic sense, where there are only two categories, A and -not-
A, but they cannot be called the great and abominable church in the historical sense-the description is just not accurate. Furthermore, individual orientation to the
Church of the Lamb or to the great and abominable church is not only by membership but by loyalty. Just as there are those on the records of The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter- day Saints who belong to the great and abominable church by virtue of their loyalty to Satan and his lifestyle (2 Ne. 10:16), so there are members of
other churches who will eventually belong to the Lamb by virtue of their loyalty to him and to his lifestyle, which will lead to their accepting the saving ordinances. The
distinction is based on who has your heart, not on who has your records. Hence, it is unwise and inaccurate to point to any particular church or political system as the
great and abominable church. No single organization meets all the requirements:

1. It must have been formed among the Gentiles and must have controlled the distri-bution of the New Testament scriptures, which it edited and from which it deleted
plain and precious things.

2. It must have slain the Saints of God and killed the apostles and prophets.

3. It must be in league with civil governments and use their police power to enforce its religious views.
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4. It must have dominion over all the earth.

5. It must pursue wealth, luxury, and sexual immorality, and must last until essentially the end of the world.
2. It must have slain the Saints of God and killed the apostles and prophets.

3. It must be in league with civil governments and use their police power to enforce its religious views.

4. It must have dominion over all the earth.

5. It must pursue wealth, luxury, and sexual immorality, and must last until essentially the end of the world.

The conclusion is inescapable: no single entity can be the great and abominable church from the beginning of the world to the end. Rather, the role has been played by
many different actors in many different times, and the great and abominable church that Nephi described in 1 Nephi 13 is not the same one that crucified Christ or that
martyred Joseph and Hyrum.

Can the historical agency that acted as the great and abominable church in earliest Christianity and which Nephi and others describe be identified? It seems clear that
the great and abominable church Nephi described in chapter 13 had its origins in the second half of the first century and had essentially done its work by the middle of
the second century. This period might be called the blind spot of ecclesiastical history, for it is here that the fewest primary historical sources have been preserved.
Essentially, what happened is that there are good sources for New Testament Christianity (the New Testament documents themselves); then the lights go out (that is,
there are very few historical sources), and in the dark one hears the muffled sounds of a great struggle. When the lights come on again a hundred years or so later, one
finds that someone has rearranged all the furniture and that Christianity is something very different from what it was in the beginning. That different entity can be
accurately described by the term "hellenized Christianity." The hel-len-i-zation of Christianity is a phenomenon that has long been recognized by scholars of Christian
history, but it is one which Latter- day Saints know better as the Great Apostasy. Hellenization means imposing Greek culture on the native cultures of the East. The
result was a synthesis of East and West, with elements of the Greek West predominating, creating a melting- pot, popular culture that was virtually worldwide.

But in the realm of religion, synthesis means compromise, and when one speaks of the gospel, compromise with the popular culture of the world means apostasy from
the truth. When Jewish Christianity and Greek culture met head- on in the Gentile mission field in the middle of the first century, the Greeks eventually won, and Jewish
Christianity was ultimately "revised" to make it more attractive and appealing to a Greek audience. Primary prejudices of the Hellenistic world were the "absolute"
nature of God (that is, he cannot be bound or limited by anything) and the impossibility of anything material or physical being eternal. To accommodate these ideas and
thus appeal to a broader Gentile audience, Christianity had to discard the doctrines of an anthropomorphic God and the resurrection of the dead or else "reinterpret"
them in a manner that had the same effect. That is precisely what some Greek Christians at Corinth had already done and against which Paul responded with such force
in 1 Corinthians 15:12: "Now if Christ be preached that he rose from the dead, how say some among you that there is no resurrection of the dead?"

Clearly, whatever denominational name is given to it, the great and abominable church described by Nephi and John and the earliest apostate church are identical. The
fact is no one knows really what name to give it. "Hellenized Christianity" is more a description than a name. Babylon in the first and second centuries may even have
been a collection of different movements. Some Jewish Christians could not let go of the law of Moses and so eventually gave up Christ instead. The "orthodox"
adopted Greek philosophy. The Gnostics wallowed in the mysteries and in unspeakable permissiveness on the one hand, or in the mysteries and a neurotic asceticism
on the other. Tatian and Marcion rewrote the scriptures, the latter boldly chopping out anything he did not like, and all of them together forced the virtuous woman, the
true church of Jesus Christ, into the wilderness.

See also Church of the Lamb of God; Mother of abominations; Mother of harlots; Plain and precious things, loss of and restoration of; Whore of all the earth.

Bibliography

Robinson, Stephen E. "Early Christianity and 1 Nephi 13-14." The Book of Mormon: First Nephi, the Doctrinal Foundation. Edited by Monte S. Nyman and Charles
D. Tate Jr. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1988. 177- 91.

--- . "Warring against the Saints of God." Ensign 18 (January 1988): 34- 39.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Great and last sacrifice

Jesus Christ was the great and last sacrifice (Alma 34:14). From the time of Adam's expulsion from the Garden of Eden, prophets have taught that the Lamb of God,
his Only Begotten Son, would one day be sacrificed to answer the demands of a higher law (Moses 5:5-9; 2 Ne. 2:5-7). That sacrifice would make God's plan of
redemption operative in bringing about the salvation of all people. The sacrificial offerings that were part of the law of Moses foreshadowed the atoning sacrifice of
Jesus Christ and ended when it was accomplished (Alma 34:13; 3 Ne. 9:19). Thus his atoning sacrifice fulfilled the law of Moses and was the great and the last
sacrifice.

See also Atonement, the.

Parrish, Alan K.

Great and spacious building

See Lehi 1's dream.

Guile

See Appendix C.

Guilt

A consequence of transgressing the law. In a legal sense, guilt is a judgment pronounced from having broken civil or religious law (Alma 1:12), but the more frequent
use of the word guilt in the Book of Mormon centers on the emotional and spiritual anguish experienced by mankind because of having "set at defiance the
commandments of God" (Alma 5:18). King Benjamin taught, "The demands of divine justice do awaken [man's] immortal soul to a lively sense of his own guilt, which
doth cause him to shrink from the presence of the Lord, and doth fill his breast with guilt, and pain, and anguish, which is like an unquenchable fire, whose flame
ascendeth up forever and ever" (Mosiah 2:38). Alma 2 described his experience with guilt by writing, "For three days and for three nights was I racked, even with the
pains of a damned soul" (Alma 36:16). While God would have guilt be genuine and lead to repentance and forgiveness (Alma 24:10; 39:7; 42:29), Satan would have
mankind
 Copyrightexperience a counterfeit
            (c) 2005-2009,         sorrow.
                              Infobase     TheCorp.
                                       Media   prophet Mormon taught the following concerning the sorrowful but unrepentant Nephites: "Their sorrowingPage 634 was not unto
                                                                                                                                                                    / 919
repentance, because of the goodness of God; but it was rather the sorrowing of the damned, because the Lord would not always suffer them to take happiness in
sin" (Morm. 2:13).
commandments of God" (Alma 5:18). King Benjamin taught, "The demands of divine justice do awaken [man's] immortal soul to a lively sense of his own guilt, which
doth cause him to shrink from the presence of the Lord, and doth fill his breast with guilt, and pain, and anguish, which is like an unquenchable fire, whose flame
ascendeth up forever and ever" (Mosiah 2:38). Alma 2 described his experience with guilt by writing, "For three days and for three nights was I racked, even with the
pains of a damned soul" (Alma 36:16). While God would have guilt be genuine and lead to repentance and forgiveness (Alma 24:10; 39:7; 42:29), Satan would have
mankind experience a counterfeit sorrow. The prophet Mormon taught the following concerning the sorrowful but unrepentant Nephites: "Their sorrowing was not unto
repentance, because of the goodness of God; but it was rather the sorrowing of the damned, because the Lord would not always suffer them to take happiness in
sin" (Morm. 2:13).

At the Judgment Bar the unrepentant have a perfect recollection of all their guilt (2 Ne. 9:14; Alma 5:18; 11:43). Guilt is to the spirit as physical pain is to the body.
Elder Boyd K. Packer counseled, "While neither pain nor guilt is pleasant, and an excess of either can be destructive, both are a protection" (54, 59). President Ezra
Taft Benson taught, "Godly sorrow is a gift of the Spirit. It is a deep realization that our actions have offended our Father and our God" (72). The Lord taught Enos that
his "guilt was swept away. . . . Because of [his] faith in Christ" (Enos 1:6-8; cf. Alma 24:10).

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. Teachings of Ezra Taft Benson. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1988.

Packer, Boyd K. "To Young Women and Men." Ensign 19 (May 1989): 53- 59.

Judd, Daniel K

Gulf

An abyss or chasm separating "the wicked from the tree of life, and also from the saints of God" (1 Ne. 15:28). This separation is required by the justice of God and is
symbolized by the river of filthiness in Lehi's dream (1 Ne. 12:18; 15:26-30). The gulf is "a representation of that awful hell . . . prepared for the wicked" (1 Ne. 15:28-
29). The torment of the wicked who create this gulf for themselves can be experienced in mortal life (1 Ne. 15:31-32), in the postmortal spirit world (Alma 40:13;
Luke 16:19-31), and for some, eternally (1 Ne. 15:34-35). The only way to overcome this "gulf of misery and woe" (2 Ne. 1:13) is through Jesus Christ and his mercy
(Alma 26:20; Hel. 5:12). "Yea, we see that whosoever will may lay hold upon the word of God, which is quick and power-ful, which shall divide asunder all the
cunning and the snares and the wiles of the devil, and lead the man of Christ in a strait and narrow course across that everlasting gulf of misery which is prepared to
engulf the wicked" (Hel. 3:29-30).

See also Hell; Outer darkness; Paradise.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Hagoth

H
Hagoth

Described as "an exceedingly curious man," Hagoth was a shipbuilder who facilitated the Nephite migrations northward at about 55 b.c. (Alma 63:5-7). The maiden
voyage of his first ship, which he launched "into the west sea, by the narrow neck," was successful, but the second trip was presumed fatal, as the emigrants "were
never heard of more" (Alma 63:5, 7-8). Hagoth "built other ships" that sailed northward, presumably including the supply ship that carried Alma 2's son Corianton into
that land, and "one other ship," whose whereabouts remained a mystery (Alma 63:7-10).

Largey, Dennis L.

Halt

See Appendix C.

Hands laying on of

A procedure used when conferring divine authority and performing priesthood ordinances. The Lord has established "the laying on of hands" as part of the process
whereby his servants are to be empowered in all ages (A of F 5). Alma 2 ordained priests and elders in Zarahemla by the laying on of hands (Alma 6:1; cf. Moro. 3:2;
Num. 27:23). Later he "clapped his hands" upon his fellow mission-aries among the Zoramites 2 (Alma 31:36)-- presumably meaning that he "thrust" ( see Appendix C,
s.v. "clapped") or placed his hands upon the heads of his co-workers and set them apart for their missionary labor. Christ laid his hands upon the Nephite Twelve to
give them authority to bestow the Holy Ghost (3 Ne. 18:36-38; Moro. 2:2). The Twelve thereafter conferred the Holy Ghost by the laying on of hands upon those who
had been baptized (Moro. 2:3). The laying on of hands was also used among the Nephites to administer to the sick (Morm. 9:24; cf. James 5:14-15; D&C 42:43-44).

Ball, Terry B.

Happiness

A state of joy , contentment, and felicity-the very reason for man's existence (2 Ne. 2:25; Smith, 255-56). Happiness and misery are eternal opposites and exist
according to eternal law. Whereas righteousness brings happiness, wickedness brings punishment and misery-"for it must needs be, that there is an opposition in all
things."Accordingly, Lehi 1 taught, "If there be no righteousness there be no happiness. And if there be no righteousness nor happiness there be no punishment nor
misery" (2 Ne. 2:10-13, 23; Alma 3:26; 42:16; Morm. 8:38).

Although men may find a kind of "joy" in wickedness "for a season," such pleasure is short- lived (3 Ne. 27:11). Mormon observed that the "lamentation" and
"mourning" of the decadent Nephites of his day was not unto repentance but was the "sorrowing of the damned, because the Lord would not always suffer them to take
happiness in sin" (Morm. 2:12-13). Samuel the Lamanite, some three hundred years earlier, said of another wicked generation of Nephites, "But behold, your days of
probation are past . . . and your destruction is made sure; yea, for ye have sought all the days of your lives for that which ye could not obtain; and ye have sought for
happiness in doing iniquity, which thing is contrary to the nature of that righteousness which is in our great and Eternal Head" (Hel. 13:38; Alma 41:10-11).

God's   "great(c)
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after the resurrection (Mosiah 16:11; Alma 3:26; 28:12; Morm. 7:7; 8:38). King Benjamin taught that those who "keep the commandments of God . . . are blessed in
all things, both temporal and spiritual," and "if they hold out faithful to the end they are received into heaven, that thereby they may dwell with God in a state of never-
ending happiness" (Mosiah 2:41). Of the days of captain Moroni, Mormon wrote, "there never was a happier time among the people of Nephi, since the days of
happiness in sin" (Morm. 2:12-13). Samuel the Lamanite, some three hundred years earlier, said of another wicked generation of Nephites, "But behold, your days of
probation are past . . . and your destruction is made sure; yea, for ye have sought all the days of your lives for that which ye could not obtain; and ye have sought for
happiness in doing iniquity, which thing is contrary to the nature of that righteousness which is in our great and Eternal Head" (Hel. 13:38; Alma 41:10-11).

God's "great plan of happiness" (Alma 42:8) affords happiness to the righteous in mortality (2 Ne. 5:27; Alma 50:23), in the spirit world (Alma 40:12), and eternally
after the resurrection (Mosiah 16:11; Alma 3:26; 28:12; Morm. 7:7; 8:38). King Benjamin taught that those who "keep the commandments of God . . . are blessed in
all things, both temporal and spiritual," and "if they hold out faithful to the end they are received into heaven, that thereby they may dwell with God in a state of never-
ending happiness" (Mosiah 2:41). Of the days of captain Moroni, Mormon wrote, "there never was a happier time among the people of Nephi, since the days of
Nephi" (Alma 50:23). Moroni attributed Nephite happiness to "the maintenance of the sacred word of God" (Alma 44:5). The most enduring period of happiness in the
Book of Mormon narrative came after the Savior's visit, when all were converted to the Lord and righteousness prevailed for nearly 200 years-"and surely there could
not be a happier people among all the people who had been created by the hand of God" (4 Ne. 1:16, 2-3, 15).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Hard-heartedness

Willful closing of one's heart against the Holy Spirit, in rebellion against God, in order to accomplish one's own will (Alma 10:6). Hard-heartedness can result in the
Spirit's ceasing to strive with a person (Moro. 9:4) and in spiritual death (Jacob 6:6). Hard-heartedness can lead progressively from indulging oneself somewhat in
wrongdoing (Jacob 1:15) to gross wickedness (Hel. 6:2). Hard-heartedness is associated with complaining or murmuring (1 Ne. 2:12; 16:20-22), unbelief (Alma
33:21), blindness of mind (1 Ne. 7:8), anger (Alma 9:31; cf. Mosiah 13:4), impenitence (Hel. 6:2), stiffneckedness (Hel. 13:29), pride and sexual sin (Jacob 1:15),
desire for vengeance (Moro. 9:4-5), abominations, cruelty, and murder (Moro. 9:9-10). Hard-heartedness restricts spiritual understanding and can eventually lead to
"know[ing] nothing" concerning the mysteries of God, and then being "taken captive by the devil" (Alma 12:10-11; 10:25; cf. 1 Ne. 7:8; Mosiah 13:32). It resists the
softening action of the Holy Spirit and its attendant virtues, like meekness , compassion, and humility (Alma 13:28). Hard-heartedness is a state of unrest and prevents
one's entry into the Lord's rest (Alma 12:36). It renders one vulnerable to lies, and blind to divine signs and wonders (Hel. 13:29; 3 Ne. 1:22; Ether 8:25). Hard-
heartedness "against the Holy One of Israel" brings the judgments of God, "even blood, and fire, and vapor of smoke" (1 Ne. 22:18). It flourishes in conditions of ease
and prosperity (Hel. 12:2). For those who repent and harden not their hearts, the great plan of redemption immediately begins to function (Alma 34:31). God promises
them mercy, remission of sins, rest, and salvation through his Only Begotten Son (Alma 12:33-34; 34:31; Jacob 6:4-5).

See also Blindness, spiritual; Stiffnecked, stiffneckedness.

Thomas, M. Catherine

Harlots mother of

See Mother of harlots.

Harris Martin

See Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Harrow

See Appendix C.

Haughty

See Appendix C.

Hearken

See Appendix C.

Heart

The center of both physical and spiritual well- being. The Book of Mormon contains many references to the heart, only a few of which refer to it as a physical organ-
and most of those have to do with the slaying of individuals by the piercing of their hearts with weapons (e.g., Alma 47:24; 51:34; 62:36; Hel. 2:9). In the Book of
Mormon, the heart is most often spoken of as both the seat of emotion, the inner core of being, and the receptor for spiritual infusions. Jacob 2 , for instance, chastised
the Nephite men for breaking "the hearts of [their] tender wives" (Jacob 2:35), and Abinadi condemned the priests of king Noah 3 for failing to apply their "hearts to
understanding" (Mosiah 12:27). The term "heart" is used figuratively and frequently to suggest qualities of character, either negative or positive.

Negative attributes of heart, called hard-heartedness in the Book of Mormon, are typified by a man like Nehor, who, Alma 2 said, launched into apostasy when he
"began to be lifted up in the pride of his heart" (Alma 1:6). Samuel the Lamanite condemned the Nephites because they were willing to listen to anyone who encouraged
them to "walk after the pride of [their] own hearts" and "do whatsoever [their] heart[s] desireth" (Hel. 13:27). Moroni 2 prophetically saw the same propensities
manifested in the latter days, even among churches and their professing members (Morm. 8:28-38).

The record's use of the term "heart" to signify positive qualities of character and an individual's desire to be open to spiritual promptings is perhaps even more prevalent.
Lehi 1 , for example, received his vision of the judgment on Jerusalem specifically because he "prayed . . . with all his heart, in behalf of his people" (1 Ne. 1:5). The
spiritual rebirth of Alma 2 began when he "cried within [his] heart" for Christ to have mercy on him (Alma 36:18). The heart of a despairing Zeezrom "began to take
courage" when he heard that Alma and Amulek had come to Sidom (Alma 15:4). The Zoramite 2 poor sought out Alma and his teachings precisely because they were
"poor in heart" (Alma 32:3-4). And it was while Nephi 2 was "pondering in his heart" that God promised him that he would be blessed forever (Hel. 10:3-5).

To achieve harmony and a spiritual con-nection with things divine requires a level of humility described by terms like "lowliness of heart" (Alma 32:8, 12; 37:33), or a
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"broken      (c)and
          heart  2005-2009,
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Book of Mormon offers hope that faith, repentance, and humility can facilitate a "change of heart," a spiritual rebirth (Alma 5:11-14, 26; Hel. 15:7; Mosiah 5:2-7). It is
in coming to Christ "with full purpose of heart" (2 Ne. 31:13; 3 Ne. 18:32) that a true change of heart occurs-and it is to these disciples Christ promised, "Blessed are
all the pure in heart, for they shall see God" (3 Ne. 12:8).
"poor in heart" (Alma 32:3-4). And it was while Nephi 2 was "pondering in his heart" that God promised him that he would be blessed forever (Hel. 10:3-5).

To achieve harmony and a spiritual con-nection with things divine requires a level of humility described by terms like "lowliness of heart" (Alma 32:8, 12; 37:33), or a
"broken heart and a contrite spirit" (2 Ne. 2:7; 3 Ne. 9:20; 12:19). For those struggling between positive and negative feelings and traits of character, or "heart," the
Book of Mormon offers hope that faith, repentance, and humility can facilitate a "change of heart," a spiritual rebirth (Alma 5:11-14, 26; Hel. 15:7; Mosiah 5:2-7). It is
in coming to Christ "with full purpose of heart" (2 Ne. 31:13; 3 Ne. 18:32) that a true change of heart occurs-and it is to these disciples Christ promised, "Blessed are
all the pure in heart, for they shall see God" (3 Ne. 12:8).

See also Broken heart and contrite spirit; Low-liness of heart.

Strathearn, Gaye

Heart lowliness of

See Lowliness of heart.

Heart uncircumcised of

See Uncircumcised of heart.

Hearthom

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Heaven

The term "heaven" has various meanings in the Book of Mormon.

1. The abode of Deity, where God and his angels dwell (Alma 18:30; cf. Dan. 2:28; Matt. 6:9). Christ descends from heaven to dwell on earth and ascends to heaven
after performing his labors here (1 Ne. 11:7; Mosiah 3:5; 15:8-9; 18:2; cf. Acts 1:11). The Holy Ghost comes from heaven to manifest himself to the sons and
daughters of men (Hel. 5:45; cf. Acts 2:2-4), and the heavenly New Jerusalem will descend from heaven in future times (Ether 13:3; cf. Rev. 21:10). Furthermore,
Lucifer fell from heaven in premortality (2 Ne. 2:17; 24:12 // Isa. 14:12; cf. Rev. 12:8-9).

2. The expanse or firmament containing the sun, moon, and stars (2 Ne. 23:10; Mosiah 4:9; cf. Gen. 1:1, 16-17). The Book of Mormon identifies Jesus Christ as the
"Creator," or "Father" of both heaven and earth (Mosiah 3:8; 4:2; 2 Ne. 25:12; Alma 11:39; Hel. 14:12).

3. The eternal residence of the righteous (Mosiah 5:15; Alma 7:25). King Benjamin taught that those who "keep the commandments of God. . . . and . . . hold out
faithful to the end . . . are received into heaven, that thereby they may dwell with God in a state of never- ending happiness" (Mosiah 2:41).

4. "Heaven" is also used in the phrase "kingdom of heaven" with the Lord referred to as the "king of heaven" (2 Ne. 10:14). Alma 2 used the phrase "kingdom of
heaven" to refer to Christ's coming "upon the face of the earth" (Alma 7:9-10). He also asserted that "the kingdom of heaven is soon at hand" to encourage the
Nephites to repent, to prepare for the impending judgments which would attend Christ's visit to the Americas, and perhaps his second coming (Alma 5:28, 50; 9:25;
10:20). Alma, Mormon, and the Lord himself all used "kingdom of heaven" to refer to the final reward of the righteous, as discussed in number three above (Alma 5:25,
51; 7:14, 25; 11:37; Hel. 3:30; 3 Ne. 12:3, 10; 14:21).

5. The phrase "new heaven" is used in the scriptures to describe millennial conditions, as well as the celestial kingdom (McConkie, 531). The time period spoken of by
the prophets is not always easy to discern (D&C 29:22-25; 77:1; 88:16-32; 101:23-31; Isa. 65:17-25; 66:22-24; Rev. 21). Moroni, in writing of the time when the
"earth shall pass away," proclaimed that "there shall be a new heaven and a new earth; and they shall be like unto the old save the old have passed away, and all things
have become new" (Ether 13:8-9).

See also Earth, the.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966.

Fronk, Camille

Heavenly Father

See God the Father.

Hebraisms

Hebrew-like words, phrases, or sentence structure in a text translated from Hebrew, which are unusual in English but normal in Hebrew. This definition would also
apply to the translation of a document not written in Hebrew but influenced by the Hebrew of a native speaker. Many hebraisms occur, for example, in the King James
Version of the Old Testament, reflecting its translation from Hebrew. Since the Book of Mormon was translated from records kept by a people who originally spoke
Hebrew, one might expect to find hebraisms in it as well. Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon are mainly of three types: syntactical, lexical, and frequency. Some of the
more commonly cited examples of each type are outlined in the accompanying table. The English of the Book of Mormon contains many expressions and stylistic
features which seem to reflect an underlying influence of a foreign language. Many of these features resemble characteristics of the Hebrew language. These hebraic
features or hebraisms may be considered one more piece of evidence that the Book of Mormon is what it claims to be, a record of a group who left Jerusalem in
antiquity.

Bibliography

Bramwell, E. Craig. "Hebrew Idioms in the Small Plates of Nephi." Unpublished master's thesis. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1960.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                       Page 637 / 919
Pack, M. Deloy. "Possible Lexical Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon (Words of Mormon-Moroni)." Unpublished master's thesis. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young
University, 1973.
Bibliography

Bramwell, E. Craig. "Hebrew Idioms in the Small Plates of Nephi." Unpublished master's thesis. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1960.

Pack, M. Deloy. "Possible Lexical Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon (Words of Mormon-Moroni)." Unpublished master's thesis. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young
University, 1973.

Tvedtnes, John A. "Hebraisms in the Book of Mormon: A Preliminary Survey." Brigham Young University Studies 11 (Autumn 1970): 50- 60.

--- . "The Hebrew Background of the Book of Mormon." Rediscovering the Book of Mormon. Edited by John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne. Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book, 1991.

Pack, Melvin Deloy

Hebrew language

The language of the Book of Mormon exhibits early nineteenth- century English known to its translator Joseph Smith, religious language that is characteristic of the King
James Version of the Bible, and expressions that evidently belong to non- English languages, such as reformed Egyptian or Hebrew.

Nephi 1 stated that his record (the small plates) was made using the "learning of the Jews and the language of the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 1:2). Moroni 2 explained that the
record was written "in the characters which are called . . . reformed Egyptian" (Morm. 9:32). Joseph Smith noted that "the language of the whole" ran "the same as all
Hebrew writing in general" (Smith, 1:71) which is usually interpreted to mean that the characters were read from right to left.

Some scholars have proposed that "the Nephite scribes used Egyptian script to write Hebrew text" (Tvedtnes and Ricks, 156-57). Many recent textual discoveries
tend to confirm this statement (Tvedtnes and Ricks, 158-63). Additionally, there are many Hebrew- like traits in the Book of Mormon, called Hebraisms , which have
survived both the alterations of the language through centuries of Nephite record keeping as well as its translation into English.

Moroni 2 explained that "we have written this record [in] . . . reformed Egyptian. . . . And if our plates had been sufficiently large we should have written in Hebrew; . .
. and if we could have written in Hebrew, behold, ye would have had no imperfection in our record" (Morm. 9:32-33). These comments suggest that although Hebrew
would have taken more room on the plates, it would have produced a more precise and accurate record; however, reformed Egyptian was used by the Nephite scribes
because it took less room on the precious plates. Hebrew is a considerably more compact language than English. For example, the first three verses of Genesis use fifty
words and 195 characters in the KJV English Bible but only twenty- seven words and 104 characters in the Hebrew text. If reformed Egyptian took less space to write
than Hebrew, then it must have been an exceptionally compact text.

See also Book of Mormon, language of the translated text of.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Tvedtnes, John A., and Stephen D. Ricks. "Jewish and Other Semitic Texts Written in Egyptian Characters." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 5:2 (1996).

Parry, Donald W.

Hedge

See Appendix C.

Heed

See Appendix C.

Helam

A Nephite who lived in the land of Nephi during the reign of king Noah 3 (ca. 147 b.c. ). One of the initial converts of Alma 1 , Helam was "one of the first" to be
baptized among the people of king Noah (Mosiah 18:12). Helam's baptism was unique in that when Alma baptized him he also immersed himself, perhaps to
demonstrate humility and recommit himself to God (Mosiah 18:14). Although the record offers no further information about Helam, it is assumed that he served as an
example of devotion and faith. Presumably, the place to which Alma and his followers fled from Noah's pursuing army was named after him (Mosiah 23:19-20).

Williams, Clyde James

Helam land of and city of

Land in the borders of the land of Nephi settled by Alma 1 and his people after their eight- day flight into the wilderness to escape the pursuing armies of king Noah 3
(Mosiah 23:3-4, 19-20; between 145 and 121 b.c. ). Presumably named after one of Alma's first converts (Mosiah 18:12-14), Helam was described as "a very
beautiful and pleasant land, a land of pure water" (Mosiah 23:4).

Here Alma' s people built a city by the same name (Mosiah 23:19-20). The city of Helam was eventually seized by the Lamanites in alliance with the wicked priests of
king Noah (Mosiah 23:25-39). After suffering greatly at the hands of their oppressors, Alma's people sought the Lord's help, and he blessed them with two miracles.
First, he "strengthened" them that they could bear with ease the Lamanite bondage and oppression they were under, and second, he caused a deep sleep to come upon
their captors, allowing them to escape from Helam to Zarahemla (Mosiah 24:8-20). This bondage and deliverance was not without divine purpose (Mosiah 23:21-24;
24:13-14). Alma's people had covenanted at the waters of Mormon to be witnesses for God "at all times and in all things, and in all places" (Mosiah 18:9). The test of
this covenant came in Helam-the time and place of their bondage.

Helaman
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A son of king Benjamin (ca. 130 b.c. ). King Benjamin "caused" that his three sons (Mosiah 2 , Helorum, and Helaman) "should be taught in all the language of his
fathers," and personally taught them the importance of the writings contained in the brass plates and the plates of Nephi (Mosiah 1:2-8).
24:13-14). Alma's people had covenanted at the waters of Mormon to be witnesses for God "at all times and in all things, and in all places" (Mosiah 18:9). The test of
this covenant came in Helam-the time and place of their bondage.

Helaman 1

A son of king Benjamin (ca. 130 b.c. ). King Benjamin "caused" that his three sons (Mosiah 2 , Helorum, and Helaman) "should be taught in all the language of his
fathers," and personally taught them the importance of the writings contained in the brass plates and the plates of Nephi (Mosiah 1:2-8).

Helaman 2

Eldest son of Alma 2 ; keeper of sacred records, the interpreters, and the Liahona; high priest and military leader (Alma 31:7; 37:1-3, 21, 24, 38-41; 46:6; 53:19;
56:9). Helaman lived during a period of Nephite history characterized by the building up of the Church on the one hand and severe conflict and war on the other. Yet,
Alma had prepared Helaman well for the challenges inherent in his record keeping responsibilities, his ministry to the Church, and his military leadership (e.g., Alma 36;
37; 45:2-15). Alma taught Helaman that deliverance, both temporal and spiritual, comes through Jesus Christ (Alma 36) and that "whosoever shall put their trust in God
shall be supported in their trials, and their troubles, and their afflictions, and shall be lifted up at the last day" (Alma 36:3). Having received authority, presumably from
his father Alma, Helaman built up the Church through ordaining other priests and teachers (Alma 45:22-23) and preaching the word of God (Alma 48:19). While
captain Moroni was instrumental in maintaining peace among the Nephites (Alma 46:36-37), "Helaman and the high priests did also maintain order in the church; yea,
even for the space of four years did they have much peace and rejoicing in the church" (Alma 46:38; cf. 48:19-20; 49:30).

Eventually war commenced between the Nephites and the Lamanites. The Anti- Nephi- Lehies , converted Lamanites who were under Nephite protection after having
made an oath as part of their repentance to never kill again, were "moved with compassion" seeing the "many afflictions and tribulations which the Nephites bore for
them" and desired to break their oath to defend their country (Alma 53:13). Thinking more of their eternal welfare than the added strength their assistance would afford,
Helaman persuaded them to keep their oath (Alma 53:10-15; 56:7-8). This incident in Nephite history gave rise to the formation of a band of 2060 young sons of the
Anti- Nephi- Lehies who, not being bound with the oath of their fathers, took up the sword in defense of the Nephites. Notwithstanding many other admir-able
characteristics, Helaman is perhaps best known for his tender command of these young warriors. Helaman noted that they had been taught by their mothers, that "if
they did not doubt, God would deliver them" (Alma 56:47). With the aid of these stripling warriors , Helaman joined forces with the army of Antipus and defeated the
Lamanites. Not one of the young men perished (Alma 56:55-56).

Helaman is shown to be an adept spiritual and military leader. Like Moroni, Helaman boldly declared his faith, led a large army, fought for the liberties of the people,
and used strategy to reclaim Nephite lands and cities-preferably without the shedding of blood (e.g., Alma 48:19; 49:30; 56:20-23, 28; 57:7-12; 58:1-28; 62:44-46).

Helaman exercised great courage when dealing with the Lamanite king Ammoron. In a letter Ammoron proposed that the Lamanites would return the city of Antiparah
for the release of Lamanite prisoners, but Helaman rejected the offer and stated that his own forces were sufficient to retake the city. He would only agree to exchange
prisoners. Ammoron rejected this offer, but shortly thereafter the Lamanites abandoned Antiparah (Alma 57:1-4).

Following the war, Helaman returned to Zarahemla and taught the word of God "with much power unto the convincing of many people of their wickedness, which did
cause them to repent of their sins and to be baptized unto the Lord their God" (Alma 62:45). The Church and people prospered as a result of Helaman's last missionary
efforts (Alma 62:42-51). After Helaman's death (57 b.c.) , Shiblon "took possession of [the] sacred things" that had been entrusted to Helaman (Alma 62:52; 63:1-2).
Before his death Shiblon conferred the "sacred things" upon the son of Helaman, who was named Helaman 3 "after the name of his father" (Alma 63:11).

Mormon's abridgment of Helaman 2's record (Alma 45-62) underscores the blessings of obedience to the Lord and the serious consequences of disobedience. One
poignant message that emerges is the dramatic account of the rise of Amalickiah from Nephite dissenter to king of the Lamanites (Alma 46-48). In these chapters, one
can readily see the contrast between the two main leaders of this period: Amalickiah, who was deceptive and wicked; and captain Moroni, who was a man of faith and
righteousness.

Mormon described Helaman and his brethren as "men of God. . . . no less serviceable unto the people than was [captain] Moroni; for they did preach the word of
God, and they did baptize unto repentance all men whosoever would hearken unto their words" (Alma 48:18-19).

Hauglid, Brian Michael

Helaman 3

The son of Helaman 2 and the grandson of Alma 2 , Helaman 3 was made keeper of the sacred records by Shiblon, his father's brother (Alma 63:11; 53 b.c. ). He
wrote the first part of the book of Helaman. And in 50 b.c. he was chosen as chief judge by the voice of the Nephites. He ruled at a dangerous and critical time, for
both judges before him had been slain in office and a plot to kill him resulted in the death of his would- be assassin Kishkumen.

Helaman is remembered for the great instruction he gave his two sons, Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 (Hel. 5:6-13). He gave them ancestral names so they would remember the
good Lehi and Nephi had done and would want to do the same. He also taught them that man can be saved "only through the atoning blood of Jesus Christ," who
would come "to redeem [his people] from their sins," and that they must anchor their lives upon "Christ, the son of God" (Hel. 5:9-12). Helaman "did fill the judgment-
seat with justice and equity; yea, he did observe to keep the statutes, and the judgments, and the commandments of God; and he did do that which was right in the sight
of God continually" (Hel. 3:20). Helaman died in 39 b.c. , in the fifty- third year of the reign of judges (Hel. 3:37).

See also Helaman, book of.

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Helaman book of

An abridgment by Mormon from the record of Helaman 3 and his sons on the large plates of Nephi . The book of Helaman summarizes a tumultuous fifty- year period
between the death of Helaman 2 and the birth of Christ (52 b.c.-1 b.c. ). Its key figures are sons and grandsons of leaders in the book of Alma, as well as the Lamanite
prophet Samuel. The book is named after Helaman 3 , the son of Helaman 2 and grandson of Alma the Younger. Helaman 3 received the records from his uncle
Shiblon and eventually assumed the judgment- seat as well (Hel. 1-4). He was succeeded by his son Nephi 2 , who ultimately relinquished the judgment- seat to devote
all his energies to preaching the gospel in company with his brother Lehi 4 (Hel. 5-12). They enjoyed notable success in converting the Lamanites. From the Lamanites
arose a mighty prophet, Samuel 2 , who called the Nephites to repentance and foretold the signs of Christ's birth and death (Hel. 13-16).

Content and message
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                                                                                                                                                    by the Gadianton
robbers (Hel. 3:23) and was characterized by great prosperity. Prosperity led to great pride among the people and their pride resulted in the persecution of the humble,
the oppression of the poor, the mocking of sacred things, and to all manner of iniquity (Hel. 3:34; 4:11-12). Because of their wickedness the Lamanites gained
arose a mighty prophet, Samuel 2 , who called the Nephites to repentance and foretold the signs of Christ's birth and death (Hel. 13-16).

Content and message

The book of Helaman describes a people who were awaiting the coming of Christ. Their society was infiltrated by secret combinations established by the Gadianton
robbers (Hel. 3:23) and was characterized by great prosperity. Prosperity led to great pride among the people and their pride resulted in the persecution of the humble,
the oppression of the poor, the mocking of sacred things, and to all manner of iniquity (Hel. 3:34; 4:11-12). Because of their wickedness the Lamanites gained
ascendancy in the land, the Church began to dwindle (Hel. 4:13), and Helaman noted that "they who chose evil were more numerous than they who chose good,
therefore they were ripening for destruction" (Hel. 5:2). The prophets Nephi, Lehi, and Samuel the Lamanite were called to preach repentance to the people and to
prepare them for the coming of Christ.

The book of Helaman contains numerous editorial passages by Mormon, typically beginning "thus we see." Through his commentary Mormon shaped and directed his
abridgment of Helaman to its latter- day readers who find themselves in a world with challenges similar to those faced by the ancient Nephites. Mormon interrupted his
narrative for an entire chapter (Hel. 12) to comment on the "unsteadiness" of mankind who, in prosperity, "forget the Lord their God" and "will not remember him"
unless chastened by "many afflictions"-which leads to repentance, prosperity, and the resurgence of pride and iniquity (Hel. 12:1-3). This is Mormon's fullest articulation
of the cyclical pattern evident in Book of Mormon history. Mormon also frequently editorialized on the sinister influence of the Gadianton robbers who emerged during
this era, lamenting the destructive role they would play in Nephite history (Hel. 2:13-14).

Mormon acknowledged that his redaction could not contain "a hundredth part" of the historical records from this complex time period (Hel. 3:14). Consequently, the
book of Helaman focuses on the ministry of two prophets: Nephi and Samuel. Wearied by wickedness and emboldened by their father's teachings, Nephi and Lehi
determined, like the sons of Mosiah 2 , to forgo politics in order to preach the gospel, especially to the Lamanites. They converted 8,000 Lamanites in the land of
Zarahemla but were subsequently imprisoned in the land of Nephi. As they were about to be slain, Nephi and Lehi were "encircled about as if by fire," yet not burned
(Hel. 5:23). This miracle was accompanied by earthquakes, darkness, a voice from heaven, and the ministry of angels. Those who witnessed these marvels were
converted and subsequently helped convert the "more part of the Lamanites" (Hel. 5:50). Thus the ministry of Nephi and Lehi resulted in a righteous epoch for the
Lamanites.

Ironically, at the same time the Nephites became "hardened and impenitent" (Hel. 6:2) and were ultimately dominated by Gadianton robbers (Hel. 6:39). Discouraged
by this predicament, Nephi prayed from his garden tower while a crowd of onlookers gathered around him (Hel. 7). He rebuked the people for their iniquities and
announced the murder of the chief judge. Arrested as an accomplice in the murder, Nephi was released when Seantum confessed to the crime and declared that Nephi
was innocent (Hel. 8-9).

As a result of Nephi's "unwearyingness" in declaring the word (Hel. 10:4), and the Lord's confidence that he would "not ask that which is contrary to [God's] will" (Hel.
10:5), Nephi was given power to effect God's will on earth. Like Elijah (1 Kgs. 17:1), Nephi invoked a famine upon the people to "stir them up in remembrance of the
Lord" (Hel. 11:4). When their hearts finally softened, after about four years, Nephi asked God to revoke the famine. The famine had a humbling effect upon the people,
and a season of peace and prosperity followed (Hel. 11). Yet, with increased prosperity came pride, dissension, and the rise again of the Gadianton robbers. This cycle
prompted Mormon's commentary in chapter 12.

The book ends with several chapters recounting the prophecies of Samuel (Hel. 13-15). Like John the Baptist, Samuel was commanded to "cry unto this people,
repent and prepare the way of the Lord" (Hel. 14:9). He predicted the utter destruction of Nephite civilization unless the people repented (Hel. 13). He also prophesied
signs to occur at the Savior's birth and death, taught the power of the Atonement to redeem all humankind from spiritual and temporal death (Hel. 14), and foretold that
the Lord would extend his mercy to the Lamanites in the latter days (Hel. 15). Samuel was rejected by the majority of the Nephites-physically with stones and arrows,
and spiritually with hardened hearts. As the time of Christ's birth drew nearer, the predicted signs began to appear (Hel. 16). The book of Helaman ends, tragically,
with most of the people hardening their hearts and trying to explain the signs away as merely coincidental (Hel. 16:16-21).

See also Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction.

Tanner, John Sears

Helaman 2 sons of

See Stripling warriors.

Helem

See Ammon 1 .

Hell

An English translation of the Hebrew word Sheol and the Greek word Hades, broadly meaning the world of departed spirits but most commonly used in reference to
the abode or the suffering of the wicked. Although the reformed Egyptian term which Joseph Smith translated as "hell" is not known, the meaning of hell as used in the
Book of Mormon is consistent with that expressed in the other standard works.

The ultimate and final place called hell is that kingdom without glory to which the devil and his followers will be consigned at the Final Judgment. There the devil will
"reign" over those who have suffered a second death, a permanent spiritual death , "into a state of misery and endless torment," which "torment is as a lake of fire and
brimstone" (Mosiah 3:25-27; 2 Ne. 2:27-29; 9:16; Alma 12:16-18; cf. D&C 76:25-48; 88:24, 34-35). Hell is also used to identify that place in the postmortal spirit
world where the wicked suffer before the Final Judgment. Those assigned there include the devil and his angels, as well as the spirits of departed mortals who died
unrepentant. By the power of the atonement of Christ, all except sons of perdition will be brought out of this hell-after they have suffered for their sins according to the
justice of God, and after they have complied with at least a telestial level of eternal law-and will be resurrected to some degree of glory in the "kingdom of God" (Alma
40:11-14, 23-26; 2 Ne. 9:10-17; cf. D&C 76:81-89, 98-112; 138:30-37, 58-59).

As a state of mind or spiritual condition, hell is not limited to any particular place or time. Anyone who knowingly violates the laws of God will suffer some degree of
hell, the intensity of which will be commensurate with the seriousness of the sin. Such suffering is described as "guilt, and pain, and anguish, which is like an
unquenchable fire" (Mosiah 2:38), or as fearful anxiety, anticipating the judgments of God (Alma 40:14). Alma 2 explained that his soul was racked with "inexpressible
horror" as he suffered "the pains of a damned soul" (Alma 36:14-16). Through faith in Christ, repentance, and spiritual rebirth, one can be released from hell (2 Ne.
1:13; 9:45). Guilt can be "swept away" (Enos 1:6), replaced by "joy, . . . having peace of conscience" (Mosiah 4:3). No longer, then, need a person be "harrowed up
by the memory of [his] sins" (Alma 36:19). The word hell appears sixty- two times in the text of the Book of Mormon. Thirty- three times it stands alone, without
modifiers or explanation of what it means, as in, "And thus we see the end of him who perverteth the ways of the Lord; and thus we see that the devil will not support
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his children at the last day, but doth speedily drag them down to hell" (Alma 30:60). Twenty- nine times the word hell is used with descriptive modifiers,        example,
"depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16), "hell which hath no end" (1 Ne. 14:3-4), "awful hell" (1 Ne. 15:29, 35; Alma 19:29; 54:7), "sleep of hell" (2 Ne. 1:13), "gates of hell" (2
Ne. 4:32; 3 Ne. 11:39-40; 18:13), "pains of hell" (Jacob 3:11; Alma 14:6; 26:13; 36:13), "chains of hell" (Alma 5:7, 9, 10; 12:11; 13:30; 26:14), "child of hell" (Alma
horror" as he suffered "the pains of a damned soul" (Alma 36:14-16). Through faith in Christ, repentance, and spiritual rebirth, one can be released from hell (2 Ne.
1:13; 9:45). Guilt can be "swept away" (Enos 1:6), replaced by "joy, . . . having peace of conscience" (Mosiah 4:3). No longer, then, need a person be "harrowed up
by the memory of [his] sins" (Alma 36:19). The word hell appears sixty- two times in the text of the Book of Mormon. Thirty- three times it stands alone, without
modifiers or explanation of what it means, as in, "And thus we see the end of him who perverteth the ways of the Lord; and thus we see that the devil will not support
his children at the last day, but doth speedily drag them down to hell" (Alma 30:60). Twenty- nine times the word hell is used with descriptive modifiers, for example,
"depths of hell" (1 Ne. 12:16), "hell which hath no end" (1 Ne. 14:3-4), "awful hell" (1 Ne. 15:29, 35; Alma 19:29; 54:7), "sleep of hell" (2 Ne. 1:13), "gates of hell" (2
Ne. 4:32; 3 Ne. 11:39-40; 18:13), "pains of hell" (Jacob 3:11; Alma 14:6; 26:13; 36:13), "chains of hell" (Alma 5:7, 9, 10; 12:11; 13:30; 26:14), "child of hell" (Alma
11:23; 54:11), "powers of hell" (Alma 48:17), "everlasting hell" (Hel. 6:28), "hell fire" (3 Ne. 12:22; Morm. 8:17), and "endless hell" (Moro. 8:13).

Numerous times in the Book of Mormon other terms or phrases are used to mean hell. These include "fountain of filthy water" or "awful gulf" in Lehi 1's dream, which
separated the wicked from the tree of life and from the Saints of God (1 Ne. 12:16-18; 15:26-29), "eternal gulf of misery and woe" (2 Ne. 1:13), "kingdom of the
devil" (2 Ne. 28:19; 2:29; Alma 41:4), "spiritual death" (2 Ne. 9:12), "awful monster" (2 Ne. 9:10), "lake of fire and brimstone" (2 Ne. 9:19, 26; 28:23), "misery and
endless torment" (Mosiah 3:25; Moro. 8:21), "awful chains" (2 Ne. 28:22), "everlasting chains of death" (Alma 36:18), "slumber of death" (Jacob 3:11), "deep
sleep" (Alma 5:7), "second death" (Alma 13:30), "place of filthiness" (1 Ne. 15:34), "endless night of darkness" (Alma 41:7), "misery which never dies" (Morm. 8:38),
and "dregs of a bitter cup" (Alma 40:26).

The Savior warned the Nephites that the gates of hell "stand open to receive" those who "declare more or less" than his doctrine, and "establish it for [his] doctrine,"
and at the same time promised them that the gates of hell shall not prevail against those who build upon his true doctrine of faith, repentance, baptism, receiving the gift
of the Holy Ghost, and enduring to the end (3 Ne. 11:28-41; 2 Ne. 31:1-21; cf. 3 Ne. 27:13-21).

See also Captivity of the devil; Damnation; End-less torment, eternal torment, never- ending torment; Judgment, the; Lake of fire and brimstone; Night of darkness;
Outer darkness; Spirit world.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Helorum

A son of king Benjamin (ca. 130 b.c. ). Benjamin taught his three sons (Mosiah 2 , Helorum, and Helaman 1 ) to search the scriptures and to keep the commandments
of God (Mosiah 1:2-8).

Hem

See Ammon 1 .

Hermounts

Wilderness infested by ravenous beasts on the west and north, "away beyond the borders" of the land (i.e., Zarahemla). The combined Lamanite and Amlicite army
was driven there by the troops of Alma 2 , where many of them died of wounds and were "devoured" by beasts and vultures (Alma 2:36-38; ca. 87 b.c. ).

Heshlon plains of

Jaredite region to which the armies of Coriantumr 2 drove Shared after defeating him in the valley of Gilgal. In the plains of Heshlon, however, the tables turned and
Shared defeated his adversary, driving him back to Gilgal (Ether 13:27-29).

Heth 1

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Heth 2

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Heth land of

Jaredite region in which Jared 2 dwelt after rebelling against his father, king Omer (Ether 8:2).

High priest(s)

Usually an ecclesiastical office. The Book of Mormon uses the title in several different contexts.

The priests of King Noah 3 are in one place called high priests (Mosiah 11:11). Whether they ever had true priesthood, despite their wickedness, is uncertain from the
record.

High priest is the normal term for the leader of the Nephite Church of Jesus Christ, the equivalent of today's president of the Church. The term is never used in
reference to the earliest church established by Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 . It first appears with reference to Alma 1 , both before and after his people's reunion with the
Nephites in Zarahemla (Mosiah 23:16; 26:7-8). In most instances the term is used for Alma 2 , who succeeded his father in the position (Mosiah 29:42; Alma 4
heading; 4:4, 18, 20; Alma 5 heading; 5:3; 8:11, 23; 16:5). For eight years (91-83 b.c.) , Alma was concurrently the chief judge, or head of the Nephite government.
He remained high priest over the whole Church for a total of seventeen years, until about 74 b.c.

The presiding authority over smaller areas of the Church was also called the high priest. Ammon 2 was a high priest over the people of Ammon (his Lamanite converts)
in Jershon (Alma 30:20). Giddonah 2 was the high priest over the Church in Gideon (Alma 30:21-23, 29).

In the days of Helaman 2 and Helaman 3 , the term was used with regard to general church leaders but only in the plural-"high priests" (Alma 46:6, 38; Hel. 3:25).
During the chaotic years that preceded Christ's coming, when the Nephite Church was wracked with turmoil, some parts of it were under the control of dissenters.
Persons called high priests (or per-haps former high priests) are listed among the apostates who opposed the Lord's prophets (3 Ne. 6:21-22, 27). The title high priest
does not appear in the Nephite record after the coming of Christ. The Jaredite record in the book of Ether uses it only once, for a man in an apostate religion in the
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     of Coriantumr  2 (EtherInfobase
                              14:9). Media Corp.                                                                                                    Page 641 / 919

In his great discourse at Ammonihah, Alma 2 used the term with reference to those who hold the high priesthood. They were foreordained and received it through faith,
In the days of Helaman 2 and Helaman 3 , the term was used with regard to general church leaders but only in the plural-"high priests" (Alma 46:6, 38; Hel. 3:25).
During the chaotic years that preceded Christ's coming, when the Nephite Church was wracked with turmoil, some parts of it were under the control of dissenters.
Persons called high priests (or per-haps former high priests) are listed among the apostates who opposed the Lord's prophets (3 Ne. 6:21-22, 27). The title high priest
does not appear in the Nephite record after the coming of Christ. The Jaredite record in the book of Ether uses it only once, for a man in an apostate religion in the
days of Coriantumr 2 (Ether 14:9).

In his great discourse at Ammonihah, Alma 2 used the term with reference to those who hold the high priesthood. They were foreordained and received it through faith,
repentance, and righteousness, thereby becoming "high priests forever, after the order of the Son" (Alma 13:8-10). Melchizedek was one such high priest (Alma 13:14-
19; cf. 13:1-20).

See also Church of God (Christ) in ancient America; Priesthood among the Nephites; Priest(s).

Jackson, Kent P.

Himni

Nephite missionary, a son of king Mosiah 2 (ca. 100-74 b.c. ). Himni was "numbered among the unbelievers," but after an angelic appearance he attempted to amend
the harm he had caused striving to destroy the Church (Mosiah 27:8-10, 32-36). Like his brothers, he chose not to succeed his father as king but rather set out with
them on what proved to be a successful but challenging fourteen- year Lamanite mission in the land of Nephi (Mosiah 28:1-10; Alma 17:2-18; 23:1-3; 25:17; 26:29-
30). Along with his brothers, Himni was described as a man of God (Alma 48:18). He was a man who had a "sound understanding" of the gospel, who had the "spirit
of prophecy , and the spirit of revelation," and who taught with power. These characteristics were attributed to his diligent scripture study, and to his "much prayer, and
fasting" (Alma 17:2-3). From the wording in Alma 31:6 it appears that Alma 2 left Himni in Zarahemla specifically to attend to the affairs of the Church while he,
Shiblon, Corianton, Zeezrom, and the other sons of Mosiah went on a mission to the Zoramites 2 (Alma 31:6-7).

See also Mosiah 2 , sons of.

Hiss

See Appendix C.

Hiss and a byword

A derogatory idiom. In Joseph Smith's day, hiss meant an expression of contempt, and byword had to do with a common, proverbial saying. Thus, the com-bination of
these terms is intended to portray something or someone who is commonly or proverbially held in low regard.

The expression first appears in a quotation from the prophet Zenos and points to the low esteem in which Jews were to be held after the death of Jesus (1 Ne. 19:14),
a situation that would be reversed (3 Ne. 29:8). The only other use of the phrase arises in Jesus' prophecy about the Gentile people of "this land" (3 Ne. 16:8) and
refers to descendants of the Nephites and Lamanites who will "be smitten, and . . . afflicted, and . . . slain" (3 Ne. 16:9).

Brown, S. Kent

Holy Ghost the

A personage of spirit and the third member of the godhead . The Book of Mormon testifies of the unity of the Godhead in doctrine, purpose, and witness (2 Ne. 31:21;
3 Ne. 11:25, 27, 36; Ether 5:4), as well as clearly teaching that the Holy Ghost is a separate and distinct being from the Father and the Son. When Nephi 1 described
the baptism of Jesus he spoke of each member of the GodheadFather, the Son, and the Holy Ghost-as separate and distinct personages (1 Ne. 11:27; 2 Ne. 31:8, 11-
12; cf. Matt. 3:16, 17; Mark 1:9-11; Luke 3:21-22; D&C 130:22-23).

The Book of Mormon also verifies that the Holy Ghost functioned in Old Testament times. It contains more than 85 direct references to the Holy Ghost, beginning as
early as 592 b.c. , when Nephi taught that the Holy Ghost was "the gift of God unto all those who diligently seek him, as well in times of old as in the time that he should
manifest himself unto the children of men" (1 Ne. 10:17-19; 12:18). The Book of Mormon restores the knowledge that the gospel of Jesus Christ, including the gift of
the Holy Ghost, was received and enjoyed anciently, before the advent of Jesus Christ (e.g., 2 Ne. 31; Jacob 7:12-13; Alma 9:21; cf. Moses 5:9, 14, 58).

The Book of Mormon identifies various roles of the Holy Ghost. These include bearing witness of the Father and the Son and of all truth, revealing the things of God,
bringing spiritual rebirth and sanctification, and administering the gifts of the Spirit.

The Holy Ghost is a witness

The Holy Ghost testifies of the Father and the Son (2 Ne. 31:18; 3 Ne. 11:32; 16:6; 28:11; Ether 5:4; cf. 2 Cor. 13:1). Book of Mormon prophets taught that the Holy
Ghost would play a significant role in bearing witness of Jesus Christ to the Gentiles in the last days (1 Ne. 10:11; 2 Ne. 26:12-13; 3 Ne. 15:23; 16:6). Moroni 2
promised that each person who will read the Book of Mormon, ponder the goodness of God, and pray with a sincere heart, real intent, and faith in Christ, can receive
a witness of the truth of the Book of Mormon and even the "truth of all things" by the power of the Holy Ghost (Moro. 10:4-5).

The Holy Ghost is a teacher and revelator of truth

Nephi 1 sought to know the things his father Lehi 1 had learned through revelation , and he was taught concerning the tree of life and the goodness of God. He wanted
to "see, and hear, and know of these things, by the power of the Holy Ghost" (1 Ne. 10:17-18). Nephi later declared that those who would "enter in by the way, and
receive the Holy Ghost" would be shown "all things what [they] should do" (2 Ne. 32:5). Jacob 2 testified that "great and marvelous are the works of the Lord. . . .
And no man knoweth of his ways save it be revealed unto him" (Jacob 4:8, 13; Alma 26:21-22; cf. D&C 50:17-22; 1 Cor. 2:14).

The Holy Ghost not only teaches individuals but authorizes them to teach and testify to others. Nephi related that the Holy Ghost gave him authority to teach (1 Ne.
10:22), and affirmed that "when a man speaketh by the power of the Holy Ghost the power of the Holy Ghost carrieth it unto the hearts of the children of men" (2 Ne.
33:1). The Savior promised that those who hunger and thirst after righteousness shall be filled with the Holy Ghost (3 Ne. 12:6), and Nephi taught that those who
received the Holy Ghost could speak with the tongue of angels , for "angels speak by the power of the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 32:2-3).

King Benjamin and Alma 2 taught that the Holy Ghost can bring comfort, peace, and joy (Mosiah 4:3; Alma 36:24). Such comfort comes through forgiveness,
removing the burdens of sin. The hope and love that follows is a result of true repentance (Moro. 8:25-26).
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The Holy Ghost is a sanctifier
received the Holy Ghost could speak with the tongue of angels , for "angels speak by the power of the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 32:2-3).

King Benjamin and Alma 2 taught that the Holy Ghost can bring comfort, peace, and joy (Mosiah 4:3; Alma 36:24). Such comfort comes through forgiveness,
removing the burdens of sin. The hope and love that follows is a result of true repentance (Moro. 8:25-26).

The Holy Ghost is a sanctifier

When the children of men come unto Christ through covenants, "yielding their hearts unto God" (Hel. 3:35), they are sanctified (made whole, or holy, without spot) by
the grace of God and the power of the Holy Ghost. In the process of sanctification they are spiritually born of God, or born of the Spirit, becoming new creatures with
changed hearts. Through the continued influence of the Holy Ghost they come to deny themselves "all ungodliness" and to "love God with all [their] might, mind and
strength" (Moro. 10:32-33; for the principle being taught, see 2 Ne. 31:13-21; Alma 5:54; 13:11-12; 3 Ne. 9:20; 11:33-35; 12:2; 27:20; 30:2; Ether 4:7; for examples
in the Book of Mormon, see Mosiah 4:2-3; 5:1-11; 27:24-26; Alma 18-19; Moro. 6:4).

The Holy Ghost administers spiritual gifts

Appropriately, and "according to the faith of the children of men," the Holy Ghost admin-isters "the gifts of God," or "manifestations of the Spirit of God unto men, to
profit them" ( Moro. 10:7-8). These spiritual gifts include faith, healing, miracles, prophecy, tongues, hope, charity, teaching wisdom and knowledge, and beholding
angels and ministering spirits (Moro. 10:9-20; cf. 1 Cor. 12:4-11; D&C 46:8-25). Moroni 2 testified that "all these gifts of which I have spoken, which are spiritual,
never will be done away, even as long as the world shall stand, only according to the unbelief of the children of men" (Moro. 10:19).

Denying the Holy Ghost

Mormon warned latter- day readers that the sword of God's justice would one day overtake those who deny the revelations and spiritual gifts that come by the power
of the Holy Ghost (3 Ne. 29:5-6). Jacob 2 equated denying the power and word of Christ and the gift of the Holy Ghost with making a mockery of the great plan of
redemption (Jacob 6:8). It is serious enough to deny the Holy Ghost by refusing to respond to his promptings or refusing to believe in the things of God, but it is
infinitely more serious to "deny the Holy Ghost when it once has had place in you." Such denial "is a sin which is unpardonable" (Alma 39:6). Nephi 1 taught that it
would be better not to have known the Savior than to deny him after one has received "the baptism of fire and of the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 31:14). To Joseph Smith the
Lord revealed, "Thus saith the Lord concerning all those who know my power, and have been made partakers thereof, and suffered themselves through the power of
the devil to be overcome, and to deny the truth and defy my power-They are they who are the sons of perdition, of whom I say that it had been better for them never
to have been born" (D&C 76:31-35).

See also Conceive by the power of the Holy Ghost; Gospel, the; Spirit of the Lord; Unpar-donable sin.

Smith, Brian L.

Holy Ghost conceive by the power of the

See Conceive by the power of the Holy Ghost.

Holy order of God

The Book of Mormon term for the Melchizedek Priesthood, known to the ancients as the "Holy Priesthood, after the Order of the Son of God" (D&C 107:2-4). This,
"the holiest order," is the authority by which the gospel is administered in all dispensations (D&C 84:18-20). Accordingly, those called into the holy order of God had
both the authority and responsibility to preach the word of God and perform ordinances (2 Ne. 6:2; Mosiah 18:13; Alma 4:20; 5:44; 6:8; 7:22; 13:6-11; 43:2; 49:30;
Hel. 8:18; Ether 12:10; Moro. 3-5).

In speaking to the people of Ammonihah, Alma 2 drew upon his knowledge of the ancient Saints. He taught that those who had entered into the holy order of God
were first "called and prepared," or foreordained to the order, "from the foundation of the world . . . on account of their exceeding faith and good works" while "in the
first place," or premortal existence (Alma 13:3-4). He further explained how their fore-ordination was fulfilled when, through faith, repentance, and righteousness, the
ancient Saints were ordained to the holy order and entered into God's rest, being sanctified, having their garments "washed white through the blood of the Lamb" (Alma
13:6, 10-12). Alma then invited the Nephites to follow the example of those forefathers, particularly Melchizedek (Alma 13:14-21). The Book of Mormon witnesses
that Nephites before and after Alma did indeed follow Melchizedek's example. Many held the Melchizedek Priesthood, enjoyed the fulness of the everlasting gospel,
and officiated in Melchizedek Priesthood ordinances (McConkie, 412, 421, 427; e.g., 2 Ne. 6:2; Alma 6:8; 7:22; 43:2; Hel. 10:4-8).

President Ezra Taft Benson explained that to receive the highest blessings of the holy order is "the equivalent today of entering into the fulness of the Melchizedek
Priesthood, which is only received in the house of the Lord" (Benson, 8; cf. Moses 6:64-).

See also Priesthood among the Nephites.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. "What I Hope You Will Teach Your Children about the Temple." Ensign 15 (August 1985): 6- 10.

McConkie, Bruce R. The Promised Messiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978.

Millet, Robert L.

Hope

A gift of the Spirit (Moro. 8:26), through faith in the redeeming power of Christ, by which one steadfastly desires and anticipates being raised to life eternal (Moro.
7:41). This hope becomes an anchor for the soul during the trials of mortal probation (Ether 12:4; Heb. 6:19). Specific hopes mentioned include the ideas of being like
Christ and being with Christ: (1) hope of being filled with the pure love of Christ, that is, charity, that "we may be purified even as he is pure" (Moro. 7:47-48); and (2)
"a hope of his glory" (Jacob 4:4; Moro. 9:25) or "a good hope of glory in him" (Jacob 4:11), which might be understood to mean a hope of partaking of the same glory
as Christ's (cf. 2 Ne. 1:15 and 2 Ne. 2:4 where one might hope to behold his glory in this life). And similarly, a "hope through the atonement of Christ and the power of
his resurrection, to be raised unto life eternal" (Moro. 7:41; cf. Jacob 4:4; Moro. 9:25).

The Fall left man without visible means of hope for personal renewal or for a better world, but hope for a place with Christ in the highest glory comes by faith in his
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
regenerating power. In contrast, despair, the opposite of hope, "cometh because of iniquity" or a lack of faith in the Lord (Moro. 10:22-23). HopePage       643
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searching the scriptures (Jacob 4:6) and through repentance and faith in Christ (Moro. 7:40-42; Hel. 15:7). One may be patient in present affliction through the hope
that someday one will rest from all affliction (Alma 34:41). The Lord gives hope with assurances of deliverance (Alma 58:11).
as Christ's (cf. 2 Ne. 1:15 and 2 Ne. 2:4 where one might hope to behold his glory in this life). And similarly, a "hope through the atonement of Christ and the power of
his resurrection, to be raised unto life eternal" (Moro. 7:41; cf. Jacob 4:4; Moro. 9:25).

The Fall left man without visible means of hope for personal renewal or for a better world, but hope for a place with Christ in the highest glory comes by faith in his
regenerating power. In contrast, despair, the opposite of hope, "cometh because of iniquity" or a lack of faith in the Lord (Moro. 10:22-23). Hope is kindled by
searching the scriptures (Jacob 4:6) and through repentance and faith in Christ (Moro. 7:40-42; Hel. 15:7). One may be patient in present affliction through the hope
that someday one will rest from all affliction (Alma 34:41). The Lord gives hope with assurances of deliverance (Alma 58:11).

Hope is often associated with faith and charity because the three represent a progression. As a person's faith in Christ begins his own personal renovation, his hope in
Christ is awakened and strengthened. His heart expands with greater love, even "perfect love," for others (Moro. 8:26). Thus personal hope springs from faith in Christ
and leads to charity through the power of the Comforter (Moro. 7:42-44; 8:26). Nephi 1 connected these three principles when he taught that man must press forward
with a steadfastness in Christ (faith), with a perfect brightness of hope, and a love of God and man (charity) in order to inherit eternal life (2 Ne. 31:20). A person must
obtain hope in Christ or he cannot receive an inheritance in the kingdom of God (Ether 12:26-32; Moro. 10:21).

Thomas, M. Catherine

Horeb

See Sinai, mount.

Horses

See Animals.

Hosanna

Hebrew translation for "save now, we pray thee (or we beseech thee)." Both an expression of exultation for God's goodness and a plea for salvation. "Hosanna" was
proclaimed by the Spirit of the Lord when Nephi 1 declared his faith (1 Ne. 11:6); by Nephites, with "hearts . . . swollen with joy" after God delivered them in war (3
Ne. 4:32-33); and by witnesses of the resurrected Savior (3 Ne. 11:17).

Fronk, Camille

Humility

Realization of one's dependence upon God (Mosiah 4:1-3), and a willingness to seek and follow his will (2 Ne. 31:7).

Humility is spoken of in association with sanctification (Hel. 3:35; 3 Ne. 12:2), meekness , submissiveness, lowliness of heart (Mosiah 3:19; Alma 13:28; 32:8-12; Hel.
6:39), abasing oneself (Alma 4:13), becoming like a little child (Mosiah 3:19; Moro. 8:10), and believing in the word of God without compulsion (Alma 32:16). It is the
opposite of pride (Alma 1:20; 6:3), loftiness, haughtiness, and stubbornness of heart (2 Ne. 12:11; 15:15; 20:33; Alma 32:16), and is necessary if one is to "learn
wisdom" concerning spiritual truths (Alma 32:12). Humility is one of the attributes of those who have put off the natural man by yielding to the "enticings of the Holy
Spirit" and have, "through the atonement of Christ the Lord," become true Saints (Mosiah 3:19; cf. Alma 13:28; 34:38; 42:30). The humble who come unto Christ are
promised joy (Mosiah 4:11-12; Hel. 3:35) and answers to their prayers (2 Ne. 9:42). It is better, taught Alma 2 , that people "humble themselves without being
compelled to be humble" (Alma 32:16).

The Book of Mormon identifies several factors which can motivate humility, including hearing the word of the Lord (1 Ne. 15:20; 16:5, 24; Hel 6:5), experiencing
afflictions, wars, famines, pestilences (Alma 32:6; 62:41; Hel. 11:8-9), recognizing the justice, mercy, and long- suffering of God (Alma 42:30), and realizing a state of
weakness (Ether 12:27).

Christ set a perfect example of humility in that he "humbleth himself before the Father, and witnesseth unto the Father that he would be obedient unto him in keeping his
commandments" (2 Ne. 31:7). All who inherit eternal life must demonstrate their own humility by following the Son "with full purpose of heart" (2 Ne. 31:13, 20).

See also Broken heart and contrite spirit.

Anderson, Ronald Dean

Hypocrisy

In a gospel sense, hypocrisy is the pretense of religious conviction in the absence of true conviction; it is the claim to religious commitment without the practice of
religious principles. A hypocrite feigns belief, while the heart is really serving personal pride and vain ambition. The Greek word translated as "hypocrite" in the New
Testament is the word for an actor in a play, one who portrays someone different from the person he or she really is. President N. Eldon Tanner taught that a hypocrite
is "one who pretends to have beliefs or principles which he does not have, or to be what he is not, especially a false assumption of an appearance of virtue or
religion" (31). Hypocrisy is therefore a manifestation of the carnal or "natural man" and not of the truly converted "saint" (Mosiah 3:19).

Teaching the Nephites as he had taught in the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus described hypocrites as those who love to pray publicly, "that they may be seen of men."
Being so seen, he said, was "their reward," and he clearly implied that it was their only reward (3 Ne. 13:5 // Matt. 6:5). Nephi 1 defined hypocrisy by telling what it is
not, urging all to "follow the Son, with full purpose of heart, acting no hypocrisy and no deception before God, but with real intent" (2 Ne. 31:13).

Other writers of the Book of Mormon boldly emphasized the evils of hypocrisy and warned of severe consequences that await those who lead hypocritical lives.
Amulek, for example, after perceiving the thoughts of the lawyers in Ammonihah who had been engaged to "catch [Alma 2 and Amulek] in their words" (Alma 10:13),
denounced them as "wicked and perverse . . . hypocrites" who were "laying the foundations of the devil" by "laying traps and snares to catch the holy ones of God."
This, he warned, would "bring down the wrath of God" on them (Alma 10:17-18). They, after all, were supposedly the guardians of justice and truth. Amulek similarly
denounced as hypocrites those who pray for God's blessings and yet turn away the poor (Alma 34:28). Moroni 2 used the same designation for those within the
Church who love their possessions more than they love the people who need their help (Morm. 8:37-40).

Bibliography

Tanner, N. Eldon. "Woe unto You . . . Hypocrites." Improvement Era 73 ( December 1970): 31- 35.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                         Page 644 / 919
Merrill, Byron R.
Bibliography

Tanner, N. Eldon. "Woe unto You . . . Hypocrites." Improvement Era 73 ( December 1970): 31- 35.

Merrill, Byron R.

I

I
I never knew them

A phrase used by Jesus directed to unrepentant people who never developed or continued in a covenant relationship with him and who will be cast off at the Judgment
Day (Mosiah 26:22-27; cf. Mosiah 5:5-13; 3 Ne. 14:21-23; JST Matt. 7:31-33). Because Christ is an omniscient being, and there is not anything he does not know (2
Ne. 9:20), his words "I never knew them" (Mosiah 26:27) refers not to information or facts about people but rather their relationship or lack of one with him. These are
they who "never knew [Christ]" (Mosiah 26:25) and who "would not be redeemed" (Mosiah 26:26).

See also Judgment, the; Second trump.

Parker, Todd Brian

Idolatry

The sinful practice of making and worshipping graven images, or idols made of wood, stone, or metal. Idolatry was expressly forbidden and condemned by the Lord
(Mosiah 13:12-13). In a broader sense idolatry is idolizing, worshipping, or making more important anything other than God. Hence, the love or worship of such things
as money, costly apparel, power, or worldly pleasures, is also a form of idolatry. For example, the idolatry of the Zoramites 2 included setting their hearts upon their
riches, and being "puffed up . . . with the vain things of the world" (Alma 31:24-28). Even idleness is considered a form of idolatrous behavior (Alma 1:32).

Idolatry was one of the sins afflicting the peoples of the Book of Mormon. For example, Enos described the Lamanites as "full of idolatry" (Enos 1:20), while Mormon
listed the idolatry of the Nephites as one of the reasons for "their wars and their destructions" (Alma 50:21). Mormon also prophesied that the remnant of the seed of
Lehi 1 would become a "scattered . . . and a loathsome people . . . because of their unbelief and idolatry" (Morm. 5:15). The Jaredites during the reign of Shule were
also guilty of idolatry, which sin "was bringing a curse" upon their lands (Ether 7:23).

Huntington, Ray Lynn

Ignominious

See Appendix C.

Ignorance died in

To have died without a knowledge of the laws of God as revealed through his prophets. The atonement of Jesus Christ satisfied the demands of the law of justice for all
those who "have not the law given to them" (2 Ne. 9:26) and who "died not knowing the will of God concerning them, or who have ignorantly sinned" (Mosiah 3:11; cf.
Moro. 8:22). Those who "died before Christ came, in their ignorance, not having salvation declared unto them" will come forth in the first resurrection (Mosiah 15:24).
A revelation to the Prophet Joseph Smith indicated that "all who have died [or will die] without a knowledge of this gospel, who would have received it if they had been
permitted to tarry, shall be heirs of the celestial kingdom of God" (D&C 137:7-8). They will have the opportunity to be taught and accept the gospel in the spirit world
(D&C 138).

See also Law, without the.

Garrett, Henry Dean

Immanuel

One of many name- titles for the Messiah in the writings of Isaiah (2 Ne. 17:14; 18:8). The Hebrew appellation literally means "with us [is] God," clearly foreshadowing
the coming of God himself into the world (Matt. 1:21-23).

See also Isaiah chapter reviews (2 Ne. 17 // Isa. 7).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Immersion

See Baptism.

Incorruption

See Corruption, incorruption.

Indolence

See Appendix C.

Infant baptism
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See Children, baptism of little.

Infinite
See Appendix C.

Infant baptism

See Children, baptism of little.

Infinite

Boundless, limitless, immeasurable, or endless. The term "infinite" is used in the Book of Mormon as an adjective describing God's goodness, mercy, and grace in
blessing his people (2 Ne. 1:10; Mosiah 5:3; 28:4; Hel. 12:1; Moro. 8:3). It is also used to describe Christ as the "great and last sacrifice," and with reference to the
universal, all encompassing (not limited in scope or time) effects of the Atonement . Amulek taught that only an "infinite atonement [would] suffice for the sins of the
world," an act that could only be accomplished by a being who was also "infinite and eternal" (Alma 34:10-14; cf. 2 Ne. 9:7; 25:16).

Largey, Dennis L.

Iniquity

See Sin, transgression.

Iniquity fulness of

See Fulness of iniquity.

Innocence state of

Before the Fall, Adam and Eve were in a state of innocence for they had not yet been exposed to the conditions, challenges, and opportunities of this mortal state. Thus
they knew neither its joys nor sorrows, neither good nor evil (2 Ne. 2:23; Moses 4:11).

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Innocent blood

Term used in the Book of Mormon in reference to Abinadi (Mosiah 17:10), king Lamoni (Alma 20:18-19), and the believing women and children of Ammonihah
(Alma 14:11), and "might be thought of as the blood of those persons without guile, or of little ones who have not sinned" (Kimball, 119). The Doctrine and Covenants
refers to the "innocent blood" of Joseph and Hyrum Smith with the same meaning (D&C 135:4, 7; 136:36). Additionally, modern revelation teaches that "innocent
blood" can refer to the Savior's blood. To shed his innocent blood is to "assent unto [his] death" and is "blasphemy against the Holy Ghost" (D&C 132:27). In some
scriptural contexts to shed innocent blood simply means to take life unjustly or against God's will (e.g., Deut. 19:10-13; 1 Kgs. 2:31; Jer. 22:3).

See also Murder; Unpardonable sin.

Bibliography

Kimball, Spencer W. The Miracle of Forgiveness. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1990.

Judd, Daniel K

Insurrections

See Appendix C.

Intercession

Mediation; intervention to resolve a predicament. The term is used four times in the Book of Mormon, twice by Lehi 1 (2 Ne. 2:9-10), and twice by Abinadi (Mosiah
14:12 // Isa. 53:12; Mosiah 15:8), all referring to Christ's infinite atonement by virtue of which he obtained the right and power to save mankind from the awful plight of
death and sin which resulted from the Fall (2 Ne. 9:6-13; Alma 42:1-26).

An important aspect of Christ's intercession is his advocacy for all mankind, his pleading unto the Father in their behalf, that all who believe in him will be saved (D&C
38:4; 45:1-5). Mormon explained, "Christ hath ascended into heaven, and hath sat down on the right hand of God, to claim of the Father his rights of mercy which he
hath upon the children of men[.] For he hath answered the ends of the law, and he claimeth all those who have faith in him; . . . wherefore he advocateth the cause of
the children of men" (Moro. 7:27-28).

The New Testament also speaks of Christ's intercession for mankind (e.g., Rom. 8:27; Heb. 7:25). And Paul wrote that not only Christ, "but the Spirit itself maketh
intercession for us," at least in helping one to know what to pray for (Rom. 8:26).

See also Mediator.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Intercourse

See Appendix C.

Interposition

See Appendix C.
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Interpreters

See Urim and Thummim.
Interposition

See Appendix C.

Interpreters

See Urim and Thummim.

Intrigue

See Appendix C.

Irreantum

After eight years in the wilderness, Lehi 1 and those traveling with him came to the sea (apparently the Arabian Sea) which they called Irreantum, "which, being
interpreted, is many waters" (1 Ne. 17:4-5). While camped in the place they called "Bountiful," Nephi 1 and his brothers built a ship (1 Ne. 17:6-18:5).

Isaac

The son of Abraham, most often referenced in the expression "the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob," as in 1 Nephi 6:4. Jacob 2 taught
that the near sacrifice of Isaac by his father Abraham was "a similitude of God and his Only Begotten Son" (Jacob 4:5).

Isabel

A harlot in the land of Siron who "did steal away the hearts of many," including Corianton, the son of Alma 2 . He forsook the ministry to pursue her (Alma 39:3-4; ca.
73 b.c. ).

Isaiah 2

See Disciples, twelve Nephite. .

Isaiah life and ministry

Isaiah was an Old Testament prophet who ministered in the kingdom of Judah from around 740 b.c. to at least 701 b.c. during the reigns of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and
Hezekiah (Isa. 1:1). His was an era of political unrest, war, and apostasy. The house of Israel was divided into the two warring kingdoms, Israel in the north, and Judah
in the south, and the threat of attack from the brutal Assyrian empire was ever present for both. In Israel the monarchy was in turmoil with kings, all wicked, being
regularly assassinated or overthrown. Meanwhile in Judah, the Davidic kings alternated between righteous and wicked. In both kingdoms apostasy was rampant with
idolatry generally more practiced than devotion to Jehovah. Isaiah labored to turn the people back to Jehovah. His message to the apostates is reflected in his name,
which means "Jehovah is salvation." Sadly his message was largely rejected. Eventually Isaiah would witness the fall and removal of Israel to Assyria (ca. 722 b.c. ), as
well as the Assyrian conquest of much of Judah, and the unsuccessful Assyrian siege on Jerusalem (2 Kgs. 15-21).

The complexity and beauty of Isaiah's writings, complete with elegant poetic elements of metaphor, parallelism, and elevated language, suggest he was a well- educated
man. He was married and had at least two children, both given names reflective of his prophecies (Isa. 7:3; 8:1-4, 18). He seems to have been a man of relatively high
social station who could find audience with kings and aristocracy (e.g., Isa. 7:3; 37:1-36; 38:1). Jewish legend suggests that king Hezekiah was actually Isaiah's son- in-
law (Ginsberg, 4:277, 279), which perhaps explains why Isaiah's counsel was often sought and followed by king Hezekiah (Isa. 37-40; cf. 2 Kgs. 19-20). And yet
Isaiah's counsel was not popular with all the kings he advised (e.g., Isa. 7; cf. 2 Kgs. 16). A pseudepigraphic work records that Isaiah's life ended when he was sawed
in half by king Hezekiah's wicked son Manasseh ("Martyrdom," 163; cf. Ginsberg, 4:279; Heb. 11:37).

Although he was a prophet primarily to the kingdoms of Judah and Israel, Isaiah also spoke many prophecies concerning nations that neighbored or interacted with
them, such as Philistia, Moab, Phoenicia, Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt (e.g., Isa. 10; 13-16; 19-21; 23). Moreover, he prophesied not only about his contemporary
time period and issues but also about subsequent dispensations as well. As Christ declared, "He spake as touching all things concerning my people which are of the
house of Israel; therefore it must needs be that he must speak also to the Gentiles. And all things that he spake have been and shall be, even according to the words
which he spake" (3 Ne. 23:2-3).

Isaiah's prophecies have been quoted and revered by men of God in every dispensation since his ministry. He is the most quoted prophet in the Book of Mormon,
having approxi-mately 35 percent of his Old Testament writings either quoted directly or paraphrased by Nephite prophets (e.g., 1 Ne. 20-21; 2 Ne. 7-8; 12-24; 26-
27; Mosiah 14). Moreover, Isaiah is the prophet most quoted by Jesus Christ in the New Testament (e.g., Matt. 13:14-15; 15:7-9; Luke 4:18-19; 22:37). When
Christ appeared as the resurrected Lord to the Nephites, he affirmed the importance of studying Isaiah, "And now, behold, I say unto you, that ye ought to search these
things [the writings of Isaiah]. Yea, a command-ment I give unto you that ye search these things diligently; for great are the words of Isaiah" (3 Ne. 23:1).

Perhaps Isaiah's prophecies were so regularly used and highly recommended by Christ and the Book of Mormon prophets because of two themes which pervade his
writings: (1) the status and future of God's covenant people, and (2) the ministry and mission of the Messiah. For example, Nephi 1 and Jacob 2 cited Isaiah to teach
about such events as the apostasy, scattering, and oppression of the house of Israel; the -latter- day gathering of their descendants and their restoration to the gospel of
Christ; and the establishment of Zion-themes that concerned the Nephites because of their own Israelite ancestry (2 Ne. 6:6-18; 8; 10; 25:14-17; 26:14-30:18). Nephi
also quoted Isaiah to teach about the coming forth of the Book of Mormon and the vital role it would play in the latter days (2 Ne. 27:6-35), and about the destruction
of the wicked before the coming of the millennial Messiah and the era of peace that would follow the Savior's return (2 Ne. 12; 21:1-24:3). Abinadi quoted Isaiah's
prophecies to teach about the mortal Messiah's ministry (Mosiah 14).

With his prophecies preserved not only in the Old Testament but also in the New Testament, the Book of Mormon, and the Doctrine and Covenants, Isaiah's ministry
continues to bless and instruct students of the scriptures.

See also Isaiah, purposes for quoting; Isaiah, understanding of; Isaiah chapter reviews; Isaiah in the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Ginsberg, Louis, trans. Legends of the Jews. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1941.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                        Page 647 / 919
"Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah." The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Edited by James H. Charlesworth. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1985.

Ball, Terry B.
Bibliography

Ginsberg, Louis, trans. Legends of the Jews. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1941.

"Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah." The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Edited by James H. Charlesworth. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1985.

Ball, Terry B.

Isaiah purposes for quoting

The Book of Mormon prophets Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , and Abinadi, as well as the resurrected Savior, all quoted extensively from Isaiah in their teachings. From their own
statements of why they quoted Isaiah, and from the Isaiah texts themselves, it seems their purpose in quoting Isaiah was to highlight four major themes: (1) repentance
and the judgments of God, (2) God's covenants and promises to the house of Israel, (3) messianic prophecies, and (4) key events relating to the latter days.

Repentance and the judgments of God

One primary function of all prophets is to call people to repentance and to declare the judgments of God. Nephi explained that one of the reasons for including the
Isaiah passages in 2 Nephi 12-24 was so that his people and "all those that shall receive hereafter these things . . . may know the judgments of God" (2 Ne. 25:3).
Throughout his book Isaiah called covenant Israel and all nations to repent of their sins and to come to the Lord. Nephi included many of these passages as a warning
to his own people, the Nephites, and also to future readers, including the Jews, the Lamanites, and the Gentiles. For example, Isaiah included prophecies of repentance
and impending judgment to Judah and Jerusalem 1 (Isa. 2:1-5:30 // 2 Ne. 12:1-15:30), to Syria and Ephraim (Isa. 7 // 2 Ne. 17), to Assyria (Isa. 10 // 2 Ne. 20), and
to Babylon (Isa. 13-14 // 2 Ne. 23-24). During the ministry of Isaiah the prophecies of destruction against Syria, Ephraim, and Assyria were fulfilled. Jerusalem was
destroyed during Nephi's lifetime. Nephi likely used the prophecies of Isaiah to demonstrate to his people and future readers of the Book of Mormon that Isaiah's
prophecies of the future would all come to pass.

God's covenants and promises to the house of Israel

A major purpose of the Book of Mormon is to teach Israel about the Lord's covenants (Title Page, para. 2). Isaiah's writings especially fulfill this purpose. Nephi
exhorted his people to "hear ye the words of the prophet [Isaiah], . . . which were written unto all the house of Israel, and liken them unto yourselves, that ye may have
hope as well as your brethren from whom ye have been broken off" (1 Ne. 19:24). Jacob prefaced his Isaiah quotations similarly: "And now, the words which I shall
read are they which Isaiah spake concerning all the house of Israel; wherefore, they may be likened unto you, for ye are of the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 6:5). Nephi
quoted Isaiah 48 (1 Ne. 20), which contains the Lord's promise to apostate Judah that he would "defer" his anger "that I cut thee not off," and also the promise that "I
will not give my glory unto another" (1 Ne. 20:9, 11 // Isa. 48:9, 11). He also quoted Isaiah 49 (1 Ne. 21), which highlights some significant covenant promises
concerning the gathering of Israel. Nephi cited these chapters just after his family crossed the ocean as he taught his people about their destiny in a new land (1 Ne.
22:7-12). Years later, after Jacob 2 read Isaiah 50 and 51 (2 Ne. 7-8), he stated that he had read these things that they "might know concerning the covenants of the
Lord that he has covenanted with all the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 9:1; see Israel, covenants unto). Centuries later, the resurrected Savior used Isaiah 52 and 54 as he
delivered two sermons containing major teachings about his covenants (3 Ne. 15:1-17:3; 20:10-23:5). Jesus promised that as the words of Isaiah would be fulfilled,
"then is the fulfilling of the covenant" (3 Ne. 20:12, 46).

Messianic prophecies

Nephi and Abinadi both quoted Isaiah as they delivered their important witnesses of Christ and his atonement. Nephi wrote that he quoted Isaiah to "more fully
persuade [his people] to believe in the Lord their Redeemer" (1 Ne. 19:23). Nephi testified that he, his brother Jacob, and Isaiah had all seen the Lord (2 Ne. 11:2-3;
cf. Isa. 6 // 2 Ne. 16). He desired to quote the words of both Isaiah and Jacob to "prove" the truth of his own words concerning Christ. This, he taught, accorded with
the principle that "by the words of three, God hath said, I will establish my word" (2 Ne. 11:2-3; cf. Isa. 6 // 2 Ne. 16). In connection with this testimony, and speaking
of the words of Isaiah, Nephi exulted, "My soul delighteth in his words. For I will liken his words unto my people . . . my soul delighteth in proving unto my people the
truth of the coming of Christ" (2 Ne. 11:2, 4). Therefore, he explained, "I write some of the words of Isaiah, that whoso of my people shall see these words may lift up
their hearts and rejoice for all men" (2 Ne. 11:8). The prophet Abinadi cited the powerful messianic passage found in Isaiah 53, the "suffering servant song," as he
taught king Noah 3 and his priests (Mosiah 14). Abinadi's inspired commentary helps Book of Mormon readers understand how Christ can make intercession for his
followers, as promised by Isaiah (Mosiah 15). Nephi quoted additional messianic prophecies of Isaiah 6-9 and 11 in 2 Nephi 16-19 and 21 as a prelude to his great
testimony of Christ (2 Ne. 25; 31-33).

Key events relating to the latter days

Another reason Book of Mormon prophets quoted Isaiah is that his writings spoke "concerning things which are, and which are to come" (2 Ne. 6:4). Isaiah's words
have particular relevance for latter- day people: "Wherefore," Nephi said, "for their good have I written them" (2 Ne. 25:7-8). Isaiah's prophecies about the significance
of temples, the second coming of Jesus Christ, the Millennium (Isa. 2 // 2 Ne. 12), an invasion of armies from the north towards Jerusalem (Isa. 10 // 2 Ne. 20), the
effect of key servants (Isa. 11 // 2 Ne. 21), the downfall of spiritual Babylon (Isa. 13-14 // 2 Ne. 23-24), the setting up of a "standard" to gather Israel (Isa. 49 // 1 Ne.
21), and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon (Isa. 29 // 2 Ne. 27) were all quoted by Nephi. He then provided additional inspired commentary in 2 Nephi 25-30.
These prophecies highlight a variety of significant events in different parts of the world. Combined with Nephi's commentary, these Isaiah passages help students of the
Book of Mor-mon better understand the marvelous fulfillment of God's work in the latter days. Christ testified, "And all things that [Isaiah] spake have been and shall
be, even according to the words which he spake" (3 Ne. 23:3).

Conclusion

Regarding Isaiah's writings, the resurrected Lord admonished the descendants of Lehi 1 , "Ye have them before you, therefore search them" (3 Ne. 20:11) and "Yea, a
commandment I give unto you that ye search these things diligently; for great are the words of Isaiah" (3 Ne. 23:1). Accordingly, Moroni 2 , the last writer on the plates
of Mormon, exhorted future readers of the Book of Mormon to "search the prophecies of Isaiah" (Morm. 8:23). Understanding why and how the Isaiah passages are
quoted in the Book of Mormon helps readers of Isaiah find clarity and meaning as they search all of his writings.

See also Isaiah, life and ministry; Isaiah, understanding of; Isaiah chapter reviews.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Isaiah understanding of

Immediately
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understanding Isaiah's words (2 Ne. 25:1-8). As Nephi explained, "Isaiah spake many things which were hard for many of my people to understand" (2 Ne. 25:1).
Nephi's keys include the following:
Ludlow, Victor L.

Isaiah understanding of

Immediately after Nephi 1 recorded Isaiah chapters 2-14 (2 Ne. 12-24) on the plates, he authored eight verses that are directed to future readers with keys to
understanding Isaiah's words (2 Ne. 25:1-8). As Nephi explained, "Isaiah spake many things which were hard for many of my people to understand" (2 Ne. 25:1).
Nephi's keys include the following:

1. Understand "the manner of the Jews" (2 Ne. 25:2). This concept was of sufficient importance to Nephi that he seems to use it as a theme throughout the eight verses.
His phraseology includes the expressions " the manner of prophesying among the Jews" (v. 1), "the manner of the Jews" (v. 2), "the things of the prophets" (v. 5), "the
things which were spoken unto the Jews" (v. 5), "the manner of the things of the Jews" (v. 5), and "the manner of the Jews" (v. 6). Exactly what Nephi had in mind with
these statements is unclear, but they may refer to literary devices (e.g., prophetic speech forms, poetic parallelisms, symbolic language), and historical, cultural, and
theological elements which composed the prophetic style of Isaiah.

2. Be "filled with the spirit of prophecy" (2 Ne. 25:4; cf. Rev. 19:10). Earlier Nephi explained to his brethren that the prophecies of Isaiah "were manifest unto the
prophet [Isaiah] by the voice of the Spirit; for by the Spirit are all things made known unto the prophets" (1 Ne. 22:2). The spirit of prophecy provided the words of
revelation to Isaiah in the first place, and subsequently provides those who diligently search Isaiah's prophecies with the interpretation of Isaiah's words (if the searchers
follow the correct prescriptions in receiving the spirit of prophecy). A formula for receiving the spirit of prophecy is presented in Alma 17:2-3, where the key elements
of diligently searching the scriptures and much prayer and fasting are set forth.

3. Be familiar with the regions round about Jerusalem (2 Ne. 25:6). Isaiah's prophecies include frequent mention of geographical place names and physical features
connected with the ancient Near East. There are 106 different geographical place names in the book of Isaiah, including, for example, cities (Jerusalem, Sodom,
Bozrah), nations (Egypt, Israel), regions (Bashan, Galilee, Naphtali), valleys (Achor, Rephaim), mountains (Carmel, Lebanon), and oases (Nimrim, Tema). Many place
names appear more than once. For example, Jerusalem is mentioned forty- eight times, Egypt forty- one, Moab twenty- one, Samaria eight, Damascus seven, and
Ethiopia six.

4. Live during the days that the prophecies of Isaiah are fulfilled (2 Ne. 25:7-8). This statement is set forth first in verse 7 and then again in verse 8. Note that Nephi
specifically identified the "last days" as the time that many of Isaiah's prophecies would be fulfilled. Examples of Isaiah's prophecies fulfilled in the last days include the
coming forth of the Book of Mormon (Isa. 29 // 2 Ne. 27) and the establishment of temples (Isa. 2:1-3 // 2 Ne. 12:1-3).

In addition to these four keys, Jesus set forth another essential key during his visit to the Nephites. He used the word search instead of read: "Behold they [the words of
Isaiah] are written, ye have them before you, therefore search them" (3 Ne. 20:11). Later, Jesus commanded, "Yea, a commandment I give unto you that ye search
these things diligently; for great are the words of Isaiah" (3 Ne. 23:1; cf. Morm. 8:23).

There are many other keys to understanding Isaiah beyond those set forth explicitly in the Book of Mormon. For example, one can benefit greatly by examining the
quotations of Isaiah that are found in the Book of Mormon, New Testament, and Doctrine and Covenants, with the intent of learning why and how Isaiah's writings are
used in these texts. The Joseph Smith Translation of Isaiah provides a multitude of new, inspired readings that are also beneficial. Doctrine and Covenants 113,
revealed to Joseph Smith, includes a number of questions and answers that pertain to Isaiah 11 and 52:1-2. Elder Bruce R. McConkie suggested that as one gains a
greater understanding of the various doctrines of the gospel and the plan of salvation one will more readily understand and appreciate the writings of Isaiah (78-83).

See also Isaiah, life and ministry; Isaiah, purposes for quoting; Isaiah chapter reviews; Isaiah in the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. "Ten Keys to Understanding Isaiah." Ensign 3 (October 1973): 78- 83.

Parry, Donald W.

Isaiah in the Book of Mormon

Of all the prophetic writings available on the plates of brass , Isaiah is the major resource used throughout the Book of Mormon. About one- third of Isaiah's sixty- six
chapters are found in the Book of Mormon. Two large blocks of Isaiah chapters (2-14 and 48-54) are scattered among four books (1 Nephi, 2 Nephi, Mosiah, and 3
Nephi). In addition, Isaiah 29 is quoted in 2 Nephi. Twenty- one chapters of Isaiah are found in the Book of Mormon, as follows:

Isaiah 2-14 in 2 Nephi 12-24 for 13 chapters

Isaiah 29 in 2 Nephi 27 for 1 chapter

Isaiah 48-49 in 1 Nephi 20-21 for 2 chapters

Isaiah 50-51 in 2 Nephi 7-8 for 2 chapters

Isaiah 52 in 3 Nephi 20 for 1 chapter

Isaiah 53 in Mosiah 14 for 1 chapter

Isaiah 54 in 3 Nephi 22 for 1 chapter

Additional verses from Isaiah, mostly from these same chapters, are scattered throughout the Book of Mormon, as shown on the accompanying table. Many of the
Isaiah passages have important differences from the corresponding verses in the King James Version of the Bible-that is, word changes or additions that significantly
alter or enlarge the meaning of the verse. Many others of the Isaiah verses in the Book of Mormon have minor wording or punctuation changes that do not alter the
verse's meaning, and about one- third are exactly the same as the corresponding biblical passages.

See also Isaiah, life and ministry; Isaiah, purposes for quoting; Isaiah chapter reviews.

Bibliography

 Copyright
Isaiah in the(c) 2005-2009,
              Book          Infobase
                    of Mormon.  EditedMedia Corp.W. Parry and John W. Welch. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1998.
                                       by Donald                                                                                                          Page 649 / 919

Ludlow, Victor L.
See also Isaiah, life and ministry; Isaiah, purposes for quoting; Isaiah chapter reviews.

Bibliography

Isaiah in the Book of Mormon. Edited by Donald W. Parry and John W. Welch. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1998.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Isaiah chapter reviews

Each Isaiah chapter in the Book of Mormon has its own entry in this volume. Other articles include Isaiah, life and ministry of; Isaiah, purposes for quoting; Isaiah,
understanding of; Isaiah in the Book of Mormon. All place names in the Isaiah chapters in the Book of Mormon can be found on Map A or Map B, pages 398-99.
Articles on significant nations mentioned in the Isaiah chapters in the Book of Mormon-Assyria, Babylon, Israel, Judah, and Syria-also have accompanying maps.

Isaiah chap. review: 1 Nephi 20 // Isaiah 48

Background and synopsis

First Nephi 20 is the first place in the Book of Mormon in which an entire chapter from Isaiah (Isa. 48) is quoted. As a prelude Nephi 1 testified that the Lord had
shown unto "the prophets of old all things concerning [`those who are at Jerusalem']; and also he did show unto many concerning us" (1 Ne. 19:20-21). It appears that
Nephi quoted Isaiah 48-49 (1 Ne. 20-21) to illustrate this truth: chapter 20 pertaining to the "house of Jacob," or the Jews living in or about Jerusalem (1 Ne. 20:1),
and chapter 21 pertaining to "us," or the descendants of Lehi 1 , who were part of the house of Israel that had been "broken off" and "scattered abroad" (1 Ne. 21:1).
Nephi explicitly quoted Isaiah to "more fully persuade [his brethren] to believe in the Lord their Redeemer" (1 Ne. 19:23). Like some of Nephi's brethren, many of
Isaiah's contem-poraries had difficulty maintaining faith in Jehovah, their Lord and Redeemer. Many in Israel at the time of Isaiah became worldly and proud, even
worshipping other gods in the form of idols, in addition to Jehovah. Isaiah gave this prophecy (Isa. 48) to warn the people and to convince them to believe in the Lord.
Isaiah's prophecy contains the words spoken by the Lord. First the Lord witnessed of his own omniscience and explained that he had revealed to Israel "from the
beginning" those things which were to come to pass and lest they credit their false gods, or "idols," with his operations because he knew that Israel was "obstinate" (1
Ne. 20:1-8). Then the Lord expressed his love and patience in his efforts to purify and refine his people. The Lord's motive, his work and glory, that for which his very
name stands, is to save mankind (1 Ne. 20:9-). The Lord summoned Jacob to listen to his word, and testified of his omnipotence, declaring that he created the
heavens, that he raised up a servant to lead and bless the people, that he guided them in the way they should go. He enumerated the blessings that they could have had,
if they had hearkened to his command-ments: peace like a river, "righteousness as the waves of the sea," seed as the sand, and offspring like gravel (1 Ne. 20:12-19).
He called Israel to go out of Babylon and to proclaim the message that "the Lord hath redeemed his servant Jacob" (1 Ne. 20:20-21). The Lord closed his words with
a solemn warning that "there is no peace . . . unto the wicked" (1 Ne. 20:22).

Definitions

20:1 waters of Judah. Referring to those who have taken upon themselves the covenant of baptism. The phrase "or out of the waters of baptism" first appeared in the
text of the third edition of the Book of Mormon (1840). This phrase was presumably added by the Prophet Joseph Smith. A phrase on the title page of the 1840
edition reads, "Third Edition, Carefully Revised by the Translator."

20:2 holy city. Jerusalem. Ironically the children of Israel who are called to be holy like their God (Lev. 19:2) "call themselves of the holy city" and "swear by the name
of the Lord," yet "not in truth nor in righteousness" (1 Ne. 20:1-2).

20:2 do not stay themselves upon the God of Israel. Do not lean upon or put their trust in God.

20:4 neck is an iron sinew, and thy brow brass. Metaphors for pride and stubbornness.

20:8 deal very treacherously. To act deceitfully.

20:8 transgressor from the womb. The iniquity of Israel is so pervasive it is described here as if they had been rebellious from their birth (cf. Ps. 58:3).

20:10 I have refined thee, I have chosen thee in the furnace of affliction. Just as gold is smelted in the fire to remove impurities, so God tries his covenant people with
fire to remove their impurities.

20:13 spanned the heavens. In this context meaning to stretch across or measure. Elsewhere the creation of the heavens is described as the Lord stretching out the
heaven like a tent (Isa. 40:22).

20:14 The Lord hath loved him; yea, and he will fulfill his word which he hath declared by them. The person whom "the Lord hath loved" is called by the Lord to
deliver Israel from Bab-ylon. In the historical context of the Exile this is likely a reference to Cyrus, who conquered Babylon and freed Judah to return to the holy land
(Ezra 1). Cyrus is referred to by name in Isaiah and designated a "shepherd" and the "anointed one" (Hebrew "messiah"; Isa. 44:28; 45:1). Thus, Cyrus can also be
seen as a type of the servant or servants called by the Lord to deliver Israel from spiritual Babylon. Examples of servants who fit this type, besides the Deliverer himself
(Mosiah 14 // Isa. 53) include Isaiah, Joseph Smith, and Israel as a whole ( see Isaiah chapter reviews, 2 Ne. 21 // Isa. 49, background and synopsis). The phrase "he
will fulfil his word which he hath declared by them" is found in 1 Nephi 20:14 but not in KJV Isaiah. This is probably a reference to the other servants or prophets by
whom the Lord has delivered his people from spiritual Babylon.

20:14 he will do his pleasure on Babylon. Do his will. This servant is likely Cyrus as a type of Christ.

20:14, 20 Babylon. Babylon would take Judah into exile in 586 b.c. but would be conquered by Cyrus the Persian in 539 b.c. Metaphorically, Babylon in the
scriptures is a type of the world with its pride and wickedness (D&C 1:16; 133:14; Rev. 14:8). See Babylon, Babylonia.

20:14 his arm shall come upon. Referring to God's power; in this case manifested in wrath and judgment.

20:14, 20 Chaldeans. Inhabitants of Chaldea, or Babylonia.

20:15 called him to declare, I have brought him, and he shall make his way prosperous. The Lord called the servant(s)/prophet(s) mentioned in verse 14, and will make
sure of his (their) success.

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sent me. Throughout this chapter (1 Ne. 20:1-15) the Lord has been speaking. In this verse the speaker changes to another voice: "And the Lord, God, and his Spirit,
hath sent me." This may be a reference to the prophet Isaiah, who is speaking on behalf of the Lord throughout the chapter, or it may be a reference to the other
20:15 called him to declare, I have brought him, and he shall make his way prosperous. The Lord called the servant(s)/prophet(s) mentioned in verse 14, and will make
sure of his (their) success.

20:16 Come ye near unto me; I have not spoken in secret; from the beginning, from the time that it was declared have I spoken; and the Lord, God, and his Spirit, hath
sent me. Throughout this chapter (1 Ne. 20:1-15) the Lord has been speaking. In this verse the speaker changes to another voice: "And the Lord, God, and his Spirit,
hath sent me." This may be a reference to the prophet Isaiah, who is speaking on behalf of the Lord throughout the chapter, or it may be a reference to the other
servants: the servant Cyrus, or the future Messiah.

20:17 I have sent him. The Lord speaking again as "I." The pronoun "him" is likely a reference to either Isaiah or the servant mentioned in verse 14.

20:19 thy seed also had been as the sand; the offspring of thy bowels like the gravel thereof. A promise of posterity, associated with the Abrahamic covenant ( e.g.,
Gen. 13:16; D&C 132:30). These promises (cf. 20:18) are those that Israel could have had if she had hearkened to the commandments of the Lord.

20:21 they thirsted not; he led them through the deserts; he caused the waters to flow out of the rock for them; he clave the rock also and the waters gushed out. A
reference to blessings the Lord bestowed upon Israel during the Exodus ( cf. Ex. 17:6; Num. 20:11 ).

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (1 Ne. 20) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 48) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

A latter- day covenant people, like Israel of old, likewise needs to recognize the omniscience and omnipotence of the Lord and the love he has for his people. The
Lord has the power to accurately foretell the future. Just as ancient Israel could, so Latter- day Saints can recognize the fulfillment of many of the prophecies of Isaiah in
the past and in the present and be assured that his prophecies for the future will also be fulfilled. In particular, just as the Lord delivered ancient Israel from Babylon and
commanded them, "Go ye forth of Babylon, flee ye from the Chaldeans" (1 Ne. 20:20), so the Lord has commanded the Saints in the latter days, "Go ye out from
Babylon. Be ye clean that bear the vessels of the Lord," and "Go ye out from among the nations, even from Babylon, from the midst of wickedness, which is spiritual
Babylon" (D&C 133:5, 14). The chapter also bears witness that God calls servants to do his work and explains why he punishes or refines his covenant people. It
further speaks of the blessings that can be attained by hearkening to God's commandments.

eds.

Isaiah chap. review: 1 Nephi 21 // Isaiah 49

Background and synopsis

First Nephi 21 is addressed to the members of the house of Israel who have been "broken off," "driven out," and "scattered abroad" upon the "isles" (1 Ne. 21:1).
Accordingly, Nephi 1 felt it had special application to his people (cf. 2 Ne. 10:21).

Throughout Isaiah's writings are a series of passages that are collectively called the "servant songs" (e.g., Isa. 42:1-4; 49:1-6; 50:4-11; 52:13-15; 53:1-12). These
passages all speak of a servant or servants who, though they may suffer or appear insignificant, will yet do a great work for the Lord. The preeminent servant is Jesus
Christ, described as "a light to lighten the Gentiles, and the glory of . . . Israel" (Luke 2:32), who would deliver the world from sin, death, and hell and direct the work
of all other servants. Many individuals from the house of Israel are in some way types of Christ in their lives and in their efforts to bless those they serve. These
individuals include Isaiah and other Old Testament prophets; Cyrus (a non- Israelite), called a "shepherd" and an "anointed one" (Isa. 43:28; 44:1), who would deliver
ancient Judah from Babylon; and the Prophet Joseph Smith, whom the Lord used to restore the gospel and initiate the gathering of Israel in the latter days. The servant
in 1 Nephi 21 who would gather the Lord's covenant people and be a light to the Gentiles is specifically identified as Israel (1 Ne. 21:2-3). This particular assignment is
consistent with the teaching that through the "seed of Abraham," represented here by his grandson Jacob 1 (Israel), all nations of the earth will be blessed with the
blessings of the gospel and the priesthood (1 Ne. 22:9; Abr. 2:9-11). These blessings would come to all nations through the restoration of the gospel of Jesus Christ. It
would be the mission of latter- day Israel-the restored Church-to extend gospel blessings to both scattered Israel and the Gentiles (1 Ne. 22:6-12; D&C 45:9; 86:11).

This servant song tells of the servant's fore-ordination, power, preparation, and preservation for the future to glorify God (1 Ne. 21:1-3). The servant will do the Lord's
work by gathering, restoring, and saving both scattered Israel and the Gentiles (1 Ne. 21:4-12). It then describes the joy that will result from this redeeming work (1
Ne. 21:13). The chapter continues with a figurative dialogue between Zion and the Lord, wherein he assures Zion he has not forgotten her (1 Ne. 21:14-17). It follows
with a description of the magnitude of the latter- day gathering of Israel and an explanation to Zion of the signi-ficant role the Gentiles would play in both -facilitating and
joining in the gathering (1 Ne. 21:18-23; 22:9; cf. 2 Ne. 6:6-18). The chapter ends with the promise to Zion that the Lord would defend his people from their enemies
(1 Ne. 21:24-26). Nephi provided inspired commentary and interpretation of this and the preceding chapter (1 Ne. 20 // Isa. 48) in 1 Nephi 22.

Definitions

21:1 called me from the womb; from the bowels of my mother hath he made mention of my name. Foreordained (cf. Jer. 1:5). A reference to the servant Israel.

21:1 Listen, O isles. Nephi explained that this expression referred to scattered Israel, including Lehi's descendants, who were "scattered to and fro upon the isles of the
sea" (1 Ne. 22:4; cf. 2 Ne. 10:20-22).

21:2 made my mouth like a sharp sword. A metaphor for the penetrating power of the word of God (cf. Rev. 1:16; 2:16; D&C 6:2).

21:2 polished shaft. A smooth arrow. A metaphor of being well prepared. Joseph Smith described himself and his mission in these terms: "Thus I will become a smooth
and polished shaft in the quiver of the Almighty" (304).

21:4 I have labored in vain, I have spent my strength for naught and in vain; surely my judgment is with the Lord, and my work with my God. A modern translation of
Isaiah renders this verse "I have spent my strength in vain and for nothing. Yet what is due me is in the Lord's hand, and my reward is with my God" (NIV).

21:6 light thing. Meaning a comparatively small task. The servant's mission will not be limited to Israel (a relatively small task) but will represent the Lord to all the
Gentiles to "the ends of the earth" (1 Ne. 21:6).

21:6 raise up the tribes of Jacob, and to restore the preserved of Israel. The servant(s) will gather scattered Israel.

21:6 light to the Gentiles. The gospel given to the Gentiles (D&C 45:28). As Israel is gathered through the work of the servant(s), the Gentiles will be given the
opportunity  to come
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21:8-9 cause to inherit the desolate heritages. Restore to former lands and covenants.
21:6 raise up the tribes of Jacob, and to restore the preserved of Israel. The servant(s) will gather scattered Israel.

21:6 light to the Gentiles. The gospel given to the Gentiles (D&C 45:28). As Israel is gathered through the work of the servant(s), the Gentiles will be given the
opportunity to come unto Christ and be numbered with Israel, thus fulfilling the covenant made to Abraham (1 Ne. 22:9; Abr. 2:10).

21:8-9 cause to inherit the desolate heritages. Restore to former lands and covenants.

21:9 prisoners. Perhaps referring to those in spiritual bondage, whether on the earth or in the spirit world (cf. D&C 138:29-35).

21:9 shall feed in the ways, and their pastures shall be in all high places. A metaphor for the Lord's care and nurturing.

21:11 make all my mountains a way, and my highways shall be exalted. The Lord will prepare paths or means for the return of scattered Israel.

21:12 these shall come from far; and lo, these from the north and from the west; and these from the land of Sinim. Scattered Israelites will be gathered from all over the
world. The location of Sinim is uncertain.

21:13 feet of those who are in the east. Perhaps referring to the covenant people in and around Jerusalem.

21:13 Sing, O heavens; and be joyful, O earth; for the feet of those who are in the east shall be established; and break forth into singing, O mountains. Nature is being
called upon to witness the protection, comfort, and mercy of the Lord for his people.

21:14 Zion. Personification of the place where the covenant people will gather.

21:16 graven thee upon the palms of my hands. The image that the Lord has engraved his people on his hands signifies that the Lord has not forgotten his people. This
may be an allusion to the marks of crucifixion in the palms of the hands of the Messiah-a graphic symbol of this truth.

21:16 thy walls are continually before me. Indicates that the Lord is ever mindful of his people.

21:17 make haste against thy destroyers; and they that made thee waste shall go forth of thee. The posterity of Israel will quickly turn upon their enemies (cf. Micah 5;
3 Ne. 21:12-20). Subsequently their enemies will depart.

21:18 clothe thee with them all, as with an ornament, and bind them on even as a bride. Suggests those who gather become like a wedding gown for the bride (the
covenant people), who is awaiting the coming of the bridegroom (Christ) (e.g., Ezek. 16:6-14).

21:20 The children whom thou shalt have, after thou hast lost the first. Those to be gathered, brought into the covenant, and redeemed after the ancient covenant
people reject the Lord and his covenants.

21:20 The place is too strait. Narrow, limited, or restrictive.

21:22 standard. A banner or flag to which people gather; used metaphorically for the restored gospel of Christ that would come forth among the Gentiles (cf. 1 Ne.
22:6). See Ensign.

21:22 bring thy sons in their arms, and thy daughters shall be carried upon their shoulders. A figurative expression indicating that the Gentiles, through whom the gospel
is restored, will gather the Lord's covenant people (cf. 1 Ne. 22:6-10). In this context these latter-day Gentiles constitute the Lord's servant Israel mentioned earlier in
the chapter (21:3). They are Gentiles by nationality and culture but Israelite by genealogical descent (cf. D&C 109:60). See Gentiles; Israel, gathering of.

21:23 kings shall be thy nursing fathers, and their queens thy nursing mothers. A metaphor suggesting that governing powers will also assist with the gathering and
restoration of the covenant people (cf. 2 Ne. 10:7-9).

21:23 lick up the dust of thy feet. A figurative expression meaning to be humble and subservient. An explanation of this phrase was offered by Jacob 2 , who quoted
the same Isaiah passage. He identified those who "lick up the dust" of Israel's feet not as the kings and queens who would be nursing fathers and mothers aiding Israel's
return but as those who fight against Zion and the covenant people of the Lord (2 Ne. 6:13). Hence, God does fulfill his covenants, and his people need not be
ashamed (2 Ne. 6:12-13). Those who oppose his plans and purposes will in the end be humbled (cf. D&C 49:10).

21:24-25 For shall the prey be taken from the mighty, or the lawful captives delivered? But thus saith the Lord, even the captives of the mighty shall be taken away, and
the prey of the terrible shall be delivered. Normally no one takes away from the mighty beasts their helpless prey, nor from the mighty political powers the captives that
they have taken. But in this case the Lord will miraculously deliver Israel from her oppressors. JST Isaiah 49:25 reads, "But thus saith the Lord; even the captives of the
mighty shall be taken away, and the prey of the terrible shall be delivered; for the mighty God shall deliver his covenant people."

21:26 drunken with their own blood. Internal warfare (cf. 1 Ne. 22:13-14).

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (1 Ne. 21) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 49) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

The prophecies in 1 Nephi 21 are being fulfilled. The standard Isaiah wrote of has been erected, and the gathering of Israel is in progress. Nephi's commentary in 1
Nephi 22 explains how this prophecy would be fulfilled in the United States, the mighty Gentile nation in the latter days (22:7-9). Nephi understood that Isaiah's
prophecy spoke of the mission of the Latter- day Saints and the role of the land of the Americas in connection with the redemption of the house of Israel.

See also Promised land, land of promise.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

eds.
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               review: 2 Nephi     Media
                                 7 //      Corp.
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Background and synopsis
Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

eds.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 7 // Isaiah 50

Background and synopsis

At the beginning of his stirring sermon to his people (2 Ne. 6-10), Jacob 2 quoted from Isaiah's prophecy in chapter 49 concerning the Gentiles' assistance in the
gathering of Israel (2 Ne. 6:6-7 // Isa. 49:22-23). Jacob described the Babylonian captivity of Judah and the return to Jerusalem. He went on to prophesy of the future
coming of the "Holy One of Israel" and his rejection and crucifixion. In consequence of this rejection, Israel would be scattered and smitten but would be gathered again
"when they shall come to the knowledge of their Redeemer." Jacob then spoke of the second coming of the Messiah (2 Ne. 6:8-18). In 2 Nephi 7, Jacob quoted all of
Isaiah 50, which begins with the Lord's clarification to Israel that he had not "put [his people] away" but rather that they had estranged themselves through their
transgressions, leaving none to hearken to the Lord's call (2 Ne. 7:1-2). The Lord assured Israel that he had not lost his power to redeem them (2 Ne. 7:2-3). This
introduction leads into a passage (2 Ne. 7:4-11) known as one of the Isaianic servant songs (cf. Isa. 42:1-4; 49:1-6; 50:4-11; 52:13-15; 53:1-12), which describe
how a servant labors to bring salvation to others ( see Isaiah chapter reviews, 1 Ne. 21 // Isa. 49, background and synopsis). The context and content of this servant
song especially point to the Messiah, who during his mortal ministry fulfilled the will of God, though he was rejected and persecuted by his people (2 Ne. 7:4-6), and
who ultimately, with the help of God, was triumphant (2 Ne. 7:7-9). All those who choose to trust in themselves rather than the servant are warned that they will
eventually "lie down in sorrow" (2 Ne. 7:10-11).

Definitions

7:1 bill of your mother's divorcement. Under Mosaic law, a man could put away his wife but had to give her a bill of divorcement (Deut. 24:1-4). The Lord asks Israel
to produce a "bill of divorcement" of her mother, which of course she cannot. In spite of her unfaithfulness, the Lord has not divorced Israel; rather, she has abandoned
the Lord through her own transgressions.

7:1 To whom have I put thee away, or to which of my creditors have I sold you? Yea, to whom have I sold you? Rhetorical questions expecting a negative answer.
The Lord has not put Israel away nor sold them.

7:2 when I came, there was no man. A meta-phor describing the people's rejection of the Lord at his first coming (cf. 2 Ne. 7:2-3 with D&C 133:66-69).

7:2 is my hand shortened. The hand and arm of the Lord are symbols of his power. An extended hand is a symbol of the Lord manifesting his power. A pulled back,
retracted, or "shortened hand" would then signify the opposite.

7:4 The Lord hath given me the tongue of the learned. The Lord gives the servant power to speak.

7:4 in season. When timely.

7:6 I gave my back to the smiter, and my cheeks to them that plucked off the hair. I hid not my face from shame and spitting. The servant bears suffering for the
salvation of Israel without retaliation, such as Christ did during his arrest, trial, and crucifixion (cf. Isa. 53:4-9 // Mosiah 14:4-9).

7:11 walk in the light of your fire. Those who reject the light of the gospel must live by the light of their own fire, which is tantamount to walking in darkness (2 Ne.
7:10; cf. D&C 1:16).

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 7) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 50) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

This chapter reminds latter- day people that God is constant, faithful, and dependable. He will always abide by the covenants he has made, and such covenants are
broken only by the sin and rebellion of the people. Moreover, it reminds them that God does indeed have the power to redeem his children. It further indicates how
redemption would be accomplished, even through the mortal ministry of Jesus Christ, who humbly and obediently accomplished God's work in spite of the rejection
and persecution he faced. It finally invites all to hearken to the Lord, rather than trusting in themselves, which can only lead to sorrow.

A latter- day revelation in the Doctrine and Covenants quotes and paraphrases parts of 2 Nephi 7:2-3 regarding those who do not accept the Lord at his second
coming (D&C 133:67-70) and records a solemn warning to those who reject the Lord and his servants. The Lord describes those who will be sent to outer darkness:
"When I called to you out of the heavens; ye believed not my servants, and when they were sent unto you ye received them not" (D&C 133:71; cf. D&C 1:14).

eds.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 8 // Isaiah 51:1-52:2

Background and synopsis

In his address to the people of Nephi in 2 Nephi 6-10, Jacob 2 explained that he read from the writings of Isaiah (2 Ne. 6:6-7, 16-18; 7:1-8:25 // Isa. 49:22-26; 50:1-
52:1-2) so that they "might know concerning the covenants of the Lord that he has covenanted with all the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 9:1). In 2 Nephi 7 Jacob quoted
Isaiah 50. In 2 Nephi 8 he quoted a passage from Isaiah 51-52:1-2 concerning latter- day Zion that speaks of some of those covenants.

Second Nephi 8 begins with a call to those who "follow after righteousness" (2 Ne. 8:1), further identified as "my people," "O my nation," "ye that know righteousness,"
and "the redeemed of the Lord" (2 Ne. 8:4, 7, 11). The Lord reminded his people that he would "comfort Zion," "make her wilderness like Eden," and that "joy,"
"gladness," "thanksgiving," and "the voice of melody," as well as "righteousness" and "salvation" would be found in her (2 Ne. 8:3, 5, 8). Those who inhabit Zion would
receive "everlasting joy . . . upon their heads." Also, "sorrow and mourning shall flee away" from these inhabitants, who are referred to as "the redeemed" (2 Ne. 8:11).
Perhaps this is one reason why, in the following chapter (2 Ne. 9), Jacob gave a marvelous discourse on the Atonement in which he explained how ransom, or
redemption, comes about.

The Lord called on the inhabitants of Jerusalem to wake from their spiritual slumber and turn from the sins that invoked the Lord's fierce anger (2 Ne. 8:17). Because of
her wickedness, there would be "none to guide her among all [her] sons," but the Lord would send two sons to help her, two prophets raised up unto the Jews at the
last day to act in great power and deliver them from destruction (2 Ne. 8:18-20). Again the Lord called Jerusalem to awaken, to return to strength and beauty and
become   an abode
 Copyright          for the righteous
             (c) 2005-2009,           (2 Media
                               Infobase  Ne. 8:24). She is further invited to arise from the dust and to sit down in a position of glory (2 Ne. 8:25). Page 653 / 919
                                                Corp.

Definitions
The Lord called on the inhabitants of Jerusalem to wake from their spiritual slumber and turn from the sins that invoked the Lord's fierce anger (2 Ne. 8:17). Because of
her wickedness, there would be "none to guide her among all [her] sons," but the Lord would send two sons to help her, two prophets raised up unto the Jews at the
last day to act in great power and deliver them from destruction (2 Ne. 8:18-20). Again the Lord called Jerusalem to awaken, to return to strength and beauty and
become an abode for the righteous (2 Ne. 8:24). She is further invited to arise from the dust and to sit down in a position of glory (2 Ne. 8:25).

Definitions

8:1 rock from whence ye are hewn. A metaphor for one's ancestry. Here it is used to invite Israel to remember her noble heritage.

8:2 I called him alone, and blessed him. A reference to the Abrahamic covenant, through which Israel claims blessings (cf. Gen. 12:1-5; 17:1-22).

8:3 Lord shall comfort Zion, he will comfort all her waste places. Refers to the millennial restoration.

8:3 wilderness like Eden, and her desert like the garden of the Lord. A metaphor for the healing and transforming power of the Lord, who can make a barren and
desolate land (wilderness and desert) blossom and thrive like the garden of Eden.

8:4 law shall proceed from me. The Lord "our lawgiver" (Isa. 33:22) would reveal the gospel law.

8:4 my judgment to rest for a light. Not only is the Lord's judgment, or law, a light but the Lord himself is a light for the people (cf. Luke 2:30-32; D&C 45:9).

8:5 mine arm shall judge the people. The isles shall wait upon me, and on mine arm shall they trust: Here "arm" appears to refer to the power or will of the Lord. Thus,
the Lord's arm of judgment (or justice) in this verse is the same as the arm on which the people may trust (the arm of mercy).

8:5 isles. Likely a reference to the scattered house of Israel (cf. 1 Ne. 21:1; 22:4). See Isles of the sea.

8:6 heavens shall vanish. The heavens as currently known will vanish, or "pass away," when the Lord comes again in glory; they will be replaced by new heavens (cf.
Isa. 65:17; 66:22; 2 Pet. 3:10; 3 Ne. 26:3; Ether 13:9; D&C 45:22).

8:8 moth shall eat them up like a garment. All of temporal creation is transitory and subject to corruption and decay, just like a garment, but the Lord's righteousness
never ends.

8:9 Put on strength. The Hebrew reads "clothe yourself with strength." Abraham Fac-simile 2, Fig. 3, states that the Lord is "clothed with power and authority."

8:9 cut Rahab, and wounded the dragon. Rahab is an ancient Near Eastern name for a monster of chaos closely related to Leviathan (Isa. 27:1). In the Old Testament
the power of God is explained in the imagery of Jehovah conquering Rahab, or chaos, through creation (Job 26:12; cf. 9:13; 38:8-11). The imagery of God's power in
conquering chaos through creation is also applied in the Old Testament to the Lord's mastery over the sea and to the destruction of Rahab as a personification of the
host of Pharaoh in the Exodus story (Ps. 89:9-10; Isa. 51:9; cf. Ps. 74:12-17). Thus Rahab is a poetic synonym for Egypt (Ps. 87:4). In a more general way, Rahab
may be interpreted as a represen-tation of Satan. In any case the point of the imagery is that the Lord has power over all of the elements and all of his enemies.

8:10 dried the sea, the waters of the great deep; that hath made the depths of the sea a way. In the review of God's power, the speaker remembers that God made the
sea-and also dried it so the children of Israel who exited Egypt could cross.

8:10 ransomed. A reference to those who were delivered from bondage in Egypt, which is a type for the bondage of sin from which Christ ransoms humankind (cf. Isa.
35:10; Rom. 7:14; 1 Cor. 6:20; 7:23).

8:11 Therefore, the redeemed of the Lord shall return, and come with singing unto Zion. A reference to the building of Zion: "They that remain, and are pure in heart,
shall return, and come to their inheritances . . . with songs of everlasting joy, to build up the waste places of Zion-And all these things that the prophets might be
fulfilled" (D&C 101:18-19).

8:12 man, who shall be made like unto grass. Grass withers quickly and dies easily-as do humans (cf. Isa. 40:6-8).

8:14 pit. A place of captivity, such as a dungeon. This can also refer to Sheol, the place of the dead (cf. Isa. 42:22; Ps. 74:7; 89:40).

8:16 I have put my words in thy mouth. The Lord has given instruction to his people (cf. Isa. 49:2; 59:21; Jer. 1:9).

8:16 shadow of mine hand. The Lord protects and shelters his people (cf. Isa. 49:2).

8:16 plant the heavens and lay the foun-dations of the earth. As the Lord created heaven and earth originally, so shall he create a new heaven and a new earth in the
millennial day (cf. Isa. 65:17; 66:22).

8:17 hand of the Lord. The Lord's hand represents the Lord himself, who has given Jeru-salem the judgments she has received.

8:17 the cup of his fury. The judgments of the Lord.

8:17 dregs. The last vestiges, including the sediment in the bottom of the cup.

8:17 wrung out. The last drops of the cup of wrath will be drained out for Israel to drink.

8:18 none to guide her. Israel has lost prophetic leadership. This state of apostasy is described in Isaiah 50:1- 2.

8:18 sons she hath brought forth. None of the natural sons of Israel have sufficient light to guide her.

8:19-20 two sons are come unto thee, who shall be sorry for thee-thy desolation and destruction, and the famine and the sword-and by whom shall I comfort thee?
Thy sons have fainted, save these two; they lie at the head of all the streets. Because Israel has lost the gospel of Jesus Christ and its power to guide, direct, and save,
God has sent two priesthood holders to assist and bless them. These two are the same "two witnesses" spoken of in Revelation 11:3. They will testify in Jerusalem for
three and a half years, will be killed and left dead in the streets, and then will be resurrected and lifted up to meet Jesus Christ as he returns to make his appearance to
the Jews. (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
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8:20 wild bull in a net. A wild bull caught in a net is captive but still extremely dangerous. So it must be with these two prophets, who are "full of the fury of the Lord."
8:19-20 two sons are come unto thee, who shall be sorry for thee-thy desolation and destruction, and the famine and the sword-and by whom shall I comfort thee?
Thy sons have fainted, save these two; they lie at the head of all the streets. Because Israel has lost the gospel of Jesus Christ and its power to guide, direct, and save,
God has sent two priesthood holders to assist and bless them. These two are the same "two witnesses" spoken of in Revelation 11:3. They will testify in Jerusalem for
three and a half years, will be killed and left dead in the streets, and then will be resurrected and lifted up to meet Jesus Christ as he returns to make his appearance to
the Jews.

8:20 wild bull in a net. A wild bull caught in a net is captive but still extremely dangerous. So it must be with these two prophets, who are "full of the fury of the Lord."

8:21 drunken, and not with wine. Drunken rather with the cup of the Lord's fury (cf. Jer. 25:15-17; Ezek. 23:32-34).

8:23 Bow down, that we may go over-and thou hast laid thy body as the ground and as the street to them that went over. Imagery suggesting the humiliation put upon
Israel by her enemies who are soon to experience God's wrath.

8:24 put on thy strength. Refers to putting on the authority of the priesthood (D&C 113:8).

8:24 uncircumcised and the unclean. Dis-obedient, sinners, or disbelieving Gentiles. Zion will be free of all such (cf. Joel 3:17).

8:25 arise, sit down. Get up from the dust, where slaves must sit (cf. 2 Ne. 8:22), and sit in a place of honor, as on a throne. In contrast, Babylon has been cast from a
throne into the dust (cf. Isa. 47:1).

8:25 bands of thy neck. That which holds one captive. Here referring to the curses of God placed upon scattered Israel. These curses are removed as members of the
house of Israel return to the Lord and repent of their sins (D&C 113:9-10).

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 8) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 51:1-52:2) are shown in the accompanying table.

Jacob included the first two verses of Isaiah 52 with his quotation of Isaiah 51. Isaiah 52:1-2 is quoted in two other places in the Book of Mormon: by the Savior, in 3
Nephi 20:36-37; and by Moroni 2 , in Moroni 10:31.

Latter-day applicability

Just as Jacob hoped his people would rejoice in the covenants of the Lord of which Isaiah spoke in this chapter, latter- day people should find hope and happiness in
the promises that, in the last days, the Lord will bring an end to the fallen condition of the earth. He will renew the earth and will dwell among his people. Jerusalem will
be called to put on her beautiful garments; Zion will be called to awaken, and they are to remove the bonds of captivity that have held them bound. Latter- day Saints,
too, must awaken from spiritual slumbering, put on the garments of the priesthood, and take off the chains of sin. To be worthy to participate in Zion, they must leave
Babylon and no longer have contact with that which is unclean.

As the events of the last days unfold, the Lord assures his covenant people that if they are righteous, they need not fear the works of mortals. The Lord is greater than
any human, and he will help his covenant people. He reminds them of his works of power in times past and indicates that by that same power he will bring Zion and
fulfill all his promises to her.

In the last days the Lord will reach forth to bring again Zion among the righteous. His followers will lift up their voices with the good news of the gospel and go forth to
all nations. Saints today can participate in that work by seeking to establish Zion in their own homes and by joining their voices to others' who bear testimony of Christ
and his gospel.

Bibliography

Parry, Donald W., Jay A. Parry, and Tina M. Peterson. Understanding Isaiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1998. 447- 61.

Parry, Donald W.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 12 // Isaiah 2

Background and synopsis

Chapters 12-14 of 2 Nephi (cf. Isa. 2-4) were directed to the southern kingdom of Judah . Isaiah was a citizen of this nation, which had been in existence for about
two hundred years (since 931 b.c. ). With dualistic insight, Isaiah connected major problems in Judah during his day with important prophecies of conditions and events
in the latter days. Isaiah dramatically invited all of the house of Jacob, Judah in his day as well as future Israel, "Come ye and let us walk in the light of the Lord" (2 Ne.
12:5). In 2 Nephi 12, Isaiah first prophesied of a time in the latter days when a temple would be built and valued, when the Messiah would reign, and when humankind
would live in peace (2 Ne. 12:2-4; cf. Isa. 2:2-4; Micah 4:1-3). Although this temple can be identified as the temple to be built in Jerusalem, Latter- day Saints see it as
a type of other latter- day temples as well. Isaiah then contrasted the future millennial era with the pride and idolatry of Judah in his day. He described how such
apostate people will be humbled in the "day of the Lord," which for ancient Israel occurred when they were conquered by their enemies. This event was a type for the
"day of the Lord" for future Israel that will occur at the Second Coming (2 Ne. 12:5-21). Isaiah closed with a command to the wicked to cease relying upon mere
mortals (2 Ne. 12:22).

Definitions

12:1 Amoz. The father of Isaiah; anglicized as Amoz in the KJV. This is not the same name as that of the prophet Amos, who was Isaiah's contemporary.

12:2 the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills. The "mountain of the Lord's house" is a
phrase used to describe a temple (cf. Isa. 27:13; 56:7; 65:25; 66:20). The image of the temple being exalted "abovethe hills" may be a description of a time when the
temple and the instruction therein are valued more than other edifices or values.

12:3 he will teach us of his ways. Referring to people who gain spiritual insight in the temples of the Lord. President Gordon B. Hinckley related this prophecy to
receiving instruction from Church leaders at general conference (89).

12:3 Zion. A title often used to describe both Old and N ew Jerusalem . Modern prophets have interpreted Zion in this verse to be a reference to the New Jerusalem
(Smith, 362), one of the two world capitals during the Millennium (D&C 84:2-4; 133:12-13; Ether 13:3-12; cf. A of F 10).
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12:4 and they shall beat their swords into plow- shares, and their spears into pruning- hooks. Weapons of destruction are turned into tools of production, symbolizing
millennial peace. This verse is often quoted when modern peace treaties are signed.
receiving instruction from Church leaders at general conference (89).

12:3 Zion. A title often used to describe both Old and N ew Jerusalem . Modern prophets have interpreted Zion in this verse to be a reference to the New Jerusalem
(Smith, 362), one of the two world capitals during the Millennium (D&C 84:2-4; 133:12-13; Ether 13:3-12; cf. A of F 10).

12:4 and they shall beat their swords into plow- shares, and their spears into pruning- hooks. Weapons of destruction are turned into tools of production, symbolizing
millennial peace. This verse is often quoted when modern peace treaties are signed.

12:5 light of the Lord. Light often symbolizes the presence of God and his truth, knowledge, and intelligence.

12:6 replenished from the east. Influenced by the philosophies and religions of the east, a reference especially to Israel's pagan neighbors Assyria and Babylon.

12:6 soothsayers. One who claims to be able to foresee the future, often from various signs in nature.

12:6 please themselves in the children of strangers. Consorting with people outside of the covenant.

12:12 day of the Lord. A great and dreadful day when the Lord pours out punishments upon the wicked. The Second Coming is a day of the Lord .

12:13 cedars of Lebanon, for they are high and lifted up; and upon all the oaks of Bashan. Prized trees , valued for their durable, strong wood; symbolic of pride and
the upper classes of society.

12:16 ships of the sea, and upon all the ships of Tarshish. The location of Tarshish is uncertain. In the Old Testament it is connected with shipping and wealth (1 Kgs.
10:22; 22:48; Jer. 10:9; Ezek. 27:12).

12:16 pleasant pictures. Commonly thought to be a parallel description of the ships of Tarshish.

12:20 ) cast his idols of silver, and his idols of gold, which he hath made for himself to worship, to the moles and to the bats. In panic and embarrassment the wicked
will try to hide their idols, or sins, from the Lord.

12:22 Cease ye from man, whose breath is in his nostrils. An imperative not to rely on human ingenuity.

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 12) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 2) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

The first part of this chapter speaks of the latter- day gathering of Israel and the establishment of two world capitals, Zion and Jerusalem (McConkie, 1:95). This
prophecy invites all the world to come to temples in Zion and Jerusalem to worship the Lord. Latter- day Saints recognize that one of the two world capitals will be
built on the American continent. Isaiah described the peace of the Millennium in the memorable image of beating swords into plowshares. The second half of the
chapter describes the day of the Lord when all of the earth will be judged. It describes the proud and the wicked and their destruction at the Second Coming.

The whole chapter effectively contrasts key behaviors of the righteous and the wicked. The righteous go to the temples to worship the Lord, walk in the light of the
Lord, and dwell with him in peace. The proud and the wicked, on the other hand, hearken to soothsayers, fill their lands with temporal wealth, and worship idols. They
are embarrassed, panic, and flee into hiding places at his coming. Thus, the house of Jacob is warned against materialism and idolatry and undue trust in mortals instead
of the Lord. At the Second Coming the proud will be humbled and destroyed. Thereby, Isaiah's words invite latter- day people to so live that the Second Coming will
be a day of rejoicing rather than a day of shame and sorrow.

See also Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Bibliography

Hinckley, Gordon B. Conference Report, October 2000.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

McConkie, Bruce R. The Promised Messiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 13 // Isaiah 3

Background and synopsis

Continuing the set of prophecies of destruction directed to the southern kingdom of Judah (2 Ne. 12-14 // Isa. 2-4), Isaiah prophesied that Judah would fall and
Jerusalem would be ruined as all their leaders, soldiers, prophets, craftsmen, and teachers would be removed, leaving children and base types as rulers in the land.
Famine, poverty, and anarchy would follow (2 Ne. 13:1-7). This prophecy was fulfilled anciently in 586 b.c. when Nebuchadnezzar conquered and carried away many
of the inhabitants of Judah to Babylon (2 Kgs. 24:10-16). The chapter con-tinues with an explanation of why such a catastrophe awaited the apostate people of Judah
(2 Ne. 13:8-26). The men were particularly condemned for provoking the Lord with their sins and oppressing one another (2 Ne. 13:8-15). In an extended metaphor,
the women are referred to as "the daughters of Zion." Like all good daughters of the covenant, they should have been keeping themselves pure and virtuous, preparing
for the day when the bridegroom (a type for the Lord), to whom they are espoused, would arrive. Instead, this worldly people were doing just the contrary. Rather
than virtuously preparing for the bridegroom and honoring their covenants, they were prostituting themselves. They had decked themselves in all manner of worldly
adornments to attract adulterous (idolatrous) lovers and were wantonly seeking for pleasure in promiscuity and indulgence (2 Ne. 13:16-23). Isaiah warned that
because of their sins, all the temporal, vain, and worldly adornments with which the proud "daughters of Zion" had hoped to beautify themselves would be taken away,
leaving them disgusting and repulsive, rather than tempting and alluring. In their humbled and contemptible state, they would sit at the gates of the city and wail but to no
avail, for the lovers they sought would have fallen "by the sword" (2 Ne. 13:24-26), and those remaining would not take these foul and filthy daughters, regardless of
what they offered (2 Ne. 14:1). Thus the people are taught that any alternative to the Lord's plan of happiness would ultimately fail and leave them in sorrow. From
another perspective, this chapter could be viewed as a rebuke against the wicked men of Judah for their weak, selfish, and sinful leadership (2 Ne. 13:1-15), followed
by a rebuke of the immoral women of Zion (2 Ne. 13:16-26).
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Definitions

13:1 staff of bread, and the whole stay of water. The prophecy that the Lord would take away bread and water is probably a reference to physical famine but could
avail, for the lovers they sought would have fallen "by the sword" (2 Ne. 13:24-26), and those remaining would not take these foul and filthy daughters, regardless of
what they offered (2 Ne. 14:1). Thus the people are taught that any alternative to the Lord's plan of happiness would ultimately fail and leave them in sorrow. From
another perspective, this chapter could be viewed as a rebuke against the wicked men of Judah for their weak, selfish, and sinful leadership (2 Ne. 13:1-15), followed
by a rebuke of the immoral women of Zion (2 Ne. 13:16-26).

Definitions

13:1 staff of bread, and the whole stay of water. The prophecy that the Lord would take away bread and water is probably a reference to physical famine but could
also allude to loss of spiritual blessings.

13:6 thou hast clothing, be thou our ruler. A reference to a time when Judah is so poor and devoid of leaders that even the possession of clothing would qualify
someone to be a leader.

13:8 to provoke the eyes of his glory. To defy or anger the Lord.

13:9 the show of their countenance doth witness against them. Their outward appearance bespeaks their inward guilt.

13:9 sin to be even as Sodom. Sodom was a city destroyed by the Lord because of its sexual iniquity and pride (Gen. 19; Ezek. 16:48-50). Consequently, Sodom
became a type for wick-edness.

13:15 grind the faces of the poor. To oppress the poor. According to the law of Moses oppressing the poor was a grievous offense (e.g., Ex. 22:21-24; Deut. 15:7-
11).

13:16 daughters of Zion. A metaphor for the people of Judah who are espoused, or under covenant, to Jehovah. The daughter of Zion is also used as a personification
of the city of Jerusalem (e.g., Isa. 1:8).

13:16 walk with stretched- forth necks and wanton eyes, walking and mincing as they go, and making a tinkling with their feet. Referring to the actions of proud and
vain women who are obsessed with their appearance.

13:17 discover their secret parts. A meta-phor for humiliation.

13:18-23 their tinkling ornaments [to] and the veils. Items of jewelry and clothing. A modern translation of Isaiah helps clarify the items: "In that day the Lord will snatch
away their finery: the bangles and headbands and crescent necklaces, the earrings and bracelets and veils, the headdresses and ankle chains and sashes, the perfume
bottles and charms, the signet rings and nose rings, the fine robes and the capes and cloaks, the purses and mirrors, and the linen garments and tiaras and
shawls" (NIV). These items are a symbol of the vanity and iniquity of the people.

13:25 Thy men. Men in Judah will be killed in the destruction or war.

13:26 her gates. A reference to Jerusalem personified (cf. 13:1; Lam. 1).

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 13) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 3) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

This chapter warns latter- day covenant people that the Lord will not allow them to prosper in wickedness. It particularly warns that they must avoid pride, vanity,
selfishness, worldliness, and oppression of the needy. It should remind them that true joy is found in trusting in the Lord's plan of happiness and in the Lord's covenants,
for the worldly selfish avenues one might pursue will pass away, leaving only sorrow.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 14 // Isaiah 4

Background and synopsis

Earlier, Isaiah prophesied the judgments that would come upon the apostate daughters of Zion because of their pride (2 Ne. 13:16-14:1). This destruction occurred
anciently with the Babylonian devastation of Jerusalem in 586 b.c. But the pride of the daughters of Zion and their humiliation is a type that can be applied to the house
of Israel in many periods of time. Nephi 1 , in his interpretation of Isaiah 2-14, identified pride as an important element in the Jews' rejection of the Messiah and their
eventual destruction (2 Ne. 25:12-15) as well as the downfall of the Nephites (2 Ne. 26:9-11). He also prophesied that pride would be one of the characteristics of the
latter- day Gentiles (2 Ne. 26:20; 28:12) that would lead to their destruction unless they repent (2 Ne. 28:15-17).

This destruction of Israel would be followed by a restoration. Isaiah prophesied of the Restoration and blessings that would be poured out upon a righteous remnant of
Israel, called the "branch of the Lord" (2 Ne. 14:2). The Lord will cleanse and purify his people in the millennial day (2 Ne. 14:4), and he will manifest his presence
among them as he did in the days of the Exodus with a cloud of smoke by day and a flaming fire by night (2 Ne. 14:5; cf. Ex. 13:21).

Definitions

14:1 And in that day. A point of reference in a narrative. This verse is the final verse of the previous chapter in the Hebrew text and in Joseph Smith's translation of the
biblical text of Isaiah. Here, the phrase probably refers to 2 Nephi 13:25-26, indicating the time when the men are killed. May also be a reference to the latter days
(e.g., 2 Ne. 21:11; 24:3).

14:1 seven women shall take hold of one man, saying: We will eat our own bread, and wear our own apparel; only let us be called by thy name to take away our
reproach. Suggests a scarcity of men because they were killed, as described in 2 Nephi 13:25, or a lack of willing, able men to be fathers. Widowhood, singleness, and
childlessness were often desperate situations for a woman in ancient Israel (e.g., Gen. 30:1; Ruth; 1 Sam. 1:1-18). Women needed a husband not only to provide for
the family but also to father a son so that the family inheritance could be passed on and to ensure that there would be some-one to care for them in their old age. Hence
singleness and childlessness were viewed as a "reproach." Here the situation may serve as a warning to the "daughters of Zion" of what awaits them for their worldliness
and sin described in the previous chapter (2 Ne. 13:16-26).

14:2 the branch
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daughters of Zion, who will be destroyed (cf. 2 Ne. 13:16-26). In some passages the term "branch" refers to the Messiah or his servants (e.g., Isa. 11:1; Jer. 23:5-6;
33:15-17; Zech. 3:8-10).
the family but also to father a son so that the family inheritance could be passed on and to ensure that there would be some-one to care for them in their old age. Hence
singleness and childlessness were viewed as a "reproach." Here the situation may serve as a warning to the "daughters of Zion" of what awaits them for their worldliness
and sin described in the previous chapter (2 Ne. 13:16-26).

14:2 the branch of the Lord. In this context the branch of the Lord appears to be a righteous remnant of Israel, who will be blessed, in contrast to the apostate
daughters of Zion, who will be destroyed (cf. 2 Ne. 13:16-26). In some passages the term "branch" refers to the Messiah or his servants (e.g., Isa. 11:1; Jer. 23:5-6;
33:15-17; Zech. 3:8-10).

14:3 holy. A person (or place/object) which is consecrated for a sacred purpose.

14:4 washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion, and shall have purged the blood of Jerusalem from the midst thereof. Metaphors of cleansing and purifying.

14:5 cloud and smoke by day and the shining of a flaming fire by night. Symbols for the protection and presence of the Lord (cf. Ex. 13:21-22).

Latter-day applicability

The Lord promises in this chapter that he will cleanse the repentant and will favor them with his presence and protection. Ultimately the glory of Zion will be realized
when a purified covenant people is redeemed and cleansed during the Millennium and when the Saints will, like Israel in the wilderness, enjoy the presence and
protection of the Lord, day and night, as symbolized by a cloud and flaming fire.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 15 // Isaiah 5

Background and synopsis

One of the most prevalent images found in Isaiah is the metaphor of Jehovah as a nurturing husbandman, caring for his crop Israel (Isa. 27:2-6; 28:23-29; 41:18-19;
44:2-4). Such a metaphor serves to illustrate the efforts the Lord has made to raise a covenant people and the way those people have responded and will respond to
his care. Second Nephi 15 begins with an impressive example of this kind of imagery (2 Ne. 15:1-7). It commences as a song, possibly similar to those sung by the
men of Judah during the grape harvest. The owner and husband-man of the vineyard is referred to as the "well- beloved" (2 Ne. 15:1) and identified as Jehovah, the
Lord of Hosts (2 Ne. 15:7); the vineyard itself is clearly identified as the house of Israel (2 Ne. 15:7). The metaphor details how the well- beloved invested all the care
requisite for an abundant harvest from this vineyard, yet instead of bringing forth sweet grapes it produced worthless, wild grapes (2 Ne. 15:2). In frustration, the
husbandman determined to lay waste to the vineyard by ceasing to take care of it and withdrawing his protection from it. Consequently the vines would be trampled
and ravaged, and eventually they would be displaced from their choice location by noxious vegetation, even briers and thorns (2 Ne. 15:3-7). Thus, the lesson of the
vineyard gave a powerful warning to ancient Israel. If they would not respond to the nurturing direction and loving kindness of Jehovah, he would abandon them, allow
them to be destroyed, and permit another people to possess their choice land.

Following this opening metaphor Isaiah specifically chronicled the "wild grapes" or evil works the people were bringing forth and the woe, desolation, captivity, and
judgment that would come upon them as a consequence of their rebellion (2 Ne. 15:8-25).

The chapter finishes with a prophecy of destruction (2 Ne. 15:26-30), which may apply to two different time periods: Isaiah's own time and the latter days. The
interpretation of the prophecy depends upon the time period in which it is to be fulfilled. As it pertains to Isaiah's time, the prophecy contains imagery which seems to
be describing an attack upon the rebellious covenant people by a terrifying army whose invasion would be so swift that none would escape, and that would leave
darkness and sorrow in its wake (2 Ne. 15:26-30). This prophecy was fulfilled several times in antiquity. The Assyrians conquered and deported the ten tribes of the
northern kingdom of Israel in 722 b.c. and destroyed many of the cities in Judah in 701 b.c. In 586 b.c. the Babylonians conquered the southern kingdom of Judah,
destroyed Jerusalem and the temple, and exiled many of the inhabitants. Again in a.d. 70 the Romans destroyed the temple and scattered the Jews.

The prophecy in 2 Nephi 15:26-30 has been applied by modern prophets to the latter days as a prophecy of the gathering of Israel ( Pratt, 16:84; Smith, 1:146;
Richards, 229). They have interpreted the "ensign" to be the restoration of the gospel that signals to the nations to gather from the "end of the earth." Those that heed its
message will "come with speed swiftly; none shall be weary nor stumble among them" (2 Ne. 15:26). This interpretation makes 2 Nephi 15 an account of apostasy,
judgment, and restoration, a pattern that is found throughout Isaiah.

Definitions

15:1 my well- beloved. A reference to the Lord.

15:1 a very fruitful hill. The Hebrew literally means "a horn, a child of fatness," likely refer-ring to a horn- like mountain peak with exceptionally fertile soil.

15:2 choicest vine. Not just ordinary vines (Hebrew gephen ) but rather the superior vines (Hebrew soreq ), which produce the choicest of bluish- red grapes.

15:2, 4 wild grapes. From a Hebrew word meaning stinking, sour, worthless things.

15:5 take away the hedge thereof, and it shall be eaten up; and I will break down the wall. Symbolizes that the Lord will withdraw his divine protection and allow his
people to be destroyed by their enemies.

15:6 briers and thorns. Noxious weeds. In this instance likely a metaphor referring to another people displacing the covenant people. For example, following 722 b.c.
pagan peoples were introduced into the northern kingdom (2 Kgs. 17:24), and after the destruction of the temple by the Romans in a.d. 70 foreign peoples inhabited
the lands of the southern kingdom.

15:7 behold, a cry. The cry of the oppressed, which the Lord promised Israel he would hear (cf. Ex. 22:23; Gen. 18:20-21).

15:8 join house to house, till there can be no place. A reference to the practice of pur-chasing and hoarding land in violation of the law in Israel that hereditary land
should be inalienable, reverting to the original family owners every fiftieth year (cf. Lev. 25:23-28).

15:10 ten acres of vineyard shall yield one bath. Literally "ten yokes," or the amount of land ten yoke of oxen could plow in a day, estimated to be about five acres,
which would produce one bath or about six gallons. These values suggest crop failure and famine.

15:10 seed of
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famine.

15:13 because they have no knowledge. Perhaps better translated as "for lack of knowledge." Perhaps an allusion to the fact that Israel did not know the Lord nor his
15:10 ten acres of vineyard shall yield one bath. Literally "ten yokes," or the amount of land ten yoke of oxen could plow in a day, estimated to be about five acres,
which would produce one bath or about six gallons. These values suggest crop failure and famine.

15:10 seed of a homer shall yield an ephah. One homer equals about fifty- eight gallons; an ephah equals about six gallons. These values suggest crop failure and
famine.

15:13 because they have no knowledge. Perhaps better translated as "for lack of knowledge." Perhaps an allusion to the fact that Israel did not know the Lord nor his
teachings (Isa. 1:3; cf. Amos 8:11-12; Hosea 4:6).

15:14 hell hath enlarged herself. The Hebrew word Sheol represents both death and hell. Here the destruction and captivity of the wicked Israelites is described with
the image of Sheol personified as a monster that swallows up the Israelites with all of their pomp and pride (cf. 2 Ne. 9:10).

15:15 mean man shall be brought down, and the mighty man. The average or ordinary man and the "mighty man" will both be brought down, indicating a universal
humbling of the men of Israel.

15:17 lambs feed after their manner. Perhaps better translated as "lambs feed in their pastures," where "their pastures" refers to those of the displaced covenant people
and the lambs belong to the strangers who replace them in the land.

15:17 waste places of the fat ones shall strangers eat. Suggests that land once held by prosperous but wicked covenant people will be inhabited by another people.

15:18 draw iniquity with cords of vanity, and sin as it were with a cart rope. The image is of humans yoked to a cart full of their own iniquity that they drag behind them,
suggesting that rather than fleeing temptation, they were anxiously looking for opportunity to sin. A modern translation reads, "Woe to those who draw sin along with
cords of deceit, and wickedness as with cart ropes" (NIV).

15:22 mighty to drink wine, and men of strength to mingle strong drink. A modern translation reads, "Those who are heroes at drinking wine and champions at mixing
drinks" (NIV).

15:23 justify the wicked for reward. To acquit criminals for a bribe.

15:23 take away the righteousness of the righteous from him. To deprive the innocent of their rights or justice.

15:24 fire devoureth the stubble, and the flame consumeth the chaff. A fire that burns fast and furious, consuming all.

15:24 root shall be rottenness, and their blossoms shall go up as dust. The root and the flower probably represent the whole plant. The root is the foundation of the
plant and the flower may represent its posterity. Those who reject the teachings of the Lord are without foundation and will be completely destroyed.

15:26 ensign to the nations. A standard, banner, flag, or signal to which nations are to rally (2 Ne. 21:12). Here it calls all of the nations of the world to gather to punish
Israel. It has also been interpreted to represent the restoration of the gospel and the ensuing gathering of Israel. See Ensign.

15:26 hiss. To whistle for or call.

15:27 None shall slumber nor sleep; neither shall the girdle of their loins be loosed, nor the latchet of their shoes be broken. Suggesting such speedy travel that there will
be no time to sleep or change clothing.

15:28-30 Whose arrows shall [to] the heavens thereof. Imagery perhaps describing the weapons and attack of an invading army during Isaiah's time. As applied to the
latter- day Restoration and gathering, these are images of the gathering of Israel who come in haste.

Latter-day applicability

The song of the vineyard reminds Latter-day Saints how the Lord nurtures and cares for them. He will provide for them all that is necessary to do his will and
accomplish his designs. In return he expects his people to respond to his loving kindness by remaining faithful to gospel cov-enants. If they fail to do so they can expect
the Lord's judgments. He will withdraw his Spirit, leaving them without protection-either spiritual or physical. They are left to themselves to suffer the consequences of
their own disobedience, which can result in desolation, captivity, and destruction. Nephi 1 explained that unless the wicked repent, "the devil will grasp them with his
everlasting chains, and they be stirred up to anger, and perish" (2 Ne. 28:19). This warning should cause Latter- day Saints to seek the blessings promised in a similar
vineyard song, wherein they are promised that if the vineyard responds, they will blossom, bud, and finally "fill the face of the world with fruit" (Isa. 27:2-6). This
chapter also warns Saints against worldliness, drunkenness, gluttony, pride, arrogance, ungratefulness, and calling "evil good, and good evil." Modern prophets have
interpreted this chapter as a wonderful promise of a latter- day restoration of the gospel as the Lord lifts his "ensign to the nations" to which all are invited to come (e.g.,
Pratt, 16:84).

Bibliography

Pratt, Orson. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854- 86.

Richards, LeGrand. A Marvelous Work and a Wonder. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Ball, Terry B.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 16 // Isaiah 6

Background and synopsis

Second Nephi 16 contains an account of the prophetic call of Isaiah, who received a vision of the Lord on his throne in which he was told to cry repentance in the land
of Israel. Isaiah was warned that because the people would not respond to his teachings a scattering would occur, but a future remnant would eventually return to the
Lord (2 Ne. 16:9-13). The call came in the year of Uzziah's death (740 b.c. ). Nephi 1's inclusion of Isaiah's vision of the Lord on his throne fulfills Nephi's purpose
statement
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                                       identified three witnesses who had seen the Redeemer: himself, his brother Jacob, and Isaiah.
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Definitions
Second Nephi 16 contains an account of the prophetic call of Isaiah, who received a vision of the Lord on his throne in which he was told to cry repentance in the land
of Israel. Isaiah was warned that because the people would not respond to his teachings a scattering would occur, but a future remnant would eventually return to the
Lord (2 Ne. 16:9-13). The call came in the year of Uzziah's death (740 b.c. ). Nephi 1's inclusion of Isaiah's vision of the Lord on his throne fulfills Nephi's purpose
statement in 2 Nephi 11:2-3 where he identified three witnesses who had seen the Redeemer: himself, his brother Jacob, and Isaiah.

Definitions

16:1 Uzziah. King in Judah, also known as Azariah (2 Kgs. 14:21), who reigned from 767 to 740 b.c.

16:1 train. Hem of the Lord's royal garment.

16:1 temple. The house of the Lord. It is not clear whether Isaiah is seeing a vision of the Lord in his heavenly temple, or if the Lord is appearing to Isaiah in the temple
in Jerusalem.

16:2, 6 seraphim. Angelic beings represented with wings. The Hebrew word literally means "burning ones."

16:2 wings. A symbol of power to move or to act (D&C 77:4).

16:4 smoke. A symbol of the glory of God (Ex. 19:18).

16:5 Wo is unto me! for I am undone; because I am a man of unclean lips. Expresses Isaiah's feelings of unworthiness to be in the presence of the Lord.

16:6 live coal. The seraph takes a coal from the altar. This could be a charred portion of the burnt offering from the great altar as a symbol of the Atonement (Lev.
16:14-19; 17:11), or it could be a coal from the incense altar as a symbol of purification (Lev. 16:12; Num. 16:46-47).

16:6 altar. A place where sacrifices are offered in similitude of the Atonement. If the vision is of the Jerusalem temple, this altar could be the great altar for burnt
offerings in front of the temple or the incense altar in the holy place before the veil.

16:7 laid it upon my mouth, and said: Lo, this has touched thy lips. An act symbolizing the power of the Atonement to cleanse Isaiah of his sins preparatory to his
prophetic calling.

16:8 Here am I; send me. Isaiah's expression of his willingness to serve. The Savior used this same phrase to express his willingness to fulfill the Father's plan in the
premortal council (Abr. 3:27). Similar expressions are found in Genesis 22:1; Exodus 3:4; 1 Samuel 3:4- 8.

16:10 Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut their eyes. The heart, ears, and eyes are the physical senses and represent the spiritual
capacity to see, hear, and understand the word of the Lord. On the surface it appears as if the Lord is telling Isaiah to cause the people to reject his words. The Lord
knows the hearts of the children of Israel. This statement is a prophecy to Isaiah that the children of Israel will exercise their own agency and reject his message of
repentance. This is not the Lord's desire, but it is what will happen. It should be read as the prophesied result of Isaiah's mission and not the divine purpose
(Dummelow, 417). Isaiah's words would cause the people to confront the truth with their heart, ears, and eyes, but they would not receive it. Zechariah described this
process of rejection: "They refused to hearken . . . and stopped their ears, that they should not hear. Yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone, lest they should
hear the law" (Zech. 7:11-12). The heart is an organ of understanding. The people were made blind because they hardened their hearts: this people's heart is waxed
gross" (Matt. 13:13-15), and thus they received a "lesser portion of the word" (Alma 12:9-10).

16:12 And the Lord have removed men far away. An allusion to the scattering of Israel that occurred in 722 b.c. , 586 b.c. , and a.d. 70.

16:13 tenth, and they shall return, and shall be eaten, as a teil- tree, and as an oak whose substance is in them when they cast their leaves; so the holy seed shall be the
substance thereof. A part of Israel would return, and like the oak and terebinth, which though they are eaten or consumed right to their substance or stumps, yet they
possess a seed in them that can regenerate.

16:13 holy seed. A reference to the covenant people (Ezra 9:2; Mosiah 15:10-12) or Jesus Christ (Gal. 3:16) or both.

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 16) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 6) are shown in the accompanying table.

-Latter- day applicability

This revelation beautifully illustrates the divine manifestations that may attend the call of a prophet (e.g., 1 Ne. 1; Ezek. 1; Rev. 1, 4). Latter- day Saints can liken
Isaiah's call to them-selves and remember their covenant responsibility to invite all to come unto Christ (Mosiah 18:8-9). Furthermore, although Saints may feel
inadequate with their callings, like Isaiah, they may become qualified and sanctified by the cleansing fire of the Holy Ghost at the altar of faith as they partake of the
atonement of Jesus Christ. As they do so, they are led to continually proclaim, "Here am I; send me" (2 Ne. 16:8) and to "speak with the tongue of angels, and shout
praises unto the Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 31:13).

Bibliography

Dummelow, J. R. The One- Volume Bible Commentary. New York: Macmillan, 1936.

Woods, Fred E.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 17 // Isaiah 7

Background and synopsis

During the later half of the eighth century b.c. Assyria , in northern Mesopotamia, was establishing an empire throughout most of the ancient Near East. By 738 b.c. the
Assyrian king Tiglath- pileser III had subjugated among others, the smaller states of Syria and Israel and forced them to pay tribute to the Assyrian empire or face
military reprisal. In an effort to free themselves from vassalage, Rezin, the king of Syria, and Pekah, the king of Israel (also called Ephraim), formed a military alliance to
fight Assyria. They invited the king of Judah to join their rebellious confederacy, but neither Jotham nor his successor on the throne, Ahaz, would ally himself with the
rebellion. Feeling that Judah was vital to the success of the revolt, Rezin and Pekah threatened to besiege Jerusalem in an attempt to remove its uncooperative king
Ahaz   and place
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the prophet Isaiah to Ahaz, the king of Judah, to assure him that the -Syro-Ephraimite alliance would not succeed in its plans and that within sixty-five years the
kingdom of Israel would cease to exist (2 Ne. 17:3-8). The prophecy was fulfilled in 722 b.c. when Assyria conquered the kingdom of Israel and carried away some of
its inhabitants, now known as the ten lost tribes. Isaiah further promised Ahaz that if he did "not believe," he would "not be established" (2 Ne. 17:9). Isaiah then invited
Assyrian king Tiglath- pileser III had subjugated among others, the smaller states of Syria and Israel and forced them to pay tribute to the Assyrian empire or face
military reprisal. In an effort to free themselves from vassalage, Rezin, the king of Syria, and Pekah, the king of Israel (also called Ephraim), formed a military alliance to
fight Assyria. They invited the king of Judah to join their rebellious confederacy, but neither Jotham nor his successor on the throne, Ahaz, would ally himself with the
rebellion. Feeling that Judah was vital to the success of the revolt, Rezin and Pekah threatened to besiege Jerusalem in an attempt to remove its uncooperative king
Ahaz and place a more supportive ruler on the throne, a man known only as the son of Tabeal (2 Ne. 17:1-2, 6; cf. 2 Kgs. 15:37-16:6). About 734 b.c. the Lord sent
the prophet Isaiah to Ahaz, the king of Judah, to assure him that the -Syro-Ephraimite alliance would not succeed in its plans and that within sixty-five years the
kingdom of Israel would cease to exist (2 Ne. 17:3-8). The prophecy was fulfilled in 722 b.c. when Assyria conquered the kingdom of Israel and carried away some of
its inhabitants, now known as the ten lost tribes. Isaiah further promised Ahaz that if he did "not believe," he would "not be established" (2 Ne. 17:9). Isaiah then invited
Ahaz to ask for a sign from the Lord to verify that the message he delivered was indeed from God (2 Ne. 17:11). Ahaz was a wicked man who served false gods, even
practicing child sacrifice (2 Kgs. 16:1-2; 2 Chr. 28:1-4). He had no interest in trusting the Lord and so refused Isaiah's invitation by pretending he did not want to
offend the Lord in asking for a sign. Isaiah subsequently chastised Ahaz for his hypocrisy and then declared that God would give him a sign anyway. He proclaimed that
a virgin would conceive and bear a son, even Immanuel . He further prophesied that before the child reached the age of understanding good and evil, both the king of
Syria and the king of Israel would be removed (2 Ne. 17:12-16). Moreover, he prophesied that Judah would also be attacked by Assyria and Egypt and left desolate.
Consequently once- productive agricultural land would be overrun by briers and thorns, leaving it suitable only for hunters and grazing animals (2 Ne. 17:17-25).

Despite these prophecies, Ahaz, noted for his wickedness (2 Kgs. 16:2-4), did not trust the Lord to protect Judah from the Syro- Ephraimite threat but rather
plundered the temple in Jerusalem to buy protection from the king of Assyria (2 Kgs. 16:5-9).

Definitions

17:1, 3, 10, 12 Ahaz. A wicked and idolatrous king of Judah who reigned 735-715 b.c. (2 Kgs. 16; 2 Chr. 28).

17:1 Jotham. A righteous king of Judah who reigned 740-735 b.c. (2 Kgs. 15:32-38).

17:1 Uzziah. A righteous and prosperous king of Judah who reigned 767-740 b.c. Also known as Azariah (2 Kgs. 15).

17:1, 6, 17 Judah. Refers to the southern kingdom formed as a result of the political division of the twelve tribes of Israel after the death of Solomon (1 Kgs. 12; 931
b.c. ).

17:1, 4, 8 Rezin. A king who ruled southern Syria from his capital in Damascus. In this text he is referred to as the king of Syria. He led the anti- Assyrian coalition and
reigned until Syria was incorporated into Assyria (732 b.c. ).

17:1, 2, 4, 5, 8 Syria. Area northeast of Israel.

17:1 Pekah. Wicked king of Israel who reigned 740-732 b.c. He occupied the throne after assassinating his predecessor Pekahiah (2 Kgs. 15:23, 25-31).

17:1, 4, 5, 9 Remaliah. Father of Pekah. Little is known about him.

17:1 Israel. Refers to the northern kingdom formed as a result of the division of the twelve tribes of Israel after the death of Solomon (1 Kgs. 12; 931 b.c. ). Also
called Ephraim. See Israel, kingdom of.

17:2, 13 house of David. Refers to the kings of the Davidic dynasty in Judah.

17:2, 5, 8, 9 Ephraim. In this context, another name for the northern kingdom of Israel.

17:3 Shearjashub. Son of Isaiah whose name means "a remnant will return." This symbolic name constituted a prophecy to the covenant people.

17:3 conduit of the upper pool. Likely refers to an aqueduct that carried water from a pool formed by the Gihon spring in the Kidron valley that borders the eastern
side of ancient Jerusalem. Ahaz was possibly inspecting the aqueduct to be certain it would provide water during a siege by the Syro- Ephraimite coalition.

17:3 fuller's field. Field used as a washing site. It is thought to be located at the confluence of the Hinnom and Kidron valleys to the south of Jerusalem.

17:4 two tails of these smoking firebrands. The smoldering ends of two sticks, Syria and Israel, soon to be extinguished and possessing no real heat or danger.

17:6 son of Tabeal. A person whose name is otherwise unknown, whom the Syro- Ephraimite coalition wanted to put on the throne of Judah apparently because he,
unlike Ahaz, would join and support the anti- Assyrian rebellion.

17:8 Damascus. Rezin's capital in southern Syria.

17:9 Samaria. Capital of the northern kingdom of Israel.

17:12 tempt the Lord. To put God to the test, an act prohibited by Deuteronomy 6:16. There is hypocrisy in Ahaz's hiding behind the prohibition, for he was not a
servant of Jehovah and cared little about offending him.

17:13 weary. To wear out. Used to indicate that someone has had enough of an opponent's argument.

17:14 virgin. The Hebrew term translated here as "virgin" can refer not only to a woman who has "never known a man" but also more generally to any young maiden of
child- bearing age. See Virgin.

17:14 Immanuel. A name or title meaning "God is with us." Here the name appears to fore-shadow the birth of two individuals: (1) Jesus of Nazareth, the Messiah, who
would be born to the virgin Mary (cf. Matt. 1:18-25; 1 Ne. 11:13-20). The title "Immanuel" precisely describes the mortal ministry of Jesus Christ-the God who came
in the flesh to deliver all (cf. 1 Ne. 11). (2) A child to be born in Isaiah's day. Some scholars see this as a reference to the birth of Hezekiah, son of Ahaz, who would
become a righteous king of Judah; others suggest that perhaps it is a reference to any son soon to be born to a young woman. The language of 2 Nephi 18:1-4 // Isaiah
8:1-4 indicates that the prophecy of the son to be born in Isaiah's day is referring to Maher-shalal-hash-baz, a son of Isaiah himself. In the context of this prophecy the
message to Ahaz is that by the time the child is old enough to make decisions, the Syro- Ephraimite coalition will no longer be a threat (17:15-16). The fulfillment of this
prophecy was to be a type of Christ-the God who would be "with" Judah and deliver her from her enemies.

17:17  day that
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Israel (1 Kgs. 12; 931 b.c. ).

17:17, 18 Assyria. Nation located in upper Mesopotamia. A world power at the time of Isaiah.
8:1-4 indicates that the prophecy of the son to be born in Isaiah's day is referring to Maher-shalal-hash-baz, a son of Isaiah himself. In the context of this prophecy the
message to Ahaz is that by the time the child is old enough to make decisions, the Syro- Ephraimite coalition will no longer be a threat (17:15-16). The fulfillment of this
prophecy was to be a type of Christ-the God who would be "with" Judah and deliver her from her enemies.

17:17 day that Ephraim departed from Judah. Refers to the division of the united kingdom of Israel into the southern kingdom of Judah and the northern kingdom of
Israel (1 Kgs. 12; 931 b.c. ).

17:17, 18 Assyria. Nation located in upper Mesopotamia. A world power at the time of Isaiah.

17:18 hiss. To whistle for or call.

17:18 the fly that is in the uttermost part of Egypt. Perhaps referring to the swarming nature of invading Egyptian armies.

17:18 Egypt. North African kingdom, an ancient world power seeking resurgence during Isaiah's time.

17:18 bee that is in the land of Assyria. Perhaps referring to the stinging nature of invading Assyrian armies. Bee-keeping was prominent in Assyria.

17:20 shave with a razor that is hired. Likely refers to shaving the heads of a conquered people by victorious soldiers. A common practice by victors to mark,
humiliate, and sanitize captured people. The razor is probably a reference to Assyria whom Ahaz has "hired" through his alliance with them.

17:20 the head, and the hair of the feet; and it shall also consume the beard. Refers to the complete conquest of the people and land.

17:21 man shall nourish a young cow and two sheep. After invasion flocks will be significantly reduced.

17:22 abundance of milk. Despite small flocks ( see commentary on 2 Ne. 17:21) there will be plenty of milk for the survivors of the invasion due to reduced
population.

17:23 thousand silverlings. Literally this means "a thousand pieces of silver." It is likely that this is a hyperbole indicating that the crops were very valuable.

17:24 briers and thorns. Vegetation indigenous to untended land (cf. 2 Ne. 15:5-6). -A metaphor for desolation.

Latter-day applicability

In addition to a beautiful prophecy of the birth of Christ (17:14), this chapter illustrates how the Lord responds to a rebellious covenant people-then and now. A
prophet was sent to reveal the will of God, to call them to repentance, and to encourage them to trust in the Lord. The promise was given that they would pros-per or
be established (17:9) if they would believe, but if not, the Lord could not bless and protect them. This message holds true for a covenant people as a whole and as
individuals.

Ball, Terry B.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 18 // Isaiah 8

Background and synopsis

The historical background to 2 Nephi 17 and 18 can be found in 2 Kings 16. Chapter 18 con-tinues Isaiah's response to Ahaz in chapter 17. The Lord had sent Isaiah
to warn Ahaz against joining the Syro- Ephraimite alliance because in a short time Assyria would destroy both Syria and Ephraim, and he gave Ahaz the sign of
Immanuel (2 Ne. 17:14-16). In chapter 18 Isaiah gave another sign of the imminent destruction of the alliance when he gave his newborn son the symbolic name
Maher- shalal- hash- baz. Through a series of images the Lord promised Judah deliverance if she would trust in the Lord and destruction if she did not. Finally, the
prophet bound up the words of his proph-ecies, sealed them in a scroll, gave them to his disciples, and warned the people against seeking the word of the Lord through
spiritualism and necromancy. Ahaz did not join the Syro- Ephraimite alliance, but rather than trusting the Lord, he made an alliance with Assyria and eventually had to
empty the temple treasury to send the required tribute to Assyria (2 Kgs. 16:8, 17-18). The prophesied destructions occurred when Syria and Ephraim were
conquered in 732 b.c. Syria never recovered, while Ephraim was conquered again in 722 b.c. and many of its inhabitants were taken into exile to Assyria. Ahaz's son
Hezekiah, a righteous king of Judah, later revolted against Assyria by refusing to send tribute. Assyria retaliated in 701 b.c. and destroyed many of the cities of Judah.
Jerusalem, however, was miraculously preserved at that time (Isa. 36-37).

Definitions

18:1 great roll. The Hebrew word refers to either a scroll, roll, or tablet, perhaps a wooden writing tablet with a wax writing surface.

18:1 -Maher- shalal- hash- baz. Name of Isaiah's son literally meaning in Hebrew "the spoil speeds, the prey hastens." An allusion to the impending Assyrian
destruction of the Syro- Ephraimite confederacy.

18:2 Uriah the priest, and Zechariah the son of Jeberechiah. Legal witnesses of the symbolic act. Uriah may be the priest mentioned in 2 Kings 16:10-16, and
Zechariah may be Ahaz's father- in- law (2 Kgs. 18:2).

18:3 prophetess. Isaiah's wife; the title may suggest that she, like her husband, enjoys the spiritual gift of prophecy. The same title is given to Miriam (Ex. 15:20),
Deborah (Judg. 4:4), and Huldah (2 Kgs. 22:14).

18:4 Samaria. A title of the northern kingdom, also called Ephraim. Samaria was the capital city used to represent the whole of the kingdom.

18:6 waters of Shiloah. Shiloah was a con-duit that was part of the elaborate water system of Jerusalem. It is not certain where it was. Here it is a metaphor of peace
and serenity representing trust in the Lord. If the people reject the Lord, then come the mighty waters of the Assyrians (18:7). Because Isaiah met Ahaz near
Jerusalem's water system (17:3), this conduit may have been visible as they spoke.

18:6 Rezin. King in southern Syria who led the Syro- Ephraimite coalition against Assyria to its destruction in 732 b.c.

18:6 Remaliah's son. Refers to Pekah, wicked king of Israel, who reigned from 740 to 732 b.c. and who joined the Syro- Ephraimite coalition that ended in disaster in
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18:7 waters of the river. An allusion to the Euphrates, mightiest of the rivers in the Near East, compared to the Assyrian empire that will overflow and destroy those
who stand against it.
18:6 Rezin. King in southern Syria who led the Syro- Ephraimite coalition against Assyria to its destruction in 732 b.c.

18:6 Remaliah's son. Refers to Pekah, wicked king of Israel, who reigned from 740 to 732 b.c. and who joined the Syro- Ephraimite coalition that ended in disaster in
732 b.c. See Israel, kingdom of.

18:7 waters of the river. An allusion to the Euphrates, mightiest of the rivers in the Near East, compared to the Assyrian empire that will overflow and destroy those
who stand against it.

18:8 reach even to the neck. An image of almost drowning, possibly an allusion to the Assyrian invasion in 701 b.c. in which they destroyed many of the cities of Judah
but not Jerusalem.

18:8 Immanuel. Title meaning "God is with us" and signifying the protection of the Lord. Immanuel is a title of the Messiah that was fulfilled with the coming of Christ,
when God came to earth. Here the name is used in the context of protection against enemies ( see Isaiah chapter reviews, 2 Ne. 17 // Isa. 7, definitions, v. 14).

18:9 gird yourselves. Prepare for battle.

18:9-10 Associate yourselves, O ye people, and ye shall be broken in pieces; and give ear all ye of far countries; gird yourselves, and ye shall be broken in pieces; gird
yourselves, and ye shall be broken in pieces. Take counsel together. These are references to human alliances.

18:10 for God is with us. In Hebrew "Immanuel," the same as in 2 Nephi 18:8; perhaps a reference to the sign promised in 2 Nephi 17:14.

18:12 confederacy. The Lord is warning not to look to such confederacies as the Syro- Ephraimite alliance for deliverance. The impli-cation is that men should put their
trust in God, not the arm of flesh (18:13-14).

18:14 stone of stumbling, and for a rock of offense. The Lord will be an obstacle to those who reject him. Peter and Paul interpreted this passage as an allusion to the
Messiah, who would come and be rejected by the house of Israel (1 Pet. 2:8; cf. Rom. 9:33; 1 Cor. 1:23).

18:14 gin. A trap or snare.

18:16 Bind up the testimony, seal the law among my disciples. This phrase may be interpreted literally that Isaiah took the scroll upon which he had written these
prophecies, rolled it up and tied it shut with a strip of leather or a cord, and then sealed it with a clay seal as a symbol that the prophecies were complete. Isaiah then
gave the prophecies to his disciples for future reference. When his prophecies were fulfilled in the future, this would be a testimony that he was a true prophet (cf. Deut.
18:21-22). The phrase may also be simply a figurative way of saying that Isaiah solemnly affirmed the truthfulness of the words he had just uttered.

18:19 Seek unto them that have familiar spirits, and unto wizards that peep and mutter. Seeking the will of God from the spirits of the dead through mediums and
witchcraft. See Familiar spirit.

18:20 to the law and to the testimony. Seek the scriptures and living prophets to find the word of God.

Latter-day applicability

This chapter reminds the covenant people to seek and to follow the word of the Lord as revealed through the prophets and to trust in the Lord rather than in alliances
with foreign nations. Isaiah's prophecies of destruction were fulfilled against Syria, Israel, and Judah. The sign of "Immanuel" and the imagery of the "stone of stumbling"
and "rock of offense" allude to the future coming and rejection of the Messiah, which was fulfilled in the life of Jesus Christ. The fulfillment of these prophecies testifies
that Isaiah's other prophecies would come to pass as well.

Seely, David Rolph

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 19 // Isaiah 9

Background and synopsis

Second Nephi 19 consists of a messianic prophecy that speaks of Jesus' mortal ministry and kingship (2 Ne. 19:1-7) and a prophecy of judgment against the northern
kingdom of Israel (2 Ne. 19:8-21). Second Nephi 19:1 begins with "nevertheless," linking it with the prophecies in chapter 18. The darkness brought about by those
who relied on mediums instead of on prophets (2 Ne. 18:18-22) was dispelled with the coming of a light that would shine upon the people who hitherto had walked in
darkness. Christ was the "great light" (2 Ne.19:2) that would shine upon the inhabitants of the lands of Zebulun and Naphtali, or Galilee, during his mortal mission (2
Ne. 19:2). He was the new king who would overthrow oppressive kingdoms, become God's son in the flesh, receive the government and the throne and the kingdom,
and rule forever with judgment, peace, and justice (2 Ne. 19:4-7; cf. 2 Sam. 7:11-16; Ps. 2).

The final verses (2 Ne. 19:8-21) consist of a judgment against the northern kingdom of Israel. The Lord's word had gone forth unto the house of Israel through his
prophets, and Israel would soon suffer destruction (2 Ne. 19:8-12). Because the covenant people did not seek the Lord, were hypocrites, spoke follies, and worked
evil, the Lord would destroy all levels of their society, including leaders, followers, false prophets, young men, and even those who were usually oppressed, such as the
fatherless and widows (2 Ne. 19:13, 15-21). This judgment was fulfilled by the Assyrian conquest and exile in 722 b.c.

Definitions

19:1 land of Zebulun, and the land of Naphtali. These two tribal lands were in the region of Galilee where Jesus spent most of his mortal ministry. Matthew noted that
during this time Jesus dwelt in Capernaum, a city that was located "in the borders of Zabulon and Nephthalim," as a fulfillment of this prophecy (Matt. 4:13-16). Jesus
was the "great light" seen by the inhabitants of this area (2 Ne. 19:2).

19:1 her vexation, when at first he lightly afflicted the land of Zebulun, and the land of Naphtali, and afterwards did more grievously afflict by the way of the Red Sea.
Recalls numerous occasions when this land was conquered. The land was a prime military target due to its strategic location at the junction of several major highways.

19:2 walked in darkness. Refers to people and nations who walk in darkness because they do not know Jesus Christ, the "great light" (cf. John 1:5).

19:2 great light. Jesus Christ. Matthew 4:13-16 presents the fulfillment of the prophecy found in Isaiah 9:1- 2.
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19:3 multiplied the nation. A reference to the Abrahamic covenant (Abr. 3:14; cf. Isa. 26:15; Neh. 9:23).
19:2 walked in darkness. Refers to people and nations who walk in darkness because they do not know Jesus Christ, the "great light" (cf. John 1:5).

19:2 great light. Jesus Christ. Matthew 4:13-16 presents the fulfillment of the prophecy found in Isaiah 9:1- 2.

19:2 land of the shadow of death. Symbolizes the mortal world where there is darkness, and death.

19:3 multiplied the nation. A reference to the Abrahamic covenant (Abr. 3:14; cf. Isa. 26:15; Neh. 9:23).

19:3 increased the joy. There is an increase of joy because Messiah has broken the rod of the oppressor (19:4) and because a child is born who will establish his
righteous government and bring everlasting peace (cf. Luke 2:10-11).

19:3 divide the spoil. The joy that the Messiah brings is like the joy of those who receive spoils and booty after winning a battle.

19:4 yoke of his burden, and the staff of his shoulder, the rod of his oppressor. The yoke, staff, and rod signify forms of oppression. Similar to the manner that Moses
delivered ancient Israel from Egypt's yoke and physical bondage, Jesus Christ delivers from the yoke of spiritual bondage.

19:5 burning and fuel of fire. Burning is a symbol of judgment and destruction.

19:6 unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given. Jesus Christ is the "son" and the "Holy Child" (Moro. 8:3).

19:6 government shall be upon his shoulder; and his name shall be called, Wonderful, Counselor, The Mighty God, The Everlasting Father, The Prince of Peace. These
phrases and titles describe the various aspects of the power and authority of the Messiah.

19:7 throne of David. The throne is a metaphor for kingship and dominion (Gen. 41:40; 2 Sam. 7:16; 1 Kgs. 1:47). Jehovah, seated upon the throne of David as king
of kings, rules with great glory and justice for eternity.

19:7 zeal of the Lord of Hosts will perform this. This phrase, also found in 2 Kings 19:31 and Isaiah 37:32, is a promise that the Lord will use his strength to fulfill his
word.

19:9 Ephraim and the inhabitants of Samaria. Names that represent the northern kingdom of Israel (cf. 2 Ne. 17:2, 5, 8-9; Hos. 5:3; 11:8). See Israel, kingdom of.

19:9 stoutness of heart. A symbol of pride.

19:11 adversaries of Rezin. Rezin was the king in southern Syria. His chief adversary was Assyria.

19:12 Syrians before and the Philistines behind. Countries bordering Israel to the northeast and to the west. The Syrians, not allied with Rezin, and the Philistines will
join together to fight the anti- Assyrian alliance of Rezin and Israel ( see Isaiah chapter reviews, 2 Ne. 17 // Isa. 7 and 2 Ne. 18 // Isa. 8, background and synopsis).

19:12 his hand is stretched out still. A phrase that usually refers to the Lord stretching out his hand in anger and destruction, repeated again in 2 Nephi 19:17, 21; 10:4.
In some contexts in the Book of Mormon his hand is stretched out in mercy as well (e.g., Jacob 6:4-5; cf. 2 Ne. 28:32).

19:14 in one day. Quickly.

19:18 devour the briers and thorns, and shall kindle in the thickets of the forests. "Briers," "thorns," and "thickets" are metaphors for the wicked (cf. Isa. 10:17, 34). All
of these will be destroyed by fire.

19:19 land darkened. Metaphor for apostasy and the darkness that accompanies destruction.

19:20 he shall snatch on the right hand and be hungry. During these times of trouble and destruction, there will be a great shortage of food so that people will scavenge
here and there for food but will not find enough to satisfy their hunger.

19:21 Manasseh, Ephraim; and Ephraim, Manasseh; they together shall be against Judah. Implies that tribes, families, and even brothers will contend against one
another during these times of trouble. Earlier, Isaiah had stated that "no man shall spare his brother" (19:19) and "they shall eat every man the flesh of his own
arm" (19:20).

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 19) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 9) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

This chapter invites latter- day people to cease walking in darkness by receiving Jesus Christ, who is the "great light" (2 Ne. 19:1-2). Those who do so will rejoice with
him as he breaks the yoke, staff, and rod of the oppressor, even sin, death, and hell, through the Atonement (19:3-7).

Moreover, the destruction of the northern kingdom of Israel during Isaiah's time, which came about on account of the pride, lack of love, social injustices, and general
wickedness of its people (19:9-21) is a type of the devastation that awaits the wicked at the Second Coming.

Bibliography

Parry, Donald W., Jay A. Parry, and Tina M. Peterson. Understanding Isaiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1998. 91- 102.

Parry, Donald W.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 20 // Isaiah 10

Background and synopsis

Second Nephi 20 contains a prophecy of the destruction of Assyria , which is also a type of the "destruction of [the] wicked at the second coming" (2 Ne. 20 chapter
heading; 2 Ne. 20:1-19, 28-34), and contains a promise that a remnant of Jacob would be preserved (2 Ne. 20:20-27).
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Because of the sins of Israel (2 Ne. 20:1-4) the Lord permitted the Assyrian army, the Lord's "rod" (2 Ne. 20:5-11), to war against the apostate Israelites. Because of
its pride and over-zealousness (2 Ne. 20:7-15), Assyria would then be destroyed by her enemies. The fire that would destroy Assyria foreshadows the fire that will
destroy the wicked at the Second Coming (2 Ne. 20:12-19).
Background and synopsis

Second Nephi 20 contains a prophecy of the destruction of Assyria , which is also a type of the "destruction of [the] wicked at the second coming" (2 Ne. 20 chapter
heading; 2 Ne. 20:1-19, 28-34), and contains a promise that a remnant of Jacob would be preserved (2 Ne. 20:20-27).

Because of the sins of Israel (2 Ne. 20:1-4) the Lord permitted the Assyrian army, the Lord's "rod" (2 Ne. 20:5-11), to war against the apostate Israelites. Because of
its pride and over-zealousness (2 Ne. 20:7-15), Assyria would then be destroyed by her enemies. The fire that would destroy Assyria foreshadows the fire that will
destroy the wicked at the Second Coming (2 Ne. 20:12-19).

Second Nephi 20:20-27 speaks of a time when the remnant of Israel will return to their lands of promise and "unto the mighty God" (2 Ne. 20:21). The expression "the
remnant shall return" (20:21) recalls the prophetic name of Isaiah's son Shearjashub, which literally means "a remnant shall return" (2 Ne. 17:3; 18:18).

Second Nephi 20:28-34 describes the march of the great Assyrian army southward towards Jerusalem. As the army traveled it sacked and destroyed all towns and
villages in its path. Some scholars believe Isaiah's prophecy was fulfilled either by the invasion of Sargon II in 713-b.c. or by king Sennacherib's invasion of Judah in
701 b.c. (Isa. 37:36-37). The Lord's destruction of Assyria (2 Ne. 20:33-34) may be a type of the eventual victory that Israel will achieve over her enemies as
prophesied in 2 Nephi 21:14-15 // Isaiah 11:14-15. According to Moroni 2 , Isaiah 11 is one of the chapters of Isaiah to be fulfilled in the last days (JS-H 1:40).

Isaiah's prophecy takes a positive turn in the final two verses when Jehovah, as the great forester, uses his mighty iron ax to chop down Assyria's armies as they
approach Zion (Isaiah employed similar imagery elsewhere; 2 Ne. 12:12-18; 20:18-19).

Definitions

20:1 Wo. Severe anguish resulting from God's judgments.

20:1 decree unrighteous decrees. To create unjust laws that serve the rich and powerful but prey upon the weak, such as the fatherless and the widows (20:2).

20:1 write grievousness. To write oppressive laws.

20:2 To turn away the needy from judgment, and to take away the right from the poor of my people, that widows may be their prey, and that they may rob the
fatherless! Those who create unjust laws (20:1) prey upon the socially deprived, including the needy, poor, widows, and fatherless.

20:3 day of visitation. A time of the Lord's judgment and indignation (Hosea 9:7; Micah 7:4; D&C 56:1, 16). It is also the time of the Second Coming, when Christ will
visit the earth in power and glory (D&C 124:8, 10).

20:3 desolation which shall come from far. This may be a dual prophecy referring to the Assyrian army that will come from a far country to conquer, and to the Lord,
who resides far off and will come to judge the world in the latter days.

20:3 to whom will ye flee for help? This is a rhetorical question, showing that during the day of visitation the wicked will have no one to turn to for help, for they have
rejected God.

20:3 where will ye leave your glory? This may be translated, "Where will ye leave your riches?" At the Day of Judgment, one's riches will be meaningless and will not
assist in saving one's soul.

20:4 bow down under the prisoners, and they shall fall under the slain. A modern trans-lation of Isaiah renders this phrase, "so as not to crouch among the prisoners or
fall among the slain" (NRSV). During the day of visitation the wicked will fall in the destruction or become prisoners with other captives.

20:4 his hand is stretched out still. A phrase which usually refers to the Lord stretching out his hand in anger and destruction (e.g., 2 Ne. 15:25; Ex. 3:20). In the Book
of Mormon the Lord stretches out his hand in mercy as well (e.g., Jacob 6:4-5; c.f. 2 Ne. 28:32).

20:5 Assyrian. Refers to the king of Assyria as well as his nation. "Assyria" also represents the wicked nations of the last days that will worship idols and false gods,
war against Israel, and eventually be consumed by the Lord's glory and majesty during the Second Coming.

20:5 rod of mine anger, and the staff. Assyria is the rod and staff that will smite and chasten the people of Israel because they are an apostate nation (20:6). Assyria will
smite Israel with the staff as a taskmaster smites a slave, and then Assyria will rule over Israel with the rod or scepter.

20:6 hypocritical nation. The Lord's people who do not keep their covenants.

20:6 people of my wrath. The children of Israel who are to be punished for their hypocrisy.

20:6 to take the spoil, and to take the prey. The Lord will permit Assyria to capture and plunder. "Spoil" and "prey" come from the prophetic name Maher- shalal-
hash- baz, suggesting that Isaiah's earlier prophecy (2 Ne. 18:1-4) finds at least partial fulfillment in Assyria's captivity and plundering of Israel.

20:7 in his heart it is to destroy. Assyria's king does not know that he is being used as the Lord's instrument to punish his rebellious people. Instead, he intends to
conquer the world's nations and to gain glory and riches for himself.

20:9 Calno as Carchemish? Is not Hamath as Arpad? Is not Samaria as Damascus? A boast of the proud Assyrians. As the king of Assyria and his armies moved
westward and southward they destroyed many cities, including these listed. The question, "Is not Calno as Carchem-ish?" may be paraphrased as, "Has not Calno been
destroyed even as Carchemish was destroyed?"

20:10 my hand hath founded the kingdoms of the idols. The proud king glorifies himself by stating that he conquered and ruled kingdoms of people who worship idols
that are superior to those found in Israel (Samaria) and Judah (Jerusalem).

20:11 so do to Jerusalem. Assyria had destroyed kingdoms and was preparing to destroy Judah, represented here by the capital city Jerusalem.

20:12 performed his whole work upon Mount Zion and upon Jerusalem, I will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of Assyria. After the Lord has used Assyria
to punish Jerusalem, he will then destroy Assyria. "Fruit" represents works. The Lord will punish the king of Assyria because of his evil works (cf. Jer. 21:14). Partial
fulfillment of this promise of punishment came when an "angel of the Lord went out, and smote in the camp of the Assyrians," destroying 185,000 people while
besieging
 CopyrightJerusalem    in 701 b.c.
             (c) 2005-2009,        (2 Kgs.Media
                              Infobase     19:35). The king's "stout heart," denoting pride and haughtiness, is shown in 2 Kings 19:23.
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20:12 Mount Zion. Refers to Jerusalem and the hill upon which it is built. By extension it may also be a reference to the temple at Jerusalem.
20:12 performed his whole work upon Mount Zion and upon Jerusalem, I will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of Assyria. After the Lord has used Assyria
to punish Jerusalem, he will then destroy Assyria. "Fruit" represents works. The Lord will punish the king of Assyria because of his evil works (cf. Jer. 21:14). Partial
fulfillment of this promise of punishment came when an "angel of the Lord went out, and smote in the camp of the Assyrians," destroying 185,000 people while
besieging Jerusalem in 701 b.c. (2 Kgs. 19:35). The king's "stout heart," denoting pride and haughtiness, is shown in 2 Kings 19:23.

20:12 Mount Zion. Refers to Jerusalem and the hill upon which it is built. By extension it may also be a reference to the temple at Jerusalem.

20:13 I have moved the borders. As the king conquered nations and kingdoms, he removed their political borders and annexed their lands into his own kingdom.

20:14 nest the riches of the people; and as one gathereth eggs that are left have I gathered all the earth; and there was none that moved the wing, or opened the mouth,
or peeped. Israel is compared to a bird's nest, eggs, and wings. The eggs in the nest represent Israel's riches (20:13). That Israel was not able to move its wing or to
make a peep signifies that it, like a little chick, was helpless before Assyria's ravenous armies.

20:15 ax boast itself against him that heweth therewith? Shall the saw magnify itself against him that shaketh it? These are tools used to cut down trees of the forest,
which are mentioned in 2 Nephi 20:18-19. Here the "ax" or "saw" represents Assyria in the Lord's hand. Assyria and her king are proud enough to believe that they are
greater than God, who holds the tools in his hands and uses them for his divine purposes.

20:16 fat ones, leanness. The Lord will then turn fatness (prosperity and blessings) of Assyria (type for the wicked) into leanness (lack of temporal and spiritual
blessings).

20:17 burn and shall devour his thorns and his briers. The Lord will destroy Assyria. Compare 20:33-34 where God, as the forester, cuts down the forest of Assyria
with his mighty axe. The destruction of Assyria is a type of the destruction of the wicked (thorns and briers) at the Second Coming.

20:18 shall consume the glory of his forest, and of his fruitful field. Continued description of the destruction of Assyria. Scripturally, the "forest" may represent people
(Jer. 21:14; Ezek. 20:45-47; Zech. 11:1-2), and the "field" may symbolize the world (1 Ne. 8:20; D&C 86:1-2).

20:18 -standard- bearer fainteth. The Hebrew text of this phrase may be translated "as a sick man wastes away."

20:19 trees of his forest shall be few. Trees represent individuals. After the destruction the number of people who will remain will be so few that even a little child will
be able to count and list them.

20:20 stay upon him that smote them. The remnant of Israel will no longer stay (lean) upon the rod (Assyria) that smote them (2 Kgs. 16:7), but they will lean upon or
trust the Lord.

20:22 consumption decreed. God, through his prophets, decreed destruction upon the wicked.

20:26 stir up a scourge. Or "lash them with a whip." After Assyria serves the Lord's purposes by smiting Israel, he will lash the Assyrians with a whip, meaning he will
punish them for their pride and wickedness.

20:26 slaughter of Midian at the rock of Oreb; and as his rod was upon the sea so shall he lift it up after the manner of Egypt. Just as God delivered Moses and the
Israelites from Pharaoh's armies (Ex. 14:30-31) and provided deliverance to Gideon and the children of Israel from the Midianites (Judg. 6-7), he will once more save
Israel.

20:26 rod was upon the sea. Referring to the rod that Moses used to divide the Red Sea and enable Israel to flee from the armies of Egypt. The imagery suggest that
God will once again intervene to deliver his people.

20:27 burden shall be taken away from off thy shoulder, and his yoke from off thy neck, and the yoke shall be destroyed because of the anointing. Through the
anointing (literally "because of oil"), captives will be freed. The imagery points to deliverance from Assyria and perhaps is a type of deliverance through Jesus the
Messiah or anointed one.

20:28 Aiath, he is passed to Migron; at Michmash. Describing the Assyrian army's capture of Aiath, Migron, and Michmash on their way to Jerusalem.

20:28 laid up his carriages. At Michmash, the Assyrian army stores its equipment and supplies, perhaps so it will not be burdened as it approaches Jerusalem.

20:29 They are gone over the passage. This phrase describes the advance of the Assyrian army as they cross over an unnamed mountain pass on their way to
Jerusalem.

20:29 they have taken up their lodging at Geba. The Assyrian army temporarily halts their advancements to rest at Geba.

20:29 Ramath is afraid; Gibeah of Saul is fled. As the Assyrian army approaches, the fearful inhabitants of Ramah and Gibeah flee.

20:30 daughter of Gallim; cause it to be heard unto Laish, O poor Anathoth. The inhabi-tants of Gallim and Anathoth raise up their voices in fear because of the
impending devas-tation by the Assyrians.

20:31 Madmenah is removed; the inhabitants of Gebim gather themselves to flee. The inhabitants of Madmenah and Gebim also flee from the imminent destruction by
the Assyrian army.

20:32 yet shall he remain at Nob that day. The Assyrians will pause at the city of Nob, which is located near Jerusalem, perhaps to rest, devise plans, and prepare for
their attack against Jerusalem.

20:32 shake his hand. Assyria threatens Jerusalem.

20:33 lop the bough. Jehovah, the mighty forester who wields a great axe, chops down the tree (Assyria; Ezek. 31:3), preventing Assyria from destroying all of his
children.

20:33 high ones of stature shall be hewn down. the forester also cut down Assyria's proud and haughty people.
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20:34 cut down the thickets of the forests with iron. "Iron" here represents an iron axe.

20:34 Lebanon. A place noted anciently for its spectacular forests of cedar trees, which are a type for pride (cf. 2 Ne. 12:13).
children.

20:33 high ones of stature shall be hewn down. the forester also cut down Assyria's proud and haughty people.

20:34 cut down the thickets of the forests with iron. "Iron" here represents an iron axe.

20:34 Lebanon. A place noted anciently for its spectacular forests of cedar trees, which are a type for pride (cf. 2 Ne. 12:13).

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 20) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 10) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

The ancient nation of Assyria, with its proud, cruel, and bloody leaders and well- disciplined, fierce armies, thrived on other conquered nations. This picture of Assyria
and war anti-ci-pates the warring nations of the present day and of the future where people and armies contend for land, power, and riches. As Assyria, her leaders,
and her armies were destroyed according to God's plan, so also will the warring nations of the last days experience annihilation at the Second Coming. Isaiah's
language-of a fire," "fire," "flame," "devour," and "consume"-refers to the destruction of both ancient Assyria and all nations except for Zion when Christ comes in the
clouds of glory. Meanwhile, a righteous remnant of Israel will be saved from the destruction during this time.

See also Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Bibliography

Parry, Donald W., Jay A. Parry, and Tina M. Peterson. Understanding Isaiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1998. 103- 14.

Parry, Donald W.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 21 // Isaiah 11

Background and synopsis

Second Nephi 21 begins with a beautiful prophecy of the coming of the Messiah (2 Ne. 21:1-5), followed by a description of the Millennium (2 Ne. 21:6-9). It then
speaks of the restoration of the gospel and the gathering of the covenant people that will usher in the Millennium (2 Ne. 21:10-16).

The prophecy first introduces a servant, "a rod," and then speaks of the Messiah, "the stem of Jesse," who will have the "Spirit of the Lord" and "the spirit of wisdom
and understanding" (2 Ne. 21:1-2; cf. D&C 113:1-2). The Messiah will serve as the righteous judge (2 Ne. 21:3) and will be the advocate of the poor and the meek (2
Ne. 21:4). In the end, the Messiah will "smite the earth" and "slay the wicked" (2 Ne. 21:4) at the Second Coming, resulting in the glorious conditions of the Millennium.
Consequently, there will be a dramatic change in the order of the world in that the enmity between all God's creatures will cease-- symbolized by the peaceful
coexistence between the wolf and the lamb, the leopard and the kid, the calf and the lion, and the child and the asp. Peace will prevail, and none will hurt or destroy as
the earth is filled with the knowledge of the Lord (2 Ne. 21:6-9).

Preparatory to that day, a great servant, the "root of Jesse," would raise an ensign to which the righteous would gather. The Lord has revealed that this great servant
would be a descendant of both Jesse and Joseph of old (D&C 113:3-6). This servant is generally understood by Latter- day Saints to be the Prophet Joseph Smith,
and the ensign that he would raise to be the restored gospel of Jesus Christ. Through the Restoration the Lord would "set his hand" to gather and unify his people from
all the nations of the earth. In this process he would destroy the power of his enemies (2 Ne. 21:11-16). All of these divine activities constitute "a marvelous work and a
wonder among the children of men" (2 Ne. 25:17).

Definitions

21:1 rod. In the Doctrine and Covenants the rod is defined as "a servant in the hands of Christ, who is a descendant of Jesse as well as of Ephraim, or of the house of
Joseph, on whom there is laid much power" (D&C 113:3-4). The "rod" is generally understood among Latter- day Saints to be a reference to the Prophet Joseph
Smith (cf. 2 Ne. 21:10; D&C 113:5-6; McConkie, Millennial, 339-40; Sperry, 41).

21:1 stem of Jesse. Christ descended from Jesse (D&C 113:1-2). Jesse is the father of David (Ruth 4:22) and hence the progenitor of the kings of Judah and Jesus
Christ.

21:1 branch. Christ (Jer. 23:3-6; Zech. 3:7-10; McConkie, Promised, 192-5).

21:3 not judge after the sight of his eyes. The Messiah will not judge by outward appearance because he is able to see into the very heart of an individual (1 Sam.
16:7).

21:4 judge the poor. With equity, the Messiah will repair all of the injustices experienced by the poor and the meek.

21:4 rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips. Jesus will destroy the wicked with his word by simply speaking the truth and by uttering judgments against evil (cf.
Rev. 19:15, 21).

21:5 girdle of his loins. The Lord is covered with righteousness and faithfulness; these two qualities represent his very existence.

21:6-8 The wolf also shall dwell with the lamb. . . . And the sucking child shall play on the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand on the cockatrice's
den. A metaphor for the peace that will prevail during the Millennium.

21:8 asp, and the weaned child shall put his hand on the cockatrice's den. The asp and cockatrice, poisonous snakes that once harmed and destroyed, will be harmless.

21:9 They shall not hurt nor destroy. Enmity will be removed from the earth, and peace, love, and kindness will rule.

21:9 my holy mountain. The holy mountain may be a reference to the temple, but here it likely refers to the righteous millennial earth as a whole (cf. Isa. 56:7; 65:11,
25).
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"things of all nations," "secret" things, "work[s] of darkness," and things that have been revealed (2 Ne. 30:15-18).
21:9 my holy mountain. The holy mountain may be a reference to the temple, but here it likely refers to the righteous millennial earth as a whole (cf. Isa. 56:7; 65:11,
25).

21:9 earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord. Nephi 1 cited this verse and explained that "all things shall be made known unto the children of men," including
"things of all nations," "secret" things, "work[s] of darkness," and things that have been revealed (2 Ne. 30:15-18).

21:10 root of Jesse. In the Doctrine and Covenants the root is defined as "a descendant of Jesse, as well as of Joseph, unto whom rightly belongs the priesthood, and
the keys of the kingdom, for an ensign, and for the gathering of my people in the last days" (D&C 113:5-6; cf. Rom. 15:12). The "root of Jesse" is generally understood
as a reference to the Prophet Joseph Smith (McConkie, Millennial, 339-40; Sperry, 34-38).

21:10 ensign of the people. Modern revelation explains that the everlasting covenant and Zion (the Church) both function as an ensign to which the Gentiles will gather
(D&C 45:9; 64:41-42). In a similar way Isaiah states that the "root of Jesse," the prophet of the Restoration, will "stand for an ensign," or banner, and "to it [or, to him]
shall the Gentiles seek" (2 Ne. 21:10).

21:11 Lord shall set his hand again the second time. The first time the Lord set his hand to gather his people was when he led them out of Egypt (Ex. 3:19-20). The
"second time" is the Restoration (Smith, 14; Jacob 6:2) described in terms of the Exodus (2 Ne. 21:15). Appropri-ately, Moses, who led the first gathering from Egypt,
was entrusted with the keys of the gathering of Israel which he restored to the Prophet Joseph Smith in the Kirtland Temple in 1836 (D&C 110:11). See Second time.

21:11 from Assyria, and from Egypt, and from Pathros, and from Cush, and from Elam, and from Shinar, and from Hamath, and from the islands. Isaiah lists many of
the nations that surrounded ancient Israel. The list symbolizes the "four corners of the earth" (2 Ne. 21:12), from which God will gather the covenant people.

21:12 ensign. An ensign is a flag or banner to which people gather. Here it refers to the restored gospel.

21:13 envy of Ephraim also shall depart. The entire verse recalls the tensions and hos-tilities between Ephraim (the northern kingdom) and Judah (the southern
kingdom), beginning with Jeroboam's break with Rehoboam at the death of Solomon (1 Kgs. 11-12). God's gathering will result in the uniting of Judah and Israel,
which will be made possible because the gospel teaches peace and love.

21:14 Philistines towards the west; they shall spoil them of the east together; they shall lay their hand upon Edom and Moab; and the children of Ammon. The pronoun
"they" refers to Israel-probably Ephraim and Judah together-as they overcome their ancient enemies Philistia, Edom, Moab, and Ammon. The description of Israel's
victory over their ancient enemies is a type of latter- day Israel's overcoming the world. Edom, or Idumea, is a type of the world (D&C 1:36).

21:15 tongue of the Egyptian sea. "Tongue" refers to a gulf. This phrase recalls the Israelites crossing the Red Sea (Ex. 14:21-22) and anticipates the gathering of Israel
in the last days, when no powerful nation, army, or natural barrier will stop the promised events of the gathering.

21:15 with his mighty wind he shall shake his hand over the river, and shall smite it in the seven streams, and make men go over dry shod. Three elements in this
passage-"mighty wind," "hand," and "go over dry shod"-recall the Israelites' miraculous crossing of the Red Sea (Ex. 14:21-22) and the Jordan River (Josh. 3:7-17). In
this verse the "river" is probably an allusion to the Euphrates River in Mesopotamia that will be crossed. The same powers that guided the ancient Israelites out of Egypt
will guide modern Israel out of Egypt and Assyria (both representing the world) to their gathering places.

21:16 highway for the remnant of his people which shall be left, from Assyria. Isaiah said, "An highway shall be there, and a way, and it shall be called The way of
holiness" (Isa. 35:8-10; 51:10-11). Elder Bruce R. McConkie taught that the returning tribes "will tread the highway of righteousness" ( New Witness, 521). This
highway might be thought of as similar or identical to the straight and narrow path of the gospel (cf. Isa. 40:3; 42:16; 49:11; 57:14; 62:10; D&C 133:27).

Latter-day applicability

Second Nephi 21 // Isaiah 11 has direct application to the Latter- day Saints. Joseph Smith recalled the angel Moroni's visit on the night of 21 September 1823 and
wrote that Moroni "quoted the eleventh chapter of Isaiah, saying that it was about to be fulfilled" (JS-H 1:40). The prophecies in this chapter pertain to the restoration
of the gospel of Jesus Christ through the Prophet Joseph Smith, the establishment of an ensign to which Israel will gather, and the Second Coming, when the Messiah
will smite the earth, slay the wicked, and usher in the Millennium when he will rule with justice and righteousness (cf. A of F 10).

The final seven verses of this chapter (2 Ne. 21:10-16) describe the Restoration that will usher in the Millennium. The events Isaiah prophesied are now being fulfilled.
The gospel ensign has been erected and Israel's exiles are gathering around it, events that constitute "a marvelous work and a wonder" (2 Ne. 25:17).

See also Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. The Millennial Messiah: The Second Coming of the Son of Man. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982.

--- . The Promised Messiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978.

--- . A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Parry, Donald W., Jay A. Parry, and Tina M. Peterson. Understanding Isaiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1998. 115- 25.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Sperry, Sidney B. The Voice of Israel's Prophets: A Latter- day Saint Interpretation of the Major and Minor Prophets of the Old Testament. Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book, 1965.

Parry, Donald W.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 22 // Isaiah 12

Background and synopsis

Second  Nephi
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chapter (2 Ne. 21), including the restoration of the gospel, the gathering of Israel, and the millennial reign of the Savior. Such an outpouring of gratitude and devotion
expressed in hymns or psalms is common in the scriptures (e.g., Ex. 15; Judg. 5; 2 Ne. 4:15-35).
Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 22 // Isaiah 12

Background and synopsis

Second Nephi 22 records two psalms of praise and thanksgiving to God that will be offered up by those who live to see the glorious events foretold in the previous
chapter (2 Ne. 21), including the restoration of the gospel, the gathering of Israel, and the millennial reign of the Savior. Such an outpouring of gratitude and devotion
expressed in hymns or psalms is common in the scriptures (e.g., Ex. 15; Judg. 5; 2 Ne. 4:15-35).

In the first psalm (2 Ne. 22:1-2) the jubilant witnesses declare that although the Lord was once angry with them, they still look to him as their comfort, their salvation,
their strength, and their song. In the second psalm they invite others to join them in praise of the Lord for the "excellent things" he has done for them (2 Ne. 22:4-6).
Between the two hymns, Isaiah adds his testimony that latter- day peoples will rejoice as they "draw water out of the wells of salvation" (2 Ne. 22:3).

Definitions

22:1 in that day. The day in which the prophecies contained in the preceding chapter (2 Ne. 21:10-11) are fulfilled.

22:1 though thou wast angry. Refers to the time when rebellious people were disciplined or forsaken by God (cf. 3 Ne. 22:7-8).

22:2 song. A praise in music.

22:2 Jehovah. The divine name, usually translated "Lord" in the KJV but here translated Jehovah (cf. Ex. 6:3; Ps. 83:18).

22:3 draw water out of the wells of salvation. To partake of those things necessary for eternal life (cf. John 4:1-26; 7:37-39; Rev. 21:6).

22:6 thou inhabitant of Zion. One living in the millennial day. See Zion.

22:6 Holy One of Israel. The Messiah, Jesus Christ, who will reign during the Millennium.

Latter-day applicability

These hymns offer a great millennial promise, foretelling a time when mortals will accept the Lord, praise him, and partake of his blessings. They bear witness that all
who do so will find joy and yearn to share their love, gratitude, and testimonies with others.

Ball, Terry B.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 23 // Isaiah 13

Background and synopsis

The prophet Isaiah not only spoke to the ancient house of Israel about events in their time but also prophesied concerning other nations and other periods. This truth is
well illustrated in 2 Nephi 23, which consists of a prophecy against the kingdom of Babylon foretelling the reasons for its future des-truction and the means by which it
would be accomplished. During Isaiah's lifetime Babylon was a center of culture, learning, and literature in the ancient Near East. It was also a center of apostate
religion, corruption, and sin. By the end of the seventh century b.c. Babylon displaced Assyria as the dominant empire in the Fertile Crescent and inflicted suffering and
captivity on its neighboring nations. Consequently Babylon became a symbol, or type, for the world and its wickedness (cf. D&C 1:16). Accordingly, Isaiah's
description of the fall of Babylon also provides a description of the destruction of the worldly and wicked at the Second Coming.

The prophecy begins with a call to arms as the Lord of Hosts assembles an awesome army to punish the wicked (2 Ne. 23:1-5). It further describes the extent of the
anguish, fear, and destruction that would accompany the punishment to be meted out by the Lord and his hosts (2 Ne. 23:6-10, 12-22). The imagery used in this
prophecy suggests that the wicked would suffer not only from acts of war (2 Ne. 23:15-18) but also from natural calamities and disasters (2 Ne. 23:10, 13-14), leaving
Babylon utterly wasted and desolate (2 Ne. 23:19-22). In the middle of this graphic description, the prophet listed the iniquities of Babylon that so incurred the Lord's
wrath, including arrogance, pride, haughtiness, and cruelty (2 Ne. 23:11). Remarkably, the prophet specifically identified the Medes as one of the Lord's agents of
destruction of Babylon. This part of the prophecy was fulfilled in the sixth century b.c. when the Medes, part of the Persian empire and once an ally of Babylon against
Assyria, invaded and conquered Babylon in 539 b.c. Thereafter Babylon dwindled, never again to be a world power.

Definitions

23:1 burden. An utterance, message, or revelation, usually with an ominous content (Isa. 15:1; 17:1; 19:1).

23:1, 19 Babylon. The capital of Babylonia, an empire based in central and southern Mesopotamia that ruled the ancient Near East during the first half of the sixth
century b.c. It had a long history as a center for culture, literature, science, religion, and wealth. It became a symbol, or type, for the world and all its wickedness.

23:2 lift ye up a banner. To raise a flag, ensign, or standard to which armies are to rally.

23:2 exalt the voice unto them. Call them with a loud voice.

23:2 shake the hand. Wave the hand as a signal or urgent beckoning.

23:2 go into the gates of the nobles. To enter the abodes of the nobles (sometimes translated as "the proud"), perhaps as conquerors, or to invite them to the battle.

23:3 sanctified ones. Those set apart or chosen to do the Lord's work.

23:3 mighty ones. Heroes and men of valor.

23:3 them that rejoice in my highness. Those who accept the Lord's sovereignty.

23:6, 9 day of the Lord. A day in which the Lord metes out rewards or punishments. One such day will be the Second Coming.

23:7 all hands
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23:8 shall be amazed one at another. To stare at each other aghast.
23:3 them that rejoice in my highness. Those who accept the Lord's sovereignty.

23:6, 9 day of the Lord. A day in which the Lord metes out rewards or punishments. One such day will be the Second Coming.

23:7 all hands be faint. All their arms will hang down limp, likely in fear or despondency.

23:8 shall be amazed one at another. To stare at each other aghast.

23:8 faces shall be as flames. Perhaps indicating the destruction of sinners when "the day of the Lord cometh, cruel both with wrath and fierce anger" (23:9); also an apt
description of the suffering of the wicked at the Second Coming (cf. 3 Ne. 25:1).

23:10 stars of heaven and the constellations thereof shall not give their light; the sun shall be darkened in his going forth, and the moon shall not cause her light to shine.
A cosmic upheaval will accompany the day of the Lord's vengeance and the heavenly lights will be darkened. The prophet Amos prophesied that for the wicked "the
day of the Lord is darkness, and not light" (Amos 5:18).

23:11 terrible. Those who cause fear.

23:12 make a man more precious than fine gold; even a man than the golden wedge of Ophir. Precious in this context means rare, suggesting the survivors of the Lord's
wrath will be few. Ophir, a renowned source for gold (e.g., 1 Kgs. 9:28; 22:48), is variously thought to be a country in India, Africa, or Arabia.

23:13-14 shake the heavens, and the earth shall remove out of her place, in the wrath of the Lord of Hosts, and in the day of his fierce anger. And it shall be as the
chased roe, and as a sheep that no man taketh up. Imagery suggesting earthquakes and cosmic disasters causing panic among people, who will scatter like a chased
roe or fleeing gazelle and like sheep who have no shepherd.

23:17 Medes. Country bordering the southern end of the Caspian Sea that formed a confederacy with Babylon to fight against Assyria in the seventh century b.c. and
was part of the Persian empire that conquered Babylon in the sixth century b.c.

23:17 shall not regard silver and gold. Cannot be bribed with wealth.

23:19 beauty of the Chaldees' excellency, shall be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah. The Chaldeans of the first millennium b.c. were a Semitic people
related to the Arameans. They were a founding people of the Neo- Babylonian Empire, whose marvelous capital, Babylon, was a monument to their accomplishments.
The destruction of Babylon would be similar to God's destruction of the ancient cities of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen. 18-19).

23:20 Arabian. Refers to nomadic wan-derers of the region. Apparently Babylon was to be so devastated that even these hardy people would not choose to camp
there.

23:20 make their fold. Cause their sheep to rest.

23:21-22 But wild beasts of the desert shall lie there; and their houses shall be full of doleful creatures; and owls shall dwell there, and satyrs shall dance there. And the
wild beasts of the islands shall cry in their desolate houses, and dragons in their pleasant palaces. Imagery suggesting that Babylon will be so devastated that only wild
desert creatures will dwell there.

23:21 doleful creatures. Some type of howling animal, perhaps a jackal or horned owl.

23:21 satyrs. The Hebrew word means "-he- goats."

23:22 dragons. The Hebrew word means "wild dogs" or "jackals."

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 23) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 13) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

This is a remarkable dualistic passage. It contains not only a vivid and accurate description of the downfall of ancient Babylon but also a poignant prophecy of the
destruction of the worldly and the wicked at the Second Coming. The Lord will use forces in heaven and earth to punish and destroy the proud, the arrogant, the cruel,
and the wicked (2 Ne. 23:1-19). Those who are faithful will find mercy and deliverance (2 Ne. 23:3, 22), but those who have not repented by the appointed time of
that des-truction will find no escape from the Lord's vengeance (2 Ne. 23:17-19, 22). Those living in the latter days are warned that all those worldly things in which
individuals delight will come to an end (2 Ne. 23:19-22).

See also Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Ball, Terry B.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 24 // Isaiah 14

Background and synopsis

The first portion of 2 Nephi 24 (24:1-23) is a continuation of the "burden" or prophecy of doom concerning Babylon introduced in the preceding chapter (2 Ne. 23).
As such it continues Isaiah's dualistic prophecy of the destruction of Babylon as a type of the destruction of the world at the Second Coming. Accordingly, as the
prophet described the fall of Babylon and her king in this passage, he also presented a type for the ultimate fall of Satan and those who follow him (2 Ne. 24:1-23; see
Isaiah chapter reviews, 2 Ne. 23 // Isa. 13, background and synopsis). The chapter finishes with pro-phecies against two other traditional enemies of Israel, the
Assyrians (24:24-27) and the Philistines (24:28-32).

Isaiah began the passage with a promise that, coincident with the fall of Babylon, there would be a gathering and restoration of the covenant people (2 Ne. 24:1-3). He
promised that the Restoration would be assisted by "strangers" or foreigners. The prophecy found fulfillment in ancient times (539 b.c.) when the "stranger" Cyrus, king
of the Persian empire, overthrew Babylon and then not only allowed but also assisted the return of the exiles from Judah to their lands (cf. Isa. 44:28; 45:1; Ezra 1). In
the latter days the prophecy is being fulfilled in both a spiritual and physical sense as missionaries from "stranger" nations gather and restore scattered Israel to gospel
covenants and as Gentile nations assist with the physical establishment of the children of Abraham in the Holy Land (2 Ne. 10:7-8).
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Following the prophecy of restoration, Isaiah recited a "proverb" or song of derision that the restored peoples would chant or sing over the defeated king of Babylon,
who is a type for Satan (2 Ne. 24:4-20). In the taunting song the people rejoice that the once-powerful king who had wreaked havoc among them is now weak and
insignificant (2 Ne. 24:4-11). They mock him for his failed attempt to exalt himself at the expense of others (2 Ne. 24:12-17). They delight in the fact that rather than
promised that the Restoration would be assisted by "strangers" or foreigners. The prophecy found fulfillment in ancient times (539 b.c.) when the "stranger" Cyrus, king
of the Persian empire, overthrew Babylon and then not only allowed but also assisted the return of the exiles from Judah to their lands (cf. Isa. 44:28; 45:1; Ezra 1). In
the latter days the prophecy is being fulfilled in both a spiritual and physical sense as missionaries from "stranger" nations gather and restore scattered Israel to gospel
covenants and as Gentile nations assist with the physical establishment of the children of Abraham in the Holy Land (2 Ne. 10:7-8).

Following the prophecy of restoration, Isaiah recited a "proverb" or song of derision that the restored peoples would chant or sing over the defeated king of Babylon,
who is a type for Satan (2 Ne. 24:4-20). In the taunting song the people rejoice that the once-powerful king who had wreaked havoc among them is now weak and
insignificant (2 Ne. 24:4-11). They mock him for his failed attempt to exalt himself at the expense of others (2 Ne. 24:12-17). They delight in the fact that rather than
enjoying a kingly burial, he is cast aside and trodden under foot (2 Ne. 24:18-20). The song is followed by an assurance that the children or followers of the king will
likewise be destroyed (2 Ne. 24:21-23).

Isaiah then turned his attention to Assyria , declaring that the Lord would bring that oppressing empire to his mountains and destroy it (2 Ne. 24:24-27). This prophecy
perhaps refers to the destruction of the Assyrian army as they attempted to besiege Jerusalem in 701 b.c. during the reign of Hezekiah. While the Assyrians were
camped in the mountains surrounding Jerusalem, the "angel of the Lord" passed through their camp and destroyed the majority of the soldiers (Isa. 37; 2 Kgs. 19). It
may also be prophesying of the defeat of Gog in the latter days (cf. 2 Ne. 24:26; Ezek. 38-39).

Isaiah closed with a prophecy against "Palestina," or the Philistines, who lived pri-marily along the southern half of the western coast of Canaan and were constant
enemies of the descendants of Israel. He warned the Philistines against prematurely celebrating the death "of him that smote thee," for a more severe enemy, even a
"fiery flying serpent," would follow, leaving destruction in its wake (2 Ne. 24:28-31). Historically the first oppressor or "rod that smote thee" is usually identified with
king Ahaz (735-715 b.c.) of Judah, or Shalmaneser V (727-722 b.c.) of Assyria, and the serpent that followed is identified with Sargon II (722-705 b.c.) or
Sennacherib (705-681 b.c.) of Assyria or Nebuchadnezzar (605-562 b.c.) of Babylon-all who took turns victimizing Philistia.

Definitions

24:1 Jacob. Another name for the twelve tribes of Israel.

24:1 strangers. Those not of Jacob.

24:2 people shall take them and bring them to their place. The restoration of Jacob to their land will be assisted by other peoples. Perhaps refers to Persians who
supported the return of Judah in ancient times and to latter- day Gentile nations in modern times.

24:4 proverb. A song or saying. In this case a song of derision against the king of Babylon.

24:4 king of Babylon. Literally the title of the ruler of Babylonia in ancient times, who in turn is a type for Satan in all dispensations.

24:4 the golden city. The Hebrew word translated here as "golden city" probably means proud or arrogant.

24:6 none hindereth. No one restrains.

24:7 The whole earth is at rest. A reference to the relative freedom that followed the fall of ancient Babylon, as well as the peace that will accompany the Millennium .

24:8 -fir- trees rejoice at thee, and also the cedars of Lebanon, saying. Since thou art laid down no feller is come up against us. Imagery illustrating how those who
once were persecuted by the king of Babylon will rejoice when he has become powerless. Fir trees, cypress, and Lebanon cedars may have been chosen for the
imagery because Babylon harvested ancient forests of these species to support their extra-v-agant building practices.

24:8 feller. One who fells or cuts down trees.

24:9, 11 Hell. Translation of the Hebrew Sheol meaning the underworld or the place of the dead. Sheol is translated as "grave" in verse 11.

24:11 noise of thy viols. Sound of your harps.

24:11 worm is spread under thee, and the worms cover thee. Literally, "your bed is maggots and your blanket is worms" describes a fallen and disgusting condition.

24:12 Lucifer. An epithet for the king of Babylon or Satan, literally meaning "light bearer" or "shining one." Combined with the phrase "son of the morning" (D&C
76:26), it suggests a position of prominence, perhaps a type referring to Satan's station in the premortal world.

24:13 above the stars of God. Imagery suggesting the high station Lucifer sought for himself. Stars are a symbol for spirits in the premortal world (cf. Rev. 12:4; Abr.
3:18).

24:13 mount of the congregation, in the sides of the north. The Hebrew text of this phrase can be rendered "the mount of meeting furthest north" and appears to refer to
a place where the "gods" assemble, a type of "oriental Mount Olympus" (Brown et al., 417). Thus Lucifer is seeking to deify himself.

24:16 narrowly look upon. To stare or squint at.

24:17 opened not the house of his prisoners. Would not release prisoners to go home.

24:18 every one of them in his own house. This phrase likely refers to their tombs, or perhaps their mortal bodies, neither of which Lucifer will have.

24:19 cast out of thy grave like an abominable branch, and the remnant of those that are slain, thrust through with a sword, that go down to the stones of the pit; as a
carcass trodden under feet. Imagery describing how the king of Babylon-a type of fallen Lucifer-will be treated. He will be thrown aside in disgust like a useless tree
cutting, or like clothes taken from men who have been stabbed to death, or like a corpse that has been trampled.

24:23 a possession for the bittern. Imagery suggesting desolation. Only the bittern (a bird; preferred translation of the Hebrew word is "hedgehog"), will live where the
splendid city used to be.

24:23 pools of water. Marshes.

24:23 besom.
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24:25 Assyrian. The northern Mesopo-ta-mian empire that victimized Israel and Judah, primarily during the eighth and seventh centuries b.c.
splendid city used to be.

24:23 pools of water. Marshes.

24:23 besom. A broom.

24:25 Assyrian. The northern Mesopo-ta-mian empire that victimized Israel and Judah, primarily during the eighth and seventh centuries b.c.

24:25 my mountains. Likely refers to the mountainous country of Canaan.

24:25 yoke depart from off them, and his burden depart from off their shoulders. People will be freed from Assyrian vassalage.

24:26-27 hand that is stretched out upon all nations. For the Lord of Hosts hath purposed, and who shall disannul? And his hand is stretched out. Imagery referring to
God's hand that is working in peoples' lives, punishing the wicked and rewarding the righteous.

24:28 year that king Ahaz died (715 b.c.). Ahaz was an unrighteous king of Judah who refused to follow Isaiah's counsel (cf. 2 Ne. 17).

24:29 Palestina. Philistia. The Philistines were long- standing enemies of Judah and Israel who lived primarily in the southwestern coastal region of Canaan.

24:29 rod of him that smote thee is broken; for out of the serpent's root shall come forth a cockatrice, and his fruit shall be a fiery flying serpent. Imagery explaining that
while an oppressor of the Philistines may perish, another, more severe, will follow.

24:29 serpent's root shall come forth a cockatrice. A metaphor suggesting that Philistia's next oppressor (the cockatrice or deadly viper) will be somehow related to its
first (the serpent or snake), perhaps a descendant.

24:29 fiery flying serpent. The description "fiery" may refer to the venom of the serpent and the image of "flying" to the speed with which it is able to strike, thus
suggesting that Philistia's next oppressor will be a formidable enemy.

24:30 -first- born of the poor shall feed, and the needy shall lie down in safety. Imagery suggesting that the demise of the Philistines will lead to rest, peace, and
sustenance for others.

24:30 I will kill thy root with famine, and he shall slay thy remnant. Philistia will be left without ancestry (root), or progeny (remnant). "I" in this passage likely refers to
the Lord, while "he" is perhaps the enemy discussed in the preceding verse.

24:31 smoke. Here meaning a cloud of dust or smoke, perhaps created by a large invading force coming from the north out of Assyria.

24:31 none shall be alone in his appointed times. The Hebrew from which this phrase is translated in the King James Version suggests no stragglers in the invading
force.

24:32 messengers of the nations. Ambassa-dors, likely inquiring about the fall of Philistia.

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 24) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 14) are shown in the accompanying table.

Latter-day applicability

The promise in this passage of a latter- day restoration of the covenant people, coincident with the ultimate conquest and fall of the adversary and his agents, offers
hope to the Saints of this dispensation. Moreover, Latter- day Saints identify themselves with the strangers of verses 1-2 who are to assist with both the spiritual and
physical gathering and restoration of the children of Abraham in this dispensation. Fundamental to Latter-day Saint theology is the doctrine that Satan fell from heaven in
the premortal world for seeking to exalt himself and take glory to himself alone, contrary to the will of God (cf. D&C 29:36-38; Abr. 3:27-28; Moses 4:1-4). This
doctrine is well supported as Satan's primordial ambitions are rehearsed in the verses 13-14. Because Satan rebelled and was cast out, he seeks now that all might
become miserable like unto himself (2 Ne. 2:18, 27). As peace prevailed after the destruction of Babylon and her kings, so likewise when Satan is bound during the
Millennium (1 Ne. 22:26; cf. D&C 88:110) will the "whole earth [be] at rest" (2 Ne. 24:7).

Bibliography

Brown, Francis, S. R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs. The New Brown- Driver- Briggs- Gesenius Hebrew and English Lexicon. [S. I.]: Christian Copyrights, 1983.

Ball, Terry B.

Isaiah chap. review: 2 Nephi 26:6 15-18; 27 // Isaiah 29

Background and synopsis

Second Nephi 26-27 contain Nephi 1's prophecies about the future of his people. In these chapters Nephi foretold the coming of Christ to the Nephites and their
eventual apostasy and destruction (2 Ne. 26:1-11) and then gave a detailed description of the apostasy of the latter days and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon
that would bring the Gentiles, Lamanites, and Jews to Christ (2 Ne. 26:12-27:35; cf. 2 Ne. 25:17-19; 30:2-7). To describe the coming forth of the Book of Mormon
in the last days, Nephi cited passages of Isaiah, apparently from the brass plates, that parallel the King James Version of Isaiah 29. In chapter 29, Isaiah warned the
people of Ariel (Zion in 2 Ne. 27:3) that they would be besieged, destroyed, and left to speak only from the dust (Isa. 29:1-6). He then prophesied that the Lord
would bring forth a book and do a "marvelous work and a wonder" that would confound the wicked and correct false doctrine (Isa. 29:9-24). Nephi likely cited this
text from Isaiah because he knew that his people also would be destroyed (2 Ne. 26:15, 18), and that the book of which Isaiah prophesied would be the record of the
Nephites that would be left to speak from the dust, even the Book of Mormon. The passages of Isaiah that Nephi cited from the brass plates are interspersed with his
own comments in a way that often makes it difficult to distinguish between the text of Isaiah and the commentary of Nephi. The fulfillment of the prophecy of the coming
forth of the Book of Mormon is recorded in Joseph Smith-History 1:27- 75.

Definitions

26:6 be as stubble. Stubble left after a harvest is dry and explosively flammable. Hence when the Lord destroys the wicked it will be like a fire burning stubble-fast and
furious.
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26:15 camped against them round about, and shall have laid siege against them with a mount, and raised forts against them; and after they shall have been brought down
low in the dust. Besieged them with the intent to destroy. Here Nephi directly applies the prophecy of Isaiah to the destruction of his own people (cf. Isa. 29:3).
Definitions

26:6 be as stubble. Stubble left after a harvest is dry and explosively flammable. Hence when the Lord destroys the wicked it will be like a fire burning stubble-fast and
furious.

26:15 camped against them round about, and shall have laid siege against them with a mount, and raised forts against them; and after they shall have been brought down
low in the dust. Besieged them with the intent to destroy. Here Nephi directly applies the prophecy of Isaiah to the destruction of his own people (cf. Isa. 29:3).

26:16 speak unto them out of the ground, and their speech shall be low out of the dust, and their voice shall be as one that hath a familiar spirit; . . . and their speech
shall whisper out of the dust. Imagery indicating that the written record of the Nephites will speak to later generations as one speaking from the grave. See Familiar
spirit .

26:18 as chaff that passeth away. Imagery suggesting sudden annihilation. Chaff left after winnowing of a harvest passes away quickly and completely, either by burning
in a fire or by a gust of wind.

27:1 drunken with iniquity. A metaphor for the senselessness and recklessness of those who are wicked.

27:3 And all the nations that fight against Zion, and that distress her, shall be as a dream of a night vision; yea, it shall be unto them, even as unto a hungry man which
dreameth, and behold he eateth but he awaketh and his soul is empty; or like unto a thirsty man which dreameth, and behold he drinketh but he awaketh and behold he
is faint. The nations who fight against Zion will be denied their expected victory (cf. 1 Ne. 22:14, 19; 2 Ne. 6:12-13; 10:16).

27:5 Lord hath poured out upon you the spirit of deep sleep. Referring to the spiritual blindness that is a consequence of apostasy (cf. Alma 12:9-11).

27:6 slumbered. Metaphor indicating the writers of the record have died.

27:7 book shall be sealed. A reference to the record on the gold plates. Part of this record was sealed and is to remain sealed and untranslated until the Lord sees fit to
reveal it (27:8, 11, 22), while the part that was not sealed (27:15) was translated and published as the Book of Mormon.

27:9 a man. Joseph Smith.

27:9, 15 another. A reference to Martin Harris, to whom Joseph Smith entrusted a trans-cript and translation of some of the characters from the gold plates.

27:10 words which are sealed. Part of the gold plates, including the revelation given to the brother of Jared 1 , that were sealed and will not be revealed until the
Gentiles repent (Ether 3:22; 4:4-7).

27:12 three witnesses. Fulfilled by Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Martin Harris (D&C 5:11-15; 17:1; cf. Ether 5:2-4), the Three Witnesses to the divinity of
the Book of Mormon. An angel of the Lord showed them the plates and the voice of the Lord declared that it was translated by the gift and power of God (The
Testimony of Three Witnesses).

27:13 save it be a few. Fulfilled mainly by the Eight Witnesses who saw and handled the plates (The Testimony of Eight Witnesses).

27:15 learned. Professor Charles Anthon of Columbia University, an educated linguist of the day to whom Martin Harris took the characters copied from the plates and
Joseph's translation of them (JS-H 1:64-65).

27:19 not learned. Joseph Smith, who had little formal education.

27:22 seal up the book again. Joseph Smith gave the gold plates back to Moroni.

27:25 draw near unto me with their mouth, and with their lips do honor me, but have removed their hearts far from me. Imagery for hypocrisy.

27:26 marvelous work and a wonder. The restoration of the gospel including the coming forth of the Book of Mormon.

27:26 wisdom of their wise and learned shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent shall be hid. Refers to the false teachings that will be exposed by the
marvelous work and a wonder.

27:27 seek deep to hide their counsel. Refers to those who attempt to hide their wicked plans and desires from God.

27:27 potter's clay. Those who attempt to hide their counsel from the Lord are compared to clay and the Lord to a potter. The metaphor shows the foolishness of
mortals who pretend to be mightier than their Creator (cf. D&C 10:5-34).

27:28 Lebanon shall be turned into a fruitful field; and the fruitful field shall be esteemed as a forest. Imagery suggesting a change of values and perceptions among
humankind. As a result of the marvelous work and a wonder ( see discussion of 2 Ne. 27:26, above) the forests of Lebanon (a type for the pride and worldliness of
people; cf. 2 Ne. 2:12-13; 19:9-10) will be replaced by fruitful fields (a type for productive covenant people of the Lord; e.g., Isa. 27:6; 37:31; cf. 2 Ne. 15:1-7). At
that day these fruitful fields will be valued and esteemed just as much as the forests once were (cf. Isa. 32:15).

27:31 terrible one is brought to naught, and the scorner is consumed. As a result of the marvelous work and a wonder ( see discussion of 2 Ne. 27:26, above), Satan
and those who follow him in rejecting and fighting against the Lord and his covenants will be silenced and destroyed.

27:32 offender for a word. Those who slander or condemn others because of, or with, their words.

27:32 turn aside the just for a thing of naught. Refers to those who reject truth and justice for some vain and temporal reward (i.e., those who reject the Book of
Mormon) (cf. 2 Ne. 28:16; 29:3).

27:32 lay a snare for him that reproveth in the gate. To seek to undermine those who carry out justice. The area near the gate of a city was used anciently to conduct
judgment and other types of business (cf. Deut. 21:19; Ruth 4).

27:33 face now wax pale. To grow white due to shame or embarrassment.
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Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 26:6, 15-18; 27) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 29) are shown in the accompanying table.
judgment and other types of business (cf. Deut. 21:19; Ruth 4).

27:33 face now wax pale. To grow white due to shame or embarrassment.

Selected differences between Book of Mormon Isaiah (2 Ne. 26:6, 15-18; 27) and KJV Isaiah (Isa. 29) are shown in the accompanying table.

Because Nephi's comments are interspersed in these chapters, it is difficult to separate the original Isaiah text from Nephi's commentary. Clearly Nephi knew that
Isaiah's prophecies of apostasy and destruction applied to his people, and that the book about which Isaiah pro-phesied would be the Book of Mormon, the record of
the Nephites. Only apparent significant Book of Mormon modifications to the Isaiah text are shown in this table.

Latter-day applicability

The value of the Book of Mormon to all people is well illustrated in this discourse by Nephi. Beginning in 2 Nephi 25 and continuing through 2 Nephi 29, Nephi
addressed three groups of latter- day people: the Jews (e.g., 2 Ne. 25:9-20), the Lamanites (e.g., 2 Ne. 25:21-26:11), and the Gentiles (e.g., 2 Ne. 26:12-29:14). As
he spoke of each group, he described the weaknesses, challenges, and problems they would face and then identified the Book of Mormon as a major part of the
solution to their problems.

These chapters vividly describe the coming forth of the Book of Mormon and a sealed portion, containing the words of prophets long since passed away. These
prophets prophesied that the book would be given to one who was unlearned, who would then give part to another, who in turn would take them to a "learned" person,
who would declare that he could not read a sealed book. This prophecy was dramatically fulfilled when Moroni gave the gold plates, containing a sealed portion, to
Joseph Smith, who gave a transcript of a portion of his work to Martin Harris, who then took it to Professor Charles Anthon, who declared, "I cannot read a sealed
book" (JS-H 1:59-65).

The lesson is that the Lord is a "God of miracles" (2 Ne. 27:23). He will proceed with a "marvelous work and a wonder" in bringing forth the Book of Mormon (2 Ne.
27:26). The humble and meek will understand and accept the Book of Mormon while the proud will not. The deaf shall "hear the words of the book, and the eyes of
the blind shall see out of obscurity and out of darkness" (2 Ne. 27:29). The "wisdom of [the] wise and learned shall perish" (2 Ne. 27:26) while the meek "shall
increase, and their joy shall be in the Lord" (2 Ne. 27:30). Throughout this chapter, those who receive a portion of the book, the Book of Mormon, are promised the
contents of the rest of the book, the sealed portion, in the due time of the Lord (2 Ne. 27:22; Ether 3:22; 4:4-).

See also Anthon transcript; Marvelous work, marvelous work and a wonder; Sealed portion of the gold plates; Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Isaiah chap. review: Mosiah 14 // Isaiah 53

Background and synopsis

Isaiah 53 is the most explicit prophetic description of the mortal mission and ministry of the Messiah , the suffering servant, in the Old Testament. Abinadi recited this
entire chapter in his discourse before king Noah 3 and his court in defense of his teaching "that God himself shall come down among the children of men, and . . .
redeem his people" (Mosiah 15:1). The Isaiah quotation exemplified all past prophets' testi-monies concerning "the coming of the Messiah," revealing that he would
"take upon him the form of man" and that he would be "oppressed and afflicted" (Mosiah 13:33-35).

The opening verses describe the humble and obscure beginnings of the Messiah (Mosiah 14:1-3); the following verses describe his sufferings and rejection as he fulfilled
his mortal mission, took upon himself the sins and sufferings of the world, and healed humankind through his atonement (Mosiah 14:4-6). Isaiah then prophesied about
events surrounding the Messiah's suffering and death in remarkable detail (Mosiah 14:7-9) and spoke of the necessity and results of the Atonement (Mosiah 14:10-12).
Ulti-mately those who "make his soul an offering" for their sins become his "seed" or the children of Christ (Mosiah 14:10; cf. 5:7; 15:12).

Definitions

(14:1) Who hath believed our report, and to whom is the arm of the Lord revealed? The likely sense of the phrase "who hath believed our report" is that few have
believed or understood the prophecies of the prophets that the Messiah would come into mortality in the form of a man. This belief and understanding comes only to
those to whom the "arm of the Lord," or the power of God (Deut. 7:18-19), is revealed, for the things of God can only be understood by the Spirit of God (1 Cor.
2:11). Many do not respond to the Spirit because of hard-hearted ness (John 12:39-41). Thus, the apostle John reported, "But though he had done so many miracles
before them, yet they believed not on him; That the saying of Esaias the prophet might be fulfilled, which he spake, Lord, who hath believed our report? and to whom
hath the arm of the Lord been revealed?" (John 12:37-38). In the case of Abinadi and the priests of Noah, Abinadi testified that God would come in the "form of a
man, and go forth in mighty power upon the face of the earth" (Mosiah 13:34), and the priests of Noah "believed [not his] report" (Mosiah 14:1).

Abinadi quoted Isaiah 52:8-10 // Mosiah 15:29-31 concerning the arm of the Lord being ultimately and unmistakenly revealed to all: "The Lord hath made bare his holy
arm in the eyes of all the nations; and all the ends of the earth shall see the salvation of our God" (Mosiah 15:31; cf. 16:1).

14:2 tender plant. A metaphor for Jesus' humble mortal beginning.

14:2 a root out of dry ground. The general spiritual condition of the children of Israel when Jesus entered the world was dry, hard, and impenetrable.

14:2 he hath no form nor comeliness; and when we shall see him there is no beauty that we should desire him. A description of Christ's physi-cal appearance when he
comes in the meridian of time as the mortal Messiah. Due to their years under political captivity and oppressors, many Jews were hoping for the appearance of the
millennial Messiah who would come in supernatural power to overthrow their oppressors. His purposes, they supposed, would be well- known and publicized, and
there would be no question about who he was. Everyone would recognize him at a glance. With this passage Isaiah made it clear that the Messiah of whom he was
prophesying, the mortal Messiah, would not come as the bigger- than- life political deliverer that many expected.

14:3 despised and rejected. Isaiah clearly foretold the attitude of many in Israel regarding their Savior. Ironically, in rejecting these very words as a prophecy of the
Messiah, his people were fulfilling them by despising and rejecting him. Many of his own family members failed to accept Jesus as Messiah at first (John 7:5); people in
his hometown tried to kill him (Luke 4:16-30); his own countrymen rejected him (John 1:11); one of his closest associates betrayed him (Luke 22:48); in the end "all
the disciples forsook him, and fled" (Matt. 26:56), and his enemies demanded his execution (Matt. 27:22-23). The people of Israel would hide their eyes from their
God and not esteem his salvation (cf. 1 Ne. 19:7-9).

14:4 Surely (c)
 Copyright   he has borne ourInfobase
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                                        Media     our sorrows. In his vicarious sacrifice the Savior took upon himself not only all of man-kind's sins but also their pains
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and sufferings- in this way he knows how to succor his followers in their hour of emotional need (cf. Alma 7:11-12; Heb. 2:18).

14:4 stricken, smitten of God. Some would think that he was afflicted by God because of his personal sins, but Isaiah taught otherwise-"he was wounded for our
his hometown tried to kill him (Luke 4:16-30); his own countrymen rejected him (John 1:11); one of his closest associates betrayed him (Luke 22:48); in the end "all
the disciples forsook him, and fled" (Matt. 26:56), and his enemies demanded his execution (Matt. 27:22-23). The people of Israel would hide their eyes from their
God and not esteem his salvation (cf. 1 Ne. 19:7-9).

14:4 Surely he has borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows. In his vicarious sacrifice the Savior took upon himself not only all of man-kind's sins but also their pains
and sufferings- in this way he knows how to succor his followers in their hour of emotional need (cf. Alma 7:11-12; Heb. 2:18).

14:4 stricken, smitten of God. Some would think that he was afflicted by God because of his personal sins, but Isaiah taught otherwise-"he was wounded for our
transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities" (14:5; italics added).

14:5 wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon him; and with his stripes we are healed. Descriptions of
Christ's sufferings at Gethsemane and Golgotha wherein he took upon himself the sufferings and sins of the world to "heal" and redeem mankind.

14:5 the chastisement of our peace was upon him. "Peace" in Hebrew is shalom, which carries the connotation of wholeness. The Savior suffered chastisement so that
all could be made whole.

14:6 All we, like sheep, have gone astray. Symbolizes the need for all to be saved by the atonement of Christ.

14:7 he opened not his mouth. While being accused and interrogated by the chief priests and Pilate, Jesus gave no answer (Mark 15:3; John 19:9), and while standing
before Herod Antipas, Jesus answered him nothing (Luke 23:9). When the time came to be brought as a lamb to the slaughter, "the Lamb slain from the foundation of
the world" (Rev. 13:8) opened not his mouth-just as a sheep is dumb, or mute, in the hands of the shearers.

14:8 He was taken from prison and from judgment. The Hebrew text implies that he was taken away from prison to be judged.

14:8 who shall declare his generation? For he was cut off out of the land of the living. In the Old Testament the value of one's life was often measured by his posterity,
who would perpetuate his name, works, and merits. Inasmuch as Christ would be killed, "cut off out of the land of the living," who would be his posterity to carry on his
work and glory? Who would declare the life and atoning mission of Jesus the Messiah? Abinadi seemed to be thinking in these terms when, in answer to the question
"Who shall declare his generation?" he testified "that when [Christ's] soul has been made an offering for sin he shall see his seed" or posterity (Mosiah 15:10). Abinadi
then taught that Christ's seed are those who believe in Christ and are redeemed through him-the prophets and those that believe on their words (Mosiah 15:10-12).
They become his children, to perpetuate his name, works, and merits.

14:9 he made his grave with the wicked, and with the rich in his death. Perhaps referring to Christ's crucifixion between two thieves (Matt. 27:38) and his burial in the
grave of a rich man, Joseph of Arimathea (Matt. 27:57-60).

14:10 Yet it pleased the Lord to bruise him. This phrase has at least two possible interpretations: (1) "Lord" is likely a reference to Elohim, the Father, thus teaching that
this was a willing offering by the Father and the Son; or (2) Isaiah may be differentiating between the two roles of the Savior: it pleased Jehovah, the God of the Old
Testament, to bruise Jesus, pointing to the fact that the great Jehovah would come in the person of Jesus, and that they are, indeed, one God (cf. Mosiah 15:2-4).

14:10 when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin he shall see his seed. "His" and "he" in this passage are usually taken to mean Christ, while the pronoun "thou" is
thought to refer to either God the Father or to those receiving the prophecy. In either case the message is the same for all-when one is forgiven of sins through the
Atonement, one is spiritually begot-ten of Christ and becomes "his seed," or children (cf. Mosiah 15:10-12; D&C 84:36-38).

14:10 he shall prolong his days. Christ will be resurrected and become immortal.

14:11 He shall see the travail of his soul. Luke asked, "Ought not Christ to have suffered these things, and to enter into his glory?" (Luke 24:25-26). Jesus' crown of
thorns came before his crown of glory. Having shown the way, he later taught that after much tribulation come the blessings (D&C 58:4). The grand purpose of all his
suffering was for humankind to become his seed and declare his generation.

14:11 justify many. To make righteous and reconcile many. The use of "many" rather than "all" suggests that some, the unrepentant, will not be justified (cf. D&C
19:16-19).

14:12 he shall divide the spoil with the strong. The strong or faithful will become joint- heirs with the Savior to "the spoil," meaning the fulness of the Father (Rom. 8:17;
D&C 50:26-28; 76:50-60; 88:107; 93:15-30; 132:20).

Latter-day applicability

Isaiah's poetic description of the Messiah teaches much about who Jesus was and about the purpose of his mortal ministry. Contrary to what was expected by many of
the Jews in the meridian of time, who were looking for an invincible millennial Messiah to come in power and glory, the mortal Messiah Isaiah described would come
from humble and obscure beginnings, would look like an ordinary man, and would suffer and die. In his first coming to earth he came as a suffering servant; in his
second coming he will come as a reigning King. In his first coming he would not overthrow earthly kingdoms and governments but rather conquer something far greater,
even sin and death. This chapter teaches how, through the Atonement, or the vicarious suffering of Jesus, individuals can be forgiven of sins and become the sons and
daughters of Christ. Thus they become joint heirs with Christ to all the blessings of the Father (cf. Rom. 8:17; D&C 76:54-56, 59, 95).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Isaiah chap. review: 3 Nephi 20:32-45 // Isaiah 52:1-3 6- 15

Background and synopsis

After a miraculous administration of the sacrament to the righteous descendants of Lehi 1 who were gathered at the temple in Bountiful 2 , the resurrected Savior
informed them that he was about to "finish the commandment" or the teachings started the day before which he had received from the Father concerning them (3 Ne.
20:1-10). He then admonished those ancient Saints to search the words of Isaiah and promised that when Isaiah's words were fulfilled, they would know the Father
was fulfilling the covenants he had made with the house of Israel, of which they were a part (3 Ne. 20:11-12; cf. 16:17-20). Jesus then explained that the Father's
covenant included the future gathering of Israel, their restoration to a "knowledge of the Lord their God," and the estab-lishment of Lehi's descendants in the Americas
(3 Ne. 20:13-14, 22). Christ quoted and paraphrased excerpts from Isaiah (Isa. 52) which describe the Restora-tion and subsequent joy that would accompany the
fulfilling of the covenant (3 Ne. 20:32-42 // Isa. 52:1-3, 6-15), and which tell how in that day, he, who was afflicted "more than any man," would finally be
acknowledged and revered (3 Ne. 20:43-45 // Isa. 52:13-15). Jacob 2 , Abinadi, and Moroni 2 also quoted from Isaiah 52, making it the most quoted chapter of
Isaiah  in the(c)
 Copyright     Book  of Mormon
                  2005-2009,      (2 Ne. Media
                              Infobase   8:24-25;  Mosiah 12:20-24; 15:13-18; Moro. 10:31; cf. 1 Ne. 13:37).
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Definitions
covenant included the future gathering of Israel, their restoration to a "knowledge of the Lord their God," and the estab-lishment of Lehi's descendants in the Americas
(3 Ne. 20:13-14, 22). Christ quoted and paraphrased excerpts from Isaiah (Isa. 52) which describe the Restora-tion and subsequent joy that would accompany the
fulfilling of the covenant (3 Ne. 20:32-42 // Isa. 52:1-3, 6-15), and which tell how in that day, he, who was afflicted "more than any man," would finally be
acknowledged and revered (3 Ne. 20:43-45 // Isa. 52:13-15). Jacob 2 , Abinadi, and Moroni 2 also quoted from Isaiah 52, making it the most quoted chapter of
Isaiah in the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 8:24-25; Mosiah 12:20-24; 15:13-18; Moro. 10:31; cf. 1 Ne. 13:37).

Definitions

20:32 watchmen. Servants of the Lord assigned to teach, warn, and nurture the people (cf. Ezek. 33:1-16).

20:32 together shall they sing. An act of rejoicing. The Lord through Joseph Smith revealed the words to this grand song in Doctrine and Covenants 84:99- 102.

20:35 The Father hath made bare his holy arm. Describes the Lord when he comes forth in power and judgment (cf. D&C 133:1-3; Isa. 63:5-6).

20:36 put on thy strength, O Zion. Refers to the authority of the priesthood received by the people of Zion in the last days (D&C 113:7-8).

20:36 put on thy beautiful garments. A metaphor for the gathering of the righteous. The faithful gathering is like a bride putting on her wedding garments in preparation
for the coming of the bridegroom, or Christ (Isa. 49:18). In the latter days, the metaphor represents the cov-e-nant Latter- day Saints as organized in stakes of Zion
(D&C 82:14-15).

20:36 uncircumcised. Metaphor for those who refuse the Lord's covenants.

20:37 arise, sit down, O Jerusalem. God's people are to get up from the dust and seat themselves in his company.

20:37 loose thyself from the bands of thy neck. As scattered Israel returns to the Lord, God's curses, especially the curse of being scattered among the Gentiles, will be
taken away (D&C 113:9-10).

20:38 sold yourselves for naught. Invested their faith, time, or assets in things of no value.

20:38 redeemed without money. Imagery that serves to remind all that eternal redemption is wrought not with worldly treasures but rather made available through the
atonement of Christ.

20:40 How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him. Refers to Christ and his messen-gers who bring the gospel to the world. Note the prophet Abinadi's
fourfold use of this phrase as he speaks of past, present, and future messengers and especially the Lord himself (Mosiah 15:15-18).

20:41 vessels of the Lord. Likely a reference to the holy vessels of the temple. Thus those that bear them are priesthood holders. See vessels of the Lord.

20:42 ye shall not go out with haste nor go by flight. Ancient Israel left Egypt with haste and flight (Ex. 12:39; Deut. 16:3), but latter- day Israel is to assemble in order
(D&C 133:12-15).

20:42 rearward. A rearguard, or that which protects one's most vulnerable places.

20:43 my servant. probably Jesus Christ. Some have also identified this servant with the Prophet Joseph Smith, citing 3 Nephi 21:7-11 as evidence that it must also
apply to a servant who will come forth after Christ. See Smith, Joseph, Jr., Book of Mormon prophecies of.

20:44 his visage was so marred. Refers to the suffering of the servant, such as Jesus Christ or Joseph Smith.

20:45 sprinkle. Meaning to purify or make clean. Changed to "gather" in Joseph Smith's translation of Isaiah 52:15.

Latter-day applicability

The importance of these verses from Isaiah 52 is apparent as they are quoted so frequently in the Book of Mormon. They are also a subject of at least two sections of
the Doctrine and Covenants (113; 133). As the Lord's messengers share the gospel throughout the earth and his purified people come together out of the wicked
world, they can know that heavenly powers and protection will assist them. The Lord himself and his mighty servants help in this marvelous redemption.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Isaiah chap. review: 3 Nephi 22 // Isaiah 54

Background and synopsis

This significant chapter of Isaiah, quoted by the resurrected Savior to the descendants of Lehi 1 , prophesies of a time when the children of the Gentile nations and
returning Israelites will flood into the "tent" or covenant of Israel (3 Ne. 22:1-3). This prophecy is to be fulfilled as the Gentiles receive the gospel, take it to the
Lamanites and the rest of scattered Israel, and together build the New Jerusalem (3 Ne. 21:1-22:1). The Lord promised that the "power of heaven [will] come down
among them" and that he would be in their midst (3 Ne. 21:25; cf. 20:22). As the people repent in that day, the Lord makes a covenant that he will forgive and redeem
them like a husband who reconciles with a once rebellious and wicked wife (3 Ne. 22:4-10). Consequently a time of prosperity, peace, and protection will follow (3
Ne. 22:11-17).

Definitions

22:1 Sing, O barren, thou that didst not bear; break forth into singing, and cry aloud, thou that didst not travail with child; for more are the children of the desolate than
the children of the married wife. Imagery suggesting a great time of rejoicing when the Lord gathers and redeems his people. Apparently a large number will come from
an overlooked, forgotten, or unexpected source (the desolate), likely the Gentile nations, including lost and scattered children of Israel (cf. Isa. 49:18-22; 56:3-8).

22:1 barren. Israel in her scattered, spiri-tually unproductive state.

22:1 children of the married wife. Latter- day covenant people of the Lord.
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22:2 Enlarge the place of thy tent, and let them stretch forth the curtains of thy habi-tations; spare not, lengthen thy cords and strengthen thy stakes. The tent is made
larger to make room for those being gathered, especially as Zion is being expanded with new stakes (cf. D&C 82:14).
22:1 barren. Israel in her scattered, spiri-tually unproductive state.

22:1 children of the married wife. Latter- day covenant people of the Lord.

22:2 Enlarge the place of thy tent, and let them stretch forth the curtains of thy habi-tations; spare not, lengthen thy cords and strengthen thy stakes. The tent is made
larger to make room for those being gathered, especially as Zion is being expanded with new stakes (cf. D&C 82:14).

22:3 thy seed shall inherit the Gentiles. The Lord's people and the expanding families of Israelites, such as the Lamanites, will occupy desolate Gentile cities and even
"adopt" the Gentiles, likely by converting them to the cov-enant and making them part of Israel (cf. Abr. 2:9-10; Isa. 56:3-8).

22:4 Thou shalt forget the shame of thy youth, and shalt not remember the reproach of thy youth, and shalt not remember the reproach of thy widowhood. Referring to
that time when the people estranged themselves from God (cf. Isa. 50:1-2).

22:5-8 thy husband, the Lord of Hosts . . . hath called thee as a woman forsaken and grieved in spirit, and a wife of youth. . . . For a small moment have I forsaken
thee, but with great mercies will I gather thee. In a little wrath I hid my face from thee . . . , but with everlasting kindness will I have mercy on thee. Imagery suggesting
God will accept the gathered people back into the covenant just as a husband forgives, reconciles with, and cares for an estranged wife.

22:9 waters of Noah unto me. Suggesting that God will keep his covenants to fulfill the promises of this prophecy, just as he has kept his covenant with Noah 1 to
never destroy the earth by flood again (cf. Gen. 9:11-13).

22:11-12 lay thy stones with fair colors, and lay thy foundations with sapphires. And I will make thy windows of agates, and thy gates of carbuncles, and all thy borders
of pleasant stones. Various precious stones used as building materials in the dwelling place of the redeemed covenant people. These likely symbolize the prosperity and
choice blessings of the Lord (cf. Rev. 21:18-21).

22:16 created the smith that bloweth the coals in the fire, and that bringeth forth an instrument for his work; and I have created the waster to destroy. Imagery
bespeaking God's omnipotence, for he creates both those who makes things (the smith) and those who destroy (the waster). This imagery thus assures the people that
God can keep his promises of redemption and protection.

Latter-day applicability

Third Nephi 22 and the surrounding material (3 Ne. 20:10-23:5) present a great discourse of the Savior that offers hope and motivation to latter- day covenant people.
It assures them that as the millennial day approaches, Zion will be established, the gospel will go forth, Israel will be gathered, the city of the New Jerusalem will be
built, and Christ will reign in the midst of his people. The Lord's people are promised forgiveness, redemption, prosperity, peace, and protection. Just as he promised
that there would never be another great flood on the earth, God covenants to keep these promises with his covenant people.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Ishmael 1

Resident of Jerusalem (600 b.c.) and father of at least five daughters and two sons (1 Ne. 7:2, 6). Ishmael consented to take his family and join with Lehi 1 and his
family in the wilderness when Nephi 1 spoke "unto him the words of the Lord" (1 Ne. 7:4). Even though he may have known Lehi beforehand, Nephi recorded that
"the Lord did soften the heart of Ishmael" (1 Ne. 7:5). Nothing is recorded about Ishmael thereafter until his death at Nahom, which event was the catalyst for sorrow,
rebellion, and a renewed desire by those opposed to Lehi and Nephi to return to Jerusalem (1 Ne. 16:34-37).

The significance of Ishmael in the Book of Mormon is substantial. It was the Lord who selected Ishmael and his family to marry Lehi's children and have posterity in the
promised land (1 Ne. 7:1-2). In addition, the Prophet Joseph Smith reportedly taught that Ishmael was of the lineage of Ephraim, a son of Joseph 1 who was sold into
Egypt (Snow, 23:184). Because Lehi was of Manasseh (Alma 10:3), another son of Joseph, the intermarriage of both families conjoined these two branches of
Joseph's family. The Prophet Joseph Smith further taught that this union "thus fulfill[ed] the words of Jacob 1 upon Ephraim and Manasseh in the 48th chapter of
Genesis, which says: `And let my name be named on them, and the name of my fathers Abraham and Isaac; and let them grow into a multitude in the midst of the
earth' [Gen. 48:16]" (Snow, 23:184-85).

The descendants of Ishmael, although mentioned several times in the Book of Mormon text as a separate people, like other groups, are identified as either Nephites or
Lamanites (Jacob 1:13; Alma 47:35; 4 Ne. 1:38; Morm. 1:9).

Bibliography

Snow, Erastus. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854- 86.

Wilson, Keith J.

Ishmael 2

Grandfather of Amulek, a descendant of the Aminadi who interpreted writing on the wall of the temple "which was written by the finger of God" (Alma 10:2).

Ishmael land of

Portion of original land of Nephi over which the Lamanite Lamoni, a descendant of Ishmael, was king (Alma 17:21; ca. 90 b.c. ). Ammon 2 served here while on his
mission and helped convert Lamoni and his people (Alma 17:19, 21; 18:40; 19:33-36; 22:4). After Lamoni's conversion, he had synagogues built in the land (Alma
21:20). Later, under the threat of a Lamanite attack, Ammon and his brethren held a council in Ishmael with Lamoni and his brother, -Anti- Nephi- Lehi, to plan the
defense of the converted Lamanites who had made a covenant as part of their repentance not to fight (Alma 24:5-6). After the ensuing wars and slaughter of unarmed
converts, many Lamanites gathered to the land of Ishmael and united with "the people of God" (Alma 25:13).

The land of Ishmael is also mentioned in the account of the altercation between Lamoni and his father, mainly over Lamoni's friendship with Ammon (a Nephite) and his
intention to free Ammon's brothers from prison in Middoni. Lamoni's father commanded his son to return with him to the land of Ishmael (Alma 20:14-15).

Ishmaelites
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The descendants of Ishmael 1 . Just as the sons of Ishmael joined with Laman 1 and Lemuel in rebellion (1 Ne. 7:6; 18:9), so their descendants remained united with
the Lamanites until they were rarely distinguished from them even in name (Jacob 1:13-14; Alma 43:13; 47:35; Morm. 1:8-9). They were subject to the same
judgments that fell upon the Lamanites (Alma 3:7), but they would also eventually partake of the restoration of the gospel of Jesus Christ with them (D&C 3:18-19).
intention to free Ammon's brothers from prison in Middoni. Lamoni's father commanded his son to return with him to the land of Ishmael (Alma 20:14-15).

Ishmaelites

The descendants of Ishmael 1 . Just as the sons of Ishmael joined with Laman 1 and Lemuel in rebellion (1 Ne. 7:6; 18:9), so their descendants remained united with
the Lamanites until they were rarely distinguished from them even in name (Jacob 1:13-14; Alma 43:13; 47:35; Morm. 1:8-9). They were subject to the same
judgments that fell upon the Lamanites (Alma 3:7), but they would also eventually partake of the restoration of the gospel of Jesus Christ with them (D&C 3:18-19).

Isles of the sea

A phrase that refers to the locations of scattered covenant people, "isles of the sea" appears initially in the prophecies of Isaiah (1 Ne. 21:8; cf. Isa. 49:8) and Zenos (1
Ne. 19:10, 12, 16). One finds prophecies about people on the isles of the sea only in the writings and sermons of Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 22:4; 2 Ne. 29:7) and his brother
Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 10:8, 21).

God's scattering of his people onto "the isles of the sea" and elsewhere (1 Ne. 22:4; cf. 21:1) held interest for Nephi and Jacob because they understood their people
to be among those whom the Lord had preserved by leading them from their homeland to "an isle of the sea" (2 Ne. 10:20). Because they felt uprooted themselves
(Jacob 7:26), they looked forward to the day when the Lord would restore their people to their rightful place (1 Ne. 19:16; 2 Ne. 10:7-8).

Brown, S. Kent

Israel concept of

Israel was the new name given Jacob 1 , the son of Isaac and the grandson of Abraham (Gen. 32:28). Pronounced Yisrael in Hebrew, the name combines two roots
sara (persevere, persist) and el (god), and it literally means "let God prevail." Ideally, a true Israelite is one who both recognizes the "prevailing of God" and also
"prevails with God" through earnest prayer and covenant righteousness. The term Israel (or Israelite ) as found in the scriptures has three main contexts and can refer to
a descendant of the man Israel, the land where the Israelites lived, or a covenant people whose obedience empowers them to prevail together with God in
righteousness. Lineage Israel are the descendants of Israel/Jacob. As the blood of Israel, they are often identified as a member of one of the tribes of Israel (Num. 2).
The Jews are the most identifiable remnant of Israel's lineage on the earth today. The Book of Mormon title page states that the Nephites and Lamanites were also
remnants of Israel and many divine promises were recorded for them by the Book of Mormon prophets. Most references to Israel in the Book of Mormon relate to the
lineage or house of Israel.

Land Israel is the territory in biblical times variously called the land of Canaan, Israel, Judah/Judea, or the Holy Land. It is now mostly encompassed in the modern
State of Israel. Many special promises are recorded in the scriptures concerning the land of Israel and its inhabitants (e.g., Gen. 17:7-8; 3 Ne. 20:29-38; Ether 13:11).
Similar promises concerning a new land of promise (America) are recorded for the Book of Mormon peoples (e.g., 2 Ne. 1:3-11; 3 Ne. 20:14, 21-22).

Covenant Israel includes those who are true believers of the Lord Jesus Christ, regardless of lineage or geographical location. Nephi 1 was taught that those who would
not harden their hearts against Jesus Christ would eventually be numbered among the covenant people of Israel (1 Ne. 14:2). Gentiles who come unto Christ are also a
part of covenant Israel (3 Ne. 21:6); however, those of the lineage of Israel who do not repent, follow the Lord, and honor their covenants will be cut off from the
house of Israel (2 Ne. 30:1-2; 3 Ne. 20:23-25; cf. 21:20; Rom. 2:25-29). Covenant Israelites are the true heirs to the great promises given to Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob. Thus, the blessings promised to the patriarch Israel may be passed on to his descendants and to the inhabitants of the land of Israel, but the ultimate fulfillment of
Israel's blessings will be enjoyed by all of covenant Israel.

See also Abrahamic covenant; Adoption; Israel, covenants unto; Israel, gathering of; Israel, numbered among; Israel, scattering of; Joseph 1 , covenants unto.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Israel covenants unto

The Lord's covenants with Israel are founded upon four promises given to Abraham: (1) that Abraham's seed would grow and continue forever (Gen. 17:4-9), (2) that
his posterity would inherit lands of promise (Gen. 13:14-15), (3) that his descendants would hold the priesthood and enjoy its blessings (Abr. 1:18; 2:11), and (4) that
through his seed "shall all families of the earth be blessed" (Gen. 12:3; cf. 1 Ne. 15:18; Gal. 3:8). As a part of blessing the families of the earth, the Lord promised
Abraham that his seed would eventually carry the gospel to all nations (Abr. 2:9, 11).

Later prophets confirmed these Abrahamic blessings to the house of Israel and prophesied how they would be fulfilled. Moses and Joshua taught the Israelites the
conditions upon which these blessings are predicated (Deut. 5-6; 28-30; Josh. 23-24). Isaiah prophesied concerning the covenant blessings of Israel and stressed that
they must live worthily to receive them (Isa. 48-52; 1 Ne. 20-21; 2 Ne. 7-8; 3 Ne. 20). As recorded in the Book of Mormon, the Lord promised that in the last days
all the promises to Israel would be fulfilled (3 Ne. 20:12; 23:1-3). The Book of Mormon not only provides additional prophetic teachings about the Lord's covenants
with Israel but also indicates its own key role in presenting the covenant concepts of the gospel to the world in the latter days.

The Book of Mormon, as its title page proclaims, plays a special role in recording the Lord's covenants with Israel. First, this work of scripture shows unto the house of
Israel "what great things the Lord hath done for their fathers" as it demonstrates the Lord's promises which have already been fulfilled. It also reaffirms to Israel those
covenants which are yet to be fulfilled, "that they may know the covenants of the Lord, that they are not cast off forever" (cf. 3 Ne. 15:4-8).

The resurrected Savior taught about God's covenants with Israel in three major public sermons recorded in the Book of Mormon. The first sermon, similar to the
Sermon on the Mount (Matt. 5-7), began with a covenant, or contract, between Christ and his New World followers wherein the Lord promised particular blessings,
and rewards for those who develop and demonstrate certain Christlike behaviors and attitudes (3 Ne. 12:1-12 // Matt. 5:1-12). The Savior's second sermon, found in
3 Nephi 15-16, could be referred to as "The Law and Covenant Discourse." In it, Jesus declared that he was the one who gave the law to Moses and that he also was
the one who covenanted with his people of the house of Israel (3 Ne. 15:5). Further, he clarified that "the covenant which I have made with my people is not all fulfilled;
but the law which was given unto Moses hath an end in me" (3 Ne. 15:8). He then spoke of some important elements of the covenant remaining to be fulfilled.
Continuing his teachings the next day, the Savior delivered his third sermon, which could be called "The Covenant People Discourse" (3 Ne. 20:10-23:5). Christ
devoted much of this sermon to enumerating to Israel those blessings which would be restored to them in the last days. He promised that as Israel proved faithful, the
remnants of Israel would be gathered from the world to their various lands of inheritance. In fact, additional lands of inheritance were promised the house of Israel in the
Americas (3 Ne. 20:22). As the Book of Mormon itself would come forth from the Gentiles to the Lamanites in the latter days, it would be the Lord's special sign to
Israel that these covenant promises have already begun to be fulfilled (3 Ne. 21:1-7).

This sacred record, with its covenant teachings, signs, and promises, is one reason why various Book of Mormon prophets sought and obtained the promise that their
writings
 Copyrightwould   be preservedInfobase
             (c) 2005-2009,     (e.g., Enos 1:13-18;
                                         Media  Corp.cf. D&C 3:19-20). The Book of Mormon is God's instrument not just in instructing Israel and testifying  Page 678 to the /world
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but also in fulfilling the prophecy to the house of Israel that through their seed "all the kindreds of the earth [shall] be blessed," as this scripture helps bring souls to
salvation through a covenant relationship with the Lord Jesus Christ (1 Ne. 15:18; 5:17-19; 6:4; 22:8-12; 2 Ne. 3:12, 23; 25:17, 18, 23; 30:3-8; Alma 37:1-20).
Israel that these covenant promises have already begun to be fulfilled (3 Ne. 21:1-7).

This sacred record, with its covenant teachings, signs, and promises, is one reason why various Book of Mormon prophets sought and obtained the promise that their
writings would be preserved (e.g., Enos 1:13-18; cf. D&C 3:19-20). The Book of Mormon is God's instrument not just in instructing Israel and testifying to the world
but also in fulfilling the prophecy to the house of Israel that through their seed "all the kindreds of the earth [shall] be blessed," as this scripture helps bring souls to
salvation through a covenant relationship with the Lord Jesus Christ (1 Ne. 15:18; 5:17-19; 6:4; 22:8-12; 2 Ne. 3:12, 23; 25:17, 18, 23; 30:3-8; Alma 37:1-20).

See also Abrahamic covenant; Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to show unto the remnant of the House of Israel what great things the Lord hath done for their
fathers; Covenant(s); Israel, historical background of; Israel, house of; Joseph 1 , covenants unto.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Israel gathering of

Anciently God made a covenant with Abraham, promising him the blessings of the gospel and the priesthood, a numerous posterity, and specific lands for inheritance.
The covenant also included the responsibility to bear the gospel message to all nations so that all of God's children could be blessed (Abr. 2:6-11). The Abrahamic
covenant was passed on through Abraham's son Isaac and grandson Jacob (Gen. 26:3-4; 28:3-4). Thus Jacob's posterity, known as the house of Jacob, house of
Israel, or simply Israel, were partakers of these covenant blessings and responsibilities. After Joshua led the children of Israel into the promised land, he divided the
land and gave portions to each of Jacob's sons. Throughout Israel's history in the promised land, prophets warned the Israelites that if they turned away from Jehovah,
they would be removed from the land and lose their covenant blessings. Israel ultimately rejected the words of the prophets and hardened their hearts against the "Holy
One of Israel." This brought the Lord's condemnation and Israel's scattering among all nations (1 Ne. 19:13-14; 22:4-5; 2 Ne. 6:8-11; 10:5-6; Hel. 7:17-19). They
were scattered not only from their lands but also from their Lord and those associations, covenants, and ordinances that lead to salvation.

In addition to prophecies of scattering, destruction, captivity, and lost promises, prophets foretold of a day of restoration-a day when scattered Israel would come back
to their God, and the covenant would be reestablished (1 Ne. 22:7-12; 2 Ne. 10:6-7; 3 Ne. 5:24-26; Isa. 11:10-16; Ezek. 36-37). They would be blessed,
prospered, and eventually gathered back to the land of their inheritance.

The beginning of the gathering of the house of Israel in the latter days

The restoration of the fulness of the gospel through the Prophet Joseph Smith is in fact the restoration of the Abrahamic covenant. Through this restoration Deity
renewed for the Latter- day Saints all he promised to the former- day Saints (D&C 132:29-; Abr. 2:8-11). Nephi 1 pro-ph-esied that in a "mighty nation among the
Gentiles" God would restore "his covenants and his gospel" and thus renew the promises made to his ancient covenant people. The dispensation of the fulness of times
is therefore designated as that day in which the Father will "make bare his arm in the eyes of the nations," that is, he will demonstrate his infinite power to gather his
children throughout the earth (1 Ne. 22:7-12). Jacob 2 testified that "the Messiah will set himself again the second time to recover" his chosen people (2 Ne. 6:14; cf.
21:11 // Isa. 11:11). Indeed, the work of restoration in the last days would be that "marvelous work and a wonder" foreseen by Isaiah whereby the Lord Jehovah
would "set his hand again the second time to restore his people from their lost and fallen state" (2 Ne. 25:17; cf. 29:1; Isa. 29:14).

The work of gathering thus began at the time the Church was organized in April of 1830. That work was formalized on 3 April 1836 in the Kirtland Temple through the
bestowal by Moses of priesthood keys associated with the gathering of Israel (D&C 110:11). The Lord had explained earlier that "Israel shall be saved in mine own
due time; and by the keys which I have given shall they be led, and no more be confounded at all" (D&C 35:25).

How Israel is gathered

The gathering of Israel consists of coming unto Christ, joining the true church, and gathering or congregating with the people of the covenant. Whenever the people of
God "no more turn aside their hearts against the Holy One of Israel" (1 Ne. 19:15), when they "come to the knowledge of . . . their Redeemer" and his gospel, they are
gathered (1 Ne. 10:14; 15:14-15).

The Book of Mormon teaches that the gathering of Israel is a two- fold process: spiritual and temporal, in that order. Israel is gathered, first, to Jesus Christ through
gospel covenants and, second, to a place (2 Ne. 6:8-11; 10:3-8; 3 Ne. 5:23-26). In this regard, Mormon testified, "And as surely as the Lord liveth, will he gather in
from the four quarters of the earth all the remnant of the seed of Jacob, who are scattered abroad upon all the face of the earth. . . . And then shall they know their
Redeemer, who is Jesus Christ, the Son of God; and then shall they be gathered in from the four quarters of the earth unto their own lands, from whence they have
been dispersed" (3 Ne. 5:24, 26; cf. 2 Ne. 10:7). Although some branches of Israel will physically move to lands promised them anciently (e.g., 3 Ne. 20:29; Ether
13:11), generally, baptized converts gather to meet and worship in the stakes and wards where they reside. President Spencer W. Kimball taught that "any person . . .
who has accepted the restored gospel, and who now seeks to worship the Lord in his own tongue and with the Saints in the nations where he lives, has complied with
the law of the gathering of Israel and is heir to all of the blessings promised the Saints in these last days" (439; cf. McConkie, Millennial, 193-205).

Thus, in principle, the gathering of the house of Israel is not just the gathering of the Jews, Lehi's descendants, or some other specific tribe, branch, or remnant of Israel.
It is the gathering of all people to Christ and to the covenants and ordinances which bring salvation. The Lord admonished latter- day Gentiles to "come unto me, and
be baptized in my name, that ye may receive a remission of your sins, and be filled with the Holy Ghost, that ye may be numbered with my people who are of the house
of Israel" (3 Ne. 30:2; cf. 21:22; Gal. 3:27-29). Therefore, regardless of genealogical descent, people are gathered (numbered with Israel) through missionary work, as
they accept the first principles and ordinances of the gospel and thereafter the ordinances of the temple (Smith, 307-8; Kimball, 438-39; McConkie, Millennial, 193-
205).

The Gentiles and the gathering of Israel

The Book of Mormon teaches that it would be through the "fulness of the Gentiles" that Israel would be gathered. This means that the fulness of the gospel would be
restored to the Gentiles and the Gentiles would take the gospel to Israel scattered throughout the world (1 Ne. 15:13-18; cf. 10:14; 21:22; 22:8-12; 2 Ne. 10:8;
Morm. 5:10). The Lord promised, "Behold, I will lift up mine hand to the Gentiles, and set up my standard to the people; and they shall bring thy sons in their arms, and
thy daughters shall be carried upon their shoulders" (1 Ne. 21:22). The standard God would establish among the Gentiles is the restored gospel of Jesus Christ, the
"marvelous work." And carrying Israel in Gentile arms and upon Gentile shoulders is a metaphor for the tender and loving work Gentiles would perform in gathering
Israel (1 Ne. 22:8). These latter- day Gentiles who would receive the restored gospel are really Israelites by lineal descent but Gentiles by culture. For example, Joseph
Smith was a descendant of Joseph of Egypt (2 Ne. 3:7, 14-15), but he was a Gentile by culture and nationality. This truth, that the gospel was restored to literal
descendants of the house of Israel, accords with the Lord's proclamation that it would be through the seed of Abraham that all the world would be blessed, "even with
the blessings of the Gospel, which are the blessings of salvation" (Abr. 2:11).

Because Israel was scattered among the nations of the Gentiles, and because for centuries these scattered remnants of Israel intermarried with Gentiles, the blood of
Israel can be found in all nations of the earth. Most of the gathering of Israel since the Restoration has been from Gentile nations. These converts, primarily Gentiles by
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culture      (c) 2005-2009,
        but Israelites        Infobase
                       by descent,       Mediato
                                   are brought   Corp.                                                                                                 Page 679 / 919
                                                  the knowledge of their Israelite heritage through restored gospel teachings and patriarchal blessings.

A remnant of the lost tribes of Israel-the tribe of Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh)been the predominant tribe gathered since the beginning of the Restoration. Modern
the blessings of the Gospel, which are the blessings of salvation" (Abr. 2:11).

Because Israel was scattered among the nations of the Gentiles, and because for centuries these scattered remnants of Israel intermarried with Gentiles, the blood of
Israel can be found in all nations of the earth. Most of the gathering of Israel since the Restoration has been from Gentile nations. These converts, primarily Gentiles by
culture but Israelites by descent, are brought to the knowledge of their Israelite heritage through restored gospel teachings and patriarchal blessings.

A remnant of the lost tribes of Israel-the tribe of Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh)been the predominant tribe gathered since the beginning of the Restoration. Modern
reve-lation teaches that eventually the remainder of the returning tribes of Israel will "fall down and be crowned with glory, even in Zion, by the hands of the servants of
the Lord, even the children of Ephraim" (D&C 133:32).

The gathering of Lehi's descendants

Lehi's descendants have begun to gather to the gospel standard in great numbers. Nephi prophesied, "And the gospel of Jesus Christ shall be declared among them . . .
and their scales of darkness shall begin to fall from their eyes; and many generations shall not pass away among them, save they shall be a pure and a delightsome
people" (2 Ne. 30:4-6). Moreover, "they shall come to the knowledge of their Redeemer and the very points of his doctrine, that they may know how to come unto
him and be saved. And then at that day [Nephi asked] will they not rejoice and give praise unto their everlasting God, their rock and their salvation? . . . Behold, I say
unto you, Yea; they shall be remembered again among the house of Israel; they shall be grafted in, being a natural branch of the olive- tree, into the true olive- tree" (1
Ne. 15:14-18).

The gathering of the Jews

Nephi spoke of a time when the "the Jews which are scattered also shall begin to believe in Christ; and they shall begin to gather in upon the face of the land; and as
many as shall believe in Christ shall also become a delightsome people" (2 Ne. 30:7). That is, one of a house and two of a city from among the Jews shall be converted
before the Lord's coming, but the great day of Jewish conversion will not come until the second coming of Christ, after Christ appears on the Mount of Olives (D&C
45:48-53; Zech. 12:9-10; 13:6; McConkie, Millennial, 228-29). And as it is with all other branches of Israel, their gathering will be first to Christ and his gospel, and
then to the lands of their inheritance (2 Ne. 6:8-11; 10:3-8; 20:29-33). Concerning the Jews, the Lord said that "when the day cometh that they shall believe in me, that
I am Christ, then have I covenanted with their fathers that they shall be restored in the flesh, upon the earth, unto the lands of their inheritance" (2 Ne. 10:7; cf. 6:11;
25:16-17; 3 Ne. 20:29-39). In this process they will receive the testimony of the restored gospel (Morm. 3:21), be "restored to the true church and fold of God" (2
Ne. 9:2; cf. McConkie, New Witness, 511, 519-20, 564-65), and be washed in the blood of the Lamb (Ether 13:11). Thus the physical gathering of Jews to the Holy
Land during the last century, although a part of the overall plan for God's covenant people, is pre-paratory to the complete gathering.

The millennial gathering of the scattered tribes of Israel

The great work of gathering Israel began with the restoration of the gospel through the Prophet Joseph Smith (1 Ne. 22:3-12). This gathering will continue to the time
of the second coming of Christ and reach its zenith during his millennial reign. Concerning the millennial gathering, Jesus taught that after his coming (3 Ne. 21:25) the
work of the Father-the work of the gathering of Israel-will commence (2 Ne. 30:7-15; 3 Ne. 21:26). It will "commence" in the sense that the gathering and conversions
during the millennial day of peace and righteousness will eclipse all previous gathering. Inasmuch as the tribe of Joseph is one of the ten northern tribes, having been
scattered among the nations for generations (1 Ne. 22:3-5; Morm. 3:17-18), missionaries have, in a sense, been gathering the lost tribes since the beginning of this
dispen-sation. It is during the Millennium, however, that a large part of the lost tribes will be gathered: "And then," said Jesus, "shall the work of the Father commence
at that day . . . among all the dispersed of my people, yea, even the tribes which have been lost, which the Father hath led away out of Jerusalem" (3 Ne. 21:25-26; cf.
D&C 133:20-34; McConkie, Millennial, 322-26).

The Book of Mormon and the gathering of the house of Israel

The Book of Mormon is a vital element in the gathering of Israel. First, it defines the gathering and sets forth unmistakably what the chosen and scattered remnants of
Jacob must do to return to their God. Second, the Book of Mormon, a vital key to conversion, is the vehicle, the means whereby people are gathered (Benson, 35).
Individuals and congregations will be led to Christ and his restored gospel through the Book of Mormon (Morm. 3:17-21). This singular volume is the fulfillment of the
ancient prophecy that righteousness would be sent down from heaven and truth would spring forth "out of the earth" to bear witness of the Redeemer, of his
resurrection and atonement (Ps. 85:11; Moses 7:62). As Latter- day Saints share the Book of Mormon, Israel will be redeemed and gathered home. Other than the
central message that Jesus is the Christ, the Eternal God, who manifests himself to all nations (2 Ne. 26:12; Title Page), no doctrinal thread weaves itself more
consistently through the tapestry of the Book of Mormon than God's tender regard for the house of Israel. The mission and destiny of the Lord's chosen people are
inextricably tied to the destiny of the earth and its inhabitants (3 Ne. 23:1-2; Morm. 5:10; Deut. 32:8). Just as the scattering of Israel symbolizes the Fall and the effects
of alienation from things of righteousness, so also does the gathering of Israel typify and thus testify of the power of the Atonement, the power of the Almighty to gather
and restore and reconcile and embrace his chosen people, the family of God (2 Ne. 9:1-4). The prophets of the Book of Mormon thus remind "the remnant of the
House of Israel" of "what great things the Lord hath done for their fathers," and of "the covenants of the Lord" that Jehovah made with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. This
unusual volume of scripture extends the comforting assurance to latter- day Israel that "they are not cast off forever" (Title Page).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to be a sign of the Father's work; Fulness of the Gentiles; Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Israel,
concept of; Israel, historical background of; Israel, lost tribes of; Israel, numbered among; Israel, scattering of; Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning; Jews,
history of; Lamanites, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. A Witness and a Warning. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Kimball, Spencer W. The Teachings of Spencer W. Kimball. Edited by Edward L. Kimball. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1982.

McConkie, Bruce R. The Millennial Messiah: The Second Coming of the Son of Man. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982.

--- . A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Compiled by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Millet, Robert L.

Israel historical background of
 Copyright with
Familiarity (c) 2005-2009,
                 the historicalInfobase Media
                                 background     Corp. Israel is beneficial, even essential for students of the Book of Mormon for many reasons, including
                                            of ancient                                                                                               Page the 680   / 919
                                                                                                                                                              following: (1)
so readers can appreciate the historical context in which the Lehites and Mulekites originated; (2) because the Book of Mormon prophets presupposed that their
people (and latter- day readers of their records) were familiar with the Hebrew scriptures (the Christian Old Testament) and Israelite history as they refer to the
Millet, Robert L.

Israel historical background of

Familiarity with the historical background of ancient Israel is beneficial, even essential for students of the Book of Mormon for many reasons, including the following: (1)
so readers can appreciate the historical context in which the Lehites and Mulekites originated; (2) because the Book of Mormon prophets presupposed that their
people (and latter- day readers of their records) were familiar with the Hebrew scriptures (the Christian Old Testament) and Israelite history as they refer to the
Israelite Exodus from Egypt, the existence of ten "lost tribes" of Israel, and so on (e.g., 1 Ne. 17); (3) because the writings of Isaiah, employed extensively by Nephi 1 ,
make regular reference to ancient Israel and its neighbors in the ancient Near Eastern world (the modern Middle East); (4) so readers can appreciate the conditions of
"the Jews," the branch of the house of Israel which remained in the Near East and Mediterranean area, of whom Nephi, in particular, had much to say; (5) because
Jesus experienced his mortal ministry in the land of Israel and then, as the resurrected Lord, visited Lehite- Mulekite descendants in the Americas and made reference
to past Israelite prophets and contemporary Jews in the land of Israel; and (6) because understanding the dispersion or scattering of Israel is prerequisite for
appreciating the magnitude of the gathering occurring in the latter days.

The following historical overview of the Israelite people begins with Abraham and Sarah (the grandparents of Jacob/Israel; ca. 2000 b.c. ), and extends into the early
Christian and rabbinic Jewish periods (ca. a.d. 200). It is divided into the time periods identified on the accompanying table.

Although the events narrated in the Bible are presented in a historical framework, there are many challenges to studying the history of Israel. These include (1) the
authors and editors of the biblical books were not interested in history per se but in relating the unfolding of the Lord's work in the course of history (similar to
Mormon's efforts), so their emphasis on events with a positive or negative religious component often results in the omission of other infor-mation that would be valuable
in reconstructing the history of Israel with greater precision; (2) no person in the Hebrew Bible is mentioned in known, contemporary nonbiblical texts until the mid-
800s b.c. , more than a century after king David's death, meaning that readers are entirely dependent on the Bible and the "mute evidence" of archaeology for their
evidence of all people and events prior to that time; and (3) there are certain discrepancies among the chronological data contained in the Hebrew Bible, between data
in the Hebrew Bible and various ancient translations of the Bible, and between biblical data and nonbiblical documentary sources from the ancient Near East. None of
these challenges, however, thwarts one's ability to understand the general picture and much of the detail of Israelite history. Furthermore, archaeological discoveries,
both inscriptions and artifacts, generally validate Israelite history as depicted in the Bible.

Ca. 2000-1500 b.c.

The time of the Patriarchs-Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and their families-covers most of the first half of the second millennium b.c. Abraham and Sarah were descendants
of Noah 1's son Shem and natives of Mesopotamia (modern Iraq and northern Syria ). Jehovah initiated a covenant relationship with Abraham while he lived in Ur,
before his marriage to Sarah (Abr. 1:17-19; 2:1; Abraham's Ur was probably located in northern Mesopotamia, distinct from the Ur in southern Mesopotamia; Bible
Map 9). At Jehovah's command their journey of faith began as they departed Ur for Haran, in northern Syria, sometime after 2000 b.c. (Gen. 11:27-32; Abr. 2:1-5).
During their stay in Haran, Jehovah renewed and expanded his covenant with Abraham and Sarah and directed them to relocate southward to the land of Canaan
(Gen. 12:1-6; Abr. 2:6-16; e.g., 1 Ne. 15:18; 22:9). Their movement along the Fertile Crescent was part of a larger migration of Semites known as Amorites during
this time period. Politically, Canaan consisted of a number of small city- states rather than a unified nation. Here Abraham and Sarah interacted with many of the
peoples of the land but lived mainly on the outskirts of the cities. They built altars and worshipped at various locales, including Bethel and Mamre (near Hebron), in
effect laying religious claim to the land for future generations of descendants to whom the Lord had promised it as part of the Abrahamic covenant (Gen. 12-23). All the
while, Jehovah continued to interact with Abraham and his family (Gen. 15; 17; 22).

Isaac, the son of Sarah and Abraham through whom the primary covenant line was established, was born and raised in Canaan. Rebekah, a relative, was brought from
Haran to be his wife (Gen. 24). Of Isaac and Rebekah's twin sons, Jacob 1 ultimately received the birthright over Esau. Jehovah appeared to Jacob several times,
designating him as the one through whom the family covenant of salvation he had established with Abraham and Sarah would continue (Gen. 25-28). To escape his
brother's subsequent anger and to find an appropriate bride, Jacob journeyed to his ancestral homeland, Haran. He married Leah, then Rachel (his first love), and then
their two handmaids, Bilhah and Zilpah (Gen. 29-30). When Jacob returned to Canaan some years later, his family included his wives, twelve sons, and at least one
daughter (Dinah). Jacob renewed his covenant with the Lord, his name was changed to Israel, and he and Esau reconciled their differences (Gen. 31-35). Jehovah
became known as the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, because of this covenant relationship with these families (e.g., Ex. 3:6; 1 Ne. 6:4; Mosiah 23:23). As a result
of family tensions produced when Jacob and Rachel's son Joseph 1 shared his prophetic dreams with his family, Joseph was sold into slavery in Egypt by his older
brothers (Gen. 37). The domination of northern Egypt by the Hyksos, non- Egyptians (mainly Amorites) who had migrated into the Nile delta area and who exercised
control from ca. 1700-1550 b.c. , is probably the historical context in which Jehovah arranged Joseph's rise to power in Egypt. Through his position Joseph was able
to preserve his family from the effects of a famine in Canaan as they relocated to northeastern Egypt. The family's move to Egypt was per-manent: Jacob and eventually
all his children died there (Gen. 39-50). As noted above, the Bible is presently the sole source for knowledge about these people and their experiences.

Ca. 1500-1000 b.c.

The Egyptians reclaimed control over all Egypt ca. 1550, depriving the Hyksos of power. This resurgence of native Egyptian power cul-minated in the creation of an
empire that included the land of Canaan through the 1300s b.c. (Bible Map 9). This was most likely the time of the Egyptian oppression of the Israelites in Egypt (Ex.
1). As this oppression became more severe, the Lord prepared a deliverer for his covenant people. Born to an Israelite mother but reared in the household of an
Egyptian king, Moses had to flee to Midian to preserve his life. There he married and received his divine call to help deliver Israel from Egypt (Ex. 2-4). Many years
earlier Jacob's son Joseph had prophesied of Moses and his mission (JST Gen. 50; 2 Ne. 3).

Certain biblical chronological data place the Israelite exodus from Egypt in the mid-1400s b.c. , although various historical evidence has led scholars to prefer a date in
the early to mid-1200s. The Bible relates how Moses and Aaron confronted an unnamed Egyptian pharaoh who pursued the Israelites into the parted Red Sea as they
left Egypt and journeyed to meet Jehovah at Mt. Sinai (Ex. 5-14; 1 Ne. 4:2; 17:26-30; Bible Map 2). Having manifested his power over the Egyptians and over nature,
Jehovah manifested his power at Sinai-"mount Sinai was altogether on a smoke, because the Lord descended upon it in fire . . . and the whole mount quaked
greatly" (Ex. 19:18)-pronouncing the Ten Command-ments to all the Israelites (Ex. 19-20; Deut. 5; cf. Mosiah 12:33-37; 13:15-24). After the golden calf incident
signaled the Israelites' unwillingness and unpreparedness to receive the higher laws and ordinances of the gospel , Jehovah gave the Israelites the law of Moses ,
including the preparatory gospel (Ex. 32-34; cf. JST Ex. 34:1-2; D&C 84:23-27; 1 Ne. 4:15; 5:11). It was also at Sinai that the tabernacle was constructed and that
the Levites were chosen, organized and trained in their priesthood duties, with Moses' brother Aaron 1 as their high priest, all according to the Lord's will as revealed
to Moses (Ex. 25-31; 35-40).

The powerful combination of Jehovah's redemption of the Israelites from the bondage of Egypt (celebrated in the holiday of Passover) and his initiation of a renewed
covenant relationship with them at Sinai provided the basis for the Israelites' relationship with the Lord as they entered their promised land to claim at least some of the
blessings of the Abrahamic covenant. Later Israelite prophets in the Bible and in the Book of Mormon drew on the saving symbolism of this pivotal episode in the
history of Israel (e.g., Hosea 11:1; Amos 2:10; 3:1-2; Ezek. 20:5-12; 1 Ne. 17:40-42). Following the Israelites' faithless response to the report of twelve spies that
Moses sent to reconnoiter the land of Canaan, Jehovah condemned that generation of Israelites to wander and die in the wilderness (Num. 13-14). Sometime later,
"the Lord sent fiery [or poisonous] serpents among the people," because of their continuing resistance to the Lord and Moses (Num. 21:5-9). Several Book of
 Copyright
Mormon       (c) 2005-2009,
          prophets            Infobase
                     taught that         Media
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                                            serpent                                                                                                    PageHel.
                                                    that Moses made and raised as an antidote to the snake bites was a type of Christ (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:41;       681   / 919
                                                                                                                                                                   8:14-15).
About forty years after Jehovah gave Israel his law at Mt. Sinai, Moses was translated near Mt. Nebo but not before warning the Israelites that the Lord, who was
shortly going to bring them in to the land of Canaan/Israel, would not allow their posterity to remain in the promised land if they violated their covenant relationship
blessings of the Abrahamic covenant. Later Israelite prophets in the Bible and in the Book of Mormon drew on the saving symbolism of this pivotal episode in the
history of Israel (e.g., Hosea 11:1; Amos 2:10; 3:1-2; Ezek. 20:5-12; 1 Ne. 17:40-42). Following the Israelites' faithless response to the report of twelve spies that
Moses sent to reconnoiter the land of Canaan, Jehovah condemned that generation of Israelites to wander and die in the wilderness (Num. 13-14). Sometime later,
"the Lord sent fiery [or poisonous] serpents among the people," because of their continuing resistance to the Lord and Moses (Num. 21:5-9). Several Book of
Mormon prophets taught that the bronze serpent that Moses made and raised as an antidote to the snake bites was a type of Christ (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:41; Hel. 8:14-15).
About forty years after Jehovah gave Israel his law at Mt. Sinai, Moses was translated near Mt. Nebo but not before warning the Israelites that the Lord, who was
shortly going to bring them in to the land of Canaan/Israel, would not allow their posterity to remain in the promised land if they violated their covenant relationship
(Deut. 29; 34; Bible Map 2; cf. 2 Ne. 1:5-10).

Jehovah chose Joshua to lead the new gener-ation of Israelites across the Jordan River into the land of Canaan (Josh. 1-4; cf. 1 Ne. 17:32). The conquest and
displacement of Canaanites under Joshua's leadership gave the Israelites control of the north- south ridge of hill country in the land of Canaan but left the Canaanites in
control of the major valleys and the coastal plain. The book of Joshua and Judges chapter one report the Israelite conquest of Canaan and the allotment of territories to
the various tribes. Although there is disagreement over the date of the Exodus and Conquest (ca. 1440/1400 or ca. 1270/1230 b.c.) , by the end of the thirteenth
century b.c. Canaan had slipped from Egyptian control and the Israelites were established in the land. Israel's neighbors were also establishing themselves during this
general time period: the Semitic Edomites, Moabites, and Ammonites (in what is modern Jordan; ca. 1300 b.c. ), and the non- Semitic Philistines, with origins in the
Aegean area, settling along the southeastern Mediterranean coastal plain (Bible Maps 3, 10; ca. 1200 b.c ). The earliest nonbiblical reference to the Israelites occurs in
a victory hymn from the Egyptian king Merneptah, dating ca. 1210 b.c. , which includes the baseless boast that he had destroyed the Israelites in the land of Canaan
(Pritchard, 376-78).

The two centuries following the Israelite settlement in Canaan (ca. 1220-1020 b.c.) are designated the period of the judges, as outlined in the biblical book of the same
name. These "judges," including Ehud, Deborah, Gideon, and Samson, are mainly depicted as military leaders for different Israelite tribes or combinations of tribes, not
as judicial or political officials as in the Book of Mormon. The Bible indicates that these judges were chosen by the Lord to lead Israelites in military action to deliver
them from subjection to various neighboring peoples. This subjection, attributed to Israelite unfaithfulness, produced repentance and appeals for deliverance, inducing
Jehovah to provide judges to assist in freeing Israel. Generally, a period of peace was followed by another slide into apostasy and the pattern would repeat itself (e.g.,
Judg. 3). While the Israelites were connected through genealogy and religion, the book of Judges mentions no national political organi-zation in Israel during this time.
Kinship provided a major means of organization in this patriarchal society: tribes, clans, extended families. Although annual holidays were celebrated at the tabernacle,
legitimate prophets and priests receive little mention in the book of Judges. The main religious challenge for the Israelites of this era was the lure of Canaanite deities,
especially Baal and Asherah. Most Israelites did not totally abandon the worship of Jehovah, but many corrupted it with concepts and practices borrowed from the
Canaanites and by worshipping other deities in addition to Jehovah. Although some Israelites were involved in military, religious, or mercantile occupations, the vast
majority of Israelites were engaged in the subsistence occupations of agriculture and animal husbandry, a situation that continued through the biblical era.

By the eleventh century b.c. pressures from neighboring peoples, especially the Philistines, encouraged some Israelites to press for the creation of an Israelite monarchy,
rather than recognizing Jehovah as their only king. The Lord instructed Samuel 1 , the last judge and the leading prophet of this period, to warn Israel about the
consequences of kingship but then allowed him to institute monarchic rule (1 Sam. 8; cf. Mosiah 29:16-23). Israelite kingship ideally was to function as an extension of
Jehovah's rule of his people. The king himself was subject to, not above, Israelite law, which had its basis in the law Jehovah revealed at Sinai. Unfortunately, this ideal
was rarely approached. Samuel anointed Saul, a Benjamite, as the first king of Israel in the latter part of the eleventh century. His capital was his home town, Gibeah
(Bible Map 4). Although initially successful, Saul fell out of favor with the Lord, and a young Bethlehemite named David, who had been anointed by Samuel to become
king some time before he faced the Philistine Goliath, rose to prominence in the army of king Saul (1 Sam. 9-19).

Ca. 1000-500 b.c.

Several years after David was anointed by Samuel to become king, Saul and three of his sons were killed fighting the Philistines (1 Sam. 31; ca. 1011 b.c. ). The tribe
of Judah chose David as its ruler. Saul's general and cousin, Abner, supported Saul's remaining son Ish- bosheth as a puppet ruler of the northern tribes of Israel, but
seven years later David became king of all Israel and captured the city of Jerusalem from the Jebusites, making it his new capital (2 Sam. 1-5). A relative power
vacuum in the ancient Near East, coupled with David's energy and ability and the Lord's favor, allowed David to expand Israelite control over most of Israel's
neighbors and collect tribute that greatly enriched the kingdom (Bible Map 4). Jehovah covenanted with David to establish David's descendants as rulers of Israel
forever (2 Sam. 7). David's posterity did indeed rule in Jerusalem for almost four centuries, but ultimately this promise will be fulfilled in the millennial reign of the Lord
(e.g., Isa. 9:7 // 2 Ne. 19:7; Ezek. 37:22-26). The Bible depicts David as a king who was always loyal to Jehovah, whose heart was never swayed to worship other
gods; however, there were episodes which tarnished this golden age of Israel, including David's infidelity with Bathsheba and subsequent complicity in the death of
Uriah and the family problems that plagued the latter years of his rule, including the rebellion of his son Absalom (2 Sam. 6-24). Just before David's death (ca. 971), the
prophet Nathan anointed Solomon as David's successor (1 Kgs. 1). Solomon, loved of the Lord and noted for his wisdom, built the first Israelite temple to Jehovah in
Jerusalem (1 Kgs. 6-8; cf. 2 Ne. 5:16). (This temple stood for more than three and a half centuries until it was destroyed by the Babylonians in 586 b.c. ). By the end
of his -forty- year reign, Solomon had encountered political, economic, and personal spiritual challenges that he failed to successfully resolve (1 Kgs. 11).

At Solomon's death (931 b.c. ) his son Rehoboam was unable to maintain the unity of the kingdom, and the Israelites divided into two political entities: the northern
kingdom of Israel and the southern kingdom of Judah (Bible Map 10). Jeroboam I, the new ruler in the north, made his first capital in Shechem and introduced a
number of innovations in his kingdom, including a new religious calendar, a -non- Levitical priesthood, and new national religious shrines in Dan and Bethel, complete
with a golden calf in each (1 Kgs. 12). These calves may have originally been intended as pedestals over which Jehovah could be expected to appear, but the redactors
of 1 and 2 Kings criticized Jeroboam for abandoning Jehovah by introducing illegitimate forms of worship. During the next two hundred years (931-722 b.c.) these two
Israelite nations, Israel and Judah, coexisted, sometimes cooperatively and sometimes antagonistically. The nation of Israel was larger, richer, and more cosmopolitan
than was Judah. The dominant tribes in the northern kingdom were Ephraim and Manasseh ; Judah was the principal tribe in the south.

About 880 b.c. king Omri made Samaria the capital of the northern kingdom, and it remained such until the end of the kingdom. Most of Elijah's prophetic activity
occurred in the northern kingdom during the reign of Omri's son Ahab and his queen Jezebel (1 Kgs. 17-2 Kgs. 2; 873-853 b.c. ). Elisha, Elijah's prophetic successor,
also lived and ministered in the northern kingdom (2 Kgs. 2-13). Both of these prophets spent much of their ministry countering the influence of Ahab's and Jezebel's
state- sponsored worship of Baal. The Bible provides less information about Judah during the ninth century b.c. ; no prophets of the stature of Elijah and Elisha are
mentioned.

During the mid-800s b.c. , Assyria (in northern Mesopotamia) began to exert its power in the Near East, and for a short time Israel became a vassal kingdom to
Assyria. A lull in Assyria's empire- building efforts in the first half of the eighth century b.c. , combined with stable and long- lived rulers in the kingdoms of Israel and
Judah, produced a period of prosperity and expansion for both kingdoms. The prophets Hosea and Amos were active during the eighth century b.c. , decrying the
pride, social sins, and apostasy from Jehovah among the northern Israelites. This was also the time of Jonah's prophetic activity.

By 745 b.c. the Assyrians again began to exert military pressure in all directions and soon made the Syrian/Aramean states and the kingdom of Israel vassals to the
Neo- Assyrian Empire (2 Kgs. 15:17-20; Pritchard, 281; Bible Map 5). An anti- Assyrian coalition, including the vassal kings in Damascus and Israel, rebelled ca. 735
b.c. , resulting in the final conquest of Damascus and the deportation of thousands of Israelites from the Galilee area of the kingdom of Israel in 732 b.c. (2 Kgs. 15:29-
30; Pritchard, 281; this is the context for events in Judah recounted in 2 Kgs. 16; Isa. 7-8 // 2 Ne. 17-18). Another Israelite rebellion brought the Assyrian army back
toCopyright
   Israel (ca.(c)
               724  b.c. ). TheyInfobase
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                                          Samaria and eventually conquered the northern kingdom of Israel in 722 b.c. (2 Kgs. 17:1-6). The Assyrians
                                                Corp.                                                                                                 Pageclaimed
                                                                                                                                                               682to/ have
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deported 27,290 Israelites into northern Assyria (Pritchard, 284-85; no number of deportees is given in the Bible), attributing their success to their own might and the
power of their gods. Nonetheless, the redactors of 2 Kings attributed Israel's conquest to apostasy and sinfulness (2 Kgs. 17:7-18). The Israelite deportees, mainly
from the upper and middle classes, became known as the "lost ten tribes of Israel." Although these people became lost to history, some of them were apparently further
By 745 b.c. the Assyrians again began to exert military pressure in all directions and soon made the Syrian/Aramean states and the kingdom of Israel vassals to the
Neo- Assyrian Empire (2 Kgs. 15:17-20; Pritchard, 281; Bible Map 5). An anti- Assyrian coalition, including the vassal kings in Damascus and Israel, rebelled ca. 735
b.c. , resulting in the final conquest of Damascus and the deportation of thousands of Israelites from the Galilee area of the kingdom of Israel in 732 b.c. (2 Kgs. 15:29-
30; Pritchard, 281; this is the context for events in Judah recounted in 2 Kgs. 16; Isa. 7-8 // 2 Ne. 17-18). Another Israelite rebellion brought the Assyrian army back
to Israel (ca. 724 b.c. ). They besieged Samaria and eventually conquered the northern kingdom of Israel in 722 b.c. (2 Kgs. 17:1-6). The Assyrians claimed to have
deported 27,290 Israelites into northern Assyria (Pritchard, 284-85; no number of deportees is given in the Bible), attributing their success to their own might and the
power of their gods. Nonetheless, the redactors of 2 Kings attributed Israel's conquest to apostasy and sinfulness (2 Kgs. 17:7-18). The Israelite deportees, mainly
from the upper and middle classes, became known as the "lost ten tribes of Israel." Although these people became lost to history, some of them were apparently further
dispersed into Europe and Asia. At least a part of the descendants of these Israelite deportees were a cohesive group visited by Jesus following his resurrection (1 Ne.
22:4; 2 Ne. 29:12-13; 3 Ne. 17:4; cf. the -apocryphal account in 2 Esdras 13:41-46).

After deporting many Israelites, the Assyrians moved other conquered peoples into northern Israel (2 Kgs. 17:24-41). The integration of these new peoples with the
remaining Israelite population produced the mixed group known as the Samaritans, whom their Judahite neighbors considered religiously as well as genealogically
impure.

Archaeological evidence indicates a significant increase in the population of Judah about this time, suggesting that many northern Israelites fled south to escape the
Assyrian conquest of Israel. Judah had been a vassal to Assyria since ca. 732. The Assyrians invaded Judah in 701 b.c. , apparently for vassal treaty violations.
Hezekiah, commended in the Bible for his faithfulness to Jehovah, was king at the time; Isaiah was his prophetic counselor. Jerusalem was miraculously spared from
Assyrian conquest, although many Judahite cities were destroyed and thousands of Judahites were deported (according to an Assyrian claim); Judah remained a vassal
kingdom to the Assyrians (2 Kgs. 18-19; Pritchard, 287-88). Judah continued as a vassal to Assyria in the first half of the seventh century b.c. during the long reign of
Manasseh, son of Hezekiah (2 Kgs. 21; Pritchard, 291).

Josiah, designated the king most faithful to Jehovah since David, ruled Judah during the latter half of the seventh century b.c. (2 Kgs. 22-23). The lengthy prophetic
ministry of Jeremiah 1 (ca. 627-585 b.c. ) began in Jerusalem during Josiah's reign (Jer. 1:1-2; 640-609 b.c. ). By the end of the seventh century, the Assyrian Empire
had declined and was replaced by the Neo- Babylonian Empire as the dominant power in the ancient Near East (Bible Map 6). Judah became a vassal to the
Babylonians ca. 600 b.c. but quickly rebelled. In response, the Bab-ylonians besieged Jerusalem (597 b.c. ) and deported thousands of upper- class Judahites to
Babylonia (southern Mesopotamia), including Ezekiel, who became a prophet during the Babylonian exile (2 Kgs. 24; Ezek. 1:1-3; Dan. 1:1, if accurate, indicates that
Daniel was taken to Babylon a few years before 597). Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II placed Zedekiah, the third son of Josiah, on the throne in Jerusalem, giving
Judah one last chance to be a loyal vassal. Likewise, Jehovah was giving Judah one last chance to be loyal to him.

Lehi 1 received his prophetic call in Jerusalem in the first year of Zedekiah's reign (1 Ne. 1:4-18). Jeremiah, Lehi, and other prophets warned the Judahites of the
imminent consequences of their apostasy and sinfulness (e.g., Jer. 7; 1 Ne. 1:4, 19). Zedekiah rebelled in 588, and the Babylonians responded by des-troying much of
the country and besieging Jerusalem for one and a half years. They then destroyed most of the city, including "Solomon's temple," and exiled Zedekiah and thousands
more Judahites to Babylonia in 586 b.c. (2 Kgs. 24-25; Jer. 38-39; 2 Ne. 1:4; 25:10). The kingdom of Judah thus ceased to exist, becoming a province of the
Babylonian Empire. Differing from Assyrian policy, the Babylonians did not relocate non- Israelites into the land of Judah. A few Judahites assassinated the governor of
Judah in 582, inducing a group of them to flee to Egypt, kidnapping and taking Jeremiah with them (2 Kgs. 25:22-26; Jer. 41-43). This assassination caused a third,
but smaller, deportation of Judahites to Babylonia (Jer. 52:30).

Lehi, Ishmael, and their families must have departed southward into the Arabian peninsula a short time after Lehi's call, for Nephi indicated that these families spent
eight years in the wilderness before arriving at Bountiful 1 and then built a ship and sailed to the Americas prior to the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem in 586 b.c.
(1 Ne. 17:4-8; 18:5-6, 23; 2 Ne. 1:4). Mulek, a son of king Zedekiah, was "brought by the hand of the Lord" (Omni 1:16), along with an unidentified group of people,
to the Americas at "the time that Zedekiah, king of Judah, was carried away captive into Babylon" (Omni 1:15-16; Mosiah 25:2; Hel. 6:10; 8:21).

The pre-Exilic period of Israelite history was over. Tens of thousands of Israelites from Israel and Judah had been exiled or scattered, and thousands more had been
killed as a result of sinfulness and disloyalty to Jehovah, their divine ruler. Two of the three main "branches" or groups of Israelites were now permanently separated
from their original homeland: the lost ten tribes had been deported to northern Assyria by the Assyrians in the late eighth century b.c. , and t he Lehites and Mulekites
had recently left for the Americas under the Lord's direction (early sixth century b.c. ). Those Israelites remaining in the land of Israel and those dispersed throughout
the Near East and around the eastern Mediter-ranean Sea together constitute the third branch of the house of Israel. The dispersion of many in this group would
continue over the course of several centuries, sometimes forced, as by the Bab-ylonians, and sometimes voluntarily. This third branch of Israelites became known
collectively, regardless of their original tribal affiliation, as "Jews" (e.g., Jer. 16:11-13; 1 Ne. 22:3-5; Jacob 5). The books of 1 and 2 Kings were completed in the
Babylonian exile as part of a retrospective overview of the tragedy the Lord's covenant people had brought on themselves (similar to the efforts of Ether and Mormon).

The Neo- Babylonian Empire was short- lived, succumbing to the assault of Cyrus and the Persians in 539 b.c. (Bible Map 7). Cyrus, who proceeded to incorporate
most of the Near East into his growing empire, allowed various peoples whom the Babylonians had deported to return to their homelands (Pritchard, 316; cf. Isa. 45:1-
4), including the Jews. Some of the Jews did return from exile (Ezra 1-2; 1 Ne. 10:3; 2 Ne. 25:11). Under the direction of Zerubbabel the provincial governor, Jeshua
the Aaronic high priest, and the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the Jews rebuilt the Lord's temple in Jerusalem, dedicating it in 515 b.c. (Ezra 3-6). This event, near
the beginning of the post- exilic period, inaugurated the Second Temple period.

500-6/1 b.c.

Judah was now a small, insignificant province in the Persian Empire. The Bible relates that Ezra, a priest and scribe born and raised in Babylonia, led a group of Jews
from Babylonia to Judah in the 450s b.c. (Ezra 7-10), about the time that Esther lived in Persia (modern Iran). A short time later, Nehemiah moved from Persia to
Jerusalem, where he became governor (Neh. 1-2; 440s b.c. ). Malachi, the last prophet mentioned in the Old Testament, also lived in Jerusalem about this time (3 Ne.
24-25).

During the two centuries that the Persians dominated the Near East (530s-330s), sizeable groups of Jews were living in Babylonia, Persia, Egypt, and elsewhere in the
Near East and eastern Mediterranean region. Those Jews living outside the land of Israel lived in the Diaspora, a term designating a "dispersion."

Taking advantage of a weakening Persian Empire, Alexander the Great of Macedonia (northern Greece) conquered the Near East beginning in 332 b.c. and brought
Hellenistic (Greek- like) culture to the region. Although he did not live long, Alexander's conquests had a dramatic effect on cultural developments in the Near East for
centuries to come. Ptolemy, one of Alexander's generals, established a kingdom in Egypt which controlled the land of Israel during the third century b.c. Seleucus,
another of Alexander's generals, established a kingdom in Syria which later controlled the land of Israel from 201 to 167 b.c. Rebelling against a religiously oppressive
edict from the Seleucids, the Hasmoneans, a Jewish priestly family, led a two- decades- long resistance effort that culminated in Jewish independence from Seleucia in
145 b.c. Members of this family, nicknamed the Maccabees, ruled Judah until 63 b.c. Although their original motives were admirable, the Maccabees quickly became
corrupt like previous foreign rulers had been. Their corruption extended beyond politics to religion, as the buying of the office of Aaronic high priest attests. The Jewish
sects of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes originated during this period. Some of the Jews associated with the latter group were responsible for collecting and
composing the cache of documents known as the Dead Sea Scrolls found near Qumran on the northwest shore of the Dead Sea. Most of these documents date from
ca. 150 b.c. (c)
 Copyright   to a.d. 50. The main
                 2005-2009,        religious
                              Infobase       challenge
                                         Media  Corp. for Jews of this era was no longer the influence of Canaanite deities, as in the pre-Exilic period, but the683
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Greek philosophies and cultural practices which were seemingly more sophis-ticated and attractive than the Lord's teachings and Jewish traditions.

The Romans, who had been expanding their control over the countries around the Medite-rranean Sea for over a century, gained control of Syria and Israel in 63 b.c.
145 b.c. Members of this family, nicknamed the Maccabees, ruled Judah until 63 b.c. Although their original motives were admirable, the Maccabees quickly became
corrupt like previous foreign rulers had been. Their corruption extended beyond politics to religion, as the buying of the office of Aaronic high priest attests. The Jewish
sects of the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes originated during this period. Some of the Jews associated with the latter group were responsible for collecting and
composing the cache of documents known as the Dead Sea Scrolls found near Qumran on the northwest shore of the Dead Sea. Most of these documents date from
ca. 150 b.c. to a.d. 50. The main religious challenge for Jews of this era was no longer the influence of Canaanite deities, as in the pre-Exilic period, but the influence of
Greek philosophies and cultural practices which were seemingly more sophis-ticated and attractive than the Lord's teachings and Jewish traditions.

The Romans, who had been expanding their control over the countries around the Medite-rranean Sea for over a century, gained control of Syria and Israel in 63 b.c.
(Judaea, the Greek form of the name Judah, and the rest of the land of Israel remained under Roman and then Byzantine [eastern Roman empire] control until the
Arabs arrived in a.d. 638). Herod the Great, building on opportunities created by his father, was appointed king over Israel by the Romans in 40 b.c. Three years later
he acquired his throne and ruled from 37-4/1 b.c. (Bible Map 8). Discrepancies in chronological data have resulted in the dates 4 or 1 b.c. for the death date of king
Herod. This uncertainty has led to suggestions that Jesus was born sometime between 6 and 1 b.c. because he was born near the end of Herod's reign (long- term
chronologies were not systematically calculated nor were chronologies reckoned by the b.c. / a.d. system in the Mediterranean world until several centuries after Jesus'
birth; contrast the development recounted among the descendants of Lehi in 3 Ne. 2:7-8). Herod is usually remembered for his bursts of brutality, such as ordering the
deaths of his favorite wife and her sons and the male infants in Bethlehem (Matt. 2). He did, however, bring a large measure of stability and prosperity to Judaea and
was renowned for his building activity, including the rebuilding of the Jerusalem temple and the surrounding courtyards on a grand scale (Bible Map 12). The second
temple had not been destroyed but was five hundred years old by then and was deemed by Herod to be neither large enough nor sufficiently elaborate. When John the
Baptist and Jesus were born near the end of the reign of Herod the Great (Luke 2), Caesar Augustus, the first Roman emperor, was still ruling the empire.

6/1 b.c.-a.d. 200

Jesus was born into a Jewish family in a Jewish society that emphasized devotion to God through observance of the Mosaic law and the traditional practices that had
developed in connection with the law. Yet, Jews in the land of Israel were under Roman political control and were affected by the influence, especially in the cities, of
Greek culture and philosophies. Furthermore, Jewish religion was not a seamless whole at this time but consisted of several sects, the Pharisees and Sadducees being
most influential. After the death of Herod the Great, his kingdom was divided among three of his sons, but the Romans soon replaced the king of Judaea with a string of
Roman governors, including Pontius Pilate, whose term ( a.d. 26-36) coincided with the ministries and executions of John the Baptist and Jesus. Jesus, whose three-
year mortal ministry was almost exclusively restricted to the relatively small land of Israel, was charged with blasphemy by some Jewish religious authorities who then
persuaded Pilate to condemn him for sedition (Matt. 26:59-66; 27:1-2, 11-38; Bible Maps 11, 12).

Sometime following his death and resurrection, Jesus visited the Lehites in the Americas, where he proclaimed his gospel and organized his Church (3 Ne. 8:5; 10:18-
19; 11:1-28:12). Peter, the chief apostle and president of the Church in the land of Israel, was instructed by the Lord that Christians must take the gospel to Gentiles as
well as to the Jews (Acts 1; 10). Although missionaries no doubt went out in all directions to fulfill the Lord's directive to take the gospel to "all nations" (Matt. 28:19),
the canon of the New Testament rather narrowly focuses on the areas now denominated Israel/ Palestine, Syria, Turkey, Greece, and Rome, primarily relating the
ministries of Peter and Paul. Paul, originally named Saul, was a Benjamite Jew who was born in the Diaspora. He converted from Pharisaic Judaism to Christianity
within a year or so of Jesus' resurrection and went on to direct a major missionary force to Jews and Gentiles in the northeastern Mediterranean region (Bible Map 13).
Both Paul and Peter were martyred in Rome in the mid-60s a.d. There is no biblical indication of any apostolic activity after this, except for that of John the Revelator
(into the 90s a.d. ). The Church of that dispensation did not wholly survive the effects of the extensive, rapidly spreading apostasy that was well underway only decades
after Jesus' ministry and resurrection. Nevertheless, Christianity continued on, despite external persecution and internal disputes regarding authority and doctrine,
eventually becoming the official religion of the Roman empire in the late fourth century a.d.

Meanwhile, Jews in Judaea during the mid- first century a.d. struggled against antagonistic Roman governors, growing economic and social strain, and religious
corruption among some Jewish leaders. Many Jews cultivated messianic expectations, while others increasingly favored a militant nationalism. The first Jewish revolt
against the Romans began in a.d. 66. By a.d. 70 the revolt had been crushed, except for a few bands of revolutionaries, including those who endured on Masada until
a.d. 73. Tens of thousands of Jews were killed, many were exiled, and the temple in Jerusalem was completely destroyed, as prophesied by Jesus (Matt. 24:1-2; cf. 2
Ne. 25:14-15). About six decades later ( a.d. 132-135), the Jews in Judaea unsuccessfully revolted again against the Romans. This time they were banned from the
city of Jeru-salem. The center of Jewish religious life in Israel shifted to the Galilee region, where the Mishnah, the first great collection of postbiblical rabbinic thought,
was compiled ca. a.d. 200.

There were more Jews living in the Diaspora than in the land of Israel during the centuries that the Greeks and Romans controlled the Near East, a condition that has
continued to the pres-ent. The Bible and the Book of Mormon contain extensive prophecies concerning the physical and spiritual gathering of the scattered branches of
the house of Israel, many of which are being fulfilled.

See also Babylon, Babylonia; Babylonian cap-tivity; Chronology, Bible; Israel, concept of; Israel, covenants unto; Israel, gathering of; Israel, house of; Israel, kingdom
of; Israel, lost tribes of; Israel, numbered among; Israel, scattering of; Jeremiah 1 , prophecies of; Jerusalem 1 , city of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c. ; Jeru-
salem 1 , destruction of, at a.d. 70; Jews, history of; Joseph 1 , covenants unto; Remnant.

Bibliography

Pritchard, James B. Ancient Near Eastern Texts. 3d ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969.

Pike, Dana M.

Israel house of

Covenant people of the Lord who descend from Jacob 1 , son of Isaac (e.g., 1 Ne. 13:23; 15:14; 19:11, 16; 3 Ne. 10:4; 21:22-23). They enjoy the blessings and
responsibilities of the Abrahamic covenant (1 Ne. 15:18; 22:9; 2 Ne. 29:14; 3 Ne. 20:25). Occasionally, the Lord speaks of them as "my people," or one reads of "his
people," terms that also point to their covenant status (e.g., 2 Ne. 29:1-2; 3 Ne. 16:8-9, 11, 15; 20:46; 21:4). In some passages the expression "house of Jacob" is
synonymous with house of Israel (e.g., 1 Ne. 20:1; 4 Ne. 1:49; Morm. 5:12). Gentiles who accept the gospel are "numbered with" the house of Israel (3 Ne. 30:2; 1
Ne. 14:2; 2 Ne. 10:18).

See also Israel, historical background of; Israel, numbered among; Remnant.

Brown, S. Kent

Israel kingdom of

The northern kingdom of Israelites that existed from 931 to 722 b.c. The Lord changed the name of Jacob 1 , son of Isaac, to Israel (Gen. 32:28). Before their division
 Copyright
into         (c) 2005-2009,
     two kingdoms,              InfobaseofMedia
                       the descendants    Jacob'sCorp.
                                                  twelve sons were variously referred to as "Israel," "the house of Israel," "the people of Israel," "the Page
                                                                                                                                                          [twelve]684
                                                                                                                                                                   tribes/ of
                                                                                                                                                                           919
Israel," "the Israelites," and the "remnant of the house of Israel." Upon the death of Solomon, the northern tribes refused to follow Solomon's son Rehoboam, and chose
the Ephraimite, Jeroboam, to be their king (1 Kgs. 12; 931 b.c. ). This division began the period known as the Divided Monarchy (931-722 b.c.) with ten tribes
Israel kingdom of

The northern kingdom of Israelites that existed from 931 to 722 b.c. The Lord changed the name of Jacob 1 , son of Isaac, to Israel (Gen. 32:28). Before their division
into two kingdoms, the descendants of Jacob's twelve sons were variously referred to as "Israel," "the house of Israel," "the people of Israel," "the [twelve] tribes of
Israel," "the Israelites," and the "remnant of the house of Israel." Upon the death of Solomon, the northern tribes refused to follow Solomon's son Rehoboam, and chose
the Ephraimite, Jeroboam, to be their king (1 Kgs. 12; 931 b.c. ). This division began the period known as the Divided Monarchy (931-722 b.c.) with ten tribes
forming the kingdom in the north and, predominantly, two tribes- Judah and Benjamin-in the south. In the Bible the northern kingdom retained the name Israel. In
addition it is often called Ephraim, after the leading northern tribe, or Samaria, the capital city. The southern kingdom was called Judah after the ruling tribe Judah, or
Jerusalem, after its capital city. Throughout the Old Testament the northern kingdom was considered apostate, following the idolatrous practices of their first king
Jeroboam (1 Kgs. 12:25-33). Lehi 1 was a descendant of the tribe of Manasseh whose inheritance was in the lands of the northern kingdom. At some undetermined
time his ancestors moved to Jerusalem.

The history of the northern kingdom of Israel is recounted in 1 Kings 12-2 Kings 17. Prophets including Elijah, Elisha, Hosea, Amos, and Isaiah were sent to warn the
northern kingdom to repent or be destroyed. Several passages of Isaiah found in the Book of Mormon refer to the history of the northern kingdom and prophesy its
destruction by the Assyrians (2 Ne. 17-18 // Isa. 7-8; 2 Ne. 19:8-20:4 // Isa. 9:8-10:4).

Pekah, king of Israel (740-732 b.c.) , entered into an alliance with Rezin the king of Syria (735 b.c.) that led to the Assyrian conquest in 732 b.c. Judah was preserved
during this period by making an alliance with Assyria . Eventually the northern kingdom revolted again and Assyria conquered them with a vengeance and took many of
the northerners into captivity (722 b.c. ). The scriptures record little of what happened to these peoples, hence they are often referred to as the lost ten tribes. The
Book of Mormon teaches that these tribes eventually were scattered throughout the earth and that in the latter days the work of gathering them back to the Lord and
his covenants would begin (1 Ne. 22:4-12; 2 Ne. 21:10-16 // Isa. 11:10-16; 3 Ne. 5:24-26; 15:13-15; 16:1-5; cf. Jer. 3:18; 16:14-21; D&C 133:26-35). Those that
remained in their land intermarried with the pagan peoples introduced by the Assyrians and became the Samaritans (2 Kgs. 17:24-41).

In the Book of Mormon "Israel" is most often used in reference to all of the descendants of Jacob, especially in the phrase "house of Israel," and the titles of Deity as
"God of Israel" and "Holy One of Israel." Only in the Isaiah passages is the term "Israel" used referring to the descendants of Jacob in the northern kingdom as opposed
to those in the southern kingdom of Judah (2 Ne. 17:1; 19:8, 12, 14; 21:12).

See also Isaiah chapter reviews (2 Ne. 17 // Isa. 7; 2 Ne. 18 // Isa. 8; 2 Ne. 19 // Isa. 9); Israel, gathering of; Israel, historical background of; Israel, house of; Israel,
lost tribes of; Israel, scattering of.

Seely, David Rolph

Israel lost tribes of

Descendants of Israelites who were removed from the land of Israel, whose history was unknown to those who remained, including to the writers of the Bible and the
Book of Mormon.

The expression "lost tribes" is found in only two verses of scripture (2 Ne. 29:13; 3 Ne. 17:4), both referring to members of the house of Israel outside their ancestral
homeland. Nephi 1 indicated that the word "lost" shows the per-spec-tive of the Israelites in the Holy Land: the tribes were "lost from the knowledge of those who are
at Jerusalem" (1 Ne. 22:4).

In the eighth century b.c. , the kingdom of Israel, consisting of the northern ten tribes, was destroyed because of the wickedness of its people. Many of its inhabitants
were removed from their land by Assyrian conquerors and relocated in other places (2 Kgs. 15:29; 17:3-6, 23), where they became lost from the view of the rest of
Israel. The family of Lehi 1 became lost from the knowledge of their countrymen when the Lord led them away to a new land. Their descendants remain lost except to
believers in the Book of Mormon, who recognize their Israelite heritage. The Jews were taken into exile and eventually scattered into many parts of the world. Yet they
are not lost, because they have retained a knowledge of who they are.

Thus, the lost tribes are Israelites whose identity is not known to the world and in some cases not even to themselves. When the term is used for the descendants of the
deported northern tribes, it is synonymous with "ten tribes" (found only in D&C 110:11 and A of F 10). These are likely the "other sheep," unknown to the Jews and
the people of the Book of Mormon, whom Jesus visited after his resurrection (3 Ne. 16:1-3; 15:15, 20; 17:4).

Although there is much about the history of the lost tribes of Israel that is not known, they are not really lost. The scriptures teach where they went, where they are
today, and how they will return. Moses foretold the fate of the Israelites if they became wicked: "The Lord shall scatter thee among all people, from the one end of the
earth even unto the other" (Deut. 28:64; cf. 4:27). Nephi wrote, "The house of Israel, sooner or later, will be scattered upon all the face of the earth, and also among all
nations. . . . Yea, the more part of all the tribes have been led away; and they are scattered to and fro" (1 Ne. 22:3-4). Scattered throughout all the world, the lost
tribes have forgotten their identity and have assimilated into the nations in which they live (Amos 9:9; Ezek. 20:23). Their descendants remain scattered now, generally
ignorant of their heritage in the house of Israel. Some scriptures describe their scattered exile as being in "the north," using metaphorical language from the perspective
of the rest of Israel, who last saw them being taken away in that direction (Jer. 16:15; Zech. 2:6; D&C 110:11; 133:26).

The restoration of the gospel has brought back the keys of the gathering of the lost tribes (D&C 110:11), and scriptures teach that they will be gathered in from their
dispersion: "And then shall the remnants, which shall be scattered abroad upon the face of the earth, be gathered in from the east and from the west, and from the south
and from the north" (3 Ne. 20:13; cf. Isa. 43:5-6). As they gather, they will forsake the old enmities that once separated the branches of Israel (2 Ne. 21:12-13), and
each will possess the sacred records of the other (2 Ne. 29:11-14). Many are gathering now, as they embrace the message of the gospel, join The Church of Jesus
Christ of Latter- day Saints, accept the covenants and ordinances, receive patriarchal blessings, and thus regain their identity as members of the house of Israel. The
Book of Mormon is a key to their conversion (Title Page; 3 Ne. 16:4-5). Most members of the Church today are gathered descendants of the lost tribes. Ephraim, the
chief of the ten tribes and the one by which all are sometimes identified (Isa. 7:2-17; 11:13; Hosea 5:3-14), is already gathering in large numbers. But a greater
gathering, and the final return and restoration of all who were once lost, will be in the Millennium (3 Ne. 20:11-13, 29-37; 16:17-20; 21:25-29).

See also Assyria; Israel, gathering of; Israel, historical background of; Israel, kingdom of; Israel, scattering of.

Jackson, Kent P.

Israel numbered among

To be recognized as a member of the family of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. God promised Abraham that "as many as receive this Gospel shall be called after thy name,
and shall be accounted thy seed" (Abr. 2:10). Those who are not lineal descendants of Abraham may, through hearkening to the Lamb of God (1 Ne. 14:1-2),
repenting,
 Copyrightand
            (c) being baptizedInfobase
                2005-2009,      into the true
                                         MediaChurch
                                                Corp.(3 Ne. 21:6, 22; 30:1-2) be numbered with Israel. Both Nephi 1 and the apostle Paul taught that only those
                                                                                                                                                  Page     685who
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come unto Christ are truly Israel-they become "covenant people of the Lord" (2 Ne. 30:2; Rom. 9:6).

See also Abrahamic covenant; Adoption; Gentile(s); Israel, concept of; Israel, gathering of.
Israel numbered among

To be recognized as a member of the family of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. God promised Abraham that "as many as receive this Gospel shall be called after thy name,
and shall be accounted thy seed" (Abr. 2:10). Those who are not lineal descendants of Abraham may, through hearkening to the Lamb of God (1 Ne. 14:1-2),
repenting, and being baptized into the true Church (3 Ne. 21:6, 22; 30:1-2) be numbered with Israel. Both Nephi 1 and the apostle Paul taught that only those who
come unto Christ are truly Israel-they become "covenant people of the Lord" (2 Ne. 30:2; Rom. 9:6).

See also Abrahamic covenant; Adoption; Gentile(s); Israel, concept of; Israel, gathering of.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Israel remnant(s) of

See Remnant.

Israel scattering of

The prophesied dispersion of the house of Israel among the nations of the world. Because the promised land was one of the blessings of God's covenant with his
chosen people (Gen. 13:14-15, 17; 17:8), their possession of it was conditioned on their obedience to his commandments. Moses prophesied what would happen if
the Israelites rebelled against God: "The Lord shall scatter you among the nations, and ye shall be left few in number among the heathen, whither the Lord shall lead
you" (Deut. 4:27). "The Lord shall scatter thee among all people, from the one end of the earth even unto the other" (Deut. 28:64).

The kingdom of David and Solomon was divided in 931 b.c. into two kingdoms: Israel and Judah. Israel, consisting of the northern ten tribes and usually dominated by
Ephraim, had an inglorious history of almost uninterrupted apostasy. Beginning in 732 b.c. , prophecy was fulfilled when Assyrian kings began conquering Israel and
deporting much of its population to other locations in their empire (2 Kgs. 15:29). In 722 b.c. the kingdom of Israel was destroyed as Samaria, its capital city, fell.
Thousands of its people were taken away and settled in various places in Mesopotamia and elsewhere (2 Kgs. 17:3-6, 23). From these beginnings, descendants of the
tribes of Israel, including Ephraim, eventually assimilated into other societies, lost their identity, and became scattered throughout the world (1 Ne. 22:3-5). These are
what are often called the lost ten tribes. They will be gathered again as they accept the covenants of the gospel (1 Ne. 22:6-9).

The scattering of the tribe of Judah followed a different pattern, because its people have generally retained their identity to the present time. In the early sixth century
b.c. , king Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon conquered Judah and exiled much of its population to Babylonia. Many Jews had already left to different locations. By the time
of Jesus, probably two- thirds of all Jews lived outside the Holy Land, with Jewish communities scattered throughout the Mediterranean region and the Near East,
where many persisted into the twentieth century a.d. As a result of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in a.d. 70 and the Second Jewish Revolt in a.d. 132-
135, Jews fled or were deported from their homeland in huge numbers. Eventually large populations grew in scattered locations in Europe as well. The Book of
Mormon teaches that the Jews' ancient scatterings were punishment for unrighteousness and that their descendants would be gathered when they accepted the gospel
of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 6:8-11; 10:3-7; 25:14-17).

Lehi's 1 family represents a different kind of scattering, because their departure from the land of Israel was not punishment for their wickedness; rather, they were led
away by the Lord to preserve a righteous branch of Israel in a new promised land (3 Ne. 15:19). Lehi's descendants became scattered as they spread throughout the
Americas and the Pacific islands and eventually fell into apostasy, lost their Israelite identity, and were later dispersed, oppressed, and partially assimilated or
exterminated by immigrants from other lands (1 Ne. 13:14; 22:7; 2 Ne. 1:9-12).

The Book of Mormon gives glimpses into other scatterings for which there is no scriptural record. Jacob 2 taught of other places "inhabited also by our brethren. For
behold, the Lord God has led away from time to time from the house of Israel, according to his will and pleasure" (2 Ne. 10:21-22). Among these are perhaps the
Mulekites (Omni 1:16). Jesus spoke of "other sheep" (3 Ne. 16:1-3)-"the lost tribes of Israel" (3 Ne. 17:4)-whom he would visit after his appearance among Lehi's
descendants, but he did not identify them specifically.

Today, patriarchal blessings identify Latter- day Saints throughout the world as scattered Israelites who have been gathered again through the covenants of the gospel.

See also Babylonian captivity; Israel, gathering of; Israel, historical background of; Israel, house of; Israel, lost tribes of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c. ;
Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at a.d. 70; Other sheep.

Jackson, Kent P.

Israelites

Descendants of Jacob 1 and his twelve sons, from which the family of Lehi 1 traced their descent. The textual reference is to the parting of the Red Sea that allowed the
Israelites to pass through (Hel. 8:11).

Jacob 1

J
Jacob 1

The younger twin son of Isaac and Rebecca (Gen. 25:24-26). His name was later changed to Israel (Gen. 32:24-28). Jacob was the father of twelve sons and at least
one daughter. The posterity of his sons became the twelve tribes of Israel (Gen. 29:31-30:24; 35:16-18). Although a younger son, he obtained the birth-right and
covenant status (Gen. 25:23, 28-34; 27:37; 28:10-15).

In the Book of Mormon, little is said of Jacob's life. The text preserves only one quotation, a prophecy not found in the Bible that concerns the eventual fate of his son
Joseph's posterity (Alma 46:24-25). But Jacob's name appears frequently in covenantal contexts. Perhaps his memory was carried on by naming children after him
(e.g., 1 Ne. 18:7; Alma 52:20).

The covenantal title "house of Jacob," which apparently came into Nephite usage from the writings of Isaiah, often means "the house of Israel," the covenant people of
God (e.g., 2 Ne. 24:1-2 // Isa. 14:1-2) or refers to the southern Israelite kingdom of Judah (e.g., 1 Ne. 20:1 // Isa. 48:1). Moreover, with slight variations, the Lord of
the covenant is called "the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob" (e.g., Mosiah 7:19), or simply "the God of Jacob" who delivers (Alma 29:11), "the Holy One of
Jacob" who(c)
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                                       // Isa. 29:22-23),
                                               Corp.       or "the Mighty One of Jacob" (1 Ne. 21:26 // Isa. 49:26). Additionally, Isaiah labeled those
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the covenant people, whom God will gather back, as the "the remnant of Jacob" (2 Ne. 20:21 // Isa. 10:21).

Jacob's name appears in connection with events of the last days (e.g., the gathering of his posterity; 3 Ne. 5:24-26). The future promise holds that those who are faithful
The covenantal title "house of Jacob," which apparently came into Nephite usage from the writings of Isaiah, often means "the house of Israel," the covenant people of
God (e.g., 2 Ne. 24:1-2 // Isa. 14:1-2) or refers to the southern Israelite kingdom of Judah (e.g., 1 Ne. 20:1 // Isa. 48:1). Moreover, with slight variations, the Lord of
the covenant is called "the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob" (e.g., Mosiah 7:19), or simply "the God of Jacob" who delivers (Alma 29:11), "the Holy One of
Jacob" who redeems (2 Ne. 27:33-34 // Isa. 29:22-23), or "the Mighty One of Jacob" (1 Ne. 21:26 // Isa. 49:26). Additionally, Isaiah labeled those separated from
the covenant people, whom God will gather back, as the "the remnant of Jacob" (2 Ne. 20:21 // Isa. 10:21).

Jacob's name appears in connection with events of the last days (e.g., the gathering of his posterity; 3 Ne. 5:24-26). The future promise holds that those who are faithful
will be able to "sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and with Jacob" in the heavenly kingdom where Jacob already resides (e.g., Hel. 3:30).

See also Israel, historical background of; Israel, house of; Israelites.

Brown, S. Kent

Jacob 2

The fifth son of Lehi 1 and Sariah, Jacob was the elder of two sons (Jacob and Joseph 2 ) born in the wilderness, apparently not long after his family left Jerusalem
about 599 b.c. (1 Ne. 18:7). Jacob grew up amid intensifying family strife caused by the rebellion of Laman 1 and Lemuel, his two oldest brothers-rebellion against the
Lord, his prophet- father, and his obedient brothers, Nephi 1 and Sam. The shipboard mutiny of these eldest sons almost cost the lives of the grieving Sariah and her
distraught husband, Lehi (1 Ne. 18:17-18), and, recalled Nephi, the very young "Jacob and Joseph . . . were grieved because of the afflictions of their mother" (1 Ne.
18:19).

The family schism and its consequences greatly influenced Jacob's life. By the time Jacob was approaching forty, recorded Nephi, "We had already had wars and
contentions with our brethren" (2 Ne. 5:34). Father Lehi, in pronouncing his patriarchal blessing upon Jacob, acknowledged the impact of the terrible conflict upon his
son: "Thou art my first- born in the days of my tribulation in the wilderness. And behold, in thy childhood thou hast suffered afflictions and much sorrow, because of the
rudeness of thy brethren" (2 Ne. 2:1).

Even at the end of his life, saddened by his failure to "reclaim and restore the Lamanites" (Jacob 7:24), fearful for the future of his people, and feeling personally
responsible for the short fall, Jacob summarized in profoundly melancholic and poignant words the trying conditions of their lives: "Our lives passed away like as it were
unto us a dream, we being a lonesome and a solemn people, wanderers, cast out from Jerusalem, born in tribulation, in a wilderness, and hated of our brethren, which
caused wars and contentions; wherefore, we did mourn out our days" (Jacob 7:26).

These afflictions played a key role, however, in spiritually attuning Jacob for his early appointment as a dynamic teacher, minister, and prophet to his people, and as one
of the great theologians of ancient America. In fact, Lehi not only promised Jacob that God "shall consecrate thine afflictions for thy gain" and foresaw that Jacob's
"days shall be spent in the service of thy God" (2 Ne. 2:2-3) but taught Jacob the principle of opposition, so vital to his grasp of the plan of redemption: "For it must
needs be, that there is an opposition in all things" (2 Ne. 2:11). Spiritually sensitive, the obedient and faithful Jacob learned early "the greatness of God" (2 Ne. 2:2). In
blessing Jacob, Lehi reminded his son that "thou hast beheld in thy youth his [the Redeemer's] glory" (2 Ne. 2:4), an event which Nephi affirmed by testifying that
"Jacob, also has seen him [the premortal Christ] as I have seen him" (2 Ne. 11:3).

Therefore, while his brother Nephi became the political king or "protector" of the fledgling Nephite nation, as well as its spiritual leader (Jacob 1:10), Jacob, in his turn,
also became an important spiritual leader, "called of God, and ordained after the manner of his holy order," and "consecrated" by Nephi to minister spiri-tually unto their
people (2 Ne. 6:2; 5:26; Jacob 1:18). But he did not succeed Nephi as monarch. Having "first obtained [his] errand from the Lord" (Jacob 1:17), Jacob spent the rest
of his life laboring "diligently" among the Nephites, "that we might persuade them to come unto Christ," and to "believe in Christ, and view his death, and suffer his cross
and bear the shame of the world" (Jacob 1:7-8).

Nephi's inclusion of part of Jacob's two- day sermon (2 Ne. 6-10) provides insight not only into Jacob's teachings (2 Ne. 6:3) and his gifted and inspired oratory but
reveals his deep pastoral concern for the spiritual welfare of his people, for whom he felt great "anxiety" (2 Ne. 6:3; Jacob 4:18) and keen personal responsi-bility
(Jacob 1:19). Jacob included in his address extensive passages from Isaiah chapters 50-52 that support his emphasis on God's covenants with the house of Israel (2
Ne. 9:1) and the mission of the Messiah, the Lord Jesus Christ, whose name Jacob was the first to make known to the Nephite nation, having been told the name by an
angel of God (2 Ne. 10:3). In the section of his sermon recorded in 2 Nephi 9, Jacob taught that deliverance from death and hell, "the death of the body" and "the
death of the spirit," comes only through the "infinite atonement" of Jesus Christ, the "great Creator" (2 Ne. 9:5-16, 19-, 25-26; cf. 10:24-25). He also spoke
concerning what one must do to be saved in the kingdom of God (2 Ne. 9:18, 23-24), issued stern warnings (2 Ne. 9:27-38), admonished his people to remember a
variety of spiritually critical matters (2 Ne. 9:39-41, 44, 51-52), and invited them to "come unto the Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 9:50-51).

When Jacob was nearly fifty- five years old, the aging Nephi commissioned him to record on the small plates the religious (not the political) history of their people-
"things which [he] considered to be most precious" (Jacob 1:1-4). True to Nephi's charge, Jacob left for a future age testimony that the early Nephites enjoyed "many
revelations, and the spirit of much prophecy; wherefore, [they] knew of Christ and his kingdom, which should come" (Jacob 1:6).

In fact, Jacob's principal calling was to testify of Jesus Christ, whom he beheld (2 Ne. 11:3; 2:4), whose voice "I had heard . . . speaking unto me in very word, from
time to time," and whose angels had ministered to him (Jacob 7:5). Such certitude speaks from every page of the book of Jacob and enabled his dramatic triumph in
behalf of the Lord Jesus Christ in his confrontation with the charismatic Sherem. Sherem, wrote Jacob, "had hope to shake me from the faith, notwithstanding the many
revelations and the many things which I had seen" (Jacob 7:5). To Sherem's demand for a sign as proof that Christ would come, Jacob proclaimed that he would leave
that for God to decide (Jacob 7:14). Immediately and dramatically, Sherem was struck helpless by the power of God, but shortly before his death, he mustered
strength to recant publicly his false teachings (Jacob 7:17-20).

Ever anxious about the materialistic, proud, and unchaste predilections of his people, Jacob shouldered the responsibility of calling them to repentance. In one
memorable recorded sermon, he rebuked wealthy Nephites who, because of their riches, were "lifted up in the pride of [their] hearts" supposing they were better than
others (Jacob 2:13). He then taught them concerning the proper attitude and use of their wealth (Jacob 2:17-21). Jacob chastised the Nephite men in particular for their
infidelity (Jacob 2:23-35). He regretted wounding again the already wounded feelings of the wives and children of these men. This moving sermon demonstrates
Jacob's strengths, but also his tenderness and compassion. Jacob also took his people to task for their prejudice against the Lamanites. The Lamanites, he said, bore a
curse, but they "are not filthy like unto you" (Jacob 3:3).

In his unique style, Jacob, a powerful and persuasive writer, employed a vivid, dramatic, and "intimate vocabulary either unique to him or disproportionately present."
Thus two- thirds of the use of the words "grieve" and "tender" in the Book of Mormon are attributed to Jacob, as are his solitary use of such intimately expressive
words as "delicate," "contempt," "lonesome," "sobbings," "dread," and "wound," the latter used only in reference to emotions and not bodily injury (Tanner, 714). A
gifted orator, Jacob achieved similar dramatic effects in his recorded sermons. Near the end of the sermon included in 2 Nephi, for example, he suddenly removed his
outer garments and shook them in the faces of his audience, in "witness that I shook your iniquities from my soul" (2 Ne. 9:44). He dramatized his teachings about the
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tellingly presents, as Elder Joseph Fielding Smith asserted, "one of the greatest parables ever recorded" (4:141). The parable of the olive tree symbolizes God's
remembrance of the scattered branches of Israel, "both roots and branches" (Jacob 6:4), which he would patiently prune, regraft, and cultivate until the tree yielded
Thus two- thirds of the use of the words "grieve" and "tender" in the Book of Mormon are attributed to Jacob, as are his solitary use of such intimately expressive
words as "delicate," "contempt," "lonesome," "sobbings," "dread," and "wound," the latter used only in reference to emotions and not bodily injury (Tanner, 714). A
gifted orator, Jacob achieved similar dramatic effects in his recorded sermons. Near the end of the sermon included in 2 Nephi, for example, he suddenly removed his
outer garments and shook them in the faces of his audience, in "witness that I shook your iniquities from my soul" (2 Ne. 9:44). He dramatized his teachings about the
scattering and gathering of the house of Israel by including in his book the prophet Zenos' lengthy allegory of the tame and wild olive trees, which dramatically and
tellingly presents, as Elder Joseph Fielding Smith asserted, "one of the greatest parables ever recorded" (4:141). The parable of the olive tree symbolizes God's
remembrance of the scattered branches of Israel, "both roots and branches" (Jacob 6:4), which he would patiently prune, regraft, and cultivate until the tree yielded
pure fruit (Jacob 5-6).

The portrait of Jacob that emerges from the Book of Mormon shows a prophet who, like his Savior, was "a man of sorrows, and acquainted with grief" (Isa. 53:3), a
prophet who never-theless tirelessly pressed on in teaching his people the plan of redemption and testifying of the coming Christ. Spiritually sensitive, a profound
theologian, a powerful and poetic writer and preacher, Jacob successfully labored all his days among his people as an exemplary and personal witness for the Lord
Jesus Christ.

Summary of Major Teachings

1. Prophecies. The return of the Jews to Jerusalem after the Babylonian captivity; the coming of the Messiah, his rejection and death; the judgments of God upon those
who harden their hearts against the "Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 6:10); the gathering of the Jews after they "shall come to the knowledge of their Redeemer" (2 Ne. 6:8-
11; 10:3-5; Jacob 4:14- 15); the apostasy and restoration of Lehi's descen-dants (2 Ne. 10:2; Jacob 3:6); the role of Gentile nations in the gathering of the Jews (2
Ne. 10:7-9, 18); the blessings of God upon the Gentiles (2 Ne. 6:12; 10:10-11, 18); and the Nephite loss of the land of Nephi to the Laman-ites, except they repent
(Jacob 3:4; cf. Omni 1:12).

2. Quotations from Isaiah (2 Ne. 6:6-7 // Isa. 49:22-23; 2 Ne. 7 // Isa. 50; 2 Ne. 8 // Isa. 51; 52:1-2; 2 Ne. 10:9 // Isa. 49:23) for the purpose of teaching the
Nephites "concerning the covenants of the Lord that he has covenanted with all the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 9:1; cf. 6:12; 10:15, 17). See also 2 Nephi 6:4-5 for
additional reasons Jacob quoted Isaiah. See Isaiah, purposes for quoting.

3. The omniscience of God. "O how great the holiness of our God! For he knoweth all things, and there is not anything save he knows it" (2 Ne. 9:20).

4. Salvation through the infinite atonement of Jesus Christ. The Atonement provides deliverance from physical and spiritual death, the consequences of the fall of Adam
and Eve, and restores all mankind to God's presence for judgment (2 Ne. 9:7-16, 19, 22); Jesus suffered "the pains of all men, yea, the pains of every living creature . .
. who belong to the family of Adam" (2 Ne. 9:21); the Atonement satisfies the demands of justice by extending mercy to those who "have not the law given to them" (2
Ne. 9:25-26). See Awful monster; First judgment; Law, without the; Resurrection, the.

5. Specific instructions on what one must do to inherit the kingdom of God (2 Ne. 9:18, 23-24).

6. Warnings (2 Ne. 9:27-38), admonitions (2 Ne. 9:39-41, 44, 46, 51-52; 10:20, 23-24; Jacob 3:11-12; 4:8-11), and invitations to "come unto the Holy One of
Israel" (2 Ne. 9:50-51, 45).

7. Consequences of pride; warnings (Jacob 2:13-17, 20-21).

8. Wealth, proper priorities concerning its acquisition and use. "But before ye seek for riches, seek ye for the kingdom of God. And after ye have obtained a hope in
Christ ye shall obtain riches, if ye seek them; and ye will seek them for the intent to do good" (Jacob 2:17-19).

9. Consequences of immorality (Jacob 2:29, 31-35); authorized (Jacob 2:30) and unauthorized plural marriage (Jacob 2:23-28). See Chastity.

10. Quotation of Zenos' allegory to teach how the Jews can return to Christ, "the only sure foundation," after having rejected him (Jacob 4:15-18; 5-6). See Zenos,
allegory of.

11. The antiquity of the gospel. All the holy prophets believed in Christ and worshipped the Father in his name, as did the Nephites (Jacob 4:4-5).

See also Jacob, book of.

Bibliography

Arnold, Marilyn. Sweet Is the Word: Reflections on the Book of Mormon, Its Narrative, Teachings, and People. American Fork, Utah: Covenant Communications,
1996.

Matthews, Robert J. "Jacob: Prophet, Theologian, Historian." The Book of Mormon: Jacob through Words of Mormon-To Learn with Joy. Edited by Monte Nyman
and Charles Tate Jr. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1990.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Answers to Gospel Questions. Compiled by Joseph Fielding Smith Jr. 5 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1957- 66.

Tanner, John S. "Jacob, Son of Lehi." Encyclopedia of Mormonism. Edited by Daniel H. Ludlow et al. 4 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1992.

Cracroft, Richard H.

Jacob 3

A Zoramite 2 who became a leader of a Lamanite army (Alma 52:20; 64 b.c. ). During a battle over the city of Mulek, Jacob and his army were the victims of a clever
Nephite decoy strategy devised by Moroni 1 and Teancum (Alma 52:21-32). Credited with "having an unconquerable spirit" and leading his troops "with exceeding
fury," Jacob was killed in battle (Alma 52:33-35).

Jacob 4

The apostate Nephite chosen as king over a secret combination (3 Ne. 7:9) that was established in the wake of the collapse of the central Nephite government (ca. 29-
30 b.c. ). Jacob had been one of the leaders who spoke against the prophets who testified of Christ (3 Ne. 7:10). Outnumbered by the Nephite tribes that united
against him, Jacob commanded his people to flee north and there build themselves a kingdom (3 Ne. 7:11-13). His city, Jacobugath, was destroyed by fire at the time
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Jacob book of
The apostate Nephite chosen as king over a secret combination (3 Ne. 7:9) that was established in the wake of the collapse of the central Nephite government (ca. 29-
30 b.c. ). Jacob had been one of the leaders who spoke against the prophets who testified of Christ (3 Ne. 7:10). Outnumbered by the Nephite tribes that united
against him, Jacob commanded his people to flee north and there build themselves a kingdom (3 Ne. 7:11-13). His city, Jacobugath, was destroyed by fire at the time
of Christ's death as a result of wickedness (3 Ne. 9:9).

Jacob book of

The book of Jacob comprises seven chapters translated from Jacob 2's own inscriptions on the small plates of Nephi . The record begins with the death of Nephi 1 ,
55 years after Lehi 1 left Jerusalem 1 (544 b.c.) , and ends just before Jacob's death an undetermined number of years later.

The book may be divided into four parts: an introductory chapter, a sermon at the temple, a discourse on God's relationship with Israel, and an account of Jacob's
encounter with an anti-Christ.

Content and message

Jacob's purpose was to persuade people to repent and "come unto Christ" (Jacob 1:7; cf. 4:11-12; 6:5-12), whom he had seen (2 Ne. 2:3; 11:2-3) and of whom he
delighted to speak: "For why not speak of the atonement of Christ, and attain to a perfect knowledge of him . . . ?" (Jacob 4:12). Obedient to Nephi's charge, Jacob
touched but "lightly" on history, while touching "as much as it were possible, for Christ's sake," on "preaching," "revelation," and "prophesying" (Jacob 1:2-4). Narrative
links are thus minimal and little space is given to either social or personal detail.

Nonetheless, the record provides significant glimpses into the lives of its author and his people. For example, Jacob revealed that before he died, Nephi divided and
distributed his combined duties as king, priest, and scribe: anointing as king an unnamed successor who assumed the name "Nephi" as a royal title (Jacob 1:9-14),
consecrating his brothers Jacob and Joseph 2 as "priests and teachers" (Jacob 1:18), and appointing Jacob as scribe and conservator of the small plates (Jacob 1:1-3).
Simi-larly, Jacob indicated that his people quickly prospered in the new land and that prosperity engendered pride , invidious social distinctions, and other sins (Jacob
2:12-21). He also disclosed that the Nephites kept the law of Moses with knowledge of and hope in Christ's atonement (Jacob 4:4-6), and that Christ- centered
observance of the law was not uniformly accepted but was attacked as blasphemous by the likes of Sherem and his followers (Jacob 7:7). Finally Jacob reported
rumblings from a tragic history marked by the Nephites' vain efforts to reclaim their Lamanite cousins, implacable hatred dividing Lehiposterity, and bloody internecine
warfare (Jacob 7:24).

Jacob's focus, however, was fixed not on history but on preaching, especially of Christ. Three sermons compose the bulk of Jacob's writing, one in 2 Nephi 6-10 and
two in Jacob 2-6. These discourses share doctrinal and stylistic similarities. Typically, Jacob acknowledged "anxiety" for the welfare of his people, quoted Old
Testament prophecy (especially pertaining to scattered Israel), testified of Christ and of the Atonement, and admonished his audience to repent. And he did all this
employing a distinctive vocabulary.

The first sermon in the book of Jacob was delivered at the temple. It reprises the themes of pride and unchastity against which Jacob had preached previously (cf. 2
Ne. 9:30, 36). "Having first obtained [his] errand from the Lord" (Jacob 1:17), Jacob inveighed against the pride of those whose riches prompted them to "suppose that
[they were] better than" others, forgetting that "one being is as precious in [God's] sight as the other" (Jacob 2:13, 21). Jacob then turned to a "grosser crime," which
may or may not be linked to pride and riches (as in many societies multiple wives are associated with wealth and social standing). Jacob excoriated his hearers for
"whoredoms," specifically condemning Nephite men for engaging in the unauthorized practice of plural marriage and concubinage. He roundly rebuked husbands for
breaking "the hearts of your tender wives, and [losing] the confidence of your children" (Jacob 2:35). Implicit in Jacob's condemnation is criticism of Nephite prejudice
toward the Lamanites (cf. Jacob 2:35; 3:3-9).

No context is given for Jacob's next discourse, recorded in chapters 4-6, which clearly forms a single discursive unit. Broadly stated, the subject of these chapters is
God's loving relationship with Israel. Jacob first focused on how believers before Christ, including "all the holy prophets," worshipped God through Christ (Jacob 4:4;
cf. 7:11). Jacob testified that his people also "knew of Christ," kept the law of Moses in anticipation of Christ, and performed miracles in Christ's name. He admonished
his brethren to be reconciled to God "through the atonement of Christ" (Jacob 4:4-12). The Jews, by contrast, would not hear such "words of plainness" from prophets
but were blinded by "looking beyond the mark" (Jacob 4:14). Hence, Jacob pro-phe-sied, they would reject Jesus. God, however, would not utterly reject his people,
despite their constant backsliding, but would nurture them and become for them a stone on which to build. To illustrate this point, Jacob quoted an extended allegory of
wild and tame olive trees by an otherwise unknown Old Testament prophet, Zenos. This allegory is remarkable both as prophecy of Israel's many scatterings and
gatherings and as parable of God's loving care. Jacob then concluded his discourse by urging his readers to remember God's mercies to them as "he remembereth the
house of Israel," and to "cleave unto God as he cleaveth unto you" (Jacob 6:4-5).

The final chapter recounts Jacob's confron-tation with Sherem, a powerful speaker who had convinced many that the doctrine of Christ was blasphemy, that it
perverted the "right way of God" as embodied in the law of Moses, and that no man could know the future, including the predicted birth of Christ (Jacob 7:7). But
Jacob could not be shaken, for he had "seen angels," "heard the voice of the Lord," and felt pro-phe-cies of Christ confirmed "by the power of the Holy Ghost" (Jacob
7:5, 12). He so testified to Sherem, who was smitten by God and died, after first publicly recanting his lies. The people then repented and turned again to God and the
scriptures.

The book ends with Jacob's entrusting the record to Enos, his son. After this, Jacob composed a melancholy and poignant farewell, which eloquently encapsulates the
lonely existence of a man who had witnessed his father's family split into warring civilizations, who had spent his early days as a wanderer between two worlds, each
infected by corruption, and who ultimately died perched on the edge of a wilderness amidst enmity and contention. Amid such tribulations, Jacob inscribed the
remarkable book that bears his name.

See also Zenos, allegory of.

Tanner, John Sears

Jacob city of

Wicked city mentioned only in connection with its destruction at the time of Jesus' death. The Lord caused the city and its inhabitants to be buried "in the depths of the
earth," and he "made hills and valleys in the places thereof" to hide their wickedness, so that the blood of the martyred prophets and Saints might cease to testify against
them (3 Ne. 9:8).

Jacob house of

See Israel, house of.
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Jacobites
Jacob house of

See Israel, house of.

Jacobites

Descendants of Jacob 2 . From the time of Jacob, Jacobites were usually not distinguished from the larger group called Nephites, made up primarily of Nephites,
Jacobites, Josephites, and Zoramites 1 (Jacob 1:13-14; 4 Ne. 1:36-37; Morm. 1:8; D&C 3:17).

Jacobugath city of

Iniquitous city inhabited by Nephite dissenters and followers of the apostate king Jacob 4 after the splintering of the Nephite nation into tribes ( a.d. 29-30). Led north
by Jacob to establish a kingdom, they became the most wicked people on earth because of their secret murders and combin-ations. After his crucifixion, Jesus Christ
caused Jacobugath to be burned because they had "destroy[ed] the peace of my people and the government of the land" (3 Ne. 7:6-13; 9:9).

Jacom

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Jared 1

Brother of the prophet Mahonri Moriancumer, or "brother of Jared," one of the patriarchs of the Jaredite nation, and ancestor of the prophet Ether. Jared came forth
with his family and friends from the Tower of Babel to the promised land. Through revelation to the brother of Jared, the Lord granted Jared's inspired desire that their
pure language not be confounded and that they be led to a choice land (Ether 1:6-42). The Lord commanded them to gather animals and seeds, and he directed their
journey into pristine wilderness. They built a first set of barges in which they crossed many waters (Ether 2:6), eventually arriving on the seashore at a place they called
Moriancumer (Ether 2:13). Four years later they built another set of barges (Ether 2:16) and sailed for the promised land (Ether 6:4-12). Jared had twelve children,
eight daughters and four sons (Ether 6:20). He may have contributed to the subsequent fall of his people by ignoring his brother's warning that anointing a king would
lead the people into captivity. Jared's son Orihah was anointed to be the first Jaredite king (Ether 6:22-27).

Thomas, M. Catherine

Jared 2

Son of the Jaredite king Omer. "Jared rebelled against his father," defeated him, and consigned him to captivity. Omer begat children in his long captivity, and two of his
sons even-tually defeated Jared, though they spared his life, and restored Omer to the throne (Ether 8:1-6). Jared's daughter, seeing her father's distress, reminded him
of accounts in the Jaredite records about ancient conspiracies and secret schemes to acquire kingdoms and glory. She conceived a plan in which, by her dancing, she
would lure a traitorous man named Akish to Jared's service. Jared would give her hand in marriage in exchange for Omer's head (Ether 8:8-12). The pact was made,
and Akish formed a secret society of "all his kinsfolk" (Ether 8:13). In Jared's house they swore to support Akish in his wicked deeds (Ether 8:13-18), thus launching
the Satan- inspired secret combinations among the Jaredites. But before Akish could slay the king, the Lord warned Omer, who took his family and escaped (Ether
9:2-3). With Omer gone, Jared became king again and, as agreed, gave his daughter to Akish in marriage (Ether 9:4). Soon, however, Akish lusted after the kingdom
for himself. Using the same secret society, Akish arranged for the murder of his father- in- law and succeeded him on the throne (Ether 9:5-6).

See also Jared 1 , posterity of.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Jared 1 brother of

A Jaredite prophet who led his people from the tower of Babel to the promised land (Ether 1-3; 6). He was the brother of a man named Jared 1 who helped lead the
group and whose sons became the kings among the Jaredites. The brother of Jared's name is not given in the Book of Mormon, but it was revealed through the
Prophet Joseph Smith as Mahonri Moriancumer (or possibly just Moriancumer; Reynolds, 282). He is described as "a large and mighty man, and a man highly favored
of the Lord" (Ether 1:34) and is known for his great faith. The Lord said to him, "Never has man come before me with such exceeding faith as thou hast" (Ether 3:9).
The scriptures record that because of his faith he was privileged to be the first man to see the premortal Christ in such a manner (Ether 3:6-20; 12:19-21; cf. Holland,
18-19; McConkie, 599-600).

The story of the Jaredites began at "the great tower, at the time the Lord confounded the language of the people" and scattered them "upon all the face of the
earth" (Ether 1:33; Gen. 11:1-9). The brother of Jared cried unto the Lord to have compassion on his people. Because of his prayers the Lord did not confound the
language of his family and friends, and promised to lead them to a land choice above all others and to raise up a great nation of their seed (Ether 1:33-43). The Lord
directed them as they went forth from the valley of Nimrod into the wilderness, across "many waters" to the "great sea [that] divideth the lands," where they pitched
their tents upon the seashore at a place they called Moriancumer (Ether 2:1, 5-6, 13).

At the end of four years the Lord came in a cloud and spoke to the brother of Jared: "And for the space of three hours did the Lord talk with the brother of Jared, and
chastened him because he remembered not to call upon the name of the Lord" (Ether 2:14). After obtaining forgiveness, the Lord instructed the brother of Jared and his
people to build barges like the ones they had previously built (Ether 2:15-17).

Petitioning the Lord concerning darkness inside the barges, the brother of Jared was taught a powerful lesson on faith. The Lord asked, "What will ye that I should do
that ye may have light in your vessels?" (Ether 2:23). The brother of Jared exercised his own initiative and went to mount Shelem and "did molten out of a rock sixteen
small stones; and they were white and clear, even as transparent glass." He then carried the stones to the top of the mount and cried to the Lord, "Touch these stones,
O Lord, with thy finger, and prepare them that they may shine forth in darkness . . . that we may have light while we shall cross the sea" (Ether 3:1, 4).

The Lord touched each stone, "and the veil was taken from off the eyes of the brother of Jared, and he saw the finger of the Lord" (Ether 3:6). He was frightened, but
he learned much from this encounter. The Lord explained, "Because of thy faith thou hast seen that I shall take upon me flesh and blood." The Lord then inquired,
"Sawest thou more than this?" The brother of Jared replied, "Nay; Lord, show thyself unto me," to which the Lord answered, "Because thou knowest these things ye
are redeemed from the fall; therefore ye are brought back into my presence; therefore I show myself unto you" (Ether 3:9-10, 13).

The  brother(c)
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                                         Media    Jesus Christ, and he would come into the world to redeem his people. He also learned that Christ appeared to him in
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his spirit body, which was in the likeness of the body that he would take upon himself in his mortal ministry, and that man was created in his image (Ether 3:14-16). He
was shown all the inhabitants of the earth throughout time and was told to record his vision and seal it up with the two stones that would "magnify to the eyes of men
these things which ye shall write" (Ether 3:24). This sealed record was not to come forth until after the ministry of the Lord in the flesh, in the "due time" of the Lord
he learned much from this encounter. The Lord explained, "Because of thy faith thou hast seen that I shall take upon me flesh and blood." The Lord then inquired,
"Sawest thou more than this?" The brother of Jared replied, "Nay; Lord, show thyself unto me," to which the Lord answered, "Because thou knowest these things ye
are redeemed from the fall; therefore ye are brought back into my presence; therefore I show myself unto you" (Ether 3:9-10, 13).

The brother of Jared learned that the Lord was Jesus Christ, and he would come into the world to redeem his people. He also learned that Christ appeared to him in
his spirit body, which was in the likeness of the body that he would take upon himself in his mortal ministry, and that man was created in his image (Ether 3:14-16). He
was shown all the inhabitants of the earth throughout time and was told to record his vision and seal it up with the two stones that would "magnify to the eyes of men
these things which ye shall write" (Ether 3:24). This sealed record was not to come forth until after the ministry of the Lord in the flesh, in the "due time" of the Lord
(Ether 3:21-28; 4:1-2).

After 344 days on the water, the brother of Jared and his company established themselves in the promised land. Eventually the people came to Jared and his brother
and asked them to anoint one of their sons to be a king over them (Ether 6:22). The brother of Jared warned them against having a king and prophesied, "Surely this
thing leadeth into captivity" (Ether 6:23). Nevertheless, the people first offered the kingship to each of the sons of the brother of Jared, but they refused. Eventually
Orihah, one of Jared's sons, accepted and was anointed king over the people. One of Orihah's descendants, Corihor 1 , rebelled against his father, king Kib, and
usurped the throne and took Kib captive, thus fulfilling the prophecy of the brother of Jared (Ether 7:5). The brother of Jared was the father of twenty- two children
(Ether 6:20). His death is recorded in Ether 6:29.

Moroni 2 extolled the great faith of the brother of Jared, and he recorded that because of his faith "the Lord could not withhold anything from his sight; wherefore he
showed him all things" (Ether 12:19-21). The brother of Jared commanded the mountain Zerin to "remove-and it was removed" (Ether 12:30). Moroni also revealed
that the brother of Jared was a powerful writer. Addressing the Lord, Moroni compared the writing of the Nephites with that of the brother of Jared: "Thou hast not
made us mighty in writing like unto the brother of Jared, for thou madest him that the things which he wrote were mighty even as thou art, unto the overpowering of man
to read them" (Ether 12:24).

Moroni sealed up the writings of the brother of Jared with the "interpreters" to go forth unto the Gentiles when the Lord would "manifest unto them the things which the
brother of Jared saw, even to the unfolding unto them all my revelations" (Ether 4:4-7; cf. 3:25-28). Joseph Smith was given the Urim and Thummim , the interpreters
originally given to the brother of Jared, and he used them to translate the Book of Mormon and to receive numerous revelations (D&C 17:1).

See also Ether, book of; Jaredite civilization; Jesus Christ, premortal appearances of; Moriancumer, Mahonri; Sealed portion of the gold plates.

Bibliography

Holland, Jeffrey R. "I Have a Question." Ensign 4 (April 1974): 18- 19.

McConkie, Bruce R. The Promised Messiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978.

Reynolds, George R. "The Jaredites." Juvenile Instructor 27 (May 1, 1892): 282- 85.

Seely, Jo Ann H.

Jared 1 posterity of

The narrative in the book of Ether chronicling the reign of the many Jaredite kings adds confirmatory witness to cardinal teachings already rehearsed repetitively in the
Nephite saga: the evils of secret combinations, kingdoms and peoples prospering when they keep the commandments of God, and the eventual destruction and misery
that accompany the rejection of God and his prophets.

The following listing represents Jared's progeny as written by Ether in Ether 1:6-32 and expanded in the subsequent narrative. The term "begat" assumes a father- son
relationship. Names of wives, dates, and localities (place names) are not given in the book of Ether. There are ambiguities within the book of Ether regarding personal
names and relationships. Shiblon in Ether 1:12 is spelled Shiblom in Ether 11:4, but it is assumed that the two names refer to the same person. In Ether 1:6, Ether is
shown as a "descendant of Coriantor," but in Ether 11:23 he is designated as a son of Coriantor. For purposes of this chart it is assumed that Ether was Coriantor's
son. The numbers in the following list correspond with the numbers in the accompanying genealogical chart.

1. Jared 1- see Jared 1 .

2. Jacom-son of Jared 1 , probably his firstborn. Jacom refused the kingship offered him at the inception of the Jaredite monarchy (Ether 6:14, 27).

3. Gilgah-son of Jared 1 . Gilgah refused the offer to be crowned the first Jaredite king (Ether 6:14, 27).

4. Mahah-one of the four sons of Jared 1 . Like two of his brothers, Mahah refused to be the first king of the Jaredites, a position that was afterwards bestowed upon
his brother Orihah (Ether 6:14, 27).

5. Orihah-son of Jared 1 . Orihah was appointed the first king of the Jaredites and executed judgment in righteousness. Orihah had thirty- one children, twenty- three of
which were sons (Ether 1:32; 6:14, 27-30; 7:1-3).

6. Kib-reigned in his father Orihah's stead. Kib lost his throne to his rebellious son Corihor, after which he dwelt in captivity. Kib's son Shule restored him to his throne
(Ether 1:32; 7:3-5, 7-10).

7. Corihor 1-overthrew his father Kib and reigned as king until his brother Shule deposed him and reenthroned Kib. Corihor repented and was granted power when
Shule became Kib's successor (Ether 7:3-5, 8-9, 13-14).

8. Shule- see Shule.

9. Noah 2-rebelled against his father, Corihor 1 , and uncle Shule, drawing many people away from Shule, the king. Noah fought Shule and gained a part of the
kingdom, after which they fought again, and Noah obtained the kingdom and imprisoned Shule. At a time when Shule's execution was imminent, Shulesons assassinated
Noah in his house, rescued their father, and restored him to his kingdom. "The son of Noah did build up his kingdom in his stead," and the country was divided into two
kingdoms: the kingdom of Shule and the kingdom of Cohor 2 , the son of Noah (Ether 7:14-20).

10. Cohor 1-son of Corihor 1 and brother of Noah 2 who joined in Noah's rebellion against their father Corihor and uncle Shule (Ether 7:15).
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11. Cohor 2-son of Noah 2 who succeeded him and ruled over part of the kingdom during the time of king Shule. Cohor waged a war against Shule, was defeated,
and lost his life (Ether 7:19-22).
kingdoms: the kingdom of Shule and the kingdom of Cohor 2 , the son of Noah (Ether 7:14-20).

10. Cohor 1-son of Corihor 1 and brother of Noah 2 who joined in Noah's rebellion against their father Corihor and uncle Shule (Ether 7:15).

11. Cohor 2-son of Noah 2 who succeeded him and ruled over part of the kingdom during the time of king Shule. Cohor waged a war against Shule, was defeated,
and lost his life (Ether 7:19-22).

12. Nimrod 2-son of Cohor 2 who, following the defeat and death of his father, relinquished the kingdom of Cohor to Shule. Nimrod pleased Shule and was granted
"great favors" (Ether 7:22).

13. Omer-son of Shule who reigned in Shule's stead in the kingdom. Omer was deposed by his son Jared 2 and lived in captivity until his (Omer's) sons, Esrom and
Coriantumr 1 , overthrew Jared and restored him to his throne. Afterwards Jared plotted Omer's assassination but Omer was warned in a dream to depart from the
land to be saved. Eventually Omer was again established as king (Ether 1:29-30; 8:1-17; 9:1-15).

14. Jared 2- see Jared 2 .

15. Jared 2 , daughter of- see Jared 2 , daughter of.

16. Nimrah-son of Akish who became angered at Akish for causing his brother's death. Nimrah gathered "a small number of men, and fled out of the land, and came
over and dwelt with Omer" (Ether 9:7-9). See Akish.

17. Esrom-son of Omer who helped restore his father's throne usurped by his brother Jared 2 (Ether 8:3-6).

18. Coriantumr 1-son of Omer who helped restore his father's throne usurped by his brother Jared 2 (Ether 8:3-6).

19. Emer-begat by Omer and anointed to be king and reign in Omer's stead. Emer executed judgment in righteousness and the house of Emer prospered. Emer saw
the Son of Righ-teousness and was reported to have died in peace (Ether 1:29; 9:14-22).

20. Coriantum 1-appointed king by his father, Emer. Coriantum walked in the steps of his father and built many mighty cities and did administer that which was good
unto his people in all his days. Coriantum lived to be 142 years old (Ether 1:28; 9:21-25).

21. Com 1-son of Coriantum 1 . Reigned in his father's stead for forty- nine years and then was slain by the sword of his son Heth (Ether 1:27; 9:25-27).

22. Heth 1-son of Com 1 . Heth embraced secret combinations and gained the throne through murdering his father, Com. During his reign he commanded his people to
cast out the prophets who were sent to cry repentance; in some cases they were cast into pits to perish. Consequently a great dearth came upon the land, as well as a
plague of poisonous serpents. Heth perished by famine (Ether 1:26; 9:26-10:1).

23. Shez 1-son (descendant?) of Heth (Ether 1:25; 10:1). Shez was the only one of the "household" of Heth who survived the famine. He was a righteous king who
built many cities and lived to "an exceedingly old age" (Ether 10:1-4).

24. Shez 2-eldest son of Shez 1 . Shez 2 rebelled against his father, the king. A robber killed him "because of his exceeding riches," bringing peace again to his father
(Ether 10:3).

25. Riplakish-son of Shez 1 . Riplakish reigned in his father's stead. He did not find favor in the Lord's eyes-he had many wives and concubines, burdened the people
with taxes, and afflicted the people with whoredoms and abominations. After reigning for forty- two years the people rose up against Riplakish and he was killed (Ether
1:24; 10:4-8).

26. Morianton 1-descendant of Riplakish. Morianton gathered "an army of outcasts" and won a lengthy war enabling him to gain power and establish himself as king.
Afterwards he gained "favor" with the people because he eased their burdens. For this they anointed Morianton their king. Although Morianton was a just leader he
was a wicked man (Ether 1:23; 10:9-13).

27. Kim-son of Morianton. Kim was an unrighteous king who reigned after his father. Kim's brother rebelled against him and placed him in captivity where he spent the
remainder of his life. His son Levi 2 was born in captivity (Ether 1:22; 10:13-14).

28. Levi 2-son of Kim. Levi served in cap-tivity for forty- two years, after which he fought against the king of the land and did obtain the kingdom. Levi was righteous,
and his people prospered (Ether 1:21; 10:15-16).

29. Corom-son of Levi 2 . Corom was a righteous king who reigned after his father Levi (Ether 1:20; 10:16-17).

30. Kish-son of Corom, appointed to reign in his father's stead (Ether 1:19; 10:17).

31 . Lib 1-son of Kish who reigned after his father. He found favor with the Lord by doing good all his days and his people were exceedingly blessed while he reigned
as king. Lib became a great hunter (Ether 1:18; 10:18-29).

32. Hearthom-son of Lib 1 who ruled in his father's stead. When he had reigned for twenty- four years the kingdom was taken from him, and he served in captivity for
the remainder of his days (Ether 1:17; 10:30).

33. Heth 2-son of Hearthom. Heth lived in captivity all his days (Ether 1:16; 10:31).

34. Aaron 2-descendant of Heth 2 . Aaron lived all his days in captivity (Ether 1:16; 10:31).

35. Amnigaddah-son of Aaron 2 . Amni-gad-dah lived all his days in captivity (Ether 1:15; 10:31).

36. Coriantum 2-son of Amnigaddah. Coriantum lived all his days in captivity (Ether 1:14; 10:31).

37. Com 2-begat by Coriantum 2 . Com drew away half of the kingdom and reigned for forty- two years. He went to battle against king Amgid and eventually gained
the entire kingdom. During Com's reign it was reported that he did not prevail against the "robbers in the land" although he fought "much" against them. Prophets came
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in the days of Com to call the people to repentance. After being rejected they fled to Com for protection and "prophesied unto Com many things;Page         692blessed
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in all the remainder of his days" (Ether 1:13; 10:31-11:3).
36. Coriantum 2-son of Amnigaddah. Coriantum lived all his days in captivity (Ether 1:14; 10:31).

37. Com 2-begat by Coriantum 2 . Com drew away half of the kingdom and reigned for forty- two years. He went to battle against king Amgid and eventually gained
the entire kingdom. During Com's reign it was reported that he did not prevail against the "robbers in the land" although he fought "much" against them. Prophets came
in the days of Com to call the people to repentance. After being rejected they fled to Com for protection and "prophesied unto Com many things; and he was blessed
in all the remainder of his days" (Ether 1:13; 10:31-11:3).

38. Shiblom 1-son of Com 2 , who reigned in his father's stead. Shiblom's brother rose up against him and war followed. He also had all the prophets who had
prophesied of his people's impending destruction killed. Wars, famine, pestilence, and "great destruction" did come in the days of Shiblom, "such an one as never had
been known upon the face of the earth," and Shiblom was eventually slain (Ether 1:12; 11:4-7).

39. Seth-Shiblom's son who lived in cap-tivity all his days (Ether 1:11; 11:9).

40. Ahah-wicked son of Seth, whose reign as king caused much bloodshed. Ahah's days were "few" (Ether 1:10; 11:10-11).

41. Ethem-wicked son of Ahah, who obtained Ahah's kingdom and executed "judgment in wickedness all his days." Ethem's people rejected the many prophets who
came among them (Ether 1:9; 11:11-14).

42. Moron-wicked son of Ethem who obtained his father's kingdom. Because of a rebellion among the people attributed to secret combinations, Moron lost one- half
of his kingdom, but after many years he regained it. Subsequently Moron was again overthrown, after which he spent the remainder of his days in captivity (Ether 1:8;
11:14-18).

43. Coriantor-begat of Moron, Coriantor dwelt all his days in captivity and died there. During Coriantor's day prophets again came and foretold destruction and again
were rejected. This rejection occurred "because of their secret society and wicked abominations." Coriantor begat Ether (Ether 1:7; 11:18-23).

44. Ether- see Ether.

See also Chronology, Book of Mormon; Ether, book of; Jaredite civilization.

Sperry, Kip

Jared 2 daughter of

A wicked Jaredite woman who schemed to bring her father Jared 2 back to power after he had lost his throne to his father Omer, whom he had deposed years earlier.
She persuaded him to follow the evil methods employed by secret combinations in the past, methods described in the records brought to the New World by the
Jaredite fathers (Ether 8:8-10). Her plan was to please a man named Akish by dancing before him. Akish would then desire her as his wife and therefore accept her
father's evil proposition to deliver Omer's head in exchange for permission to marry his daughter (Ether 8:11-12). Omer, however, was warned by God and escaped.
But he was deposed, and Jared became king, only to be slain by Akish and his fellow conspirators (Ether 9:2-5). The text is silent concerning the role of Jared's
daughter after her father's assassination.

See also Jared 1 , posterity of.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Jaredite civilization

The Jaredites were a pre- Israelite, pre- Nephite civilization that migrated from Mesopotamia and flourished in the New World between approximately the third
millennium and the second century b.c. The history of the Jaredites is found largely in the book of Ether, as abridged by Moroni 2 . Although a number of prophets
preached to the Jaredites, for the most part their society was described as idolatrous and wicked. Throughout their history the Jaredites were plagued by political
instability, criminal conspiracy, royal coups, and wars, -culminating in their collapse in the midst of a catastrophic civil war between rival factions for the throne.

It is clear that the book of Ether is a heavily edited abridgment of the original twenty- four gold plates of Ether that were found by Limhi's people (Mosiah 8:9; 28:17;
Ether 1:2, 4; 15:33). Moroni 2 , the principal editor, seems to have written substantial sections of the text which may include Ether 1:1-6a; 2:9-13a; 3:17-20; 4:1b-6:1;
8:18-26; 9:1a; 9:20; 12:6-13:1 (Welch, 7). Some portions of the rest of the text may have been paraphrased, edited, or abridged by Moroni; others are undoubtedly
full trans-lations of the original records. Thus, the book of Ether is a composite document, a selective narrative history edited to emphasize one of Moroni's fundamental
prophetic lessons: that failure to follow the teachings of the Lord and allowing the establishment of secret combinations leads to the destruction of a civilization (Ether
8:18-26).

Basic history of the Jaredites

The book of Ether begins with an editor's introduction by Moroni (Ether 1:1-5), followed by a genealogy of the royal descendants of Jared 1 (Ether 1:6-32). At the
time of the "great tower," the brother of Jared cried to the Lord that his clan might be spared from the confounding of their language. The Lord showed compassion on
this people and revealed a plan for them to migrate to a promised land, "choice above all the lands of the earth" (Ether 1:33-43). The Lord promised the brother of
Jared that his descendants would be a "great nation," that there would be "none greater" (Ether 1:43). This status, however, was dependent upon their obedience-they
would have to serve God or be swept off the land "when . . . ripened in iniquity" (Ether 2:9-10).

The Jaredites migrated across the Old World and settled for four years on the shores of the ocean (Ether 2:1-13). There the Lord gave instructions to the brother of
Jared to build barges to take them across the ocean to the promised land (Ether 2:14-25). It was during the preparation of these barges that the brother of Jared,
through his faith, received a unique vision of Jesus Christ (Ether 3). The Jaredites traveled across the ocean (Ether 6:1-12) and founded colonies in the promised land
(Ether 6:12-18). Upon their arrival, they chose to be governed by kings (Ether 6:19-30). This institution of kingship lasted throughout their history and followed a clear
pattern: righteous kings brought peace, stability and prosperity, while wicked kings brought war, contention, and destruction.

The reigns of the early Jaredite kings are described in Ether 7-8. Some are given only brief notice, while others are described in more depth. Early in their history,
struggles over succession to the throne arose (Ether 7). Eventually the Jaredites discovered secret combinations, and Akish and Jared 2 used them to overthrow king
Omer (Ether 8:1-17; cf. 8:22-23; 9:11; 11:15). These secret combinations among the Jaredites led to murder and warfare and eventually the final violent collapse of
their civilization (Ether 10:33-34; 11:4, 6, 15-18; 13:20-15:34). Moroni strongly warned the readers of the Book of Mormon against such secret combinations. He
observed that secret combinations led to the destruction of the Jaredites and the Nephites, and he warned the future Gentiles that "what-soever nation shall uphold such
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                        to get power and Media  Corp.
                                         gain, until they shall spread over the nation, behold, they shall be destroyed" (Ether 8:18-26).           Page 693 / 919

Omer's loss of the throne was only temporary (Ether 9:1-14). His return from exile precipitated the first golden age under his son, the prophet- king Emer, and his
struggles over succession to the throne arose (Ether 7). Eventually the Jaredites discovered secret combinations, and Akish and Jared 2 used them to overthrow king
Omer (Ether 8:1-17; cf. 8:22-23; 9:11; 11:15). These secret combinations among the Jaredites led to murder and warfare and eventually the final violent collapse of
their civilization (Ether 10:33-34; 11:4, 6, 15-18; 13:20-15:34). Moroni strongly warned the readers of the Book of Mormon against such secret combinations. He
observed that secret combinations led to the destruction of the Jaredites and the Nephites, and he warned the future Gentiles that "what-soever nation shall uphold such
secret combinations, to get power and gain, until they shall spread over the nation, behold, they shall be destroyed" (Ether 8:18-26).

Omer's loss of the throne was only temporary (Ether 9:1-14). His return from exile precipitated the first golden age under his son, the prophet- king Emer, and his
grandson Coriantum 1 (Ether 9:15-24). Civil strife and secret combinations were renewed after the death of Coriantum (Ether 9:25-35), followed by increasingly
wicked, tyrannical kings such as Riplakish and his descendant Morianton 1 (Ether 10:1-13). The wicked king Riplakish took many concubines, taxed the people
heavily, built "many spacious buildings," a "beautiful throne," and "many prisons" (Ether 10:5-6). Following a period of political chaos after the death of Morianton
(Ether 10:14-17), the righteous king Lib established a second golden age and built a great and prosperous city (Ether 10:18-29). Lib's descendants were not able to
retain the throne, however, which passed into the hands of an unknown dynasty who were not necessarily descended from Jared 1 , and about whom almost nothing is
known (Ether 10:30-31). Power was restored to the house of Jared by Com 2 (Ether 10:31-34), and his descendants ruled in wickedness; secret combinations
prevailed, despite repeated warnings by unnamed prophets (Ether 11).

The final acts of Jaredite history commenced "in the days of Coriantumr . . . [who] was king over all the land." His people rejected the teachings and prophecies of the
prophet Ether, and they "cast him out" (Ether 12:1-5; 13:2-13). A "great war," which brought death to many, ensued between Coriantumr 2 and those who sought his
kingdom (Ether 13:15-18). Ether went to Coriantumr and prophesied "that, if he would repent, and all his household, the Lord would give unto him his kingdom and
spare the people-Otherwise they should be destroyed, and all his household save it were himself." Ether further told Coriantumr that he would live long enough to see
another people inherit the promised land (Ether 13:20-21). Coriantumr and his family and people refused to repent, the wars continued, and they sought to kill Ether.
Finally Ether, hiding in a cave, concluded his record with a detailed description of the final suicidal wars between Coriantumr and Shiz and the prophesied destruction of
Jaredite civilization (Ether 13:18-15:34).

Although the book of Ether describes the destruction of Jaredite civilization, that may not necessarily imply the complete annihilation of all Jaredite peoples. When the
social and political structures collapsed, it is likely that many individuals fled and thus survived the massacres during the last great war. For example, Jaredite names are
found in Nephite portions of the Book of Mormon (e.g., Moron compared to Moroni; Corihor/Coriantor/Coriantumr compared to Corianton/Korihor), indicating some
type of cultural continuity, perhaps through Mulekite intermediaries (Sorenson, Setting, 119-20; Nibley, 242-46).

Origin of the name Jaredite

The word Jaredite does not seem to be the original ethnonym used by the peoples of the book of Ether to describe themselves. The name occurs only once in the Book
of Mormon, when Moroni 2 , the editor of the book of Ether, compared the collapse of his own Nephite civilization with that of the "Jaredites" (Moro. 9:23).
"Jaredites" is not found in the book of Ether and seems thus to be late Nephite nomenclature for their little- known predecessors in the New World. This name is
misleading because the book of Ether is a history not just of the descendants of Jared 1 but of all of the descendants of Jared's unnamed father. None-the-less, the main
royal lineage described in the book of Ether is that of Jared, and the use of Jaredite to refer to all peoples of the book of Ether has become normative in LDS culture.

Geography

The broad outlines of Jaredite geography are relatively clear, although the exact details are open to a range of interpretation. Based on the correlation of place names
such as the "great tower" in Shinar/Sumer (Gen. 11:2, 4), and the "valley of Nimrod" (Ether 2:4), the name of a person who is associated with Mesopotamian cities
(Gen. 10:8-12), it is generally assumed that Jared and his brother originally lived in Mesopotamia. From there they migrated northward (Ether 2:1), and probably
eastward (though this is ambiguous), crossing unin-habited territory (Ether 2:5) and "many waters" (Ether 2:6). All of this is consistent with migration through Central
Asia, broadly following what is now called the Silk Road. From a temporary resting place (Ether 2:13-14), presumably on the east coast of Asia, the Jaredites crossed
the Pacific Ocean, landing on the west coast of the New World. A combination of archaeological and chronological information makes it plau-sible that the core lands
of the Jaredites in the New World could well be equated with Mesoamerica.

Chronology

The book of Ether does not provide sufficient calendrical information to develop a precise chronology for the Jaredites. All attempted chronologies are founded upon
one or more unverifiable assumptions. Nonetheless, a broad outline can be determined, limiting the range of chronological options.

The beginning of Jaredite history is said to be at the time of the "great tower" described in the Bible (Ether 1:33; Omni 1:22; Gen. 11:1-9). Unfortunately, this great
tower cannot be dated with certainty. By synchronizing the origin of Jaredite civilization with the beginning of the Mesoamerican Long Count calendar, it has been
suggested that the Jaredite migration to the New World occurred around 3114 b.c. (Sorenson, "Years," 4). Alternatively, if Peleg were the last of the Shemites to have
lived before the age of the great tower (Gen. 10:25), and because Abraham lived five generations (191 years) after Peleg (Gen. 11:17-26), it can be speculated that the
events surrounding the great tower occurred around two hundred years before Abraham. Because Abraham is generally thought to have lived during the Middle Bronze
Age (2200-1550 b.c. ), the date of the great tower-and the origin of the Jaredites-would be somewhere within the range of about 2400 to 1750 b.c. The possible
range of dates for the end of Jaredite civilization can be more precisely defined. The Jaredite state system had clearly collapsed by the time of Mosiah (ca. 130 b.c. ),
yet was still in existence after the arrival of the Mulekites sometime following the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 b.c. (Omni 1:15-16, 20-21). Thus, the origin and
migration of the Jaredites to the New World can be dated some time between roughly 3100 and 1750 b.c. and their collapse some time between approximately 586
and 130 b.c. As noted below, this time frame broadly corresponds with the rise and fall of the Olmecs in Mesoamerica. See Chronology, Book of Mormon.

Ethnicity and language of the Jaredites

Both the language and the ethnicity of the Jaredites remain uncertain. Because a few Semitic names are found in the book of Ether (e.g., Jared, Levi, Aaron, Seth), it is
possible that the ancestors of the Jaredites spoke a Semitic language. On the other hand, these names may represent borrowings from Semitic neighbors of Jared in the
Old World, or translations by Moroni , who extensively edited the record. Fur-ther-more, most Jaredite names do not appear to be obviously Semitic.

Archaeology and the Jaredites

Since the 1950s archaeologists have uncovered progressively more remains of the oldest known civilization of the New World. Called "Olmecs" by archaeologists
(their original ancient name is unknown), this ancient civilization flourished in Mesoamerica from roughly 1500 to 500 b.c. (Clark, 16-17; Rosenbaum, 11). Based on
the geographical setting, the cultural patterns, and the agreement in chron-ology, some LDS scholars have attempted to correlate the Jaredites with the broader range of
artifacts associated with the age of the Olmecs (Sorenson, Setting, 119). In the past few decades archaeologists of the Olmecs have discovered many artifacts and
characteristics of culture and civilization which can be seen as parallel to those described in the book of Ether. These include location around an isthmus with a large
body of water (Ether 10:20; 15:8); a chronological range of at least a thousand years from the second millennium to the mid first millennium b.c. ; the existence of cities
(Ether 7:9; 9:23; 10:4, 9, 12, 20; 14:17) and monumental buildings (Ether 10:5-6); writing and inscriptions on stone (Ether 15:5; Omni 1:20); the essential role of
religion and(c)
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                  practice of idol worship
                               Infobase    (EtherCorp.
                                         Media    7:23, 26); iron working (Ether 7:9; 10:23); extensive trade networks (Ether 10:22); the centrality ofPage
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6:22-27); and warfare and the final violent collapse of the civilization (Ether 10:33-34; 11:4, 6; 11:15-18; 13:20-15:34). Mesoamerica is the only region in the New
World to exhibit all of these characteristics during this period.
artifacts associated with the age of the Olmecs (Sorenson, Setting, 119). In the past few decades archaeologists of the Olmecs have discovered many artifacts and
characteristics of culture and civilization which can be seen as parallel to those described in the book of Ether. These include location around an isthmus with a large
body of water (Ether 10:20; 15:8); a chronological range of at least a thousand years from the second millennium to the mid first millennium b.c. ; the existence of cities
(Ether 7:9; 9:23; 10:4, 9, 12, 20; 14:17) and monumental buildings (Ether 10:5-6); writing and inscriptions on stone (Ether 15:5; Omni 1:20); the essential role of
religion and the practice of idol worship (Ether 7:23, 26); iron working (Ether 7:9; 10:23); extensive trade networks (Ether 10:22); the centrality of kingship (Ether
6:22-27); and warfare and the final violent collapse of the civilization (Ether 10:33-34; 11:4, 6; 11:15-18; 13:20-15:34). Mesoamerica is the only region in the New
World to exhibit all of these characteristics during this period.

Jaredite civilization as a model

The story of the Jaredite civilization gives perspective to the history and destiny of the Americas as "a choice land above all other lands, a chosen land of the Lord;
wherefore the Lord would have that all men should serve him who dwell upon the face thereof" (Ether 13:2). The establishment of the Jaredites in the promised land is
alluded to in the allegory of the olive tree as the branch that was planted in the spot of ground choice above all other parts of the vineyard that "withered away" to be
replaced by the Nephites (Jacob 5:43-44). The rise and fall of the Jaredite civilization is another witness to the principles taught in the Book of Mormon that the
righteous prosper and the wicked will eventually be destroyed. Moroni, it appears, shaped his abridgment of the record of the Jaredites to highlight the similarities
between the Jaredites and his people the Nephites. The Lord delivered both peoples and led them to a land of promise, where their prosperity and survival was
dependent on their righteousness. Both the Jaredites and the Nephites became prosperous, proud, and wicked, and both civilizations fostered secret combinations that
eventually contributed to their destruction (Ether 8:20-21). Moroni directed his message to the Gentiles of the latter days who would inhabit the same promised land. If
they would repent and serve the God of the land, Jesus Christ, they would be free from bondage and captivity. Otherwise they, like the Jaredites and Nephites before
them, would suffer the wrath of God (Ether 2:9-12).

See also Agriculture in the Book of Mormon; Ani-mals; Babel, tower of; Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction; Ether, book of;
Jared 1 , posterity of; Linen; Metals of the Book of Mormon; Names in the Book of Mormon; Silk.

Bibliography

Clark, John E. Los Olmecas en Mesoamerica. Mexico: El Equilibrista, 1994.

Hamblin, William J. "The Genealogies and Chronology of the Jaredites." Unpublished manuscript, 1998.

Honey, D. "Ecological Nomadism Versus Epic Heroism in Ether." Review of Books on the Book of Mormon. Vol. 2. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1990. 143- 63.

Nibley, Hugh. Lehi in the Desert; The World of the Jaredites; There Were Jaredites. Vol. 5 of The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley. Edited by John W. Welch,
Darrell L. Matthews, and Stephen R. Callister. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988.

Rosenbaum, Allen, ed. The Olmec World: Ritual and Rulership. Princeton: Art Museum, 1996.

Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985.

--- . Images of Ancient America: Visualizing Book of Mormon Life. Provo, Utah: Research Press, FARMS, 1998.

--- . "The Years of the Jaredites." FARMS Preliminary Report, 1969.

Welch, John W. "Preliminary Comments for Discussion on the Sources behind the Book of Ether." Unpublished manuscript, 1985.

Hamblin, William J.

Jarom

Keeper of the small plates of Nephi for 59 years (ca. 420-361 b.c. ), Jarom received the records from his father Enos. He wrote only fifteen verses himself, contending
that the revelations he and others had received could add nothing significant to the record. He wrote that the Nephites were led by "mighty men in the faith of the Lord"
and that the continuation of the Nephite civilization verified the Lord's promise that he would prosper those who keep his commandments (Jarom 1:7, 9). Jarom also
noted that Nephite prophets, priests, and teachers taught that the intent of the law of Moses was to bring the people to the Messiah (Jarom 1:11). He gave the plates to
his son Omni (Jarom 1:15).

See also Jarom, book of.

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Jarom book of

Written by Jarom , the son of Enos, on the small plates of Nephi, the book of Jarom sketches Nephite history from ca. 420 to 361 b.c. For the Nephites this was a
period in which there were "wars, and contentions, and dissensions" (Jarom 1:13). Jarom wrote that it was "expedient that much should be done among this people,
because of the hardness of their hearts" (Jarom 1:3). Nevertheless, God was "exceedingly merciful unto them ," blessing the faithful with "many revelations," and
providing prophets and righteous leaders to teach the people and call them to repentance (Jarom 1:3-13).

Content and message

Claiming that the writings of his "fathers" had already sufficiently revealed the plan of salvation, Jarom chose not to write about his own prophesying or revelations on
the limited space remaining on the small plates of Nephi (Jarom 1:2). Rather, his intent in writing a "little" seems to have been to illustrate and verify, through a brief
sketch of Nephite history, the truth of the Lord's words that "inasmuch as ye will keep my commandments ye shall prosper in the land" (Jarom 1:9). Jarom began by
using vivid imagery to describe the spiritual condition of his people, depicting them as hard of heart, deaf of ear, blind of mind, and stiff of neck (Jarom 1:3). He then
spoke of God's mercy in forestalling their destruction and of God's blessing the faithful among them with many revelations and manifestations of the Holy Spirit (Jarom
1:3-4). He further described how, through the diligent teaching and warning of their righteous leaders, the Nephites "observed to keep the law of Moses," which was
given to persuade them to "look forward unto the Messiah" (Jarom 1:5, 7, 10-11). Jarom reported that as the Nephites hearkened to the teachings of their righteous
leaders, they prospered and were preserved in their many wars against the Lamanites (Jarom 1:5-12).

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                                         of any age that God keeps his promises: He will bless those who keep his commandments (Jarom 1:9; cf.Page   695 /2 919
                                                                                                                                               1 Ne. 2:20;  Ne.
1:20; Omni 1:6).
1:3-4). He further described how, through the diligent teaching and warning of their righteous leaders, the Nephites "observed to keep the law of Moses," which was
given to persuade them to "look forward unto the Messiah" (Jarom 1:5, 7, 10-11). Jarom reported that as the Nephites hearkened to the teachings of their righteous
leaders, they prospered and were preserved in their many wars against the Lamanites (Jarom 1:5-12).

Jarom's words verify to covenant people of any age that God keeps his promises: He will bless those who keep his commandments (Jarom 1:9; cf. 1 Ne. 2:20; 2 Ne.
1:20; Omni 1:6).

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Jashon land of and city of

Nephite region south of the land Shem and near the land Antum where Ammaron deposited all the sacred Nephite records (Morm. 1:3; 2:17, 20). The Nephites
passed through here during a great retreat before the Lamanites. During this period Mormon retrieved the plates of Nephi according to Ammaron's instructions (Morm.
1:4; 2:16-20; a.d. 346).

Jehovah

An anglicized form of the Hebrew YHWH (meaning "eternal one" or "-self- existent one"). Found twice in the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 22:2; Moro. 10:34), Jehovah is
related to the name- title I AM in Hebrew (Ex. 3:14-15). As Moroni 2 indicated by using language similar to that of the New Testament (Acts 10:42; 2 Tim. 4:1; 1 Pet.
4:5), Jehovah is one of the name- titles of Jesus Christ, the God and Judge of this world.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Jeneum

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Jeremiah 1

A prophet descended from a priestly family in Anathoth, a village about three miles northeast of Jerusalem 1 . Jeremiah was a con-temporary of the prophets Lehi 1 ,
Zephaniah, Habakkuk, Obadiah, Daniel, and Ezekiel. The Lord called Jeremiah to be a prophet in ca. 627 b.c. (Jer. 1:1-2). Just like Lehi, he was called to cry
repentance to his people in Jeru-salem (Jer. 1:7; 1 Ne. 1:4; 7:14). His prophecies were preserved on the brass plates (1 Ne. 5:13) and are referred to in Helaman
8:20. For forty years he warned of the impending destruction of Jerusalem that was finally accomplished in 586 b.c. His writings reflect a lifetime of the same kind of
rejection recorded by Lehi in his short ministry in 1 Nephi 1. Jeremiah's prophecies are collected in the -bib-lical books of Jeremiah and Lamentations, which contain
many details about his prophetic call and his ministry.

Jeremiah's lifetime spans many dramatic events that shaped the world of Lehi and Nephi 1 : the reign of king Josiah, who cleansed the temple and led his people in a
ceremony of covenant renewal (2 Kgs. 23), the destruction of the Assyrian empire, the rise of Babylon, the destruction of Jerusalem, and the exile of his people to
Babylon in 597 and 586 b.c. Jeremiah prophesied during the reigns of five kings of Judah, from Josiah to Zedekiah. He remembered Josiah as a righteous king and
lamented his death (Jer. 22:15-16; 2 Chr. 35:25), but the rest of the kings rejected his message. King Jehoiakim had Jeremiah's prophecies read aloud and then burned
the scroll (Jer. 36). Likewise, Zedekiah sought out Jeremiah on several occasions to ascertain the word of the Lord but ultimately rejected it (Jer. 37-38). Because the
word of the Lord commanded the kings to submit to the Babylonians, Jeremiah was arrested during the reign of Zedekiah on suspicion of desertion to the Babylonians
and of subverting the war effort. Consequently, he was thrown into a cistern. He was saved by his friends in the royal court, but he remained under arrest throughout
the Babylonian siege (Jer. 37-38). Jeremiah was a witness to the fulfillment of the prophecies of destruction he had delivered to his people (Jer. 39). He was like
Mormon, who also spent his life crying repentance to an unrepentant people, only to witness and lament their destruction (Jer. 8:18-9:1; cf. Morm. 6:16-18). When
given a choice by the Babylonians to go to Babylon or remain with his people, Jeremiah chose to stay with his people. At the end of his life a group of Jews, fearful of
Babylonian reprisals for renewed Judean revolts, forced Jeremiah to accompany them to Egypt, where presumably he died (Jer. 42:1-43:7).

Jeremiah faithfully delivered the word of the Lord throughout his lifetime but was constantly met with rejection, ridicule, and persecution. A series of his personal
laments attests to the suffering he endured in fulfilling his prophetic ministry and reveals him to be a type of Christ. He rejoiced in the word of the Lord: "Thy word was
unto me the joy and rejoicing of mine heart" (Jer. 15:16), and he described the overpowering need to proclaim the word of God: "His word was in mine heart as a
burning fire shut up in my bones" (Jer. 20:9). At the same time he lamented his life of persecution, rejection, and loneliness: "I am in derision daily, every one mocketh
me" (Jer. 20:7); "I sat alone because of thy hand" (Jer. 15:17). On one occasion he lamented, "Cursed be the day wherein I was born" (Jer. 20:14), and he described
himself "like a lamb or an ox that is brought to the slaughter" (Jer. 11:19).

See also Jeremiah 1 , prophecies of.

Seely, David Rolph

Jeremiah 2

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Jeremiah 1 prophecies of

Jeremiah's prophecies up to the commencement of the reign of Zedekiah were included on the plates of brass (1 Ne. 5:13) and were thus known to the Nephites.
Nephi 2 noted the fulfillment of Jeremiah's prophecies concerning the destruction of Jerusalem and listed him among the prophets who foretold the first coming of the
Son of God (Hel. 8:13-20; cf. Jer. 31:31-33). A collection of Jeremiah's prophecies has also been preserved in the Old Testament book of Jeremiah. Jeremiah's
prophecies in the Bible include prophecies of the destruction of Jerusalem (Jer. 1-25), much like those of Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 1), and of the coming of a Davidic Messiah that
seem to better fit the Second Coming (Jer. 23:5; 33:15). Prophecies of the first coming of the Messiah may have been preserved only on the plates of brass, or perhaps
they were lost through the transmission of the biblical book. Jeremiah foretold the latter- day restoration, gathering, and reunification of Israel and Judah (Jer. 26-35). In
particular, Jeremiah prophesied of a day when the Lord would make "a new covenant with the house of Israel, and with the house of Judah" (Jer. 31:31-34), a
prophecy that was fulfilled first by the coming of the Savior (Matt. 26:28) and then by the restoration of the gospel in the fulness of times (Smith, 14-15). There is much
biographical information about Jeremiah throughout his book but especially in chapters 36-45. Jeremiah closed with a collection of prophecies against foreign nations in
chapters
 Copyright42-51,  and a description
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                                         Media   Corp. of Jerusalem and exile (Jer. 52). According to Oliver Cowdery (108-12), Moroni 2 quoted several  Pageof696Jeremiah's
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prophecies to Joseph Smith in connection with the Restoration, especially from chapters 30- 31.

See also Jerusalem 1 , city of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c.
they were lost through the transmission of the biblical book. Jeremiah foretold the latter- day restoration, gathering, and reunification of Israel and Judah (Jer. 26-35). In
particular, Jeremiah prophesied of a day when the Lord would make "a new covenant with the house of Israel, and with the house of Judah" (Jer. 31:31-34), a
prophecy that was fulfilled first by the coming of the Savior (Matt. 26:28) and then by the restoration of the gospel in the fulness of times (Smith, 14-15). There is much
biographical information about Jeremiah throughout his book but especially in chapters 36-45. Jeremiah closed with a collection of prophecies against foreign nations in
chapters 42-51, and a description of the destruction of Jerusalem and exile (Jer. 52). According to Oliver Cowdery (108-12), Moroni 2 quoted several of Jeremiah's
prophecies to Joseph Smith in connection with the Restoration, especially from chapters 30- 31.

See also Jerusalem 1 , city of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c.

Bibliography

Cowdery, Oliver. Messenger and Advocate 1.7 (April 1835).

Jackson, Kent P. "The Appearance of Moroni to Joseph Smith." The Pearl of Great Price. Vol. 2 of Studies in Scripture series. Edited by Kent P. Jackson and Robert
L. Millet. Salt Lake City: Randall Book, 1985. 339- 66.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Seely, David Rolph

Jershon

Nephite land "on the east by the sea, . . . south of the land Bountiful" (Alma 27:22), perhaps most noted for the magnanimous Christian act of the Nephites in
relinquishing it to converted Lamanite refugees, the Anti- Nephi- Lehies or the people of Ammon. As part of the Nephite commitment to help the Anti- Nephi- Lehies,
who had fled the land of Nephi to escape the continued murdering of believers by Lamanites, Amulonites, and Amalekites, they positioned their armies between
Jershon and the land of Nephi to protect them from a possible attack (Alma 27:22-26). The Lamanite armies had pursued the people of Ammon into the wilderness
and when they met the armies of the Nephites a war commenced that eclipsed all battles among the people to that point. "Tens of thousands of the Lamanites were
slain," and although the Nephites prevailed, "there was a tremendous slaughter among the people of Nephi" (Alma 28:1-3; 30:2).

A church was established in Jershon (Alma 28:1), and Ammon 2 was the high priest (Alma 30:20). Korihor, the anti-Christ (ca. 74 b.c. ), tried to preach his doctrines
among the people in Jershon, but they arrested him and brought him before Ammon who then "caused that he should be carried out of the land" (Alma 30:21).

Jershon also became a place of refuge for another group of converts. The poor Zoramites 2 who believed the preaching of Alma 2's missionary group (Alma 31:5-7)
were expelled from the land of Antionum "and they came over . . . into the land of Jershon" (Alma 35:3-6). Angered over the shelter the converts had received in
Jershon, the Zoramite "chief ruler" requested that they be "cast out" (Alma 35:8), but instead they were cared for and given "lands for their inheritance" (Alma 35:9). In
retaliation against the people of Ammon in Jershon, the Zoramites mixed with the Lamanites and incited them to anger and eventually to war. Facing the prospect of
another war, the people of Ammon left Jershon and went to Melek, and the Nephite armies prepared in Jershon to fight the Lamanites and Zoramites (Alma 35:10-13).
When the armies of the Lamanites met the Nephite armies "in the borders of Jershon" they feared the Nephites because of their armor, and they withdrew into the
wilderness (Alma 43:18-22). Captain Moroni left part of his army to guard Jershon and then marched in pursuit of the Lamanites (Alma 43:25).

See also Names in the Book of Mormon.

Largey, Dennis L.

Jerusalem 1 city of

The chief city of the kingdom of Judah and site of Jehovah's temple, it was also the home of Lehi 1 and his family before they migrated to the New World ( see map,
page 412). An appreciation for Jerusalem's place in the minds and hearts of its inhabitants, including Lehi's family, may be gained by reviewing its history.

Jerusalem is first mentioned in historical hieroglyphic documents from Egypt. These execration texts (written curses against people or places) dating to the nineteenth
century b.c. refer to it as "rushalimum." Jerusalem is also discussed in fourteenth- century b.c. Egyptian diplomatic correspondence written in cuneiform, the Tell el-
Amarna letters, where it is called "urusalim" (which is very close to its present- day English name). Jerusalem appears to have been a town under Canaanite control
during much of this time. Archeological remains from this earliest historical period of Jerusalem's existence reveal a well- fortified town surrounded by a wall as much as
ten feet thick (Shanks, 2).

Two issues critical to Jerusalem's location from the start were water and geographical security. An adequate water supply for Jerusalem's inhabitants came from the
Gihon spring, which seems to have been reached via an elaborate tunnel system that prevented the inhabitants from having to exit the city in order to obtain water. In
this early period, Jerusalem was situated on a rocky spur (outside and to the south of the present- day Old City), and was surrounded on three sides by ravines
(referred to as valleys) and neighboring ridges beyond the ravines, high enough to be called mountains by the inhabitants. The names of the valleys are the Tyropoeon
("Cheesemakers Valley"), which was much deeper and more precipitous in very ancient times because it had not yet been filled in with debris; the Hinnom, referred to
as "Gehenna" by New Testament times because it symbolized hell (the city's refuse was continually burned there); and the Kidron, containing a stream bed which
separated the rocky spur of Jerusalem from the Mount of Olives.

Surrounded on three sides by deep valleys and high hills, ancient Jerusalem was regarded by its inhabitants as a natural fortress, or "castle" in seventeenth century
English parlance (1 Chr. 11:7).

With this picture in mind, one can better appreciate the Psalmist's later use of geographical imagery to teach the lesson of Jehovah's watchful care over his covenant
people: "As the mountains are round about Jerusalem, so the Lord is round about his people from henceforth even for ever" (Ps. 125:2). All of this undoubtedly
promoted a false sense of security among the city's apostate inhabitants and helps to explain, in part, why the Jews of Lehi's day immediately mocked him when he
began to prophesy of Jerusalem's destruction (1 Ne. 1:18-19). As early as the reign of king David, Jerusalem began to be known as the "strong hold of Zion" (2 Sam.
5:7). The first scriptural mention of the name "Jerusalem" is found in Judges 1:8 as part of the discussion of the Israelite conquest of the land of Canaan. It is often
argued that the patriarch Melchizedek was the first biblical figure to have lived at Jerusalem when it was known by its earlier name of Salem. Genesis 14:18-19
indicates that Melchizedek was king of Salem and priest of the Most High when Abram went there to pay tithes (cf. Alma 13:5-18; JST Gen. 14:32-34; Josephus,
6:10:1; "Location of Zion," 474).

The Bible indicates that during the Israelite conquest of the Holy Land, the tribe of Judah was able to conquer Jerusalem early on (Judg. 1:8), but it also infers that
neither they nor the tribe of Benjamin were able to retain control of it: "And the children of Benjamin did not drive out the Jebusites that inhabited Jerusalem; but the
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          dwell               Infobase
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                                  of Ben-jamin  in Jerusalem unto this day" (Judg. 1:21). Therefore, when king David sought to establish a new capital  Page
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                                                                                                                                                                  united
monarchy, he had to take Jerusalem away from the Jebusites (2 Sam. 5:4-10).
6:10:1; "Location of Zion," 474).

The Bible indicates that during the Israelite conquest of the Holy Land, the tribe of Judah was able to conquer Jerusalem early on (Judg. 1:8), but it also infers that
neither they nor the tribe of Benjamin were able to retain control of it: "And the children of Benjamin did not drive out the Jebusites that inhabited Jerusalem; but the
Jebusites dwell with the children of Ben-jamin in Jerusalem unto this day" (Judg. 1:21). Therefore, when king David sought to establish a new capital for the united
monarchy, he had to take Jerusalem away from the Jebusites (2 Sam. 5:4-10).

Under both David and Solomon, Jerusalem flourished and became an important, internationally recognized city. It began to take on the physical appearance and
religious atmosphere it would display during Lehi's day. David brought to Jerusalem the Ark of the Covenant (2 Sam. 6:1-17), which was regarded by Israel as the
very dwelling place of God's presence on earth (Ex. 25:21-22). Though David wanted to build a temple, he was not allowed to do so (1 Chr. 22:1-11). Nevertheless,
he purchased the threshing floor of Araunah (Ornan) on Mt. Moriah, where he erected an altar and offered sacrifices to the Lord (2 Sam. 24:16-25). This bedrock
threshing floor became the foundation of the temple built later by Solomon (2 Chr. 3:1).

Jerusalem was also the seat of the royal residence or palace, built for David by a foreign king, Hiram of Tyre (2 Sam. 5:11), as well as the location of something named
the "house of the mighty" (Neh. 3:16), which may have been a hall of honor, museum, or military barracks. At this time Jerusalem came to be called the City of David
(2 Sam. 5:7). Jerusalem also became another kind of royal residence from David's time onward-the royal necropolis, or city of the dead. According to the Bible, all of
the kings of Jerusalem from David through Hezekiah were buried in the city.

Under Solomon (died 931 b.c. ), the united kingdom of Israel reached its apex geographically and culturally, with Jerusalem as the center. During Solomon's reign both
the atmosphere and physical features of Jerusalem changed appreciably. No person except for Herod the Great nine centuries later had a greater influence on the
physical character of the city in ancient times. The Gihon spring, the city's main water supply, acquired an aura of regal importance and divine sanctity when Solomon
was anointed king there by Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet (1 Kgs. 1:33-34). Solomon extended the Gihon's usefulness by building an aqueduct (Siloam
Channel) to carry water into a collection pool at the southern end of the city. The Siloam Channel is mentioned by Isaiah as "the conduit" (Isa. 7:3 // 2 Ne. 17:3; Isa.
36:2).

In Solomon's day, Jerusalem became a bustling international center of commodities (1 Kgs. 10:10-11, 14, 22, 26-27), and construction projects abounded. The Millo,
a terraced structure created to shore up and expand the spur on which the city was situated, was reinforced and the city walls repaired (1 Kgs. 11:27). The king also
expanded the city to the north by building an extensive and expansive complex that included the new royal palace; a structure called the "house of the forest of
Lebanon," a hypostyle hall which was the largest of the palatial buildings, furnished with forty- five cedarwood columns; a porch or hall of pillars; the throne hall of
judgment; the main ceremonial hall, furnished with a great ivory throne overlaid with gold and surrounded by lions; and a house for Pharaoh's daughter, Solomon's
principal wife. All of this took thirteen years to build and was constructed of costly hewn stones and cedar-wood (1 Kgs. 7:1-11). It was probably located in the large
area where the Muslim fountain, El Kas, and the Al- Aqsa Mosque presently stand (Galbraith et al., 55).

Just to the north of his palace complex, on the crest of the slope called Mt. Moriah, Solomon built the House of the Lord. Jerusalem then became Jehovah's temple
city. Solomon levied heavy taxes on his kingdom to finance the building projects and raised a "corvee" (unpaid mandatory labor force) of tens of thousands of Israelite
men to help with the construction. He required male citizens to devote part of their time to cut cedars in Lebanon, float them by raft to Jerusalem's port at Jaffa, and
haul them by wagon up to the capital. The temple was built according to the Lord's specifications but with the expertise of Phoenician craftsmen, especially the artisans,
carpenters, and masons of king Hiram of Tyre, and thus is sometimes described as bearing the imprint of Phoenician design. The temple was double the size of the
wilderness tabernacle, but still not large by modern standards (approximately 90 feet long by 30 feet wide by 45 feet high, compared to the Salt Lake Temple, which
measures 186 feet long by 118 feet wide by 210 feet high; see illustration of Solo-mon's temple, page 753).

The temple faced east and was a tripartite structure, built in three progressive segments consisting of the porch, or entrance hall; the sanctuary, or Holy Place; and the
inner sanctuary called the Holy of Holies, or the Most Holy Place. At the east entrance stood two ornately decorated thirty- seven- foot- high bronze columns of
symbolic significance. One column was named Yachin (Hebrew, perhaps from "He [God] shall establish" as in Ps. 89:4) and the other Boaz (Hebrew, perhaps from "In
him [God] is strength," as in Ps. 21:1). Inside the Holy of Holies sat the Ark of the Covenant with its Mercy Seat, both overlaid with gold, which the appointed priests
and Levites brought to the temple once it was completed after seven years of work. At the dedication of the temple, which included Solomon's dedicatory prayer as
well as thousands of sacrifices, fire came down from heaven (2 Chr. 7:1), a holy cloud filled the House of the Lord, and the glory of Jehovah was manifest in the temple
and, thus, in Jerusalem (1 Kgs. 8:10-11).

For nearly four hundred years the temple on Mt. Moriah was the heart and soul and showpiece of Jerusalem, as well as the spiritual focal point and center of worship
for God's chosen people. Jerusalem became known as "the holy city" (Isa. 52:1; Neh. 11:1), and its inhabitants always pretended to rely upon the Lord, but in reality
they increasingly lived a lie (Isa. 48:1-2). The royal palace complex, together with the house of the Lord, presented an awesome image to the citizens of Jerusalem in
Lehi's day. Even a foreign visitor to the capital city in Solomon's time was left breathless after a tour of the place (1 Kgs. 10:1-5). Nevertheless, in stark reminder of the
fulfillment of God's promises to destroy the wicked if they do not repent, not one of Solomon's buildings is left in Jerusalem today (Galbraith et al., 55).

After the northern tribes revolted from the southern tribes and two kingdoms were created, Jerusalem became the capital of the southern kingdom of Judah. Jerusalem
was strengthened and its population increased as people fled from the northern kingdom to the capital of the south (2 Chr. 11:13-17). It is possible that Lehi's
forefathers (of the tribe of Manasseh) came to reside in Jerusalem during this migration. Not long after this, pharaoh Shishak came up against Jerusalem and took away
the treasures of the House of the Lord as well as some of the city's other wealth (2 Chr. 12:2, 9). From this point on there is no mention of the Ark of the Covenant.
Though this calamity occurred because the people transgressed the commandments of God, the people of Lehi's day seem to have forgotten their vulnerability.

The wickedness of Ahab and Jezebel in the northern kingdom of Israel further afflicted Jerusalem in the ninth century b.c. as their daughter, queen Athaliah (841-835
b.c.) , ruled in Jerusalem and introduced Baal worship into the holy city. At length, however, she was executed near the royal palace and the pagan shrines destroyed.
The temple priests, the new king Joash, and the people of Jerusalem joined in a solemn covenant to obey Jehovah. All the people of the land rejoiced and Jerusalem
found peace for a time (2 Kgs. 11:1-20).

While the menace of the Assyrian empire was held in abeyance for a period during the eighth century b.c. , Jerusalem experienced its greatest expansion in the history
of the divided kingdoms. King Uzziah (767-740 b.c.) built new fortifications, prepared new weaponry for the walls of Jerusalem, and fostered extensive agricultural
projects. Jerusalem also expanded to the northwest, encompassing many more acres, and making it by far the largest city or town in the kingdom of Judah. New
commercial and residential districts of the city were developed during this period: The Makhtesh (Hebrew, "hollow") was a business section of the city in the
Tyropoeon Valley; the Mishneh (Hebrew, "second, additional") or Second Quarter of the city (Zeph. 1:10), also called the "college" (2 Kgs. 22:14), was a residential
area encompassing the entire western hill overlooking the rest of the city (Galbraith et al., 83).

When king Hezekiah came to power (715-687 b.c.) he cleansed the temple, reestablished a righteous priesthood to officiate in the ordinances of the House of the
Lord, and tried to set Israel on a righteous course by reestablishing proper holy days, removing idolatrous images, and breaking down pagan altars. With the Assyrian
threat looming large (they had destroyed the northern kingdom in 722 b.c. ), Hezekiah began preparing Jerusalem for an invasion by fortifying the city walls with
material provided by dismantled houses (one section of wall unearthed by archaeologists is twenty- five feet thick and appropriately named the "broad wall"). He also
cut a new underground
 Copyright               tunnel
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                                                Corp.water supply from the Gihon spring into the Siloam pool (John 9:7) inside the city (Isa. 22:9-10;Page
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Hezekiah's famous water tunnel, which still exists today, was 1748 feet long and chiseled out of solid rock. Jerusalem was miraculously delivered from the Assyrian
onslaught in fulfillment of the prophecy made by one of Israel's greatest prophets, Isaiah of Jerusalem (2 Kgs. 19: 6-7, 32-37). Hezekiah kept the commandments and
trusted in the Lord to a greater degree than any other king during Jerusalem's three centuries as a political and spiritual capital.
When king Hezekiah came to power (715-687 b.c.) he cleansed the temple, reestablished a righteous priesthood to officiate in the ordinances of the House of the
Lord, and tried to set Israel on a righteous course by reestablishing proper holy days, removing idolatrous images, and breaking down pagan altars. With the Assyrian
threat looming large (they had destroyed the northern kingdom in 722 b.c. ), Hezekiah began preparing Jerusalem for an invasion by fortifying the city walls with
material provided by dismantled houses (one section of wall unearthed by archaeologists is twenty- five feet thick and appropriately named the "broad wall"). He also
cut a new underground tunnel to ensure a constant water supply from the Gihon spring into the Siloam pool (John 9:7) inside the city (Isa. 22:9-10; 2 Chr. 32:30).
Hezekiah's famous water tunnel, which still exists today, was 1748 feet long and chiseled out of solid rock. Jerusalem was miraculously delivered from the Assyrian
onslaught in fulfillment of the prophecy made by one of Israel's greatest prophets, Isaiah of Jerusalem (2 Kgs. 19: 6-7, 32-37). Hezekiah kept the commandments and
trusted in the Lord to a greater degree than any other king during Jerusalem's three centuries as a political and spiritual capital.

Ironically, king Hezekiah's son Manasseh (687-642 b.c.) and grandson Amon (642-640 b.c.) were the two worst kings Jerusalem ever had. They desecrated the
temple and promoted wickedness, sacrilege, and profane practices from which the holy city never quite recovered. Such evils brought upon Jerusalem the Lord's
prophetic pronouncement recorded in 2 Kings 21:12-13: "Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, Behold, I am bringing such evil upon Jerusalem and Judah, that
whosoever heareth of it, both his ears shall tingle. . . . and I will wipe Jerusalem as a man wipeth a dish, wiping it, and turning it upside down." This prophecy was
fulfilled in a devastating way after Lehi and his family left the once- mighty city (2 Ne. 1:4), but not before it enjoyed a short reprieve under righteous king Josiah (640-
609 b.c. ).

Josiah witnessed and helped bring about Jerusalem's last period of greatness before the Babylonian empire finally destroyed the city in at least two tremendous waves
of invasion. The young king instituted religious reforms, repaired the temple, discovered a copy of the book of the Law (perhaps Deuteronomy) during the temple
renovation, held a solemn assembly and read to the city's inhabitants from the sacred book, and put everyone under covenant to keep the Lord's commandments (2
Kgs. 22:4-23:15). Tragically, the king died in a battle at Megiddo fighting against pharaoh Necho of Egypt, and with him went Jerusalem's hopes for renewal and
survival. By 604 b.c. the entire Levant was the domain of king Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (2 Kgs. 24:7), who was poised to lay waste to Judah and Jerusalem.

Jerusalem in Lehi's day was an amalgam of all the construction and expansion that had taken place the previous four centuries. It truly had become a great city just as
Lehi and his family so regarded it (1 Ne. 2:13). It is estimated that its walled area covered at least 125 acres with the population being at least 25,000 persons inside
the walls. (King David's Jerusalem was only 12 acres in size with a population of 2,000; Broshi, 12). Archaeological excavations from the time of the Babylonian
conquest (586 b.c.) have revealed well- made houses, some quite large for that historical period, with such impressive amenities as private lavatory facilities. The most
complete housing structure dating from Lehi's time is the so- called "house of Ahiel," named from potsherds found inside the building and inscribed with the personal
name Ahiel. The house of Ahiel was a typical four- room stone domicile of the late Judean period in Jerusalem. It had two stories, a roof made of wooden beams, and
a small toilet (the seat was found intact over an 8- foot- deep cesspit) connected to the north side of the house (Ogden and Chadwick, 204). A layer of ash over the
remains of the structures in the area of Ahiel's house testify of the Babylonian destruction just as the Bible reports: "And he burnt . . . all the houses of Jerusalem, and
every great man's house burnt he with fire" (2 Kgs. 25:9). It is important to note here that the city was the site of houses of "great men"-the rich and famous.

Jerusalem's external features in Lehi's day bespoke security: Jehovah's temple, the massive palace complex, Hezekiah's broad wall, and the like. The city had withstood
the siege of the mighty and terrifying Assyrian Empire. Jerusalem was an island of continuity in a sea of upheaval; empires rose and fell during the four hundred years of
Israel's occupation of Jerusalem, but the holy city endured. Even the northern kingdom of Israel had been humiliated and a significant portion of the population enslaved
and deported while Jerusalem and her inhabitants remained intact. All of this must have reinforced in the minds of Jerusalem's citizens the city's preeminent position with
God himself, and made any notion of its conquest unthinkable, even heretical. Such pride, however, was at the very heart of the problem. Prophet after prophet warned
the people to return to God, but such messages went unheeded (2 Kgs. 17:13-14). In fact, prophets who spoke against Jerusalem's inhabitants or their king were in
grave danger of losing their lives. For example, the book of Jeremiah reports that a man named Urijah, son of Shemaiah, prophesied against Jerusalem just like
Jeremiah. He incurred the wrath of king Jehoiakim (609-598 b.c.) , fled to Egypt, and was hunted down by the king's men who put him to death, brought his body
back to Jerusalem, and flung it into the graves of the common people (Jer. 26:20-23). Such an episode indicates just how much danger Lehi (and Jeremiah) faced and
how spiritually recalcitrant the upper echelons of society had become ("the king, with all his mighty men, and all the princes"; Jer. 26:21).

Thus, though Jerusalem presented an external veneer of strength and stability, internally it was falling apart. Politically, socially, and spiritually Jerusalem in Lehi's day
was at an all- time low, filled with instability, arrogance, hypocrisy, and gross iniquity of every kind, especially idolatry and immorality. The year Lehi fled the doomed
city, the first year of Zedekiah's eleven- year reign, three different kings occupied the throne. Jehoiakim, who had also ruled for eleven years, died shortly after he
rebelled against king Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon (a foolish act of overconfidence). His son Jehoiachin reigned for three months before Nebuchadnezzar arrived to
quash the rebellion his father had started. Jehoiachin quickly submitted to Babylon, thus saving the city, but he, his mother, wives, children, officials, mighty men,
artisans, and craftsmen (in short, ten thousand of society's best and strongest) were carried away captive to Babylon (2 Kgs. 24:11-16; Jer. 29:1-2). This deportation
included Ezekiel and Daniel. In addition, the treasures of the temple and king's palace were all cut up and taken away. Zedekiah was installed on the throne by
Nebuchadnezzar because he swore an oath of allegiance to the Babylonian king (2 Kgs. 24:17-18; 2 Chr. 36:11-13).

Jeremiah is a great source of information regarding Jerusalem's moral bankruptcy during this period: "They [people of Jerusalem] are wise to do evil, but to do good
they have no knowledge" (Jer. 4:22). The city was filled with fornication and adultery, and Jeremiah wished he could have escaped such vile behavior: "Oh that I had in
the wilderness a lodging place [for] wayfaring men; that I might leave my people, and go from them! for they be all adulterers, an assembly of treacherous men" (Jer.
9:2). Jeremiah employed some striking images to describe conditions in the city: The people "assembled themselves by troops in the harlots' houses," and like well- fed
stallions, "every one neighed after his neighbour's wife" (Jer. 5:7-8). The prophet also lamented over the pervasive covetousness and dishonesty of Jerusalem's citizens:
"From the least of them even unto the greatest of them every one is given to covetousness; and from the [false] prophet even unto the priest every one dealeth
falsely" (Jer. 6:13). Jeremiah testified of the people's hypocrisy when he said, "One speaketh peaceably to his neighbour with his mouth, but in heart he layeth his
wait" (Jer. 9:8).

Worse was that the people were so steeped in wickedness that they did not even recognize their evil ways: "No man repented him of his wickedness, saying, What
have I done?" (Jer. 8:6). The Lord told Jeremiah that such would be the attitude he would encounter: "And it shall come to pass, when thou shalt shew this people all
these words, and they shall say unto thee, Wherefore hath the Lord pronounced all this great evil against us? or what is our iniquity? or what is our sin that we have
committed against the Lord our God?" (Jer. 16:10). Thus, students of the Book of Mormon can more fully understand why this same attitude afflicted the brothers of
Nephi 1 and where it originated. Laman 1 and Lemuel were products of that same wicked society about to be destroyed and they harbored the same spiritual
blindness: "And we know that the people who were in the land of Jerusalem were a righteous people . . . and our father hath judged them, and hath led us away
because we would hearken unto his words; yea, and our brother is like unto him. And after this manner of language did my brethren murmur and complain against
us" (1 Ne. 17:22).

The sacred records testify that there were many true prophets in Jerusalem during Lehi's d ay who warned of impending destruction (1 Ne. 1:4; 2 Chr. 36:15). But
there were also many false prophets in Jerusalem society who pandered to the evil ways of the people and played on and supported their arrogance and false sense of
security. These false prophets flatly contradicted the word of the Lord. For example, as Jeremiah was writing to the already captive exiles in Babylon and telling them to
plan for a long stay in the foreign land (he told them to build houses, plant gardens, and raise families; Jer. 29:1, 4-7), the false prophet Hananiah was going around
promising in the name of the Lord that within two years the yoke of Babylon would be broken and the exiles would be brought back to Jerusalem-which never
happened, of course, but such talk pacified the population (Jer. 28:1-4). When Jeremiah prophesied of tumult, war, and siege against Jerusalem (Jer. 6:3-6, 22-23),
false prophets cried, "Peace, peace," to placate the people (Jer. 6:14).
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Ultimately all that had been prophesied by true prophets concerning Jerusalem and its inhabitants came to pass. While the Lord's anointed continued to cry destruction
and desolation if no repentance was forthcoming, the king and people of Jerusalem became hardened and emboldened in their false security and arrogance. Zedekiah
was pressed to break his oath of allegiance to Nebuchadnezzar, which brought down upon Jerusalem the full weight of Babylonian wrath and might. The city was
plan for a long stay in the foreign land (he told them to build houses, plant gardens, and raise families; Jer. 29:1, 4-7), the false prophet Hananiah was going around
promising in the name of the Lord that within two years the yoke of Babylon would be broken and the exiles would be brought back to Jerusalem-which never
happened, of course, but such talk pacified the population (Jer. 28:1-4). When Jeremiah prophesied of tumult, war, and siege against Jerusalem (Jer. 6:3-6, 22-23),
false prophets cried, "Peace, peace," to placate the people (Jer. 6:14).

Ultimately all that had been prophesied by true prophets concerning Jerusalem and its inhabitants came to pass. While the Lord's anointed continued to cry destruction
and desolation if no repentance was forthcoming, the king and people of Jerusalem became hardened and emboldened in their false security and arrogance. Zedekiah
was pressed to break his oath of allegiance to Nebuchadnezzar, which brought down upon Jerusalem the full weight of Babylonian wrath and might. The city was
besieged for a year and a half and thoroughly destroyed: its walls broken down, the temple destroyed by fire, and the once- proud king captured, blinded, bound with
fetters of brass and carried away to Babylon, but not before he was made to watch the execution of his sons (2 Kgs. 24:20-25:1-9). As predicted, thousands of
Jerusalem's citizens died by famine and the sword, all because they would not listen to the Lord through his chosen messengers. Even in the final days of the siege of
Jerusalem, when Zedekiah desperately sought advice, Jeremiah promised that the city would be saved if the king would immediately surrender to the Babylonians, but
Zedekiah refused to listen for fear of offending the leading citizens (the "princes") of the city (Jer. 38:17-27). And so, as Lehi had both prophesied and witnessed
vicariously through vision, the great city of Jerusalem was destroyed (2 Ne. 1:4).

See also Babylonian captivity; Chronology, Bible; Israel, historical background of; Jeremiah 1 , prophecies of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c. ; Jerusalem 1 ,
destruction of, at a.d. 70.

Bibliography

Broshi, Magen. "Estimating the Population of Ancient Jerusalem." Biblical Archaeology Review 4:2 (June 1978): 10- 15.

Galbraith, David B., D. Kelly Ogden, and Andrew C. Skinner. Jerusalem, the Eternal City. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1996.

Josephus. Wars of the Jews, in The Complete Works of Josephus. Translated and edited by William Whiston. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Kregel, 1960.

Meservy, Keith H. "Jerusalem at the Time of Lehi and Jeremiah." Ensign 18 (January 1988): 22- 25.

Ogden, D. Kelly, and Jeffrey R. Chadwick. The Holy Land. Jerusalem: Barry Segal International Ltd., 1990.

Shanks, Hershel. Jerusalem: An Archaeological Biography. New York: Random House, 1995.

"The Location of Zion, or the New Jerusalem." Times and Seasons 2, no. 18 (15 July 1841).

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Jerusalem 1 destruction of at 586 b.c.

The destruction of Jerusalem is a landmark event in Book of Mormon history. Just as the Lord had delivered ancient Israel from destruction and bondage in Egypt so
he delivered Lehi 1 and his family from certain death or exile in the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem (1 Ne. 17:23; Alma 36:28-29). Thus, the Book of Mormon
contains many references to this destruction and the fate of those who stayed behind in Jerusalem. The Mosaic covenant made at Sinai was conditional: blessings of
prosperity and protection for obedience, or destruction and scattering for disobedience (Deut. 27-29). Biblical prophets warned the people of impending destruction
unless they repented. Because of wickedness the northern kingdom fell in 722 b.c. and was taken into captivity to Assyria . Isaiah, Jeremiah 1 , and Ezekiel warned
Judah that if she did not repent she would suffer the same fate. Lehi was called to prophesy repentance to Jerusalem, but his message was rejected (1 Ne. 1:18-20).
Finally, the Lord warned Lehi to take his family out of Jerusalem before it was destroyed. Biblical accounts of the destruction can be found in 2 Kings 24-25; Jeremiah
37-39; 52; Lamentations; and 2 Chronicles 36.

A series of significant events led up to the destruction of Jerusalem. For many years Judah was ruled by Manasseh (687-642 b.c.), the most wicked king in the history
of Judah. He led his people to idolatry and much wickedness. He built up high places and altars where he sacrificed to pagan gods in the temple and throughout the
land. He promoted the occult, sacrificed his son, and shed much innocent blood (2 Kgs. 21). Eventually he was succeeded by his righteous grandson Josiah (640-609
b.c.), who cleansed the temple and led his people in a ceremony of covenant renewal (2 Kgs. 22-23). In a stunning sermon at the temple, Jeremiah warned the people
that Josiah's cleansing of the temple and the renewal of the covenant had only been superficial. He accused the people of hypocrisy in worshipping at the temple but
continuing to break the commandments and worship other gods. He prophesied that unless they repented they would be destroyed (Jer. 7). In 605 b.c. the
Babylonians destroyed the Assyrian empire at Carchemish and eventually took control of Judah. Nebuchadnezzar took Ezekiel, Daniel, the crown prince Jehoiachin,
and many other Judahites into captivity in Babylon , and he put Zedekiah on the throne of Judah. The Book of Mormon opens in the first year of Zedekiah's reign.
Zedekiah was expected to be a loyal vassal of Babylon, but he constantly vacillated between his loyalty to Babylon and nationalistic fervor from advisors who urged
him to revolt against Babylon and revive the Davidic empire. On numerous occasions Jeremiah told him that it was the will of the Lord that he remain a vassal to
Babylon (e.g., Jer. 21:4-10; 27:1-11; 38:1-2, 17-18).

Finally, in 588 b.c. Zedekiah rebelled against Babylon by stopping the payment of tribute. Nebuchadnezzar advanced on Jerusalem and besieged the city, building siege
walls and siege engines. The city held out for eighteen months and was ravaged by famine and pestilence. In the course of the siege, famine became so intense that
some resorted to eating their own children (Lam. 4:10), as had been prophesied by Moses (Deut. 28:57). Finally a breach was made in the walls, and the city fell.
Zedekiah was captured, all of his sons except Mulek were killed (Hel. 8:21), and he was taken in chains to Babylon. About a month after Jerusalem fell,
Nebuchadnezzar ordered the complete dest-ruc-tion of the city. The temple, the king's palace, and the houses in the city were burned. The walls of Jerusalem were
broken down, and many of the prominent surviving Jews were taken to Babylon, where they joined their fellows in the Exile. Some of the poor people were left in
Judah to tend to the land. Many of the large bronze objects of the temple were broken up and melted down and the bronze taken to Babylon. Other vessels from the
temple were taken whole to Babylon and were brought back with the people in 539 b.c. when Cyrus allowed the Jews to return to their land (Ezra 1:7-11).

See also Babylonian captivity; Israel, historical background of; Israel, scattering of; Jeremiah 1 , prophecies of; Jerusalem 1 , city of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at
a.d. 70; Jews, history of; Vessels of the Lord.

Bibliography

Meservy, Keith H. "Jerusalem at the Time of Lehi and Jeremiah." Ensign 18 (January 1988): 22- 25.

Nibley, Hugh W. "Dark Days in Jerusalem: The Lachish Letters and the Book of Mormon." Book of Mormon Authorship. Edited by Noel B. Reynolds. Provo, Utah:
Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1982. 103- 20.
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Seely, David Rolph
Meservy, Keith H. "Jerusalem at the Time of Lehi and Jeremiah." Ensign 18 (January 1988): 22- 25.

Nibley, Hugh W. "Dark Days in Jerusalem: The Lachish Letters and the Book of Mormon." Book of Mormon Authorship. Edited by Noel B. Reynolds. Provo, Utah:
Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1982. 103- 20.

Seely, David Rolph

Jerusalem 1 destruction of at a.d. 70

Book of Mormon prophets foretold two destructions of Jerusalem: the first by the Babylonians soon after Lehi 1 , Ishmael, and their families fled Jerusalem (1 Ne.
1:13, 18; 2 Ne. 6:8; 25:10; 586 b.c.) , and the second by the Romans in a.d. 70, one generation after Jesus was crucified and resurrected. Nephi 1's prophecy of the
second destruction is quite specific: "And behold it shall come to pass that after the Messiah hath risen from the dead, and hath manifested himself unto his people, unto
as many as will believe on his name, behold, Jerusalem shall be destroyed again" (2 Ne. 25:14).

During his mortal ministry Jesus also foretold the destruction of Jerusalem which would occur due to the great iniquities of many of his gen-eration (Matt. 23:29-24:2).
He described the manner in which the city would be destroyed (Luke 19:41-44; 21:20-24) and provided his disciples with signs to prepare them for this and other
great events (JS-M 1:1-21).

Jerusalem was indeed destroyed according to prophecy when in a.d. 70 the Roman general Titus led his forces against the city. As a result of the Roman siege , many
of Jerusalem's inhabitants were slaughtered; others were "scattered among all nations," as Nephi had prophesied would happen (2 Ne. 25:15). Survivors were sold as
slaves, sent to fight in arenas, shipped to work the Egyptian quarries, and were otherwise deported from their homeland. The temple itself was destroyed so that no one
today knows exactly where it stood, and many of Jerusalem's buildings were burned or razed. Elder Bruce R. McConkie wrote, "Hunger exceeded human endurance;
blood flowed in the streets; destruction made desolate the temple; 1,100,000 Jews were slaughtered; Jerusalem was ploughed as a field; and a remnant of a once
mighty nation was scattered to the ends of the earth. The Jewish nation died, impaled on Roman spears, at the hands of Gentile overlords" (1:644).

See also Israel, historical background of; Israel, scattering of; Jerusalem 1 , city of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c. ; Jews, history of.

Bibliography

Josephus, Flavius. The Complete Works of Josephus. Translated by William Whiston. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Kregel, 1981. 522- 88.

McConkie, Bruce R. Doctrinal New Testament Commen-tary. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1965-73.

Meservy, Keith H.

Jerusalem 1 land of

Region surrounding the city of Jerusalem. Towns and villages that surrounded larger cities were regarded in ancient times as belonging to the land of those larger cities.
Accordingly, not only Bethlehem but also Hebron (Aharoni, 214-15), fifteen miles south of Bethlehem, was considered part of the "land of Jerusalem." For example, El
Amarna letter 287 mentions the "land of Jerusalem" several times.

Several other scriptural cities are also labeled as lands. For example, Ammonihah was a city and also a land (Alma 8:6; 14:23). The area surrounding the city of Ur was
likewise known as the land of Ur (Abr. 1:20). The Damascus Rule, from the Dead Sea Scrolls, twice refers to the region surrounding the Syrian capital of Damascus as
the "land of Damascus."

Alma said that the Messiah "shall be born of Mary, at Jerusalem which is the land of our forefathers" (Alma 7:10). Herein Jerusalem is referred to as the land rather than
the city where Jesus' birth would occur. Although Joseph Smith obviously knew that Jesus was born at Beth-lehem, his translation of Alma's geographical note is
compatible with similar biblical and extrabiblical figures of speech and is evidence of the passage's authentic ancient origin.

Bibliography

Aharoni, Yohanan. The Land of the Bible-A Historical Geography. London: Burns & Oates, 1979.

Ogden, D. Kelly

Jerusalem 2 land of and city of

Lamanite area in the land of Nephi, adjoining the borders of Mormon, named "after the land of their fathers' nativity" (Alma 21:1). Here, the Laman-ites, Amalekites,
and Amulonites jointly built the city of Jerusalem (Alma 21:2). It was in the city of Jerusalem that Aaron 3 began his missionary labors among the Lamanites (ca. 90
b.c. ). He first preached in the synagogues of the Amalekites, but only one Amalekite was ever converted (Alma 21:4-11; 23:14). After the conversion of the Anti-
Nephi- Lehies , the Ama-l-ekites and Amulonites stirred up the unconverted in Jerusalem and "in all the land round about" to wage war against them (Alma 24:1-2).

This iniquitous city sank into the earth in the cataclysms that accompanied the Savior's crucifixion (3 Ne. 9:7).

Jerusalem New

See New Jerusalem.

Jesus Christ

Second member of the Godhead and the only name by which salvation is administered to the human family.

Jesus is the most significant person who lived or ever will live on this earth and along with his Father is man's greatest benefactor. Jesus' atoning sacrifice and
resurrection exceed in importance all earthly events because they are his divine response to man's greatest need: He conquered death for all mankind and provided the
only relief from the consequences of sin. Jesus is both God and Son of God. He was God before he came to earth, was God while on earth, is God now in the
heavens, and will return as God of the whole world. In each of these spheres Jesus actively fills an essential dimension of his eternal mission.
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Sources of knowledge

By divine design the scriptures are written to testify of Jesus Christ, with the Bible and the Book of Mormon being companion sources. These ancient records-one
Jesus is the most significant person who lived or ever will live on this earth and along with his Father is man's greatest benefactor. Jesus' atoning sacrifice and
resurrection exceed in importance all earthly events because they are his divine response to man's greatest need: He conquered death for all mankind and provided the
only relief from the consequences of sin. Jesus is both God and Son of God. He was God before he came to earth, was God while on earth, is God now in the
heavens, and will return as God of the whole world. In each of these spheres Jesus actively fills an essential dimension of his eternal mission.

Sources of knowledge

By divine design the scriptures are written to testify of Jesus Christ, with the Bible and the Book of Mormon being companion sources. These ancient records-one
written by prophets in the eastern hemisphere and the other by prophets in the western hemisphere-are treasures of divine testimony about Jesus. Although not
complete and sometimes ambiguous, the Bible is wonderfully informative about Jesus Christ, particularly his doings on earth during his mortal life. The Book of Mormon
confirms the fundamentals of Jesus' mission as taught in the Bible and does so with greater clarity. Whereas the Bible tells many "who" and "what" things about Jesus,
the Book of Mormon often goes further, showing "why" those things are doctrinally important. This is particularly evident regarding the Atonement . The Book of
Mormon also testifies of many truths about Jesus not available from the Bible.

The Doctrine and Covenants and the Pearl of Great Price are also witnesses of Jesus Christ, and contain many points of his doctrine. From these major written sources
one learns that Jesus' ministry is more comprehensive, and of greater depth than is at first apparent from his short mortal life. His active ministry extends throughout
eternity from the distant premortal past through all time to come. Furthermore, his personal appearances on earth are far more numerous than the Bible records.

Jesus Christ in the premortal life

Brief scriptural evidences refer to an ancient heavenly council that greatly influenced this earth (Abr. 3:22-28). In that council, Jehovah (Jesus) was submissive to the
Father's will and was chosen to be the future Redeemer; Lucifer rebelled and became Satan, the devil. Important truths pertaining to Jesus Christ's appointment in the
premortal council include (1) the selection of Jehovah (Jesus) to be the Redeemer was made before the need actually occurred, but was done according to the
foreknowledge and plan of the Father who knew the need would arise, and (2) Jehovah's responsibilities and activities as the one to be sent to the earth to redeem it
began at least as early as his appointment, and will continue always. This doctrinal and historical background provides perspective to the many statements by Jesus that
he did not come to earth on his own authority but was "sent" by his Father. For example, Jesus told the Jews, "I have not spoken of myself; but the Father which sent
me, he gave me a commandment, what I should say" (John 12:49). The book of John alone asserts in at least forty instances, mostly by Jesus himself, that he was "sent"
by the Father. To the Nephites Jesus said, "I came into the world to do the will of my Father, because my Father sent me. And my Father sent me that I might be lifted
up upon the cross . . . that I might draw all men unto me, . . . to stand before me, to be judged of their works" (3 Ne. 27:13-14; cf. D&C 49:5).

In accord with his foreordination, Jesus created the earth. After the fall of Adam upon the earth, Jesus revealed the plan of redemption to man, by angels and by
personal manifestations of himself to the prophets. "All the prophets" knew of and testified of Christ (Mosiah 13:33-35). They knew that the Lord Jehovah, the
Creator, the "very Eternal Father of heaven and of earth," was also Jesus, the Messiah to be born in the flesh on the earth (Alma 11:39-40), and that "from the
foundation of the world," Christ, the priesthood, the plan of salvation, the "great and eternal purposes" of God were all in place (Alma 42:26; Mosiah 18:13; Alma
12:30; 13:3, 5; 18:39; Ether 3:14; 4:19).

Understanding the fall of Adam

It is impossible to understand why there is a need for Christ unless the power and purposes of the fall of Adam are known. The fall of Adam, which caused the need for
a Redeemer, was known and contemplated by the Father long before it occurred. When viewed in this context, the Fall is recognized as an essential part of the
redeeming process, giving well- deserved dignity to Adam's contribution to man's eternal journey.

The Fall was necessary because without it Adam and Eve "would have had no children" (2 Ne. 2:23; Moses 5:11; 6:48), and humanity would never have been on this
earth and would never have had physical bodies. Salvation cannot be complete without a physical body (D&C 93:33-34; Smith, 181). Furthermore, mortality is an
essential preparatory condition because it enables mankind to gain experience and provide for progress in ways not possible in the pre-mortal spirit world. Speaking of
the necessity and value of the Fall, Lehi 1 declared, "Behold, all things have been done in the wisdom of him who knoweth all things. Adam fell that man might be; and
men are, that they might have joy. And the Messiah cometh . . . that he may redeem the children of men from the fall" (2 Ne. 2:24-26).

The Fall brought upon all mankind a spiritual death (separation from God and from righteousness) and also a temporal death (death of the physical body). The power
of the Fall is harsh and exacting. Every human inherits these two deaths from Adam and Eve. If left unchecked the Fall causes the following: (1) the physical body dies,
decays, and returns to earth, without the ability to resurrect itself; (2) the spirit becomes subject to the devil, is miserable, and becomes a devil (2 Ne. 9:6-11). Without
the redemption of Christ, these conditions would be permanent.

Effects of the Fall are far- reaching and severe. Because of the Fall man's nature has an evil texture (Ether 3:2), and "the natural man is an enemy to God" (Mosiah 3:19;
16:3-6). The effects (but not the responsibility or guilt) of the Fall are passed to each child biologically (Mosiah 3:11; Moro. 8:8; Moses 6:55), so that even little
children (who have no personal sin) could not be saved without the atonement of Christ (Mosiah 3:16). Furthermore, each person's situation is worsened by individual
sins, which need personal repentance. The Fall extends beyond the human family. All life, and the earth itself, has partaken of its effects, and thus everything natural to
this mortal world is in need of Christ (2 Ne. 2:22; D&C 29:24-25; 88:25-26; A of F 10).

Mortal ministry of Jesus Christ

When Jesus was born on earth, he was significantly different from all other humans in two ways essential to enable him to fulfill his redemptive mission: (1) his physical
body was the biological son of the mortal Mary and of God the Father (1 Ne. 11:16-21), giving Jesus power over death, and (2) the spirit inhabiting that specially
prepared body was the Omnipotent Jehovah, the foreordained Redeemer, the God of Israel (3 Ne. 15:5).

Jesus showed perfect obedience to the Father's commandments. He was baptized in water according to the requirement for righteousness (2 Ne. 31:4-9) and received
the Holy Ghost. He proclaimed the gospel of faith, preached repentance, performed baptisms, ordained apostles, worked miracles, instituted the ordinance of bread
and wine and other essential ordinances, and lived without sin. He shed his blood and died on the cross, to pay for the fall of Adam, and also man's personal sins on
condition of repentance.

Jesus is the model of personal restraint, humility, self- sacrifice, meekness, and love. Mistreated and unappreciated by his countrymen, he did not revile nor seek
revenge. Nephi 1 said that Jesus "doeth not anything save it be for the benefit of the world; for he loveth the world, even that he layeth down his own life" (2 Ne. 26:24,
33; Acts 10:38). "Wherefore they scourge him . . . and they smite him. . . . Yea, they spit upon him, and he suffereth it, because of his loving kindness and his long-
suffering towards the children of men" (1 Ne. 19:9; 1 Pet. 2:22-23).

The sacrifice required of Jesus was painful and strenuous, requiring extreme physical and spiritual suffering (Mosiah 3:6-8). After his death his body was buried in a
stone sepulcher.
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Ministry in the spirit world

While his body lay in the tomb, Jesus went as a spirit among departed spirits. He taught redemption from the Fall and the doctrine of the resurrection , and
suffering towards the children of men" (1 Ne. 19:9; 1 Pet. 2:22-23).

The sacrifice required of Jesus was painful and strenuous, requiring extreme physical and spiritual suffering (Mosiah 3:6-8). After his death his body was buried in a
stone sepulcher.

Ministry in the spirit world

While his body lay in the tomb, Jesus went as a spirit among departed spirits. He taught redemption from the Fall and the doctrine of the resurrection , and
commissioned righteous spirits to preach repentance to those who had not obeyed the gospel as mortals. This phase of Jesus' ministry is mentioned briefly in the Bible
(1 Pet. 3:18-20; 4:6), more extensively in the Doctrine and Covenants (76:73; 138:1-60), but is not discussed in the Book of Mormon.

Postresurrection ministry

On the third day after his burial, Jesus' spirit reentered his body and he rose from the dead with an immortal body. This ultimate miracle brings resurrection and
judgment to the entire human family. After Jesus' resurrection he showed his glorified body to more than 500 persons (Matt. 28:7, 16, 17; 1 Cor. 15:5-6). Having
completed all requirements, he ascended into heaven. Soon after his ascension in the Holy Land, Jesus personally visited the Nephites in the land Bountiful in America,
showing his glorious body to 2500 persons and commanding them to touch it with their own hands, one by one, giving them perfect knowledge that he was resurrected:
"And they did fall down at the feet of Jesus, and did worship him" (3 Ne. 11:12-17; 17:25). Jesus told this group that he would also visit the lost tribes and show them
his body (3 Ne. 16:1-3; 17:4).

Jesus explained to the Nephites that he would personally visit only the house of Israel and not the Gentiles. He said that the Gentiles would receive the gospel through
the preaching of Israelite prophets and Christ would be manifested to them by the Holy Ghost. This distinct visiting schedule is explained only in the Book of Mormon
(1 Ne. 10:11; 3 Ne. 15:16-24), although the Bible hints at it (Matt. 15:22-24). This experience recorded in the Book of Mormon gives a proper understanding of the
"other sheep" in John 10:16.

Jesus' ongoing ministry to the earth

Jesus' work with the earth and its people is not finished. The Lord said to Nephi, "My work is not yet finished; neither shall it be until the end of man, neither from that
time henceforth and forever" (2 Ne. 29:9). Through prophets and apostles of his choosing, Jesus still works with man to teach the gospel of Jesus Christ throughout the
earth, gather and restore the house of Israel, build holy cities such as Jerusalem and New Jerusalem, establish Zion, and prepare a people for his second coming. This
will be followed by a millennium of intense spiritual activity and eventual celestialization of the earth. In all this, Jesus is the central figure.

The foregoing describes a long view of Jesus' ministry, and it is especially evident that Nephi had this extended understanding. Nephi said he often read many scriptures
to his people, "but that I might more fully persuade them to believe in the Lord their Redeemer I did read unto them that which was written by the prophet Isaiah" (1
Ne. 19:22-23). Nephi provided several examples of his use of Isaiah passages, all dealing more with the Abrahamic covenant, restoration of Israel, the defeat of evil,
and other world-wide events than with the circumstances of Jesus' short mortal ministry on earth (1 Ne. 20-21; 2 Ne. 12-24). These are long- term accomplishments
of the Redeemer. Jacob 2 also cited chapters of Isaiah about the restoration of Israel as being the work of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 6-8). Jesus himself, when he visited the
Nephites, cited passages of Isaiah, Malachi, Moses, and Micah pertaining to the Abrahamic covenant and the redemption of Israel, the establishment of New
Jerusalem, and the end of wickedness on the earth, rather than passages limited to his mortal life. Book of Mormon prophets regarded Jesus' mortal mission of the
greatest importance (Alma 7:7), but they saw his ministry in its wider context.

Special considerations

The preceding paragraphs discuss funda-mental doctrinal dimensions of Jesus' eternal ministry. Additional matters of testimony about Jesus are given below. Most of
the following are unique to the Book of Mormon, but others, though not unique, are included because of the distinct clarity and emphasis the Book of Mormon gives
them.

Jesus is God

Book of Mormon prophets had no doubt that Jesus is God. They did not confuse him with the person of the Father but knew that he is both God and Son of God. The
following attest to Christ's Godhood:

1. " Jesus is the Christ , the Eternal God , manifesting himself unto all nations" (Title Page; 2 Ne. 26:12).

2. The very God of Israel, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob will be crucified and buried (1 Ne. 19:7, 10, 13).

3. God is the Holy One of Israel, and he is Christ (2 Ne. 9:11, 19, 24; 25:29).

4. "There is a God, and he is Christ" (2 Ne. 11:7).

5. "The Lord Omnipotent . . . shall come down from heaven . . . [and] dwell in a taber-nacle of clay. . . . He shall be called Jesus Christ, . . . the Creator . . . and his
mother shall be called Mary," yet many shall consider him only a man (Mosiah 3:5-9).

6. Christ is God, who will come from heaven, and "take upon him the image of man" with flesh and blood (Mosiah 7:27).

7. God himself will make the Atonement; will come down in the form of man, and bring to pass the resurrection (Mosiah 13:28, 34).

8. "God himself shall come down . . . and shall redeem his people" (Mosiah 15:1).

9. The atoning sacrifice cannot be a human sacrifice, nor an animal sacrifice, but must be an "infinite and eternal sacrifice" (Alma 34:9-12).

10. "God himself atoneth for the sins of the world" (Alma 42:15).

11. Christ is God (Hel. 8:22-23).

12. Jesus: "I am the God of Israel, and the God of the whole earth" (3 Ne. 11:14).

13. Jesus: "Behold,
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14. Nephite disciples called Jesus "their Lord and their God," and he did not deny it nor correct them (3 Ne. 19:18).
11. Christ is God (Hel. 8:22-23).

12. Jesus: "I am the God of Israel, and the God of the whole earth" (3 Ne. 11:14).

13. Jesus: "Behold, I am he that gave the law [of Moses], and I am he who covenanted with my people Israel" (3 Ne. 15:4-5).

14. Nephite disciples called Jesus "their Lord and their God," and he did not deny it nor correct them (3 Ne. 19:18).

15. Jesus is "the very Christ and the very God" (Morm. 3:20-21).

Although the Book of Mormon testifies of Jesus' Godhood, it does not discuss Jesus being the first of the Father's spirit children and man's elder brother in the
premortal world, a truth made known in other scripture (Rom. 8:29; Heb. 1:6; D&C 93:21).

No other name, no other way but Jesus

Book of Mormon prophets stated positively that Jesus Christ, and he alone, is the Savior. There is no ambiguity, no room for misunderstanding, no other interpretation.

1. Nephi 1 : There is only one true Messiah-the one who will be rejected by the Jews. He will be named Jesus Christ, and "there is none other name given under
heaven," nor any other way, by which salvation can be obtained (2 Ne. 25:18-20; 31:21).

2. King Benjamin: There is "no other name given nor any other way nor means" for salvation (Mosiah 3:17; 5:8). There is not any other salvation nor any other
condition for salvation besides the doctrine of Christ (Mosiah 4:8).

3. Abinadi: "Only in and through Christ" can men be saved (Mosiah 16:13).

4. Alma 2 : "There is no other way or means whereby man can be saved, only in and through Christ" (Alma 38:9).

5. Helaman 3 , quoting king Benjamin: Salvation is possible only through Christ's blood; there is no other way nor means (Hel. 5:9).

Special significance attaches to the fact that all of the foregoing passages occur before the Lord came in the flesh, and therefore before the Atonement was
accomplished. A statement by Peter in the New Testament is similar in content (Acts 4:12) but was written after the Atone-ment was made. The added strength of the
Book of Mormon passages, in addition to being more specific and detailed than Peter's, is that having been spoken before the fact, they show that Jesus always was
the only Redeemer. No consideration was ever given for another; there never was an alternate plan or alternate redeemer (D&C 18:23; 109:4; Moses 6:52).

Precise time of Jesus' birth known beforehand

Early Book of Mormon prophets knew that Jesus would be born precisely 600 years from the time Lehi left Jerusalem (1 Ne. 10:4; 19:8; 2 Ne. 25:19), but Alma 2 did
not seem to be as specific on this matter in 82 b.c. (Alma 13:25-26). About 77 years later, Samuel the Lamanite prophesied that Christ would be born in five years,
accompanied by a day, a night, and a day with no darkness, as a sign of his birth (Hel. 14:1-9). At the appointed time, which was 600 years from Lehi's departure from
Jerusalem, the sign was given (3 Ne. 1:1, 5-21). Nothing in the Bible suggests that the Jews had such precise prophetic knowledge of when Jesus would be born.

Ancient prophets, mentioned only in the Book of Mormon, testified of signs to be given at Christ's death, which were literally fulfilled (1 Ne. 19:10-12; Hel. 14:4, 20-
29; 3 Ne. 8:1-23).

Mary, the mother of Jesus

Nephite prophets knew centuries in advance that Jesus would be born of Mary, a virgin from Nazareth (1 Ne. 11:13-20; Mosiah 3:8; Alma 7:10). This is more specific
than the present Old Testament (Isa. 7:14).

Abraham and Isaac

Abraham and his son Isaac are "a similitude of God and his Only Begotten Son" (Jacob 4:5).

Holy One of Israel

"Holy One of Israel" occurs at least thirty- one times in the Old Testament, chiefly in Isaiah's words. Perceptive readers probably discern that it means Christ; however,
the Bible does not so designate. Second Nephi 25:29 forthrightly states, "Christ is the Holy One of Israel."

The Book of Mormon includes more than one hundred other name- titles for Jesus.

The power of God

As Jesus ministered to the people in America the power of God was manifested in many ways, exceeding the miracles Jesus performed in the Holy Land. Following is a
partial review of events, some of which happened more than once. On Jesus' first visit he healed many sick, blind, dumb, and crippled. He blessed little children one by
one. He also prayed for the people with such wonderful words that "no tongue can speak, neither can there be written . . . so great and marvelous things" as Jesus
spoke. "And no one can conceive of the joy which filled our souls at the time." Angels came down, and fire from heaven encircled the people (3 Ne. 17:7-24). Jesus
afterward returned to heaven.

The next day, after a baptismal service, the Holy Ghost descended, fire again encircled the people, and angels attended. Jesus also appeared. As Jesus prayed the
countenances and clothing of both Jesus and the disciples became extremely white and brilliant (3 Ne. 19:11-15, 25). Again the words of Jesus were too great to be
written or uttered by man yet were understood by those present (3 Ne. 19:32-34). Jesus blessed more children, who then uttered such marvelous things that no one
was able to write or repeat them. These children spoke "even greater [things] than [Jesus] had revealed." Jesus did all manner of cures, raised a man from the dead (3
Ne. 26:14-16), and miraculously provided bread and wine (3 Ne. 20:3-9). He expounded all things "great and small"-everything from the beginning of the earth to the
Judgment Day (3 Ne. 26:1-5). Third Nephi contains less than "a hundredth part" of what Jesus said and did in America (3 Ne. 26:6-8).

Also, Jesus said, "So great faith have I never seen among all the Jews; wherefore . . . there are none of them that have seen . . . neither have they heard so great
things" (3 Ne. 19:35-36).
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Jesus with a smiling countenance

Never in the Bible is it stated that Jesus smiled, but two such instances occur in 3 Nephi 19:25, 30.
Judgment Day (3 Ne. 26:1-5). Third Nephi contains less than "a hundredth part" of what Jesus said and did in America (3 Ne. 26:6-8).

Also, Jesus said, "So great faith have I never seen among all the Jews; wherefore . . . there are none of them that have seen . . . neither have they heard so great
things" (3 Ne. 19:35-36).

Jesus with a smiling countenance

Never in the Bible is it stated that Jesus smiled, but two such instances occur in 3 Nephi 19:25, 30.

Nature and purpose of Jesus' suffering

The Book of Mormon makes clear that Jesus not only suffered for the sins of all mankind, but that he suffered "pains and afflictions . . . of every kind," including the
"pains and the sicknesses of his people" (Alma 7:11). Such suffering brought to the Savior understanding and empathy, "according to the flesh," or through personal,
actual experience, "that he may know . . . how to succor his people according to their infirmities" (Alma 7:12). Concerning these realities, Elder Neal A. Maxwell
taught: "Imagine, Jehovah, the Creator of this and other worlds, `astonished'! Jesus knew cognitively what He must do, but not experientially. He had never personally
known the exquisite and exacting process of an atonement before. Thus, when the agony came in its fulness, it was so much, much worse than even He with his unique
intellect had ever imagined! No wonder an angel appeared to strengthen him! (See Luke 22:43.) The cumulative weight of all mortal sins-past, present, and future-
pressed upon that perfect, sinless, and sensitive Soul! All our infirmities and sicknesses were somehow, too, a part of the awful arithmetic of the Atonement" (72-73).

Jesus' concern for the individual; his love and tenderness for the faithful and little children

Not only did Jesus show himself to a multitude but he had "about two thousand and five hundred souls" (3 Ne. 17:25) come forward "one by one" (3 Ne. 11:15) to see
and to feel his body. He healed their sick, commended them for their faith, and prayed for them. He wept. And "he took their little children, one by one, and blessed
them, and prayed unto the Father for them. And when he had done this he wept again" (3 Ne. 17:5-22; cf. Matt. 19:14).

Jesus' interest in written records

The Book of Mormon shows that Jesus has great interest in written records.

1. Prophecy of Samuel the Lamanite. The resurrected Jesus questioned the Nephite leaders asking why they had not written certain elements of Samuel's prophecy
about the resurrection of the dead. Jesus was specific in stating that a written record would verify the truth of the prophecy. He commanded them to supply the missing
part to validate Samuel's testimony (3 Ne. 23:7-13).

2. Writings of Malachi. Because Malachi lived in the Holy Land after Lehi's departure, the Nephites did not have his words. Jesus therefore gave them what is today
identified as Malachi chapters 3 and 4 (3 Ne. 24, 25), which he said would be of value to "future generations" (3 Ne. 26:2).

3. Commandment to search Isaiah's words. Jesus commanded the people to search diligently the prophecies of Isaiah, and he testified of the great truth and value of
Isaiah's writings (3 Ne. 23:1-3).

4. Commandment to write Jesus' words. Jesus commanded the Nephites to write his words (3 Ne. 23:4), not only for their current use, but for future generations. This
is especially noteworthy in 3 Nephi 15 with reference to the Jews' lack of understanding of his "other sheep" prophecy (John 10:16). Jesus wanted the Nephites to
record the event (in case the Jewish Church did not ever gain an understanding), so that the knowledge would be available in the last days through the Book of
Mormon (3 Ne. 15:11-24).

Pray in the name of Jesus Christ

Jesus taught the Nephite disciples to pray to the Father, in the name of Christ (3 Ne. 18:19-23). The disciples taught this to the people (3 Ne. 19:6-8). It is clear from
many passages that Jesus said that prayers should be to the Father in his name (3 Ne. 27:2, 7); however, when Jesus appeared to the disciples, they prayed directly to
him, prompting him to note that they did so only because he was with them (3 Ne. 19:18-25, 30).

Name of the Church

In response to an inquiry as to what the name of the Church should be, Jesus said, "Ye must take upon you the name of Christ, which is my name . . . therefore ye shall
call the church in my name . . . if it be called in the name of a man then it be the church of a man; but if it be called in my name then it is my church, if it so be that they
are built upon my gospel" (3 Ne. 27:1-8).

The New Jerusalem

Jesus spoke extensively to the Nephites about the gathering of Israel, the New Jerusalem, and the fulfillment of the prophets (3 Ne. 20-25).

Conclusion

Nephi 1 captured the central message of all Book of Mormon prophets when he wrote: "For we labor diligently to write, to persuade our children, and also our
brethren, to believe in Christ, and to be reconciled to God; for we know that it is by grace that we are saved, after all we can do. . . . And we talk of Christ, we rejoice
in Christ, we preach of Christ, we prophesy of Christ, and we write according to our pro-phecies, that our children may know to what source they may look for a
remission of their sins" (2 Ne. 25:23, 26). Such is the testimony of the Book of Mormon concerning Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the Redeemer and Savior of the
world.

See also Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ; Condescension of God; Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Fulfill all righteousness; Jesus Christ, names of;
Jesus Christ, Nephite anticipation of; Jesus Christ, premortal appearances of; Jesus Christ, role of, as Father and Son; Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Bibliography

Maxwell, Neal A. "Willing to Submit." Ensign 15 (May 1985): 70- 73.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Matthews,
Copyright Robert J.
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Jesus Christ baptism of
Maxwell, Neal A. "Willing to Submit." Ensign 15 (May 1985): 70- 73.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Matthews, Robert J.

Jesus Christ baptism of

See Fulfill all righteousness.

Jesus Christ condescension of

See Con-descension of God.

Jesus Christ names of

The writings of Book of Mormon prophets, including scripture quoted from Old World prophets, refer to Jesus Christ by more than a hundred different names. From
the first reference to him as "Lord" in 1 Nephi 1:1 to the final name in the Book of Mormon given him as "Eternal Judge" in Moroni 10:34, there are many distinctive
name variations designating Jesus Christ, including the following:

Almighty (2 Ne. 23:6)

Almighty God (Jacob 2:10)

Alpha and Omega (3 Ne. 9:18)

Being (Mosiah 4:19)

Beloved (2 Ne. 31:15)

Beloved Son (2 Ne. 31:11)

Christ (2 Ne. 10:3)

Christ Jesus (Alma 5:44)

Christ the Lord (Mosiah 16:15)

Christ the Son (Alma 11:44)

Counselor (2 Ne. 19:6)

Creator (2 Ne. 9:5)

Creator of all things from the beginning (Mosiah 3:8)

Eternal Father (Mosiah 15:4)

Eternal God (1 Ne. 12:18)

Eternal Head (Hel. 13:38)

Eternal Judge (Moro. 10:34)

Everlasting God (1 Ne. 15:15)

Father (Jacob 7:22)

Father of heaven (1 Ne. 22:9)

Father of heaven and earth (Mosiah 3:8)

Father of heaven and of earth (Hel. 14:12)

First (1 Ne. 20:12)

Founder of peace (Mosiah 15:18)

Fountain of all righteousness (Ether 8:26)

God (2 Ne. 1:22)

God of Abraham (1 Ne. 19:10)

God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob (Mosiah 7:19)

God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and the God of Jacob (1 Ne. 19:10)
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God of Isaac (Alma 29:11)
God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob (Mosiah 7:19)

God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and the God of Jacob (1 Ne. 19:10)

God of Isaac (Alma 29:11)

God of Israel (1 Ne. 19:7)

God of Jacob (2 Ne. 12:3)

God of miracles (2 Ne. 27:23)

God of nature (1 Ne. 19:12)

God of the whole earth (3 Ne. 11:14)

God, the Father of all things (Mosiah 7:27)

Good shepherd (Alma 5:38)

Great and true shepherd (Hel. 15:13)

Great Creator (2 Ne. 9:5)

Great Spirit (Alma 18:2)

Holy Child (Moro. 8:3)

Holy God (2 Ne. 9:39)

Holy Messiah (2 Ne. 2:6)

Holy One (2 Ne. 2:10)

Holy One of Israel (1 Ne. 19:14)

Holy One of Jacob (2 Ne. 27:34)

Husband (3 Ne. 22:5)

Immanuel (2 Ne. 18:8)

Jehovah (Moro. 10:34)

Jesus (2 Ne. 31:10)

Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 25:19)

Keeper of the gate (2 Ne. 9:41)

King (2 Ne. 16:5)

King of all the earth (Alma 5:50)

King of heaven (2 Ne. 10:14)

Lamb (1 Ne. 13:35)

Lamb of God (1 Ne. 10:10)

Last (1 Ne. 20:12)

Life and the light of the world (Alma 38:9)

Lord (1 Ne. 10:14)

Lord God (2 Ne. 1:5)

Lord God Almighty (2 Ne. 9:46)

Lord God Omnipotent (Mosiah 3:21)

Lord God of Hosts (2 Ne. 13:15)

Lord Jehovah (2 Ne. 22:2)

Lord Jesus (Moro.
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Lord Jesus Christ (Mosiah 3:12)
Lord God of Hosts (2 Ne. 13:15)

Lord Jehovah (2 Ne. 22:2)

Lord Jesus (Moro. 6:6)

Lord Jesus Christ (Mosiah 3:12)

Lord my God (2 Ne. 5:1)

Lord of Hosts (1 Ne. 20:2)

Lord of the vineyard (Jacob 5:8)

Lord Omnipotent (Mosiah 3:5)

Lord our God (Mosiah 9:3)

Lord their God (Mosiah 11:22)

Lord thy God (Mosiah 13:13)

Lord thy maker (2 Ne. 8:13)

Maker (2 Ne. 9:40)

Man (3 Ne. 11:8)

Master of the vineyard (Jacob 5:4)

Mediator (2 Ne. 2:28)

Messiah (1 Ne. 1:19)

Mighty God (2 Ne. 6:17)

Mighty One of Israel (1 Ne. 22:12)

Mighty One of Jacob (1 Ne. 21:26)

Most High (2 Ne. 24:14)

Most High God (Alma 26:14)

One (1 Ne. 1:9)

Only Begotten of the Father (2 Ne. 25:12)

Only Begotten Son (Jacob 4:5)

Prophet (1 Ne. 22:20)

Redeemer (1 Ne. 10:6)

Redeemer of all men (Alma 28:8)

Redeemer of Israel (1 Ne. 21:7)

Redeemer of the world (1 Ne. 10:5)

Rock (1 Ne. 15:15)

Savior (2 Ne. 31:13)

Savior Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 5:20)

Savior of the world (1 Ne. 10:4)

Shepherd (1 Ne. 13:41)

Son (2 Ne. 31:13)

Son of God (1 Ne. 10:17)

Son of Righteousness (Ether 9:22)

Son of the Eternal Father (1 Ne. 11:21)
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Son of the everlasting God (1 Ne. 11:32)

Son of the living God (2 Ne. 31:16)
Son of Righteousness (Ether 9:22)

Son of the Eternal Father (1 Ne. 11:21)

Son of the everlasting God (1 Ne. 11:32)

Son of the living God (2 Ne. 31:16)

Son of the most high God (1 Ne. 11:6)

Stone (Jacob 4:16)

Supreme Being (Alma 11:22)

Supreme Creator (Alma 30:44)

The Everlasting Father (2 Ne. 19:6)

The Mighty God (2 Ne. 19:6)

The Prince of Peace (2 Ne. 19:6)

True and living God (1 Ne. 17:30)

True Messiah (2 Ne. 1:10)

True shepherd (Hel. 15:13)

True vine (1 Ne. 15:15)

Well Beloved (Hel. 5:47)

Wonderful (2 Ne. 19:6)

Each of the names given to Jesus Christ sig-nifies an attribute or characteristic of Christ and reveals something unique, essential, and deeply inspirational about him.
Each name is used to convey recognition of who he is and important truths concerning his mission. For example, "Lord Omnipotent" means that Christ is the Lord of all,
possessing all power. "Holy One" signifies that he is holy and without sin, being perfect in all things. "God of the whole earth" reflects his universal interest in all people
and in their individual redemption. "Only Begotten Son" connotes that he is the only Son of the Father in the flesh. "Savior" means that Jesus came to save his people
from their sins. "Rock" reminds followers of the firmness of his ways and teachings. "Good Shepherd" suggests his loving and tender care of his people. "Keeper of the
gate" reflects his role as judge, and the title "Father" indicates his role in granting eternal life to the "children of Christ," those who have been "spiritually begotten,"
through the Atonement (Mosiah 5:7; Ether 3:14).

Jesus Christ is truly the central character of the Book of Mormon. The prophet scribes had a conviction of his divinity, for they knew him and loved him (e.g., 2 Ne.
11:2-6; Morm. 1:15; Ether 12:39).

Black, Susan Easton

Jesus Christ Nephite anticipation of

The Nephites' anticipation of the advent of Christ is a theme that runs throughout the Book of Mormon, starting in 1 Nephi and culminating in the story of Christ's birth
in 3 Nephi 1. Abinadi taught that all the prophets who ever prophesied, from the beginning of the world onward, testified of the coming of the Messiah (Mosiah 13:33).
They included the prophet Lehi 1 and his posterity, as confirmed by Jacob 2 when he said that his family possessed a deep and abiding messianic expectation "many
hundred years before his coming" (Jacob 4:4).

The very beginning of Nephi 1's personal record mentions his father's vision, in which Lehi was shown the coming of a Messiah and the redemption of the world (1 Ne.
1:19; ca. 600 b.c. ). In later chapters Nephi further expounded on the messianic prophecies of his father. Lehi not only described a special forerunner who would
baptize the Messiah but also pinpointed the time when Christ would appear in mortality (1 Ne. 10:4-9).

Nephi reported in detail his own vision of the future Messiah's birth, unique parentage, baptism, mortal ministry, association with the Twelve Apostles, crucifixion, and
subsequent appearance to Lehi's seed after they had lived for many generations upon the promised land (1 Ne. 11:18-21, 27-29, 31-33; 12:6). Nephi understood all
of this to be part of the incomparable condescension of God (1 Ne. 11:16, 26). He quoted Isaiah (one of the greatest of the ancient prophets to foretell the coming of
the Messiah) in order to persuade his brethren to believe in the coming of Christ (1 Ne. 19:23). Nephi's efforts to teach his family about Christ were constant
throughout his life: "For we labor diligently to write, to persuade our children, and also our brethren, to believe in Christ, and to be reconciled to God; for we know that
it is by grace that we are saved, after all we can do. . . . And we talk of Christ, we rejoice in Christ, we preach of Christ, we prophesy of Christ, and we write
according to our prophecies, that our children may know to what source they may look for a remission of their sins" (2 Ne. 25:23, 26).

Just before his death, Lehi testified to his son Jacob 2 that he knew he (Jacob) had been redeemed through the coming Messiah: "I know that thou art redeemed,
because of the righteousness of thy Redeemer; for thou hast beheld that in the fulness of time he cometh to bring salvation unto men" (2 Ne. 2:3; between 588 and 570
b.c. ). Jacob learned from his own experience with an angel that the name of the Messiah would be Christ (2 Ne. 10:1-5). In turn, and through personal revelation,
Jacob's son Enos came to know of Christ's redeeming mission as he sought forgiveness of his sins (Enos 1:5-8; between 544 and 421 b.c. ). Enos' son, Jarom,
reaffirmed that the prophets, priests, and teachers of his people diligently taught the Mosaic law as well as "the intent for which it was given; persuading them to look
forward unto the Messiah, and believe in him to come as though he already was" (Jarom 1:11; 399-361 b.c. ).

Anticipation of a future Messiah continued to be an important theme in Nephite society long after the passing of Lehi's immediate family. One of the most stunning
summary statements of messianic expectation in the entire Book of Mormon was delivered to king Benjamin by an angel. The life of Christ-his ministry, miracles,
sufferings, and atonement were described with significant detail (Mosiah 3:5-21; ca. 124 b.c. ).
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Abinadi, Alma the Younger, Aaron 3 , and Amulek repeatedly proclaimed their confidence in the coming of Christ and his redemption. Abinadi not    only quoted
messianic prophecies but also taught the true perspective on the ways in which the future Messiah was to be regarded as both the Father and Son. In addition, he
described how Christ's redemption and anticipated resurrection would affect all humankind (Mosiah 14; 15:1-12, 19-25; 16; ca. 148 b.c. ).
Anticipation of a future Messiah continued to be an important theme in Nephite society long after the passing of Lehi's immediate family. One of the most stunning
summary statements of messianic expectation in the entire Book of Mormon was delivered to king Benjamin by an angel. The life of Christ-his ministry, miracles,
sufferings, and atonement were described with significant detail (Mosiah 3:5-21; ca. 124 b.c. ).

Abinadi, Alma the Younger, Aaron 3 , and Amulek repeatedly proclaimed their confidence in the coming of Christ and his redemption. Abinadi not only quoted Isaiah's
messianic prophecies but also taught the true perspective on the ways in which the future Messiah was to be regarded as both the Father and Son. In addition, he
described how Christ's redemption and anticipated resurrection would affect all humankind (Mosiah 14; 15:1-12, 19-25; 16; ca. 148 b.c. ).

Several decades later, as a missionary, Aaron taught powerfully about the Messiah and supported his belief in the coming of Christ by an appeal to the scriptures (Alma
21:9; ca. 90 b.c. ). After the destruction of Ammonihah, Alma 2 , Amulek, and other righteous priests endeavored to prepare the hearts of the people for the "coming
of the Son of God" (Alma 16:15-20; ca. 78 b.c. ). Alma effectively combated the challenge of the anti-Christ, Korihor, who argued that there would be no Christ
because no one could know the future (Alma 30:12-13). Such beliefs were foolish traditions of the fathers, according to Korihor's rationalist views (Alma 30:14-27).
But Alma testified powerfully of the correctness of the fathers' traditions regarding Christ's advent (Alma 30:39) and through priesthood power exposed Korihor's lies
(Alma 30:48-53; ca. 74 b.c. ). Amulek testified that he knew that Christ would come to earth to atone for the sins of the world, and gave a significant theological
discourse on the nature of Christ's infinite and eternal sacrifice (Alma 34:8-15; ca. 74 b.c. ). When Alma reproved his son Corianton, he spoke plainly of sin and also of
the source of redemption from sin, who is Christ. Alma reminded Corianton that he had been called to preach the coming of Christ. Alma told his son why it was so
important that a knowledge of Christ be made known so far in advance of his advent in mortality, for "a soul at this time [is] as precious unto God as a soul will be at
the time of his coming" (Alma 39:15-19; ca. 73 b.c. ). In a powerful response to some of the wicked judges of his day, Nephi 2 proclaimed that Moses, Abraham,
Zenos, Zenock, Ezias, Isaiah, and Jeremiah 1 all prophesied of the coming of the Son of God in the flesh (Hel. 8:13-20). These prophetic writings would have all been
found on the brass plates.

The capstone of messianic anticipation in the Book of Mormon is found in the prophecies of Samuel the Lamanite to the Nephites. Samuel predicted the time of the
Savior's birth in an exact number of years (Hel. 14:2), foretold the atmospheric signs attendant on his birth (Hel. 14:3-7), and prophesied the signs and wonders that
would accompany his death (Hel. 14:21-28; ca. 6 b.c. ). Nephi 3 , son of Nephi 2 , whose faith in the traditions of the fathers concerning the coming of Christ became
sure knowledge, reported the fulfillment of Samuel's prophecies as well as the expectations of all other true prophets (3 Ne. 1:4-25; a.d. 1).

See also Law of Moses; Prophecy in the Book of Mormon; Sacrifices.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Jesus Christ premortal appearances of

Christ was clearly the focus of the religion of faithful Nephites and Lamanites before his resurrection, but the Book of Mormon only rarely mentions Jesus appearing to
his servants among them.

In the first chapter of the Book of Mormon, Lehi 1 was carried away in a vision. Among other things that he witnessed, he saw "One descending out of the midst of
heaven," whose "luster was above that of the sun at noon- day" (1 Ne. 1:9). That the One was Christ is suggested in the following verse, where twelve others of lesser
luster followed (1 Ne. 1:10). It seems that a distinction should be made between this visionary experience and an actual appearance.

Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 11:3) and Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 2:4; 11:3) saw Christ, as did king Lamoni (Alma 19:13). While the sacred events (whether visions or appearances) are only
mentioned in passing, in each of these Christ is called the "Redeemer," and his atonement is attested (2 Ne. 2:3-9; 11:2-7; Alma 19:13). The faithful Jaredite king Emer
saw "the Son of Righteousness," and he "did rejoice and glory in [Christ's] day" (Ether 9:22).

The Book of Mormon preserves from the plates of brass an account of Jehovah, the God of Israel, appearing to the biblical prophet Isaiah (2 Ne. 16 // Isa. 6). Nephi
noted, perhaps with that appearance in mind, that Isaiah had seen his Redeemer (2 Ne. 11:2).

The only actual account of (as opposed to reference to) the premortal Christ appearing to a Book of Mormon prophet is that of his appearance to the brother of Jared
1 in Ether 3. Comprising twenty- three verses (Ether 3:6-28), it is one of the fullest accounts of a divine manifestation anywhere in scripture. Jesus said to the brother of
Jared, "Never have I showed myself unto man whom I have created" (Ether 3:15). This statement has been interpreted in different ways, most commonly with the
suggestion that Christ had never appeared as plainly or distinctly before (Smith, 1:37). One interpretation based on Ether 3:14 emphasizes that the Lord does not reveal
himself to unbelieving men but only to those who believe and trust in him (Sperry, 467-68). Still another possibility is that while the premortal Jehovah had appeared
previously to other prophets, he had done so in his role as Father, Sovereign, and Creator. The appearance to the brother of Jared is perhaps scripture's earliest
account of him appearing and specifically identifying himself as Jesus Christ, the Son. Moroni 2 punctuated the account by summarizing, "Jesus showed himself unto this
man in the spirit, even after the manner and in the likeness of the same body even as he showed himself [many centuries later and after his resurrection] unto the
Nephites" (Ether 3:17).

Bibliography

Jackson, Kent P. "`Never Have I Showed Myself unto Man': A Suggestion for Understanding Ether 3:15a." Brigham Young University Studies, no. 3 (Summer 1990):
71- 76.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Sperry, Sidney B. Book of Mormon Compendium. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1970.

Jackson, Kent P.

Jesus Christ reconciled unto

See Reconciled unto Christ.

Jesus Christ role of as Father and Son

Jesus Christ is designated in scripture as both the Father and the Son (Ether 3:14). Elohim is the Father of the spirits of all men and women, including Jesus Christ, who
is the firstborn spirit child of God (Num. 16:22; Rom. 8:29; Col. 1:15; Heb. 12:9; D&C 93:21). Jesus is the literal physical Son of God and the Only Begotten in the
flesh (2 Ne. 25:12; Jacob 4:5, 11; Alma 5:48; 9:26; 12:33-34; 13:5, 9).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
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under the injunction of his Father, he became the Creator of worlds without number (Moses 1:31-33; 7:30) and was thereby known as the Lord Omnipotent (Mosiah
3:5) long before he entered mortality. Thus the Savior is appropriately known in the Book of Mormon as "the Father of heaven and earth, the Creator of all things from
Jesus Christ is designated in scripture as both the Father and the Son (Ether 3:14). Elohim is the Father of the spirits of all men and women, including Jesus Christ, who
is the firstborn spirit child of God (Num. 16:22; Rom. 8:29; Col. 1:15; Heb. 12:9; D&C 93:21). Jesus is the literal physical Son of God and the Only Begotten in the
flesh (2 Ne. 25:12; Jacob 4:5, 11; Alma 5:48; 9:26; 12:33-34; 13:5, 9).

Jesus Christ or Jehovah is also known by the title of Father (First Presidency, 466-73). First, Christ is known as Father by virtue of his role as the Creator. Acting
under the injunction of his Father, he became the Creator of worlds without number (Moses 1:31-33; 7:30) and was thereby known as the Lord Omnipotent (Mosiah
3:5) long before he entered mortality. Thus the Savior is appropriately known in the Book of Mormon as "the Father of heaven and earth, the Creator of all things from
the beginning" (Mosiah 3:8; cf. 2 Ne. 25:12; Alma 11:39; 3 Ne. 9:15).

Second, Christ is Father through spiritual rebirth. As the atoning Savior and foreordained Messiah, Jesus Christ became "the author of eternal salvation unto all them
that obey him" (Heb. 5:9). Thus the gospel of God the Father (Rom. 1:1) became known as the gospel of Jesus Christ. Those on earth who accept his gospel and
comply with its requirements become the sons and daughters of Jesus Christ and therefore take upon them the Lord's name; they become Christians. The Book of
Mormon prophets taught the necessity of spiritual rebirth (Mosiah 5:1-15; 15:11-12; 27:23-27; Alma 5:14; 7:14; Ether 3:14; cf. Moses 6:59-60).

Third, Christ is known as Father by divine investiture of authority. President Joseph Fielding Smith explained that "all revelation since the fall has come through Jesus
Christ, who is the Jehovah of the Old Testament. In all of the scriptures, where God is mentioned and where he has appeared, it was Jehovah who talked with
Abraham, with Noah, Enoch, Moses and all the prophets. . . . The Father has never dealt with man directly and personally since the fall, and he has never appeared
except to introduce and bear record of the Son" (1:27). The Master explained to a group in the meridian of time, "I am come in my Father's name" (John 5:43). He
acted and spoke on behalf of the almighty Elohim. Thus, "the Father- Elohim has placed his name upon the Son, has given him his own power and authority, and has
authorized him to speak in the first person as though he were the original or primal Father" (McConkie, 63). This principle whereby the words of the Father are spoken
by the Son is evident in the Pearl of Great Price (Moses 1:4-6, 32-33; 6:51-52), as well as in the Doctrine and Covenants. In fact, in the Doctrine and Covenants there
are occasions wherein the Lord chooses to speak as both Christ and Elohim in the same revelation (D&C 29:1, 42; 49:5, 28). Truly the words of Jehovah are the
words of Elohim; these two beings are of one mind.

In addition, one of the significant teachings of the Book of Mormon is that Jesus Christ is Father because he received through conception the attributes and capacities of
God: "This is a matter of his Eternal Parent investing him with power from on high so that he becomes the Father because he exercises the power of that Eternal
Being" (McConkie, 371; Mosiah 15:2-3).

Thus Abinadi's testimony of the Fatherhood and Sonship of Christ in Mosiah 15 is a discussion of the dual nature of Jesus Christ as the Only Begotten of the Father in
the flesh. Because of that dual nature-possessing the powers of both mortality and immortality-the Redeemer was able to do for man what no other person could do:
bear their griefs, carry their sorrows, be wounded for their transgressions and bruised for their iniquities, transform their nature, and raise them from the dead (2 Ne.
2:8; Mosiah 14:3-5; Hel. 5:11; 3 Ne. 27:15; Morm. 7:5; John 10:17-18).

Summary of Abinadi's teachings (Mosiah 15:1-4)

1. God himself-Jehovah, the God of ancient Israel-will come to earth, take a physical body, and make redemption available for all (Mosiah 15:1).

2. The will of the Son will be swallowed up in the will of the Father. That is, the flesh will become subject to the spirit, the mortal subject to the immortal. In short, Jesus
will do what the Father would have him do (Mosiah 15:2).

3. Because Jesus will have a physical body and dwell in the flesh-like every other son and daughter of God-he will be known as the Son of God. On the other hand,
because he will be conceived by the power of God and have within him the powers of the Spirit, he will be known as the Father (Mosiah 15:2-3; cf. D&C 93:4, 12-
14).

4. Christ will be both Father and Son. He will be called the Father because he was conceived by the power of the Father and inherited all of the divine attributes,
including immortality, from his exalted Sire. He will be called the Son because of the flesh-his inheritance from his mortal mother Mary. Therefore Christ will be both
flesh and spirit, both man and God, both Son and Father. And these titles, roles, and attributes-the Son and the Father, the man and the God, the flesh and the spirit-
will be blended wondrously in one being, Jesus Christ (Mosiah 15:3-4).

Bibliography

First Presidency and the Twelve. "The Father and the Son: A Doctrinal Exposition by the First Presidency and the Twelve." The Articles of Faith, by James E.
Talmage. London: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1924.

McConkie, Bruce R. The Promised Messiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Millet, Robert L.

Jesus Christ second coming of

The Savior's return to the earth in power and glory as the prelude to his millennial reign.

The day of the Second Coming is described as a great and dreadful day (3 Ne. 25:5 // Mal. 4:5). It will be a dreadful day for the wicked when in shame and sorrow
they seek to hide from the judgments of the Lord (2 Ne. 12:10-21 // Isa. 2:10-21), but will find no escape from the "fulness of the wrath of God" that will destroy them
(1 Ne. 22:15-18; 2 Ne. 23:6-16 // Isa. 13: 6-16; 2 Ne. 30:10; 3 Ne. 25:1 // Mal. 4:1). The return of Jesus Christ to the earth will be a great day. In that day "the Son
of Righteousness [will] arise with healing in his wings" (3 Ne. 25:2-3 // Mal. 4:2-3; 2 Ne. 8:3 // Isa. 51:3) to begin his millennial reign in might, power, and glory (1 Ne.
22:24; Alma 5:50). At that time Satan will be bound by the righteousness of the people and the power of God (1 Ne. 22:26; 2 Ne. 30:18; D&C 45:55; 101:28;
Cannon, 86), the faithful will be gathered (1 Ne. 22:25; 3 Ne. 21:25-28), there will be an outpouring of truth and knowledge (2 Ne. 30:18), and the millennial era of
righteousness and peace will begin (2 Ne. 12:4 // Isa. 2:4; 2 Ne. 21:6-9 // Isa. 11:6-9; 30:12-15).

The Book of Mormon contains prophecies of events that signal the approach of the second coming of the Lord. One of the most prominent signs is the coming forth of
the Book of Mormon itself. The Savior told the Nephites that "when these things [the bringing of the Book of Mormon to the descendants of Lehi by way of the
Gentiles] come to pass that thy seed shall begin to know these things-it shall be a sign unto them, that they may know that the work of the Father hath already
commenced unto the fulfilling of the covenant which he hath made unto the people who are of the house of Israel" (3 Ne. 21:7). Mormon explained that the intent of this
sign is that "ye may know that the words of the Lord, which have been spoken by the holy prophets, shall all be fulfilled; and ye need not say that the Lord delays his
 Copyright
coming   unto(c)
               the2005-2009,    Infobase
                   children of Israel"    Media
                                       (3 Ne.    Corp.Other preparatory events to the Second Coming include the discovery of America and the establishment
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                                                                                                                                                              of the
United States as a free land (1 Ne. 22:7; 3 Ne. 21:4), the restoration of the gospel through the instrumentality of a "choice seer" (2 Ne. 3:6-15; 1 Ne. 15:13-14; 22:8-
11; 3 Ne. 16:7; 21:9-11; D&C 45:9), the commencement of the gathering of Israel (1 Ne. 22:11-12; 2 Ne. 21:10-12; Jacob 6:2-3; 3 Ne. 5:23-26), the establishment
the Book of Mormon itself. The Savior told the Nephites that "when these things [the bringing of the Book of Mormon to the descendants of Lehi by way of the
Gentiles] come to pass that thy seed shall begin to know these things-it shall be a sign unto them, that they may know that the work of the Father hath already
commenced unto the fulfilling of the covenant which he hath made unto the people who are of the house of Israel" (3 Ne. 21:7). Mormon explained that the intent of this
sign is that "ye may know that the words of the Lord, which have been spoken by the holy prophets, shall all be fulfilled; and ye need not say that the Lord delays his
coming unto the children of Israel" (3 Ne. 29:1-2). Other preparatory events to the Second Coming include the discovery of America and the establishment of the
United States as a free land (1 Ne. 22:7; 3 Ne. 21:4), the restoration of the gospel through the instrumentality of a "choice seer" (2 Ne. 3:6-15; 1 Ne. 15:13-14; 22:8-
11; 3 Ne. 16:7; 21:9-11; D&C 45:9), the commencement of the gathering of Israel (1 Ne. 22:11-12; 2 Ne. 21:10-12; Jacob 6:2-3; 3 Ne. 5:23-26), the establishment
and acceptance of temples (2 Ne. 12:1-3 // Isa. 2:1-3), the coming of the Lord to his temple (3 Ne. 24:1 // Mal. 3:1), the appearance of Elijah to "turn the heart of the
fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers" (3 Ne. 25:5-6 // Mal. 4:5-6), and the Gentiles' acceptance of the gospel and their helping to build
the New Jerusalem (3 Ne. 21:22-24).

President Ezra Taft Benson noted, "The record of the Nephite history just prior to the Savior's visit reveals many parallels to our own day as we anticipate the Savior's
second coming" (37). Some parallels between Book of Mormon people awaiting the coming of Christ in the meridian of time and latter- day people awaiting his return
include the proliferation of secret combinations (Hel. 6:38; 3 Ne. 7:6-9; cf. Morm. 8:27; Ether 8:20, 22-24; D&C 42:64), wars, wickedness (3 Ne. 2-7; cf. D&C
45:26-27), and pride (Hel. 13:22; 3 Ne. 6:10-14; cf. Morm. 8:36; D&C 1:16; 38:39). Additional parallels can be seen in materialistic attitudes (Hel. 13:21-23; cf. 2
Ne. 12:19-21), efforts of the people to find "happiness in doing iniquity" (Hel. 13:38; cf. 2 Ne. 28:7-8), and the presence and acceptance of false prophets, teachers,
and doctrines (Hel. 13:27-29; cf. 2 Ne. 28:9-12; Morm. 8:31-33). Also common to both time periods is the warning voice of the Lord and his prophets, seeking to
help prepare the people for both Christ's coming (Alma 5:28-29; Hel. 14:11-12; cf. D&C 1:11-16; 39:20-22; 64:23-25) and the impending destruction of the wicked
(3 Ne. 8-10; cf. 25:1; D&C 29:9; 133:41, 51, 63-64).

Recognizing the importance Christ placed upon being prepared for his second coming (e.g., Matt. 24-25), latter- day people can learn much by studying Nephite
society during this critical period prior to Christ's appearance. By so doing, taught President Benson, "we can determine why some were destroyed in the terrible
judgments that preceded His coming and what brought others to stand at the temple in the land of Bountiful and thrust their hands into the wounds of His hands and
feet" (20-21).

See also Malachi chapter review (3 Ne. 24-25 // Mal. 3-4); Types.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. A Witness and a Warning. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Cannon, George Q. Gospel Truth. Selected by Jerreld L. Newquist. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987.

Draper, Richard D.

Jesus Christ types of

See Types.

Jew(s)

The meaning of the term "Jew" varies in biblical and Book of Mormon passages depending upon the time period and context of the passage. The modern English word
Jews is used to translate the Hebrew Yehudim, or "Judahites," originally meaning the descendants of Judah, the son of Jacob/Israel. Later the term Judahites applied
specifically to the inhabitants of the southern kingdom of Judah, founded after Solomon's death. Although named after the dominant tribe of Judah, the kingdom of
Judah included the tribe of Simeon, half the tribe of Benjamin, many Levites, and some of the tribe of Dan. The rest of the Israelite tribes were in the northern kingdom
of Israel. By the time of Lehi 1 , however, many people from the northern Israelite tribes had migrated south to Judah during times of religious persecution (such as
during the days of Ahab and Jezebel in the ninth century b.c. ) and military invasion (such as during the Assyrian wars of the eighth century b.c. ). Thus, segments of
most, if not all, of the Israelite tribes living in Judah in 600 b.c. considered themselves Judahites, or citizens of the southern kingdom. In a similar pattern, citizens of the
United States of America, originating from many nations, call themselves Americans, even though they are not descendants of the Italian- born navigator Amerigo
Vespucci for whom America was named.

In the Book of Mormon, "Jew" can refer to any Israelite, an inhabitant or descendant of the kingdom of Judah during different historical periods, or someone influenced
by Jewish culture. "Jew" (or "Jews") appears ninety times in the Book of Mormon, with sixty- nine of these references appearing in 1 and 2 Nephi as cited by Nephi 1 .
The other 21 citations are by Jacob 2 , Amaleki 1 , the resurrected Savior, Mormon, and Moroni 2 . These references to the Jews appear in five different contexts:

1. The records, language, or learning of the Jews (a cultural entity: 29 references). Nephi's people came from a Jewish culture which provided the intellectual and
religious framework of their society. Nephi often referred to this Jewish background (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:2; 3:3; 13:23-24; 2 Ne. 25:1-2; Omni 1:14).

2. Jews living in Judah during the middle Old Testament period (a political entity: 24 references). Early Book of Mormon writers referred to the Jews in Judah
especially as they described events surrounding the departure of Lehi's family from Jerusalem and the scattering of the Jews by the Babylonians (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:19-20; 2
Ne. 25:5-6, 15; Jacob 4:14).

3. Jews as a representation of the house of Israel (a symbolic, covenant entity: 17 references). Any Israelite or the whole house of Israel as a contrast to the Gentiles, as
in the phrase "Jew and Gentile" (e.g., Title Page; 1 Ne. 13:42; 15:17, 20; 2 Ne. 10:16; 3 Ne. 28:27-28).

4. Jews living in Judea during the Savior's lifetime (a sociopolitical entity: 11 references). In Book of Mormon prophecies and accounts of the earthly ministry of Jesus,
Christ is placed in the historical context of his Jewish roots (e.g., 1 Ne. 10:4, 11; 2 Ne. 10:3; Jacob 4:15-16; 3 Ne. 19:35).

5. Prophecies about the Jews in the last days (a communal, eschatological entity: 9 references). Important Book of Mormon prophecies are recorded concerning the
gathering and restoration of the Jews in the latter days (e.g., 1 Ne. 15:19-20; 2 Ne. 29:13; 30:7; Morm. 5:14).

Also note the following significant passages where the Jews are not specifically identified by name but are accurately described in their bib-lical and medieval historical
context and where important premillennial promises are given: 1 Nephi 19:13-16; 2 Nephi 6:8-11; 10:5- 8.

See also Descendants of the Jews; Gentile(s); Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Ludlow, Victor L.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                             Page 712 / 919
Jews Book of Mormon message concerning
See also Descendants of the Jews; Gentile(s); Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Jews Book of Mormon message concerning

The declaration of the Book of Mormon to the Jews is that they must return to the faith of their fathers to lay claim to the promises given their fathers-that is, they must
believe in Christ, the Son of God, and his atonement, and "worship the Father in his name, with pure hearts and clean hands, and look not forward any more for
another Messiah . . . for there should not any come, save it should be a false Messiah which should deceive the people; for there is save one Messiah spoken of by the
prophets, and that Messiah is he who should be rejected of the Jews" (2 Ne. 25:16, 18). Critics of the Book of Mormon regard such declarations as anachronistic,
claiming that acceptance of Christ and the idea of worshipping the Father in his name are doctrines unknown to those of the Old Testament. The Book of Mormon
consistently declares otherwise. Its story begins six hundred years before the birth of Christ in Jerusalem where Lehi 1 testified of the coming of Christ and was rejected
by the Jews (1 Ne. 1:19-20). The testimony of the Book of Mormon is that the southern kingdom of Judah was destroyed, with its survivors taken captive into
Babylon, because they rejected Christ, "the Holy One of Israel," and the covenants they made with him (1 Ne. 22:5; 2 Ne. 25:9-10; 3 Ne. 5:25). Nevertheless, the
faithful among the house of Israel from the days of Moses understood that the law given him on Sinai, with all its ritual and symbolism, pointed to Christ (2 Ne. 11:4;
25:24-30; Alma 25:15-16; 34:14). The prophet Jacob 2 affirmed that one of the purposes for their writing was to inform future readers that they knew of Christ: "For,
for this intent have we written these things, that they may know that we knew of Christ, and we had a hope of his glory many hundred years before his coming; and not
only we ourselves had a hope of his glory, but also all the holy prophets which were before us." Jacob explained that not only did "all the holy prophets" believe in
Christ but they "worshiped the Father in his name." Using Abraham as an illustration, Jacob said that he offered his son Isaac as a sacrifice in "similitude of God and his
Only Begotten Son" (Jacob 4:4-5; cf. Hel. 8:16-20). The brazen serpent that Moses raised upon a pole they understood to be a prophecy of the Son of God being
lifted up on the cross so that as many as would look to him might live, while those who refused to do so would perish (2 Ne. 25:20; Alma 33:19; Hel. 8:14-15).

"The Jews were a stiffnecked people," Jacob explained, "and they despised the words of plainness, and killed the prophets, and sought for things that they could not
understand." Thus they became blind to the things of the Spirit and began to look "beyond the mark." Then God, who blesses men according to the desires of their
hearts, gave them "many things" which they could not understand "because they desired it God hath done it, that they may stumble" (Jacob 4:14-15).

Jacob prophesied that after their Babylonian captivity the Jews would again return to the land of their inheritance where "the Lord God, the Holy One of Israel," would
manifest himself unto them "in the flesh." Nevertheless, prophecy held that they would "scourge him and crucify him," that once again his judgments would come upon
them, and they would be "scattered, and smitten" (2 Ne. 6:9-11; 10:3-5; 25:12-16; 1 Ne. 19:13-14). The promise was that "when they shall come to the knowledge of
their Redeemer, they shall be gathered together again to the lands of their inheritance" (2 Ne. 6:11; 10:6-9).

When Christ visited the Nephites he assured them that he had not forgotten the covenants he made with his ancient covenant people and that he would gather them in
his own due time to the land of their fathers, meaning the land of Jerusalem. It is not to be supposed that this prophecy is being fulfilled in the creation of the modern
state of Israel and in the subsequent gathering of Jews to the Holy Land. This gathering is more a cultural/political gathering, and is not the spiritual gathering spoken of
in the Book of Mormon. The promise of Christ was that when they again chose to believe in him as the Son of God and to pray to the Father in his name, these
blessings would be given them (3 Ne. 20:29-31; cf. 1 Ne. 19:15-16; 2 Ne. 9:2; 3 Ne. 5:25-26). This prophecy will not see completion in full measure until the
Millennium. Until that time, as Nephi 1 wrote, the Jews "shall begin to believe in Christ; and they shall begin to gather" (2 Ne. 30:7). It is in a millennial context that the
Book of Mormon speaks of both a New Jerusalem and the Jerusalem of old. The inhabitants of the Jerusalem of old are described as having been "washed in the blood
of the Lamb; and they are they who were scattered and gathered in from the four quarters of the earth," thus constituting the "fulfilling of the covenant which God made
with their father, Abraham." Thus shall be fulfilled the prophecy that says the last shall be first and the first shall be last (Ether 13:11-12).

As with Isaiah and Jeremiah 1 , the prophets of the Book of Mormon wrote by way of conso-lation to scattered Israel, foreshadowing a future day when they would
be returned to the blessings and glories of their fathers. "I spake unto them concerning the restoration of the Jews in the latter days," said Nephi 1 . "And I did rehearse
unto them the words of Isaiah, who spake concerning the restoration of the Jews, or of the house of Israel; and after they were restored they should no more be
confounded, neither should they be scattered again" (1 Ne. 15:19-20). Nephi further taught how this restoration of the Jews would commence: "The Lord will set his
hand again the second time to restore his people from their lost and fallen state. Wherefore, he will proceed to do a marvelous work and a wonder among the children
of men. Wherefore, he shall bring forth his words [the Book of Mormon] unto them, which words shall judge them at the last day, for they shall be given them for the
purpose of convincing them of the true Messiah, who was rejected by them" (2 Ne. 25:17-18; Title Page; Jacob 4:15-18; 5; 6:2). Mormon similarly wrote, "And
behold, they [the Nephite records] shall go unto the unbelieving of the Jews; and for this intent shall they go-that they may be persuaded that Jesus is the Christ, the Son
of the living God; that the Father may bring about, through his most Beloved, his great and eternal purpose, in restoring the Jews, or all the house of Israel, to the land
of their inheritance, which the Lord their God hath given them, unto the fulfilling of his covenant" (Morm. 5:14). This prophesied restoration of the Jews to a knowledge
of their Redeemer and the covenants made with their fathers was to come "by way of the Gentile[s]," through whom the Book of Mormon was brought forth and the
gospel was to be restored in the latter days (Title Page; 1 Ne. 21:22; 22:6-12; 15:13-20).

There is but one gospel plan. It is the same for Jew and Gentile. Teaching this to Nephi, the Lord said, "I say unto you that as many of the Gentiles as will repent are the
covenant people of the Lord; and as many of the Jews as will not repent shall be cast off; for the Lord covenanteth with none save it be with them that repent and
believe in his Son, who is the Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 30:2).

See also Israel, covenants unto; Israel, gathering of; Israel, historical background of; Israel, scattering of; Jew(s); Jews, history of.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Jews descendants of the

See Descendants of the Jews.

Jews history of

Book of Mormon prophets understood well the history of their people up to the year 600 b.c., when they left Jerusalem 1 . The brass plates contained the history of
the Jews down to Zedekiah (1 Ne. 5:12). The twelve sons of Jacob 1 became tribes, who entered into a covenant with the Lord at Sinai following their captivity in
Egypt (Ex. 20-24). The Lord promised them great blessings of prosperity and protection if they obeyed the covenant, or destruction and scattering if they disobeyed
(Deut. 27-29). Eventually they settled in the promised land and were molded into a united kingdom under the direction of David and Solomon (ca. 1000 b.c. ). The
twelve tribes divided into the northern and the southern kingdoms after the death of Solomon (931 b.c. ). The northern kingdom consisted of ten of the tribes and was
called Israel, Samaria, or Ephraim, after the leading tribe. The southern kingdom was called after the leading tribe, Judah , or after Jerusalem, the capital. Prophets were
sent to both kingdoms to call the people to repentance. The northern kingdom was destroyed in 722 b.c. by the Assyrians and many were taken into exile in Assyria
where they became the lost tribes of Israel. Judah remained alone in the promised land, and her descendants became the Jews. Lehi 1 and his family were descendants
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of Joseph 1 (c)  2005-2009,
             . Lehi's ancestorsInfobase
                                 probablyMedia  Corp.
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destruction in 722 b.c. Nephi 1 identified himself closely with the Jews because he had come from Jerusalem (2 Ne. 33:8). Prophets continued to warn Judah to repent
or face the same destruction and scattering that had befallen the northern kingdom. Finally, Lehi and his family were told to leave Jerusalem in 600 b.c.
twelve tribes divided into the northern and the southern kingdoms after the death of Solomon (931 b.c. ). The northern kingdom consisted of ten of the tribes and was
called Israel, Samaria, or Ephraim, after the leading tribe. The southern kingdom was called after the leading tribe, Judah , or after Jerusalem, the capital. Prophets were
sent to both kingdoms to call the people to repentance. The northern kingdom was destroyed in 722 b.c. by the Assyrians and many were taken into exile in Assyria
where they became the lost tribes of Israel. Judah remained alone in the promised land, and her descendants became the Jews. Lehi 1 and his family were descendants
of Joseph 1 . Lehi's ancestors probably had lived in the north originally, but at some time they moved to the southern kingdom of Judah, perhaps to escape the
destruction in 722 b.c. Nephi 1 identified himself closely with the Jews because he had come from Jerusalem (2 Ne. 33:8). Prophets continued to warn Judah to repent
or face the same destruction and scattering that had befallen the northern kingdom. Finally, Lehi and his family were told to leave Jerusalem in 600 b.c.

Several prophets saw in vision the history of the Jews from 600 b.c. to the end of time. For example, Jacob 2 saw the destruction of Jerusalem and the Exile, their
eventual return, the coming of Christ, the scattering of the Jews, and their eventual gathering and return (2 Ne. 6). Nephi and others saw similar visions that the Jews
would be destroyed, taken captive, return again, witness the coming of the Messiah, be destroyed again, scattered, and in the fulness of times gathered and come to a
knowledge of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 25:10-18). In 597 b.c. the Baby-lonians attacked Jerusalem and took captives into exile to Babylon. Jeremiah 1 warned the Jews to
submit to the Babylonians, but they revolted, and in 586 b.c. Nebuchadnezzar attacked and conquered Judah and Jerusalem again, burned the temple, and took many
more of the Jews into exile to Babylon. The Babylonian empire fell in 539 b.c. to the Persians, and Cyrus allowed the Jews to return to Jerusalem, where they rebuilt
and rededicated the temple (515 b.c.) under the direction of Zerubbabel. Alexander the Great conquered the Persian Empire in 331 b.c. , and upon his death in 323
b.c. his empire was divided among his generals. For approximately the next two hundred years, Judah was subject to Greek kingdoms set up by those generals, the
Ptolemies first and then the Seleucids. Eventually the Jews declared their own independent state under the Maccabees (165 b.c.) which was later conquered by the
Romans in 63 b.c. Because of disobedience to their covenants with God and their rebellion against Rome, Jerusalem was destroyed again in a.d. 70, and the Jews
were scattered throughout the world.

Many Book of Mormon prophets saw the eventual gathering of the Jews in the latter days (e.g., 1 Ne. 22:25; 2 Ne. 10:8; 29:14; 3 Ne. 21:1). Jacob prophesied,
"When they shall come to the knowledge of their Redeemer, they shall be gathered together again to the lands of their inheritance" (2 Ne. 6:11; 30:7).

See also Babylonian captivity; Israel, gathering of; Israel, historical background of; Israel, scattering of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c. ; Jerusalem 1 ,
destruction of, at a.d. 70; Jew(s); Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Seely, David Rolph

Jews manner of the

See Isaiah, under-standing of.

Jews record of the

See Record of the Jews.

John the Baptist

A prophet and contemporary of Jesus Christ. Born of priestly lineage to Zacharias and Elisabeth (Luke 1:5), John baptized the Savior and prepared a people to receive
him (Matt. 3:13-17; Mark 1:2-8; Luke 3:3-18). Christ called him "a burning and a shining light" (John 5:35) and proclaimed, "Among those that are born of women
there is not a greater prophet than John the Baptist" (Luke 7:28; Matt. 11:11). Like Isaiah (Isa. 40:1-3) and Malachi (Mal. 3:1), both Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 wrote
prophetically concerning John's mission. The Nephites knew that John would be the forerunner for Christ, baptize in the Jordan River near Bethabara, teach that Jesus
was superior to himself, and bear record that Jesus "should take away the sins of the world" (1 Ne. 10:7-10; 11:27; 2 Ne. 31:4).

See also Fulfill all righteousness.

Fronk, Camille

John the Beloved/Revelator

One of Jesus' twelve original apostles (Matt. 10:2) and one of the three "pillars" of the early Christian Church (Gal. 2:9). John was foreordained to view and record the
same panoramic vision of the world that Nephi 1 saw but could only partially report (1 Ne. 14:18-28)-a vision that the brother of Jared 1 and others were permitted to
record but commanded to seal up "to come forth in their purity . . . in the own due time of the Lord" (1 Ne. 14:26; Ether 4:16).

In his vision of the tree of life, Nephi learned that John's writings would be recorded in the book he had seen earlier that would come forth "out of the mouth of the
Jew." Originally this book would be "plain and pure" and "easy to the understanding of all men" (1 Ne. 14:23), but alterations to it by the great and abominable church
would cause many to stumble (1 Ne. 13:25-29).

The Nephite record verifies the biblical account that John did not taste of death (John 21:20-23). Like the Three Nephites, John desired a continued ministry on earth
until Christ returns (3 Ne. 28:6; cf. D&C 7).

Fronk, Camille

Jonas 1

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Jonas 2

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Jordan city of

The Nephite city to which Mormon and the Nephite armies fled when pursued by the Lamanites. For a time the Nephite armies withstood the Lamanites and defended
the city, only to be forced again to flee (Morm. 5:3-7; ca. a.d. 375-380).

Copyright river
Jordan    (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                            Page 714 / 919

Major river in the Holy Land. It flows into and out of the sea of Galilee and terminates in the Dead Sea. The "river Jordan" is mentioned in reference to Israelites
The Nephite city to which Mormon and the Nephite armies fled when pursued by the Lamanites. For a time the Nephite armies withstood the Lamanites and defended
the city, only to be forced again to flee (Morm. 5:3-7; ca. a.d. 375-380).

Jordan river

Major river in the Holy Land. It flows into and out of the sea of Galilee and terminates in the Dead Sea. The "river Jordan" is mentioned in reference to Israelites
crossing into the promised land (1 Ne. 17:32) and the baptism of the Messiah in the river at Bethabara , which is "beyond Jordan," apparently meaning at the east side
of the river opposite Jericho (1 Ne. 10:9; see map, page 93).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Joseph 1

Son of the patriarch Jacob 1 and his wife Rachel. He was born ca. 1750 b.c. and lived 110 years (Gen. 50:22). Joseph was hated by his brothers for his visions, which
indicated he would one day rule over them, and for being especially favored by his father (Gen. 37). Through his brothers' treachery, he was sold into slavery in Egypt,
where he endured many trials and temptations (Gen. 37; 39-40). Because he remained faithful through his adversities, the Lord directed and blessed Joseph's life so
that eventually he rose to become the most powerful and influential man of his era, second only to the king of Egypt. Later, because of his position, he was able to bring
his family to Egypt and rescue them from famine (Gen. 40-50). Joseph recognized that his troubles were a prelude to the rescue of his family from famine, and he
acknowledged God's hand in his life. He explained to his brothers, "But as for you, ye thought evil against me; but God meant it unto good" (Gen. 50:20). His
descendants figure prominently in both Bible and Book of Mormon lands. For example, Lehi 1 and his family were descendants of Joseph through Manasseh; such
great biblical leaders as Joshua and Samuel 1 were descendants of Joseph through Ephraim (Num. 13:8; Deut. 34:9; 1 Sam. 1:1). In Isaiah's day, the kingdom of Israel
was sometimes simply referred to as "Ephraim" (e.g., Isa. 7:2, 5, 8; 9:9; 11:13).

Joseph of Egypt is frequently mentioned in the Book of Mormon. From reading his genealogy written on the plates of brass, Lehi "knew that he was a descendant of
Joseph . . . who was the son of Jacob, who was sold into Egypt, and who was preserved by the hand of the Lord, that he might preserve his father, Jacob, and all his
household from perishing with famine" (1 Ne. 5:14; 2 Ne. 3:4; 4:1-2; Ether 13:7). Joseph is also mentioned in reference to his prophecies (2 Ne. 3:5, 14, 16). Nephi 1
said that Joseph "prophesied concerning all his seed. And the prophecies which he wrote, there are not many greater" (2 Ne. 4:2).

The blessing given through Jacob 1 to Joseph that he would be "a fruitful bough, even a fruitful bough by a well; whose branches run over the wall" (Gen. 49:22)
referred to Lehi's descendants, who are called "a branch who have been broken off" (1 Ne. 19:24) and a "branch from the fruit of the loins of Joseph" (Jacob 2:25).
Joseph Fielding Smith taught: "According to the word of the Lord to Joseph Smith the continent of America was given to Joseph and his posterity as an everlasting
inheritance. That is what is meant by the branches [i.e., Joseph's posterity] running over the wall [i.e., migrating to the Americas]" (93). Thus various individuals and
groups in the Book of Mormon are referred to as a "descendant of Joseph" (1 Ne. 5:14, 16; 6:2; 2 Ne. 3:4), "of the loins of Joseph" (Jacob 2:25), a "remnant of
Joseph" (Alma 46:24), the "house of Joseph" (3 Ne. 15:12; Ether 13:8), or of the "seed of Joseph" (Alma 46:23, 24, 27; 3 Ne. 5:21, 23; 10:17; Ether 13:6, 7, 10).

Joseph Smith is also alluded to in the Book of Mormon in a prophecy of Joseph of Egypt. In speaking to his youngest son Joseph 2 , father Lehi mentioned a prophecy
of Joseph of Egypt concerning the stature of Joseph Smith as a prophet and restorer, and that out of the fruit of his loins (i.e., of Joseph of Egypt) a seer (i.e., Joseph
Smith) would be raised up who would be given power to bring forth God's word to his descendants (2 Ne. 3:11). Further, Joseph of Egypt prophesied concerning
Joseph Smith that "his name shall be called after me; and it shall be after the name of his father. And . . . the thing, which the Lord shall bring forth by his hand, . . . shall
bring my people unto salvation" (2 Ne. 3:15).

See also Choice seer; Joseph 1 , coat of; Joseph 1 , covenants unto.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph Fielding. The Restoration of All Things. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1973.

Ricks, Stephen David

Joseph 2

Last child of Lehi 1 , "born," his father said, "in the wilderness of mine afflictions; yea, in the days of my greatest sorrow" (2 Ne. 3:1; ca. 595 b.c. ). Joseph, unlike his
brothers Laman 1 and Lemuel, was a faithful son and was consecrated a priest and teacher over the people (2 Ne. 5:26). Lehi learned from reading the brass plates
that he was descended from Joseph, son of Israel, which likely led to his son's naming. In blessing Joseph, Lehi recounted the covenants given Joseph of old and
informed his son that those covenants extended to him (2 Ne. 3). Included was the promise of a great latter- day seer who would also be named Joseph (2 Ne. 3:15).

Parrish, Alan K.

Joseph 1 coat of

In Genesis, Jacob 1 gave his son Joseph 1 a coat of "many colors" as a symbol of love and perhaps as a sign of the birthright. This gift fostered jealousy in his brothers
who conspired against him (Gen. 37:3-4). After selling Joseph into Egypt, the brothers deceived their father into believing Joseph had been killed by a wild animal by
dipping his coat in blood and presenting it to Jacob. The Book of Mormon notes that the "coat was rent by his brethren into many pieces" (Alma 46:23). The Hebrew
term translated "many colors" is obscure. The Septuagint rendered it with a word meaning "a long sleeved coat."

Captain Moroni referred to an episode lost from the Bible (but probably in the brass plates) in which Jacob, before he died, "saw that a part of the remnant of the coat
of Joseph was preserved and had not decayed" (Alma 46:23-27). Jacob then prophesied that Joseph's seed was like Joseph's coat: a remnant would be preserved
while the remainder would perish. This passage occurs in the episode in which Moroni invited his people to enter into a covenant to maintain liberty in the land. The
people signified their willingness to enter into this covenant by two dramatic gestures: rending their garments and then trampling upon them, symbolizing what would
happen to them if they did not fulfill their covenant (Alma 46:21-22). Moroni applied Jacob's prophecy to his own situation and suggested that the lost remnants of
Joseph's coat could be likened to the Nephites who had dissented.

See also Joseph 1 , covenants unto.

Seely, David Rolph
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                              Page 715 / 919
Joseph 1 covenants unto

As descendants of Joseph 1 , son of Jacob 1 , Lehi 1 and his posterity had a keen interest in the covenants God made unto their forefather. While the Bible tells of
See also Joseph 1 , covenants unto.

Seely, David Rolph

Joseph 1 covenants unto

As descendants of Joseph 1 , son of Jacob 1 , Lehi 1 and his posterity had a keen interest in the covenants God made unto their forefather. While the Bible tells of
some promises God made to Joseph (Gen. 48; 49:22-26; Deut. 33:13-17), the Book of Mor-mon sets forth more clearly and in greater detail the many promises and
covenants God made to him and his descendants. These covenants include the following:

1. God would be merciful to Joseph's descendants so that they would not perish, but be preserved forever (2 Ne. 3:4-5, 16, 23; 9:53; 25:21; Alma 46:24; Ether 13:7).

2. He would raise up a righteous branch from Joseph's posterity that would be broken off from the rest of the house of Israel (2 Ne. 3:5). This refers to the
descendants of Lehi.

3. The Messiah would be manifest to Joseph's posterity in the latter days to bring them out of darkness to light, and from captivity to freedom (2 Ne. 3:5).

4. He would raise up a choice seer of Joseph's lineage (2 Ne. 3:6). This seer would be like Joseph and would also be named Joseph, as would his father (2 Ne. 3:15).
This prophet would bring God's word to Joseph's posterity and bring them to a knowledge of the covenants God made with their fathers (2 Ne. 3:7, 11, 23; 3 Ne.
5:23), convince them also of the truth of God's word which had already gone forth among them (2 Ne. 3:11), and bring them to salvation (2 Ne. 3:15). This prophecy
clearly speaks of the Prophet Joseph Smith.

5. He would give the western hemisphere to be a land of inheritance for the descendants of Joseph, and there they would build a holy city, even the New Jerusalem (2
Ne. 1:5; 3 Ne. 15:12-13; Ether 13:6, 8). The Lord revealed through the Prophet Joseph Smith that this New Jerusalem would be built in Independence, Missouri
(D&C 84:2-4; 57:2-3).

6. Prophets of both Joseph's and Judah's posterity would write, and in the latter days the writings of these two would come together to combat false doctrine and bring
the posterity of Joseph to a knowledge of their forefathers and God's covenants (2 Ne. 3:12; Ezek. 37:15-19). The writings of Joseph's posterity include the Book of
Mormon ("the stick of Ephraim"; D&C 27:5), as well as other scriptures that were revealed through Joseph Smith (1 Ne. 13:39).

See also Covenant(s); Ephraim, stick of/Joseph, stick of; Israel, covenants unto.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Joseph stick of

See Ephraim, stick of/Joseph, stick of.

Joseph Smith Translation and the Book of Mormon

Nephi 1 saw in vision that many plain and precious truths as well as many covenants of the Lord would be kept back or taken away from the Bible by a great and
abominable church, causing many in the religious world to stumble (1 Ne. 13:26-29). Nephi also beheld a time of restitution, a day when the Lord would restore many
of those truths and covenants to the earth. That restoration would come first through the divine delivery of "other books" that would bear witness of Christ and thereby
confirm the essential message of the Bible (1 Ne. 13:20-40). In addition to modern, ongoing revelation through the Lord's anointed servants, the other books would
presumably be the Book of Mormon, Doctrine and Covenants, the Pearl of Great Price, and Joseph Smith's Translation of the Bible (JST).

The Book of Mormon came off the press in late March 1830. By June 1830 Joseph Smith began an inspired translation of the King James Version of the Bible.
Although the Church does not possess the exact revelation commanding the Prophet to begin this work, it is certain that it was a labor God had appointed to him
(D&C 42:56; 76:15), a labor the Prophet Joseph Smith considered to be an important branch of his calling as prophet, seer, revelator, and translator (D&C 21:1;
107:92; Smith, 1:238). Under inspiration the "choice seer" (2 Ne. 3:6-7) altered more than 3,410 verses in the King James Bible through additions and occasional
deletions to the scriptural text. This revelatory work-one of the greatest evidences of his prophetic calling-is known today as Joseph Smith's Translation of the Bible.

The translation of the Book of Mormon proved to be an excellent preparation for Joseph Smith's work with the Bible. The Prophet thereby became intimately
acquainted with the spirit of revelation and, more especially, the spirit of translation, the means whereby the knowledge of ancient doctrines and ancient events was
brought forward in time. The Prophet's acquaintance with the workings of the Holy Ghost, as well as his intense study of the Book of Mormon and how it should be
rendered, must have expanded his mind and provided a marvelous spiritual and doctrinal background for the work with the Bible. Further, the clarification of some
matters of doctrine in the Book of Mormon-such as the reality of Adam and Eve, the importance of the Fall and the plight of fallen humanity, the absolute necessity for
redemption in Christ, the proper balance of grace and works, the need for ordinances, and so forth-was foundational for this later work of translation. In addition, it
may be that, other than those parts found in the Book of Mormon, the JST is the closest approximation to the spirit and content of the plates of brass , the fundamental
scriptural record of the Nephites.

Careful study will show similarities in content between the JST and the Book of Mormon: the fall of Lucifer (2 Ne. 2:17-18; cf. Moses 4:1-4; note: the book of Moses
in the Pearl of Great Price is Joseph Smith's Translation of the early chapters of Genesis), the Creation, Fall, and Atonement (2 Ne. 2:22-25; 9:6; Alma 18:36, 39;
22:10-14; cf. Moses 3:9; 5:5-11; 6:48), the salvation of little children (Moro. 8:8, 11; cf. Moses 6:54), the origin of secret combinations (Hel. 6:26-27; cf. Moses
5:16-55), the pro-ph-ecies of Joseph 1 of old (2 Ne. 3; 4:1-2; cf. JST Gen. 50), Abraham's knowledge of the Messiah (Hel. 8:16-17; cf. JST Gen. 15:9-12), and the
ministry of Melchizedek (Alma 13:14-19; cf. JST Gen. 14:26-34).

There are places in the text of the Book of Mormon where the language parallels the King James Version, whereas the JST provides a variant reading (e.g., 3 Ne.
13:12; 14:23). Elder Bruce R. McConkie observed that "the Sermon on the Mount in the Book of Mormon preserves, with a few improvements, the language of the
King James Version [of the Bible]. But, later, the Joseph Smith Translation renders much of this sermon in a way that excels even the Book of Mormon" (McConkie,
291). The Prophet's increased spiritual maturity as well as the readiness of the Saints may have made it possible for additional insights to come through the Joseph
Smith Translation that may not have come through in the translation of the golden plates. Robert J. Matthews, a noted authority on the Joseph Smith Translation of the
Bible, wrote: "It isn't a matter of `correct' or `incorrect' as much as it is a matter of purpose. The nature of human language is such that there can be no `literal'
translation of any extensive or intricate document. Every translation is, in effect, an interpretation. The language is not the revelation; it is the awkward vehicle by which
a revelation or a concept is expressed. Thus, texts might often be enlarged or paraphrased by a pro-phet in order to give a certain emphasis or perspective beneficial to
his hearers" ("Question," 17).
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The Lord explained to Sidney Rigdon, an important scribe of the JST, "Thou shalt write for him [Joseph Smith]; and the scriptures shall be given, even as they    in
mine own bosom, to the salvation of mine own elect" (D&C 35:20). Through the work of restoration of biblical passages and events, the prophet was making known
"many important points touching the salvation of man [that] had been taken from the Bible, or lost before it was compiled" (Smith, 1:245). The Lord began to unfold
translation of any extensive or intricate document. Every translation is, in effect, an interpretation. The language is not the revelation; it is the awkward vehicle by which
a revelation or a concept is expressed. Thus, texts might often be enlarged or paraphrased by a pro-phet in order to give a certain emphasis or perspective beneficial to
his hearers" ("Question," 17).

The Lord explained to Sidney Rigdon, an important scribe of the JST, "Thou shalt write for him [Joseph Smith]; and the scriptures shall be given, even as they are in
mine own bosom, to the salvation of mine own elect" (D&C 35:20). Through the work of restoration of biblical passages and events, the prophet was making known
"many important points touching the salvation of man [that] had been taken from the Bible, or lost before it was compiled" (Smith, 1:245). The Lord began to unfold
through his latter- day seer the ancient order of things, things that had once been recorded by former- day Saints, such as those who had kept the record known as the
brass plates. As one searches and studies the JST, he or she recognizes a familiar spirit, a quiet but pervasive and instructive spirit that is to be found also in the Book
of Mormon. It is the Spirit of God, testifying both to the gospel's antiquity and, more important, the record's truthfulness.

Bibliography

Matthews, Robert J. A Plainer Translation: Joseph Smith's Translation of the Bible, a History and Commentary. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1975.

---. "I Have a Question." Ensign 11 (September 1981): 16- 17.

McConkie, Bruce R. Doctrines of the Restoration. Edited by Mark L. McConkie. Salt Lake City, Utah: Bookcraft, 1989.

Millet, Robert L., and Robert J. Matthews, eds. Plain and Precious Truths Restored: The Doctrinal and Historical Significance of the Joseph Smith Translation. Salt
Lake City: Bookcraft, 1995.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Millet, Robert L.

Joseph Smith Jr.

See Smith, Joseph, Jr.

Josephites

Descendants of Joseph 2 . From the time of Jacob 2 , Josephites were normally included among and called Nephites (Jacob 1:13-14; 4 Ne. 1:36-37; Morm. 1:8;
D&C 3:17).

Josh

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Josh city of

Christ caused the city of Josh and its inhabitants to be burned to hide their wickedness at the time of his crucifixion, that the blood of the martyred prophets and Saints
who had been sent among them might cease to testify against them (3 Ne. 9:10-11).

Joshua land of

The area "in the borders west by the seashore" where Mormon gathered the Nephites together to battle against the Laman-ites. It was here that Mormon had his first
victory as a young military commander (Morm. 2:6-9; a.d. 331).

Jot tittle

A figure of speech referring to something very small, or the least part of something. Literally, "jot" refers to the tenth letter of the Hebrew alphabet, or "yod" (cf. Greek
letter "iota"). In Hebrew script it is the smallest letter, similar to the English apostrophe in shape and size. "Tittle" literally means something "-horn- like" and refers to the
small flourish of a Hebrew letter. Thus when Christ taught that "one jot nor one tittle hath not passed away from the law, but in me it hath all been fulfilled" he was
assuring that even the smallest parts of the Mosaic law found their fulfillment in him (3 Ne. 12:18; cf. 3 Ne. 1:25; Matt. 5:18). About 74 b.c. Amulek likewise used the
terms to describe how thoroughly Christ would fulfill the Mosaic law (Alma 34:13), suggesting that this figure of speech was in use even before the Savior's mortal
ministry.

Ball, Terry B.

Joy

A strong feeling of contentment or happiness ; the ultimate purpose of existence.

Lehi 1 declared, "Adam fell that men might be; and men are, that they might have joy" (2 Ne. 2:25). The prophet Jacob 2 testified that righteous Saints who had faith in
Christ and "endured the crosses of the world" would receive joy that would be "full forever" (2 Ne. 9:18; cf. 2 Ne. 22:3; Alma 28:12; 41:4; 3 Ne. 12:12; 28:10). This
is what Alma 2 called God's "great plan of happiness" for his children, which plan is "as eternal . . . as the life of the soul" (Alma 42:8, 16).

While eternal joy in the life to come is the ultimate reward for the righteous, joy can be obtained during mortality as one comes to a knowledge of God's goodness,
tastes of his love, and receives a remission of his or her sins (Mosiah 4:11; cf. 1 Ne. 11:22-23; Mosiah 3:13; Alma 4:14; 31:38; Hel. 3:35; 3 Ne. 17:17-18). King
Benjamin's people cried to have Christ's atoning blood applied to them and were "filled with joy" (Mosiah 4:3, 20; 5:4); upon con-version the Lamanite king Lamoni
received such joy in his soul that he was completely overcome by it (Alma 19:6, 13); and Alma 2 told of being "racked with torment . . . by the memory of [his] many
sins," and then, after calling upon Christ for mercy, he testified that his "joy [was] as exceeding as was [his] pain" (Alma 36:17-20).
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Joy also comes to those who assist Christ in his redeeming work through teaching others the gospel, the "tidings of great joy" (1 Ne. 13:37). In the allegory of Zenos,
joy is promised to those who labor with Christ in his vineyard (Jacob 5:71, 75; cf. Alma 28:14). One such laborer, Alma 2 , declared, "And this is my glory, that
perhaps I may be an instrument in the hands of God to bring some soul to repentance; and this is my joy" (Alma 29:9-10, 13-16). Ammon 2 , "seeing the Spirit of the
tastes of his love, and receives a remission of his or her sins (Mosiah 4:11; cf. 1 Ne. 11:22-23; Mosiah 3:13; Alma 4:14; 31:38; Hel. 3:35; 3 Ne. 17:17-18). King
Benjamin's people cried to have Christ's atoning blood applied to them and were "filled with joy" (Mosiah 4:3, 20; 5:4); upon con-version the Lamanite king Lamoni
received such joy in his soul that he was completely overcome by it (Alma 19:6, 13); and Alma 2 told of being "racked with torment . . . by the memory of [his] many
sins," and then, after calling upon Christ for mercy, he testified that his "joy [was] as exceeding as was [his] pain" (Alma 36:17-20).

Joy also comes to those who assist Christ in his redeeming work through teaching others the gospel, the "tidings of great joy" (1 Ne. 13:37). In the allegory of Zenos,
joy is promised to those who labor with Christ in his vineyard (Jacob 5:71, 75; cf. Alma 28:14). One such laborer, Alma 2 , declared, "And this is my glory, that
perhaps I may be an instrument in the hands of God to bring some soul to repentance; and this is my joy" (Alma 29:9-10, 13-16). Ammon 2 , "seeing the Spirit of the
Lord poured out according to his prayers upon the Lamanites," began to offer thanks to God and was "overpowered with joy" (Alma 19:14; cf. 26:10-11, 16, 30, 35-
37; 27:17-19; D&C 18:10-16).

The resurrected Christ, upon seeing the faith and joy of his people in the New World, declared, "Behold, my joy is full" (3 Ne. 17:20; cf. Jacob 5:60). Similarly,
Christlike people rejoice in the blessings and righteousness of others (Mosiah 22:14; 24:25; 25:8; Alma 7:4-5, 17; 17:2; 30:34; 32:6; 62:1; Hel. 6:3; 3 Ne. 27:30-31),
and parents find joy in the righteousness of their children (2 Ne. 1:21; Alma 38:2-3).

"Joy" is also used to describe happiness resulting from desirable circumstances or events, such as the preservation of the stripling warriors (Alma 56:56; 57:25, 36; cf.
45:1); the safe return of the sons of Lehi 1 with the brass plates (1 Ne. 5:1, 7); the "liberty and the freedom" of the Nephites (Alma 48:11); and the enjoyment of faith,
righteousness, and peace in society (Hel. 3:32, 35).

While the wicked may experience temporary happiness or "joy" in their evil works, including rejoicing in the afflictions and trials of others, their ultimate end is misery (3
Ne. 1:6; 4:9; 27:11; Morm. 2:13-14).

Mitchell, Cheryl Brown

Judah

Name with various meanings:

1. The fourth son of Jacob 1 and Leah (Gen. 29:35).

2. The tribe of Israelites who descended from Judah, son of Jacob 1 .

3. The southern kingdom of Israelites (931-586 b.c. ).

Judah, son of Jacob, was promised the blessing of kingship (Gen. 49:10), fulfilled anciently in part by the reigns of David and his descendants who prefigured Jesus'
messianic kingship. As Israelites settled Canaan, the tribe of Judah was allotted most of the territory south of Jerusalem and Jericho, bounded on the east by the Dead
Sea and on the west by the Mediterranean coastal plain that was inhabited by the Philistines. Following the division of the united Israelite kingdom at the death of
Solomon (1 Kgs. 12; 931 b.c.) , the southern kingdom was called Judah due to the size and significance of the tribe of Judah (Bible Map 10). Jerusalem, the capital of
united Israel, remained the political and religious capital of Judah after the division of the kingdom. According to the Bible, Hezekiah (715-687 b.c. ; contemporary with
Isaiah) and Josiah (640-609 b.c.) were the two most righteous kings of Judah (2 Kgs. 18:1-5; 2 Chr. 34:1-7; 35:24-26). Judah was a vassal to Assyria and then to
Babylon during most of the time between 732 and 586 b.c. The last Davidic king to rule in Jerusalem was Zedekiah 1 , a contemporary of Jeremiah 1 and Lehi 1 (2
Kgs. 24:17; 1 Ne. 1:4). He was placed on the throne by the Babylonians (597 b.c.) when they deported thousands of Israelites from Judah to Babylonia, including king
Jehoiachin and the future prophets Daniel and Ezekiel (2 Kgs. 25). The kingdom of Judah ceased to exist in 586 b.c. when the Babylonians destroyed the temple and
much of Jerusalem, and deported many more Israelites (2 Kgs. 25; 1 Ne. 10:3; 2 Ne. 1:4). The remnants of this kingdom became known as the Jews.

Later Greek forms of Judah are Judaea (geographic name) and Judas (personal name).

The twenty- two occurrences of the name "Judah" in the Book of Mormon, mainly in biblical quotations, fall into four categories: (1) "Judah," the southern kingdom or
political nation, used in passages with a historical focus, such as 2 Nephi 17:5-6; 18:8, and several times in conjunction with a king's name, such as "Zedekiah, king of
Judah" (1 Ne. 1:4; 5:12; Omni 1:15), and "Ahaz . . . king of Judah" (2 Ne. 17:1); (2) "Judah," designating the Lord's covenant people, born into any of the tribes, but
living in the kingdom of Judah, used in com-bination with the name "Jerusalem" in Nephi 1's quotations of passages from Isaiah (2 Ne. 12:1; 13:1; 15:3). "Judah and
Jerusalem" in 3 Nephi 24:4, where Jesus quoted Malachi 3:4, has the same sense, but in relation to the last days when conditions like "the days of old" will exist; (3)
"Judah," the "fruit of the loins" or descendants "of Judah," referred to in Joseph 1's prophecy (2 Ne. 3:12), and Isaiah's latter- day prophecy that the "outcasts of Israel"
and the "dispersed of Judah" will be gathered and dwell together in peace as one faithful people (2 Ne. 21:12-13); and (4) the singular expression "out of the waters of
Judah" (1 Ne. 20:1; cf. Isa. 48:1) is explained by a modern prophetic interpre-tation first appearing in the 1840 edition of the Book of Mormon as "out of the waters of
baptism."

See also Chronology, Bible; Israel, historical background of; Israel, kingdom of; Jerusalem 1 , city of; Jews, history of.

Pike, Dana M.

Judea city of

Nephite city fortified and defended by Antipus' army and strengthened by the arrival of the stripling warriors of Helaman 2 (Alma 56:9-10; ca. 66 b.c. ). Upon seeing
these reinforcements, the Lamanites suspended their battle plans against the city, which gave the Nephite army time to strengthen itself (Alma 56:18-19, 27-29). From
Judea, the Nephites "kept spies out round about" to watch Lamanite troop movements and carry out strategic maneu-vers to regain Nephite cities (Alma 56:22, 30,
57).

Judges reign of

Between 91 b.c. and a.d. 30, the Nephites were ruled by a series of judges. King Mosiah 2 , fearful that a wicked king could arise in the future and lead the people
astray, established this system of government with the support of the people at the end of his reign. Under this government, the judges were chosen by the "voice" of the
people. Those so chosen were then to judge the people according to the laws "given them by the hand of the Lord" (Mosiah 29:25; cf. Hel. 1:2-5). These judges were
paid "according to the time which they labored to judge those who were brought before them to be judged" (Alma 11:1). King Mosiah provided for a hierarchy of
lower and higher judges, none of whom were above the law them-selves; a lower judge who ceased to judge righteously was to be tried by a higher judge, and a small
number of lower judges could pass judgment on an unrighteous higher judge (Mosiah 29:28-29). All ultimately answered to a single chief judge, who was accountable
to the voice of the people and, presumably, lower judges as well.
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Though the chief judge and other judges were sustained by the voice of the people , it appears that at least sometimes a chief judge who was retiring had a role in
appointing his successor (e.g., Alma 4:16). It is further apparent that the people generally chose one of the sons of the chief judge to rule following his death (Alma
paid "according to the time which they labored to judge those who were brought before them to be judged" (Alma 11:1). King Mosiah provided for a hierarchy of
lower and higher judges, none of whom were above the law them-selves; a lower judge who ceased to judge righteously was to be tried by a higher judge, and a small
number of lower judges could pass judgment on an unrighteous higher judge (Mosiah 29:28-29). All ultimately answered to a single chief judge, who was accountable
to the voice of the people and, presumably, lower judges as well.

Though the chief judge and other judges were sustained by the voice of the people , it appears that at least sometimes a chief judge who was retiring had a role in
appointing his successor (e.g., Alma 4:16). It is further apparent that the people generally chose one of the sons of the chief judge to rule following his death (Alma
50:39; Hel. 1:2-4; 3:37; 6:15), although others, like Helaman 3 , could be appointed (Hel. 1:1-2; 2:1-2). The chief judge could also hold prominent office in the Church
(Mosiah 29:42; Alma 4:16-17) and was frequently described as the people's governor (Alma 2:16; 50:39; 61:1; 3 Ne. 1:1).

As happens with many of the Lord's efforts to improve the condition of mankind, the Nephite system of judges met many challenges over the course of its history.
Within five years of its institution, one Amlici unsuccessfully attempted to overthrow the system by force after failing in his attempt to be appointed a king by the voice of
the people (Alma 2). Some four years later, Alma 2 and Amulek had only partial success in correcting the errors introduced into the system by a number of unrighteous
lawyers at Ammonihah, whose desires for gain were undermining the liberty of the people (Alma 8:17; 10:27). In ca. 73 b.c. , a number of lower judges, "seeking for
power," sought to establish another man, Amalickiah, as king when he influenced them through flattery to rebel against the government (Alma 46:1-7). Four years later,
still another group, calling themselves king- men, agitated for the establishment of a king (Alma 51:1-5). Though unsuccessful, these efforts weakened the Nephites and
contributed to a longer period of warfare. Later, the Gadianton robbers, a secret society whose object was "to murder, and to rob, and to gain power" (Hel. 2:8)
infiltrated the system after Nephi 2 relinquished his position as chief judge in ca. 30 b.c. War and famine purged the government of this society's influence for a time;
however, wicked judges, desertion to the Lamanites, increased desires for a king, and the resurgence of the Gadianton robbers combined to weaken and finally destroy
the government shortly before the resurrected Lord visited the people (3 Ne. 7:1-2). There is no mention of judges in the Book of Mormon following Christ's
appearance to the Nephites.

See also Government, principles of; Kings.

Hedges, Andrew H.

Judgment first

See First judgment.

Judgment the

A principal component of the gospel of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 27:13-15; cf. Alma 33:22-23). Rewards or punishments are assigned to individuals based upon an
assessment of their righteousness or wickedness. Important questions about the Judgment can be answered from the Book of Mormon.

Why is the Judgment necessary?

The "great and eternal plan of redemption" (Alma 34:16) includes some eternal laws which can only be maintained if there is a judgment. Those laws include agency ,
accountability , justice, mercy , and the commandments with their associated rewards and punishments (2 Ne. 2:22-27; 9:6-29; Alma 34:8-17, 31-36; 42:1-26).
Moreover, inasmuch as no unclean thing can dwell in the kingdom of God (1 Ne. 10:21; 15:33-34; Alma 7:21; 11:37; 40:26; Hel. 8:25; 3 Ne. 27:19), only those who
are judged worthy, those who have been "cleansed from all stain," whose "garments were washed white through the blood of the Lamb" (Alma 5:21; 13:11; cf. 7:25; 3
Ne. 27:19), may enter therein. Accordingly, the "whole human family of Adam . . . must stand to be judged of [their] works, whether they be good or evil" (Morm.
3:20), where the "plan of restoration," which is "requisite with the justice of God," will restore to every person a reward "according to their works" (Alma 41:1-15; 2
Ne. 29:11).

Who is to be the judge?

Alma 2 taught that everyone shall be "arraigned before the bar of Christ the Son, and God the Father, and the Holy Spirit, which is one Eternal God, to be judged
according to their works" (Alma 11:44). Other scriptural verses make it clear that Jesus Christ, by virtue of the Atonement and assignment from the Father, will
represent that "one Eternal God" (Alma 11:44) in rendering judgment (3 Ne. 27:19; Morm. 3:20; D&C 19:1-3; John 5:22). Although others will be there and may
assist in some way-for example, Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 33:11), Jacob 2 (Jacob 6:13), and Moroni 2 (Moro. 10:27)-"the twelve whom Jesus chose to be his disciples in the
land of Jerusalem" and "the twelve whom Jesus chose in this land" (Morm. 3:18-19; cf. 1 Ne. 12:9-10), Jacob assured his readers that "the keeper of the gate is the
Holy One of Israel; and he employeth no servant there; and there is none other way save it be by the gate; for he cannot be deceived, for the Lord God is his name" (2
Ne. 9:41). Whatever role any others may play, it is certain that all decisions at the Final Judgment bar will be in total harmony with those of "Jehovah, the Eternal Judge
of both quick and dead" (Moro. 10:34).

Book of Mormon prophets further taught that in at least two ways every man is, in a sense, his own judge. First, because men are free to act for themselves, and to be
"judges, whether to do good or do evil," and the daily choices they make ultimately determine final outcomes (Alma 41:7; 2 Ne. 2:26-27; Alma 41). Second, because
at the judgment bar all will have a "perfect knowledge" of both their guilt and righteousness, they will recognize what the rewards or punishments should be, and
acknowledge them as just (2 Ne. 9:14, 46; Mosiah 16:1; Morm. 9:1-5).

When does the Judgment come?

There are several preliminary judgments and a final judgment. Jacob 2 spoke of the judgment of physical and spiritual death passed upon man at the fall of Adam,
indicating that it would have been a final judgment were it not for the atonement of Christ (2 Ne. 9:7-12). Throughout mor-tality "the judgments of God" come to
mankind based upon their wickedness or righteousness (1 Ne. 18:15; Mosiah 29:27; Alma 37:28-31; Hel. 4:22-26; Ether 11:20-21). Alma 2 taught of another
preliminary judgment, one that takes place at the time of mortal death, when spirits go to the postmortal spirit world and are received into a "state" of "happiness or
misery," depending upon their works while in the flesh (Alma 40:11-15).

In a very real sense, the Final Judgment comes for an individual at the time of resurrection (2 Ne. 9:15, 22; Alma 40:21; 42:23; 3 Ne. 26:4-5; Morm. 9:13), for as the
Lord revealed to Joseph Smith, "your glory shall be that glory by which your bodies are quickened" (D&C 88:28). Inasmuch as there are different times of resurrection
(Mosiah 15:21-26; Alma 40:16-23), there will be different times of final judgment. Many Saints were resurrected, and therefore judged, at the time of Christ's
resurrection (Hel. 14:25; 3 Ne. 23:8-13). Latter- day revelation speaks of a general resurrection and judgment at the beginning of the Millennium, and another at the
end of the Millennium (D&C 88:92-101), with people passing from mortality to a resurrected state "in the twinkling of an eye" throughout the Millennium, when they
reach the "age of a tree," specified as "an hundred years old" by Isaiah (D&C 63:50-51; 101:30-31; Isa. 65:20). It may also be appropriate to speak of the "final
judgment" as that time at the end of the Millennium "when all men shall have passed from this first death unto life, insomuch as they have become immortal" (2 Ne.
9:15), when "the heavens and the earth [shall] pass away . . . and . . . all people . . . shall stand before God, to be judged of their works" (3 Ne. 26:3-5), when "there
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What are the criteria for the Judgment?
end of the Millennium (D&C 88:92-101), with people passing from mortality to a resurrected state "in the twinkling of an eye" throughout the Millennium, when they
reach the "age of a tree," specified as "an hundred years old" by Isaiah (D&C 63:50-51; 101:30-31; Isa. 65:20). It may also be appropriate to speak of the "final
judgment" as that time at the end of the Millennium "when all men shall have passed from this first death unto life, insomuch as they have become immortal" (2 Ne.
9:15), when "the heavens and the earth [shall] pass away . . . and . . . all people . . . shall stand before God, to be judged of their works" (3 Ne. 26:3-5), when "there
shall be a new heaven and a new earth," and all will receive a formal assignment to an eternal reward (D&C 29:22-24; 88:110-16).

What are the criteria for the Judgment?

The Savior and his prophets testify that mankind will be judged "according to their works, whether they be good or whether they be evil" (Alma 11:44; cf. 1 Ne. 15:33;
2 Ne. 9:44; Mosiah 3:24; Alma 5:15; 41:3; 3 Ne. 27:15). Those works, which are all recorded in the "book of life," or the "record which is kept in heaven," where "all
things are written by the Father" (D&C 128:7; 3 Ne. 27:26), will be measured against the truths found in the scriptures and the light and knowledge given to an
individual from heaven (2 Ne. 9:23-27; 29:11; W of M 1:9-11; Mosiah 15:24-26; 3 Ne. 27:25-26; Moro. 8:22). Some of the works specifically mentioned include
accepting the gospel (Hel. 8:25), receiving such saving ordinances as baptism (3 Ne. 27:16; Morm. 7:10), forgiving others (Mosiah 26:31), judging righteously between
good and evil (Moro. 7:15-18), judging others righteously (Alma 41:14; 3 Ne. 14:1; Morm. 8:19), and teaching others the gospel (Jacob 1:19).

In addition to works, mankind will be judged i ndivi-dually by their thoughts, feelings, and desires (Mosiah 4:30; Alma 12:14; 29:3-4; 41:3-5).

What rewards and punishments are given at the Judgment?

Book of Mormon prophets emphasized the extremes in regards to the rewards and punishments assigned to mankind at judgment. Punishments of the wicked include
being cast off forever from the kingdom of God (1 Ne. 10:21; 15:33), remaining eternally in a filthy or unclean state (1 Ne. 15:33; Morm. 9:14), suffering endless
misery and unhappiness (Alma 41:4-5; Morm. 9:14), being dead as to things pertaining unto righteousness (1 Ne. 15:33; Alma 12:16), suffering torment as a lake of
fire and brimstone (2 Ne. 28:23; Mosiah 3:27; Alma 12:17; Moro. 8:21), and being captive to the devil (Alma 12:17). In contrast, the righteous will dwell eternally in
the kingdom of heaven with God and Christ (Mosiah 26:24; 3 Ne. 28:40) in a state of righteousness and happiness (Mosiah 2:41; Alma 41:4; Morm. 7:7).

The Book of Mormon does not discuss what rewards or punishments are to be given to those who are worthy of something in between the extremes of heaven and
hell . It is that very question which led Joseph Smith to receive the revelation known as Doctrine and Covenants 76.

When should we prepare for the Judgment?

Amulek declared that "this life is the time for men to prepare to meet God; yea, behold the day of this life is the day for men to perform their labors" (Alma 34:32). This
life is frequently referred to as a probationary state granted for the very purpose of preparing for the Judgment (1 Ne. 10:21; 15:32; 2 Ne. 2:21; 9:27; Alma 12:24;
42:4, 10, 13; Hel. 13:38; Morm. 9:28). Amulek warned that those who procrastinate the day of their repentance until "the end" will come to a "night of darkness
wherein there can be no labor performed," a time of "awful crisis," when the devil "doth seal you his . . . and . . . hath all power over you" (Alma 34:33-35). For some,
the sons of perdition, this constitutes a final judgment, or "the final state of the wicked" (Alma 34:35). Implied but not clearly explained in the Book of Mormon is the
doctrine of postmortal opportunity for receiving the blessings of the gospel for those who lived on earth in ignorance of its truths (Mosiah 15:24; Moro. 8:22). Latter-
day revelation makes clear that, except for sons of perdition, mankind's probationary state, to some degree at least, extends into the post-mortal spirit world (Moses
7:36-39; D&C 1 38:29-37, 58-59). But, as President Spencer W. Kimball stated, procrastination can have serious con-sequences: "It is true that the great principle of
repentance is always available, but for the wicked and rebellious there are serious reservations to this statement. For instance, sin is intensely habit- forming and
sometimes moves men to the tragic point of no return. Without repentance there can be no forgiveness, and without forgiveness all the blessings of eternity hang in
jeopardy. As the transgressor moves deeper and deeper in his sin, and the error is entrenched more deeply and the will to change is weakened, it becomes increasingly
near- hopeless, and he skids down and down until either he does not want to climb back or he has lost the power to do so" (Kimball, 117).

See also Justice, law of; Night of darkness; Paradise; Restoration, plan of.

Bibliography

Kimball, Spencer W. The Miracle of Forgiveness. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1969.

Ball, Terry B.

Judgment bar

See Judgment, the.

Judgment- seat

Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 10:21; 2 Ne. 33:7), Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 9:15), Mormon (3 Ne. 28:31; Morm. 3:22; Moro. 8:21), and Moroni 2 (Title Page; Ether 12:38) used this term in
reference to the throne of the Lord from which he will judge all men (cf. 2 Cor. 5:10).

During the reign of the judges (ca. 91 b.c.- a.d. 29), "-judgment- seat" was used to describe the seat of Nephite government occupied by the chief judge (Alma 1:2; cf.
Acts 25:10).

Merrill, Byron R.

Judgments of God

God's role as judge is often represented in the Book of Mormon. His justice divides the good from the evil (1 Ne. 15:30), and his judgments are always just and holy
(Mosiah 29:12), punishing the unrighteous and vindicating the worthy (1 Ne. 18:15; 2 Ne. 9:15; 25:3; Mosiah 17:11; Alma 4:3; 60:14; Hel. 14:11; 3 Ne. 12:21;
Morm. 4:5; 9:14).

The judgment of God is often proclaimed by a prophet who identifies the reason for the punish-ment by referring to the sins the people have committed. Hebrew
prophets who delivered judgment speeches usually spoke alone and sometimes called on heaven and earth as their witnesses. In this context they typically gave a
warning or accusation similar to a legal indictment (Micah 6:1-8; Hosea 4:1-3).

Several Book of Mormon judgment speeches given by Jacob 2 , Abinadi, king Benjamin, and Samuel the Lamanite are uttered in the form of pro-phetic lawsuits in
which God symbolically took legal action against his people who had violated their covenants (Jacob 2-3; Mosiah 11:20-12:30; 1-6; Hel. 13:2-39; 15:3-8). Such pro-
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phetic lawsuits involve the calling of witnesses, the lodging of an accusation, the consideration of a defense, and the issuance of a judgment (Welch, Law, 156-80).

Woe oracles are another form in which the judgments of God are articulated. Abinadi pronounced woes against Noah 3 and his people, proclaiming that the Lord
warning or accusation similar to a legal indictment (Micah 6:1-8; Hosea 4:1-3).

Several Book of Mormon judgment speeches given by Jacob 2 , Abinadi, king Benjamin, and Samuel the Lamanite are uttered in the form of pro-phetic lawsuits in
which God symbolically took legal action against his people who had violated their covenants (Jacob 2-3; Mosiah 11:20-12:30; 1-6; Hel. 13:2-39; 15:3-8). Such pro-
phetic lawsuits involve the calling of witnesses, the lodging of an accusation, the consideration of a defense, and the issuance of a judgment (Welch, Law, 156-80).

Woe oracles are another form in which the judgments of God are articulated. Abinadi pronounced woes against Noah 3 and his people, proclaiming that the Lord
would visit them in his anger, that they would be brought into bondage, and that vultures and dogs would eat their flesh (Mosiah 12:2). Jacob likewise pronounced
woes on many forms of wickedness (2 Ne. 9:27-38).

The Book of Mormon frequently declares that all men and women will be resurrected so that they may stand, resurrected, to be judged by God as to whether their
works, thoughts, and deeds be good or evil (Mosiah 3:10, 24; 15:22-27; Alma 12:12-15). The judgments will result in misery and destruction for the wicked but
happiness and blessings for the righteous (Mosiah 2:38-41).

Bibliography

Welch, John W. Law in the Book of Mormon. Provo, Utah: J. Reuben Clark Law School, 1996.

--- . "Benjamin's Speech as a Prophetic Lawsuit." King Benjamin's Speech: "That Ye May Learn Wisdom." Edited by John W. Welch and Stephen D. Ricks. Provo,
Utah: FARMS, 1998.

Welch, John W.

Justice demands of

See Demands of justice.

Justice law of

Justice is one of the necessary attributes of God (Smith, 4:13-17). Without justice, "God would cease to be God" (Alma 42:13, 22-25) because he is a God of law,
and justice and law are inseparable principles. In the execution of eternal law God is both impartial and consistent (Moro. 8:12; D&C 1:35; Alma 7:20).

Justice may be equated with cause and effect, the law of the harvest: "For whatsoever ye sow, that shall ye also reap" (D&C 6:33). Alma 2 called this "the plan of
restoration" (Alma 41:2). It applies in both the physical and moral realms (Alma 41:2-6, 15).

Because of the Fall, if God were restricted to justice alone, no one could escape endless physical death and bondage to Satan (2 Ne. 9:6-9). Yet, God is also merciful.
Mercy was introduced into the divine equation of salvation through the atonement of his Son Jesus Christ. In doing so, Jesus "satisfied the demands of justice," standing
between the sinner and jus-tice, taking the sinner's punishment upon himself (Mosiah 15:9). In this way mercy "overpowereth justice" (Alma 34:15; 42:15).

For Christ's sacrifice to be efficacious, however, justice demands that the sinner truly repent (2 Ne. 2:7; Alma 34:15-16) and accept by covenant the sacrifice made in
his behalf (Mosiah 18:10; 3 Ne. 27:16-20): "For behold, justice exerciseth all his demands, and also mercy claimeth all which is her own; and thus, none but the truly
penitent are saved. What, do ye suppose that mercy can rob justice? I say unto you, Nay; not one whit. If so, God would cease to be God" (Alma 42:24-25). Thus,
the genius of the plan of salvation preserves God's justice while at the same time enabling him to temper it with mercy.

All mankind must return to God in a resurrected state for judgment (1 Ne. 15:33; Mosiah 16:10; Alma 42:23; Hel. 14:17-19). Those who have totally rejected Christ
will stand naked before the justice of God (2 Ne. 9:14-17; Alma 11:40-41; 34:16). They, together with Satan and his fallen host, will be banished to hell, the second
death (Alma 12:16-18; 40:26).

God rarely interferes in a pervasive way, such as the Flood, in man's misuse of moral agency lest He compromise that agency. But justice delayed will not be justice
denied. It is as wrong for the innocent to be punished as it is for the guilty to go unpunished. Christ himself spoke of his Second Coming as "the day of vengeance which
was in my heart" (D&C 133:51). In the end, justice will have the final word when the righteous are vindicated and the unregenerate wicked confront the wrath of God
(2 Ne. 9:46). "For the Lord suffereth the righteous to be slain that his justice and judgment may come upon the wicked; therefore ye need not suppose that the
righteous are lost because they are slain; but behold, they do enter into the rest of the Lord their God" (Alma 60:13; cf. 14:11).

All mankind will eventually be divided by justice and mercy. Those who have accepted Christ will stand at his right hand because of mercy. Those who have totally
rejected Christ will stand at his left hand because of justice (Mosiah 5:8-10). All will acknowledge that "all his judgments are just; that he is just in all his works" (Alma
12:15).

See also Judgment, the; Justification; Law, answer the ends of; Restoration, plan of.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Lectures on Faith. Compiled by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Turner, Rodney

Justification

God's declaring an individual righteous, guiltless, and therefore worthy of salvation. Inasmuch as no one who is unclean, or unjustified, can be saved in the kingdom of
God (1 Ne. 15:34; 3 Ne. 27:19), and inasmuch as all mankind fall short of keeping the laws of God, "by the law no flesh is justified; or, by the law men are cut off" (2
Ne. 2:5). There is no way for mankind to reclaim themselves from this unjustified state, but God can reclaim the repentant soul, imputing righteousness to him because
of the Atonement-"mercy can satisfy the demands of justice, and encircles them in the arms of safety" (Alma 34:16; cf. 2 Ne. 2:7; Mosiah 14:11; Alma 42:12-23). Thus
God justifies righteous, covenant persons through the merits of the atonement of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 2:7-11; Alma 34:9), while the wicked are not justified, standing
condemned before the law (Alma 11:40-41; 34:16; 41:15; 42:22).

See also Justice, law of; Mercy; Merits of Christ; Sanctification.
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Draper, Richard D.

Justified
condemned before the law (Alma 11:40-41; 34:16; 41:15; 42:22).

See also Justice, law of; Mercy; Merits of Christ; Sanctification.

Draper, Richard D.

Justified

See Justification.

Jacob 2

K
Kib

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Kim

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Kimnor

Father of Akish , the Jaredite who ini-tiated secret combinations to assassinate king Omer in exchange for permission to marry the daughter of Jared 2 (Ether 8:10).

King- men

Nephite faction in the land of Zara-hemla, comprising those who wanted to change the form of govern-ment from a chief judge to a king during the administration of
Pahoran 1 (Alma 51:1-8; 67 b.c. ). The king- men were a prideful stubborn people who professed to be of nobility (Alma 51:21). At first the king- men peacefully
petitioned to alter the law in order to lawfully remove the chief judge Pahoran; however, Pahoran refused to alter the law, which resulted in a dispute among the king-
men and other Nephites known as freemen (Alma 51:3-6). The dispute was settled by the voice of the people in favor of the freemen, and the king- men were
compelled to maintain the cause of freedom (Alma 51:7). On at least two occasions over the next five years the king- men committed treason against their country.
When Amalickiah and the Lamanites came to war against the Nephites, the king- men were "glad in their hearts" and refused to "take up arms to defend their
country" (Alma 51:13). An angered captain Moroni successfully sought for authority from the government to "compel" the king- men "to defend their country or to put
them to death" (Alma 51:14-16). Moroni's army killed 4,000 king- men, surviving leaders were imprisoned for later trials, and others made a commitment to defend
their country: "Thus Moroni put an end to those king- men" (Alma 51:17-21).

The king- men resurfaced a few years later orchestrating a successful revolt driving Pahoran and the freemen out of Zarahemla. As was their original intent, they
crowned a king, after which they sought a Lamanite alliance to strengthen their hold on Zarahemla (Alma 61:3-8). Again Moroni dealt forcefully with these dissenters,
joining with Pahoran, retaking Zarahemla, and then executing the king- men and their leader, "according to the law" (Alma 62:3-10; ca. 62 b.c. ).

Manscill, Craig K.

Kingdom of heaven

See Heaven.

Kings

Nephite, Lamanite, and Jaredite societies were all ruled by kings at various times. First appearing among the Nephites shortly after the division of Lehi 1's family into
Lamanites and Nephites (2 Ne. 5:14, 18; cf. Jacob 1:9-11, 14-15), kings were an integral part of Nephite government until king Mosiah 2 , with popular support,
replaced them with judges in 91 b.c. (Mosiah 29). No mention is made of Lamanite kings until the book of Mosiah (Mosiah 7:15), after which they figure prominently
in missionary accounts and recorded wars between the Nephites and Lamanites prior to large- scale Lamanite conversions to the gospel (Hel. 5). Along with a "king
over all the land" (Alma 20:8), the Lamanites also had, at least for a time, a number of vassal kings and were occasionally ruled by kings of Nephite descent (e.g., Alma
47:35). Beginning with Jared 1's son Orihah (Ether 6:27), kings also ruled various factions of the Jaredites for centuries, until apostasy and civil war destroyed their
civilization.

Kings came to power in a number of ways. Nephi 1 "anointed" his own successor (Jacob 1:9). Orihah, the first Jaredite king, was selected by the people and anointed
king after all his brothers rejected the opportunity (Ether 6:22-27). For both peoples, the right to rule apparently passed from father to son (Mosiah 1:10; 29:1-9; Alma
24:3; Ether 7:3, 10). The same seems to have generally held for the Lamanites (Alma 24:3), although usurpers, especially among the Lamanites and Jaredites, were
common (Alma 47:35; Ether 7:5, 15-17; 9:4).

The Book of Mormon recounts the reigns of both wicked and righteous kings. Wicked kings fought against the gospel and promoted iniquity (e.g., Mosiah 11:1-15),
and waged unjust and devastating wars (Alma 48-62). Righteous kings among all three peoples promoted the gospel among their subjects and enacted laws against
persecuting members of the Church and gospel teachers (Mosiah 25:19; 27:2; Alma 21:20, 22; 23:1-4; Ether 7:24-25). Righteous kings like Benjamin were also
influential teachers of the gospel (Mosiah 2-5). King Benjamin's son Mosiah 2 was identified as a prophet, seer, and revelator (Mosiah 8:14-16).

Nephite and Jaredite prophets generally spoke against the need for kings. When told that his people wanted to anoint a king before his death, the brother of Jared
prophetically responded that such a move would lead the people into captivity (Ether 6:22-23). Conceding that "it would be well . . . to have a king" if just men could
always be found for the position (Mosiah 23:8), Alma the Elder nevertheless taught that the inequality engendered through the institution of kingship was contrary to the
Lord's commands (Mosiah 23:7), and that, given a wicked king's ability to lead his people astray (Mosiah 23:9, 12), free persons should "trust no man to be a king
over" them (Mosiah 23:13). Mosiah 2 reiterated these ideas (Mosiah 29:13, 16-17, 35-36) and pointed out the difficulties attending the removal of an unrighteous king
from the throne (Mosiah 29:21-23), and the fact that the iniquities of a people who were led by an unrighteous king were answered upon the head of the king (Mosiah
29:31). He also discussed "the trials and troubles" inflicted upon righteous kings by their subjects, and concluded that "these things ought not to be; but that the burden
should come upon all the people, that every man might bear his part" (Mosiah 29:33-34). In spite of these pleas, various groups continued to agitate for a king after the
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establishment                Infobase
                 the judges (Alma  2:2;Media   Corp.
                                        51:5; 61; 3 Ne. 7:9-10).                                                                                      Page 722 / 919

See also Anoint; Government, principles of; Judges, reign of.
over" them (Mosiah 23:13). Mosiah 2 reiterated these ideas (Mosiah 29:13, 16-17, 35-36) and pointed out the difficulties attending the removal of an unrighteous king
from the throne (Mosiah 29:21-23), and the fact that the iniquities of a people who were led by an unrighteous king were answered upon the head of the king (Mosiah
29:31). He also discussed "the trials and troubles" inflicted upon righteous kings by their subjects, and concluded that "these things ought not to be; but that the burden
should come upon all the people, that every man might bear his part" (Mosiah 29:33-34). In spite of these pleas, various groups continued to agitate for a king after the
establishment of the judges (Alma 2:2; 51:5; 61; 3 Ne. 7:9-10).

See also Anoint; Government, principles of; Judges, reign of.

Hedges, Andrew H.

Kish

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Kishkumen

A founder of secret combinations among the Nephites. Kishkumen murdered the chief judge Pahoran 2 in retaliation for the decision by "the voice of the people" to
execute Pahoran's ambitious and rebellious brother Paanchi (Hel. 1:8-12). The robber Gadianton later assumed leadership of Kishkumen's secret band, and together
they plotted to assassinate chief judge Helaman 3 . The plot was discovered by a servant of Helaman, and Kishkumen was killed in a failed attempt to carry it out (Hel.
2:3-9).

Ball, Terry B.

Kishkumen city of

One of the wicked cities burned in the destruction that accompanied the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. The inhabitants had cast out and stoned the prophets and Saints (3
Ne. 9:10-11).

Korihor

An anti-Christ who preached "against the prophecies which had been spoken by the prophets, concerning the coming of Christ" (Alma 30:6; ca. 74 b.c. ). Capitalizing
on the right to exercise freedom of conscience under Nephite law (Alma 30:11), Korihor attacked the heart of Nephite religious tradition, calling the anticipation of
Christ's coming "a foolish and a vain hope" (Alma 30:13). His teachings, which led to whoredoms and other wickedness among the Nephites, resulted in his arrest.
Although variant beliefs were protected and tolerated, disobedience to the laws of the land, which were based on the commandments of God, was not (Alma 30:10,
18; Mosiah 27:2-4; 29:11, 25). Although he enjoyed some success in Zarahemla, Korihor's preaching was ended abruptly in the land of Jershon when the people o f
Ammon, stalwart Lamanite converts, promptly arrested him and expelled him from their borders at the command of their high priest. Korihor met a similar reception in
Gideon, but he pridefully and stubbornly continued to orate his views before Gideon's high priest (Giddonah 2 ) and chief judge. Rather than responding to his
wranglings when observing Korihor's obstinacy, they sent him to Zarahemla to appear before Alma 2 , the high priest of the church, and Nephihah, the chief judge over
all the land (Alma 30:19-29). Korihor again persisted with his blasphemous charges against Nephite religious leaders, accusing them of priestcraft-"leading away the
people . . . for the sake of glutting on the labors of the people"; Alma's retort, "Thou knowest that we do not," disclosed Korihor's deliberate deceitfulness (Alma
30:31-32). In the dialogue that followed, Alma bore personal witness of God's existence and the coming of Christ and challenged Korihor's own lack of evidence,
"[his] word only." Alma ascribed Korihor's behavior to his being "possessed with a lying spirit," and being overpowered by the devil (Alma 30:39-42). Lacking a
substantive argument, Korihor asked for a sign "that I may be convinced that there is a God." Alma responded, "Thou hast had signs enough," citing as evidence the
testimony of "all these thy brethren, and also all the holy prophets . . . the scriptures . . . yea, and all things denote there is a God; yea, even the earth, and all things that
are upon the face of it" (Alma 30:43-44). In the face of Korihor's stubbornness, Alma affirmed, "It is better that thy soul should be lost than that thou shouldst be the
means of bringing many souls down to destruction" (Alma 30:45-47; cf. 1 Ne. 4:13). Alma's warning, "If thou shalt deny again, behold God shall smite thee, that thou
shalt become dumb," seemed to give Korihor a moment's pause. "I do not deny the existence of a God," he said, then quickly added, "but I do not believe that there is
a God" (Alma 30:47-48), perhaps a clever appeal to Nephite law that one could not be punished for his personal belief (Alma 30:11). Korihor asked again for a sign;
Alma granted his request. "In the name of God," Alma pronounced, "ye shall be struck dumb" (Alma 30:49-50). Forced to acknowledge the power of God, but now
being unable to speak, Korihor confessed in writing, "I always knew that there was a God," attributing his deception to Satan , whom he claimed had appeared to him
and taught him what to say, and to the success he had among the people, his teachings being "pleasing unto the carnal mind" (Alma 30:52-53; Matt. 12:39; 16:4).
Korihor pleaded for a reversal of his predicament, but Alma prophet-ically revealed that if his speech were restored he would return to his former efforts to lead the
people astray. Korihor's fate, Alma said, would be left up to the Lord. The once proud Korihor was "cast out." He became a beggar, and in the end, he was trampled
to death by the Zoramites 2 . From Korihor's experience, Mormon drew a pointed moral: "Thus we see the end of him who perverteth the ways of the Lord." Further-
more, "at the last day," the devil will not stand by or support his followers, "but doth speedily drag them down to hell" (Alma 30:54-60).

The inclusion of the Korihor narrative fulfills an important Book of Mormon purpose: to expose the "enemies of Christ" (Benson, 3). Korihor's teachings echo many
latter- day debates and challenges to religious faith on such matters as the existence and divinity of Christ (Alma 30:12, 39), whether religion frees or binds its followers
(Alma 30:24), and whether there is religious truth that can be known apart from belief that is simply a product of social tradition (Alma 30:13-14, 39-40, 44). Korihor's
arguments, inspired by Satan, pose challenging questions to believers in any age: Can one know the truth of something unseen? (Alma 30:15). Can one really know of
future events? (Alma 30:13; cf. Jacob 7:7). Is guilt a tool to keep believers in bondage to commandments invented by designing priests? (Alma 30:23, 27-28). Is it the
motive of religious leaders to get rich from offerings of naive followers? (Alma 30:27).

Korihor's teachings reflect philosophies that are anti- Christ and anti- gospel, and thus their inclusion in the text of the Book of Mormon constitutes a warning voice for
readers. Korihor's arguments attempt to reduce religion to fanciful myths which bind followers so they "durst not enjoy their rights and privileges . . . [and] durst not
make use of that which is their own" (Alma 30:27-28). Korihor intended to liberate his unsophisticated Christian audience from these myths by proclaiming that the
people should "lift up their heads," "look up with boldness," and avoid being "brought down." In essence, he urged them to sin confidently, without fear (Alma 30:18,
27, 23). By contrast, true prophets teach the opposite-sin is sin, and all mankind stands accountable to God. If they do not repent, their sins "will stand as a testimony
against [them] at the last day" (Alma 39:7-8; 2 Ne. 2:26-27; Alma 5:15-21; Hel. 13:26-29; 3 Ne. 27:13-21).

For Korihor, it was not rational to believe in something he could not see, or to believe in a being who was to come at some unknowable future time. Such beliefs he
considered "the effect of a frenzied mind" (Alma 30:16). Characteristically, an individual like Korihor needs proof to create belief. His "seeing is believing" philosophy is
the opposite of the "believing is seeing" formula Alma later taught the Zoramites (Alma 32:27-35). Korihor's reasoning that "no man can know of anything which is to
come"(Alma 30:13) spawns a series of false assumptions that tumble like dominoes, spi-raling downward to conclusions that eliminate Christ. If the future cannot be
known, then prophets are pretenders, unable to prophesy truthfully that a Savior would come and atone for the sins of mankind. If "whatsoever a man did was no
crime" (Alma 30:17), there is no such thing as sin, no need for Christ and an atonement, no need for guilt, nor repentance and forgiveness. If "when a man was dead,
that was the end thereof" (Alma 30:18), there need be no fear of giving an account of oneself before the judgment bar of God. Such teachings can foster license for any
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and all manner of wickedness. What naturally follows is a "survival of the fittest" environment wherein "every man fared in this life according to the Page     723 of
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                                                                                                                                                                        the
creature . . . prospered according to his genius, and . . . conquered according to his strength" (Alma 30:17). Such a humanistic emphasis on one's own genius and
strength is counter to the repeated Book of Mormon teaching which links prospering to obedience to the commandments (1 Ne. 2:20; 17:13; 2 Ne. 1:20; Jarom 1:9;
come"(Alma 30:13) spawns a series of false assumptions that tumble like dominoes, spi-raling downward to conclusions that eliminate Christ. If the future cannot be
known, then prophets are pretenders, unable to prophesy truthfully that a Savior would come and atone for the sins of mankind. If "whatsoever a man did was no
crime" (Alma 30:17), there is no such thing as sin, no need for Christ and an atonement, no need for guilt, nor repentance and forgiveness. If "when a man was dead,
that was the end thereof" (Alma 30:18), there need be no fear of giving an account of oneself before the judgment bar of God. Such teachings can foster license for any
and all manner of wickedness. What naturally follows is a "survival of the fittest" environment wherein "every man fared in this life according to the management of the
creature . . . prospered according to his genius, and . . . conquered according to his strength" (Alma 30:17). Such a humanistic emphasis on one's own genius and
strength is counter to the repeated Book of Mormon teaching which links prospering to obedience to the commandments (1 Ne. 2:20; 17:13; 2 Ne. 1:20; Jarom 1:9;
Omni 1:6; Alma 9:13-14) and conquering to reliance upon God (2 Ne. 4:34; 28:31; Alma 39:2; Morm. 3:8-16).

The Book of Mormon provides guidelines for anyone who encounters anti-Christs. At times, rather then "reviling" with "revilers" (D&C 19:30), no response is
appropriate (Alma 30:29). Personal testimony is essential for personal strength and fortification's witness of the truth through revelation from God was his first line of
defense (Alma 30:39; cf. 5:45-47). In addition, believers can be nourished and strengthened through the witness of other believers (Moro. 6:4-6), the testimony and
teachings of living prophets (2 Ne. 26:8; 3 Ne. 12:1), the written word of God in the scriptures (Alma 33:2; 3 Ne. 23:1-5), and the witness that comes from observing
God's creations (Alma 30:44).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to latter- day people, that we might learn to be more wise; Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to reveal the
enemies of Christ.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. A Witness and a Warning. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Largey, Dennis L.

Kumen

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Kumenonhi

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

L
Laban

Laban (ca. 600 b.c.) was a prominent inhabitant of Jerusalem, a descendant of Joseph 1 (1 Ne. 5:16); a custodian of the plates of brass (1 Ne. 3:3, 12); a military
leader-a commander of fifty (1 Ne. 3:31); and master of a servant named Zoram 1 (1 Ne. 4:20, 35). He possessed a sword of "exceedingly fine" workmanship (1 Ne.
4:9), met at night in full armor with the "elders of the Jews" (1 Ne. 4:19, 22), and had charge of his own treasury (1 Ne. 4:20).

After Lehi 1 had led his family out of Jerusalem into the wilderness, the Lord commanded Lehi to send his sons back to Jerusalem to obtain the plates of brass (1 Ne.
3:2-4). Laban opposed Nephi 1 and his brothers Laman 1 and Lemuel when they tried to fulfill the Lord's command. In the first attempt, Laban became angry and had
Laman thrown out of his house under the pre-text that Laman was a robber (1 Ne. 3:11-13). In a second attempt, Laban "lust[ed] after" Lehi's property and sought to
kill Nephi and his brothers to obtain their possessions (1 Ne. 3:22-26). In a third attempt, Nephi left his brothers hidden "without the walls" and set out alone at night
towards Laban's house in Jerusalem. Being led by the Spirit, Nephi came upon Laban lying unconscious in the street "drunken with wine" (1 Ne. 4:5-7). Finally, Nephi
obtained the plates of brass, but only after fulfilling the Lord's commandment to slay Laban (1 Ne. 4:5-38). Laban was killed with his own sword (1 Ne. 4:9, 18-19),
and Nephi took this sword with him to the New World, where it was used as a model for making Nephite swords (2 Ne. 5:14) and was passed on throughout the
succession of Book of Mormon record keepers (Mosiah 1:16). Laban's sword was eventually shown to the three witnesses of the golden plates (D&C 17:1).

See also Laban, slaying of; Sword of Laban.

Hauglid, Brian Michael

Laban slaying of

When necessary "the Lord slayeth the wicked to bring forth his righteous purposes" under the guiding principle that "it is better that one man should perish than that a
nation should dwindle and perish in unbelief" (1 Ne. 4:13; 17:32-35; D&C 98:28-32; Ex. 23:20-28). This was the principle when Nephi 1 slew Laban.

Lehi 1 had a dream wherein the Lord instructed him to send his sons back to Jeru-salem to obtain the plates of brass from Laban (1 Ne. 3:2-4). After two unsuccessful
attempts to obtain them (1 Ne. 3:11-14, 22-27), Nephi and his brethren knew that Laban would continue to resist their efforts. Nephi, in a third attempt, left his
brothers hidden "without the walls" and set out alone at night towards Laban's house in Jerusalem. He was "led by the Spirit, not knowing beforehand the things which
[he] should do" (1 Ne. 4:5-6). Near Laban's house, Nephi found Laban lying unconscious,"drunken with wine" (1 Ne. 4:7). Nephi drew Laban's sword from the
sheath and was "constrained by the Spirit" to kill him (1 Ne. 4:10). After an intense moral struggle, Nephi followed the Lord's command by taking "Laban by the hair of
the head, and . . . [smiting] off his head with his own sword" (1 Ne. 4:11-18).

Responding to a question about how one might explain Nephi's slaying of Laban, Brother Jeffrey R. Holland mentioned seven points to reflect upon:

1. Consider how Nephi took such pains to preserve for future readers an action so difficult for him to perform, one which has been so widely misunderstood. Despite
the limited space on the small plates which were to contain only things "pleasing unto God" and "of worth unto the children of men" Nephi chose to include the account
of his slaying of Laban (1 Ne. 6:5, 6): "Maybe there's a clue in all of that" (Holland, 83).

2. It is clear from the story that Nephi did not wish to take the life of Laban. Nephi stated that he had never before "shed the blood of man," and he initially resisted the
prompting of the Spirit: "And I shrunk and would that I might not slay him" (1 Ne. 4:10).

3. Other prophets have been commanded to take the lives of the disobedient. For example, Moses at Mount Sinai caused that 3,000 idolatrous Israelites be slain (Ex.
32:15-28), and David was revered for taking the life of Goliath (1 Sam. 17:51).
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4. Laban was not "guiltless in his dealings with Lehi 1's family" (Holland, 83). In the story it is clear that Laban (1) had not hearkened to the Lord's commandments (1
Ne. 4:11); (2) accused Laman 1 falsely of robbery (1 Ne. 3:13); (3) coveted the property of Lehi and his family (1 Ne. 3:25); (4) had stolen their property (1 Ne.
3:26-27); and (5) sought to kill Lehi's sons twice (1 Ne. 3:13, 25). The "Spirit" described Laban as a "wicked" man delivered into Nephi's hands by the Lord (1 Ne.
prompting of the Spirit: "And I shrunk and would that I might not slay him" (1 Ne. 4:10).

3. Other prophets have been commanded to take the lives of the disobedient. For example, Moses at Mount Sinai caused that 3,000 idolatrous Israelites be slain (Ex.
32:15-28), and David was revered for taking the life of Goliath (1 Sam. 17:51).

4. Laban was not "guiltless in his dealings with Lehi 1's family" (Holland, 83). In the story it is clear that Laban (1) had not hearkened to the Lord's commandments (1
Ne. 4:11); (2) accused Laman 1 falsely of robbery (1 Ne. 3:13); (3) coveted the property of Lehi and his family (1 Ne. 3:25); (4) had stolen their property (1 Ne.
3:26-27); and (5) sought to kill Lehi's sons twice (1 Ne. 3:13, 25). The "Spirit" described Laban as a "wicked" man delivered into Nephi's hands by the Lord (1 Ne.
4:11-13).

5. In modern revelation the Lord revealed, "And him that repenteth not of his sins, and confesseth them not, ye shall . . . do with him as the scriptures saith unto you,
either by command-mentor by revelation. And this ye shall do that God may be glorified-not because ye forgive not, having not compassion, but that ye may be justified
in the eyes of the law, that ye may not offend him who is your lawgiver" (D&C 64:12-13; italics added). Brother Holland asserted, "The judgment against Laban is
being received `by revelation,' and Nephi ultimately must slay Laban for the very reason which initially led him to shrink from it-so that he will not offend the divine
`lawgiver' (see D&C 98:23-32)" (83).

6. Application of laws may change according to the commands of God. Joseph Smith taught: "God said, `Thou shalt not kill;' at another time He said, `Thou shalt utterly
destroy.' This is the principle on which the government of heaven is conducted-by revelation adapted to the circumstances in which the children of the kingdom are
placed. Whatever God requires is right, no matter what it is, although we may not see the reason thereof till long after the events transpire" (256).

7. Nephi's obedience to revelation seems to be the central message in the slaying of Laban. The taking of a life is secondary in this instance: "God can restore life in time
and eternity; he can do almost nothing with willful disobedience. The quality of our obedience to God's commandments is still the clearest expression of the quality of
our faith in him" (Holland, 84).

Nephi's inclusion of this event also "underscores the monumental-yes, even life- and- death-importance of sacred scripture" (Holland, 84). So that ancient and modern
descendants would not "dwindle and perish in unbelief" (1 Ne. 4:13), Nephi was determined to obtain the plates of brass "no matter what the cost to his own life or
others" (Holland, 84).

Bibliography

Holland, Jeffrey R. "How Can I Explain Nephi's Killing Laban to My Nonmember Friends? Some Really Reject It As Scriptural." Ensign 6 (September 1976): 83- 84.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Hauglid, Brian Michael

Lachoneus 1

Nephite chief judge, governor, prophet (3 Ne. 1:1; 3:19; ca. a.d. 1), and contemporary of Nephi 3 , the son of Nephi 2 . Lachoneus, described as a just and
courageous man (3 Ne. 3:12), occupied the judgment- seat for twenty- nine or thirty years (3 Ne. 1:1; 6:17, 19). The period of his rule was punctuated by momentous
events, both positive and negative. For example, Christian persecution (3 Ne. 1:5-9) was followed by fulfillment of the signs foretold by Samuel the Lamanite
concerning the birth of Christ (3 Ne. 1:15-21), and peace and gospel conversions (3 Ne. 1:23, 26) were accompanied by major growth of the Gadianton robbers (3
Ne. 1:26-30; 2:11). Contentions led to war (3 Ne. 2-4), which cycled into a short period of righteousness and peace, which in turn was interrupted by an escalation of
pride, dissension, and wickedness (3 Ne. 5-6).

Lachoneus' strength and wisdom were demonstrated by his response to the threats of Giddianhi, the leader of the Gadianton robbers, by his strategy to defeat the
robbers, and by his appointment of Gidgiddoni, "a great prophet" (3 Ne. 3:19), as chief captain of the Nephite armies. Giddianhi wrote Lachoneus an epistle wherein
he threatened destruction of the Nephites if they did not yield to his demands. He also offered a partnership in which the Gadiantons would share Nephite properties if
the Nephites were willing to join them (3 Ne. 3:6-7). Although "astonished, because of the boldness of Giddianhi," Lachoneus "could not be frightened by the demands
and the threat-enings of a robber; therefore he did not hearken to the epistle of Giddianhi" (3 Ne. 3:11-12). The instructions Lachoneus gave his people to pray, to
gather themselves and their belongings to the land of Zarahemla, to make fortifications and post guards, and to repent, saved them from their enemies (3 Ne. 3:13-16,
22-25; 4:33). Lachoneus, with a sacred oath, prophesied that deliverance from the robbers would be conditional upon prayers and repentance (3 Ne. 3:15). The
inspired leadership of Lachoneus is attested to in this statement: "And so great and marvelous were the words and prophecies of Lachoneus that they did cause fear to
come upon all the people; and they did exert themselves in their might to do according to the words of Lachoneus" (3 Ne. 3:16). Lachoneus is yet another example of a
strong and righteous leader who saved his people from destruction in an era of instability and vacillation.

Lachoneus' son, whose name was also Lachoneus 2 , assumed the judgment- seat after his father (3 Ne. 6:19; ca. a.d. 29-30).

Largey, Dennis L.

Lachoneus 2

The last Nephite chief judge prior to the coming of Christ to America; son and successor of Lachoneus 1 (ca. a.d. 29-30). During his brief administration iniquity and
pride were rampant. The people were in a "state of awful wickedness," brought on by their willful rebellion against God (3 Ne. 6:17-19). Inspired messengers sent to
testify of their iniquity were put to death by Nephite judges without Lachoneus' knowledge. When these judges' deeds were discovered and they were arrested, a
secret combination was formed to protect them, murder Lachoneus, and establish a king. The wicked conspirators successfully carried out their assassination of
Lachoneus but failed to establish a king. Instead their act served as the catalyst which caused the collapse of the central government and the division of the people into
tribes (3 Ne. 6:20-7:1).

Lake of fire and brimstone

Figurative descrip-tion of the final state of Satan, his devils, and those who become like them. The imagery comes from volcanism focusing on the intense heat of
magma beds and sulfurous gases ( brimstone ) associated therewith. The awful yet poetic metaphor describes the condition of those who suffer the full and eternal
wrath of a just God. By their deeds and disposition, they have kindled his hot displeasure and, as a result, he will consign them to this eternal state of mental torment.
This, however, does not take place until after the Final Judgment (2 Ne. 28:23).

This imagery in the Book of Mormon does not refer to the hell in the spirit world , which will eventually be emptied (2 Ne. 9:12; D&C 76:105-6), but to the final state
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
of those whom the scriptures call the "filthy still" (2 Ne. 9:16; Morm. 9:14; D&C 88:35, 102). The primary inhabitants of the lake will be the devil Page      725 / Nephi
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1 testified that these "shall go away into everlasting fire, prepared for them; and their torment is as a lake of fire and brimstone, whose flame ascendeth up forever and
ever and has no end" (2 Ne. 9:16; italics added). But they are not alone. All who suffer the second death are also filthy and they, too, are consigned to the same fate-
wrath of a just God. By their deeds and disposition, they have kindled his hot displeasure and, as a result, he will consign them to this eternal state of mental torment.
This, however, does not take place until after the Final Judgment (2 Ne. 28:23).

This imagery in the Book of Mormon does not refer to the hell in the spirit world , which will eventually be emptied (2 Ne. 9:12; D&C 76:105-6), but to the final state
of those whom the scriptures call the "filthy still" (2 Ne. 9:16; Morm. 9:14; D&C 88:35, 102). The primary inhabitants of the lake will be the devil and his angels. Nephi
1 testified that these "shall go away into everlasting fire, prepared for them; and their torment is as a lake of fire and brimstone, whose flame ascendeth up forever and
ever and has no end" (2 Ne. 9:16; italics added). But they are not alone. All who suffer the second death are also filthy and they, too, are consigned to the same fate-
"they shall be as though there had been no redemption made" (Alma 12:16-18). Because of the awful possibility, Jacob 2 warned his people to "loose yourselves from
the pains of hell that ye may not become angels to the devil, to be cast into that lake of fire and brimstone which is the second death" (Jacob 3:11).

The pain which tortures these souls arises not from fire or brimstone but from a searing conscience as God assigns them "to an awful view of their own guilt and
abominations, which doth cause them to shrink from the presence of the Lord into a state of misery and endless torment, from whence they can no more
return" (Mosiah 3:25).

The tragedy of this suffering is that no mortal has to endure it. Through the Atonement, the Savior can save not only the repentant from this awful fate (2 Ne. 9:19), but
also "those who have not the law given to them" (2 Ne. 9:26). Therefore, those who experience the eternal fire do so because they would rather suffer that torture than
accept the willing hand of the Master.

While references in the New Testament imply a literal torment of the wicked with fire and brimstone (Rev. 14:10; 19:20; 20:10; 21:8), the Book of Mormon clarifies
that this torment "is as a lake of fire and brimstone" (2 Ne. 9:16; Mosiah 3:27; Alma 12:17).

See also Endless torment, eternal torment, never- ending torment; Spiritual death.

Draper, Richard D.

Lamah

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Laman 1

Eldest son of Lehi 1 and Sariah; brother of Lemuel, Sam, Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , Joseph 2 , and unnamed sisters (2 Ne. 5:6); husband to one of the daughters of Ishmael
1 (1 Ne. 16:7); and progenitor of the Lamanite people and tradition.

From the beginning of the scriptural record Laman is described as stiffnecked and continually guilty of murmuring and inciting others to "stir up their hearts to anger" (1
Ne. 16:38; 2:11) against those in authority, principally Lehi and Nephi. Laman was resentful of his father for having led the family into the wilderness from their
comfortable circumstances in the land of Jerusalem (1 Ne. 17:21). Bitterness towards Nephi was based upon his belief that his younger brother had wrongly sought "to
make himself a king and a ruler" (1 Ne. 16:38) over his elder brothers (1 Ne. 16:37; 18:10; 2 Ne. 5:3; Mosiah 10:11-17; cf. 1 Ne. 2:22). Under ancient Israelite law
Laman would have had the birthright privilege and leadership associated with being the firstborn son, but he disqualified himself because of unrighteousness (1 Ne.
2:21-22). The issue of whose right it was to rule was a matter of serious contention throughout the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 10:11-17; Alma 54:17).

Many of the hardships experienced by Lehi and his family during their travels became further justification in Laman's mind for his animosity toward Lehi, Nephi, and
even God. Nephi recorded that the underlying reason for the murmuring of Laman and his co- conspirator Lemuel was "because they knew not the dealings of that God
who had created them" (1 Ne. 2:12). Lehi's prophetic vision of Laman and Lemuel's refusal to "partake of the fruit" of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8:18) taught of the
hardness of their hearts and the blindness of their minds (e.g., 1 Ne. 7:8; 17:44-45). Lehi feared for Laman and Lemuel that "they should be cast off from the presence
of the Lord" (1 Ne. 8:36).

Laman can be viewed as a prototype of the "natural man . . . an enemy to God," who ultimately failed to "[yield] to the enticings of the Holy Spirit" (Mosiah 3:19) and
to the power of God manifested in various ways. Laman's body shook at the powerful preaching of his father Lehi in the valley of Lemuel (1 Ne. 2:14), he saw and was
rebuked by an angel (1 Ne. 3:29), he witnessed the miraculous loosing of the cords with which he and others had bound Nephi (1 Ne. 7:18-18), he was "chastened by
the voice of the Lord" (1 Ne. 16:39), he was wrought upon by the Spirit in consequence of Nephi's powerful preaching (1 Ne. 17:52), he was shaken by the Lord
when Nephi "stretched forth" his hand (1 Ne. 17:53-54), he was humbled by the "exceedingly fine" quality of the ship he had not believed Nephi could build (1 Ne.
18:4; 17:17-19), and he witnessed the failure of the divine "compass" and the "great storm" and "terrible tempest" that arose after he and others tied Nephi up on the
ship (1 Ne. 18:11-13). Laman also witnessed the reversal of these conditions when they let Nephi go (1 Ne. 18:15, 21). These multiple efforts by the Lord to save
Laman and convince him of the truth affirms God's long- suffering, love, and mercy towards his children. Laman's life also illustrates that although God is merciful in his
efforts to convince, persuade, and redeem, he is also just, and his Spirit "will not always strive with man" (2 Ne. 26:11; 1 Ne. 7:14; Morm. 5:16; Ether 2:15). While the
scriptural account includes incidents of Laman's repentance (1 Ne. 3:29-31; 16:5; 18:20), the evidence suggests it was episodic, self- serving, and insincere. Being
"swift to do iniquity but slow to remember the Lord," having rejected God's Spirit and power, Laman eventually became "past feeling" as pertaining to the things of God
(1 Ne. 17:45).

Not long after Lehi's death the issue of leader-ship in the family resurfaced, and Laman and others sought again to kill Nephi (1 Ne. 5:2-3). The Lord commanded
Nephi that he should "depart from them and flee into the wilderness" (2 Ne. 5:5).

Many of Laman's descendants became known as "Lamanites," consisting of "a compound of Laman and Lemuel, and the sons of Ishmael, and all those who had
dissented from the Nephites, who were Amalekites and Zoramites, and the descendants of the priests of Noah" (Alma 43:13).

Although Laman "did not look unto the Lord as [he] ought" (1 Ne. 15:3) and initiated a wicked tradition, Lehi, acknowledging the power of tradition, promised
Laman's descendants that "if ye are cursed, behold, I leave my blessing upon you, that the cursing may be taken from you and be answered upon the heads of your
parents. Wherefore, because of my blessing the Lord God will not suffer that ye shall perish; wherefore, he will be merciful unto you and unto your seed forever" (2 Ne.
4:6-7, 9).

See also Lamanite civilization; Lamanites, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Judd, Daniel K

Copyright 2
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Lamanite king who made a covenant that Zeniff could occupy the cities and lands of -Lehi- Nephi and Shilom (Mosiah 7:21; 9:6; ca. 200 b.c. ). Laman's ulterior
See also Lamanite civilization; Lamanites, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Judd, Daniel K

Laman 2

Lamanite king who made a covenant that Zeniff could occupy the cities and lands of -Lehi- Nephi and Shilom (Mosiah 7:21; 9:6; ca. 200 b.c. ). Laman's ulterior
motive was to bring Zeniff's people into bondage that the Lamanites might "glut themselves with the labors of [their] hands" (Mosiah 9:12). After twelve years Laman
feared the settlers were growing too strong, and thus he began "to stir up his people" against them. Zeniff's people went forth to battle "in the strength of the Lord" and
defeated Laman's forces (Mosiah 9:11-19). Peace ensued until Laman died and his son succeeded him to the throne (Mosiah 10:6).

Laman 3

King of the Lamanites, son of Laman 2 (178 b.c. ). When Laman became king following the death of his father, he waged an unsuccessful war against Zeniff's people
(Mosiah 10:6). His armies were slaughtered by the people of Zeniff and driven out of the land (Mosiah 10:20).

Laman 4

One of captain Moroni's men and a former servant of the Lamanite king who was slain by Amalickiah. Laman and a few others were appointed by Moroni to carry out
a strategy designed to recapture the city of Gid from the Lamanites and free the Nephite prisoners held there. Because his Lamanite ancestry would win the trust of the
Lamanite guards, Laman was chosen to carry wine to them. When the guards were drunken and asleep, Moroni, with "profound silence," "cast in weapons of war" to
the Nephite prisoners within the city (Alma 55:16-17), and then surrounded the Lamanite army. The next morning, seeing their plight both within and without the city,
the Lamanites surrendered and pleaded for mercy (Alma 55:4-24).

Laman city of

Wicked city burned in the catastrophic events that accompanied Christ's crucifixion in the Old World. The inhabitants who had martyred the prophets and Saints were
destroyed to hide their wickedness (3 Ne. 9:10-11).

Laman river

A river emptying into the Red Sea . Lehi 1 camped nearby and named it after his son, urging Laman 1 to make his life resemble the river, "continually running into the
fountain of all righteousness!" (1 Ne. 2:5-9).

Lamanite civilization

Most of the Book of Mormon narrative centers on peoples identified as either Nephites or Lamanites. These groups can often be distinguished on genealogical
grounds, as descendants of, respectively, either Nephi 1 or his brothers, Laman 1 and Lemuel. But close examination reveals a much more complex story (e.g., Jacob
1:13-14; Alma 43:13; 47:35; Morm. 1:8-9), and the general rule in the text is to "call them Lamanites that seek to destroy the people of Nephi," while "those who are
friendly to Nephi" and the tradition he established were termed "Nephites, or the people of Nephi" (Jacob 1:14; cf. Alma 3:11). Some of the Lamanites, for example,
were actually descendants of the sons of Ishmael (Alma 17:19, 21). Moreover, dissenting Nephites often adopted the title of Lamanite (Alma 43:4; 45:13-14; 54:24;
Hel. 3:16; 11:24), and Lamanite converts to the gospel sometimes became Nephites (Alma 23:17; 27:27; 53:10; 3 Ne. 2:12, 14-16). Indeed, after the coming of
Christ the distinction between Lamanites and Nephites temporarily disappeared (4 Ne. 1:17) and then reappeared as a matter of ideological choice (4 Ne. 1:20, 35-
39; 4 Ne. 1:38 may suggest a continuing ethnic factor). But the conflict between the Nephites and the Lamanites had always been primarily ideological. Mormon
reported that "whosoever should worship God in spirit and in truth, the true and the living God, the Lamanites would destroy" (Alma 43:10; cf. 44:2).

The conflict began with the founders of the Lamanite tradition, Lehi 1's two eldest sons, Laman 1 and Lemuel (1 Ne. heading; 1 Ne. 2:5, 12). Lehi and Nephi were
deeply concerned about the spiritual state of these brothers (1 Ne. 2:18; 8:4, 36-37; 17:47; 2 Ne. 1:12-24). They were hard-hearted (1 Ne. 7:8; 17:19, 46; 18:10-
20), and their wickedness made them incapable of understanding the things of God (1 Ne. 2:12; 15:7-11; 16:1-3; 2 Ne. 1:26)-including the direct ministration of an
angel (1 Ne. 3:28-31) -because they were "past feeling" (1 Ne. 17:45). Light-minded, irreverent, and often cruel, they caused their family deep pain (1 Ne. 18:9-22; 2
Ne. 2:1). They regarded Lehi's prophecies as fanciful inventions and resented that in leaving Jerusalem they had been obliged to abandon their wealth (1 Ne. 2:11-12;
3:5). Like the people of Jerusalem, they thought the city indestructible, and they sought the life of their father (1 Ne. 2:13; 17:44). Indeed, they wanted to return to
Jerusalem (1 Ne. 7:7, 15; 16:36), whose residents they considered a righteous people (1 Ne. 17:22). (Not surprisingly, a later Lamanite land and city would be called
Jerusalem; Alma 21:1-2.) Often discontented during the journey to the New World, Laman and Lemuel did little to relieve their own unhappiness or to help in the
family's assigned mission. Instead, their very murmuring revealed the extent of their dependence upon their father and, more especially, upon their younger brother
Nephi (1 Ne. 16:18, 20, 22-24, 27, 31, 35-39; 17:7-22).

The Lord had promised Nephi early that if Laman and Lemuel persisted in rebellion, they would be cut off from the divine presence and Nephi would inherit the right to
rule, which typically belonged to the eldest son (1 Ne. 2:21-24; cf. 7:8). Although Lehi confirmed Nephi as his heir (2 Ne. 1:25-29; 3:25) and subsequent events
fulfilled the promise (2 Ne. 5:19-20; Alma 9:14), his elder brothers ever after complained that Nephi had usurped their legitimate rights (1 Ne. 16:37-38; 18:10; 2 Ne.
5:3).

When Lehi died, they refused to accept their brother's authority (2 Ne. 4:13-14). Their evaluation of Nephi had always been harsh. Whereas they ascribed Lehi's
prophetic utterances to "the foolish imaginations of his heart" (1 Ne. 2:11), they attributed Nephi's obvious prophetic gifts to deliberate deception, and sought to kill him
(1 Ne. 16:37-38; 17:20, 48; 2 Ne. 5:2-4). Eventually, he was forced to flee with his followers into the wilderness (2 Ne. 5:1-6).

Because of wickedness, the Lamanites were "cut off from the presence of the Lord" (2 Ne. 5:20-23), and the Lord "set a mark upon them . . . that their seed might be
distinguished from the seed of their brethren [the Nephites], that thereby the Lord God might preserve his people, that they might not mix and believe in incorrect
traditions which would prove their destruction" (Alma 3:7-8).

Violence soon erupted between the two groups (2 Ne. 5:14, 34; Jacob 7:24; Enos 1:14, 20; Alma 17:14). "Their hatred was fixed," reported the Nephite prophet
Enos (Enos 1:20; cf. Alma 20:10, 13; 25:1-2; 26:9). Indeed, the Lamanites tended to dehumanize the Nephites, and, projecting their own hostility onto their enemies,
they held exaggerated notions of what the Nephites could and would do to them (e.g., Alma 19:26; 20:13). Accordingly, the Lamanites could be remarkably cruel
(e.g., Alma 56:12; 60:17; Hel. 1:27; Moro. 9:7-8; cf. Morm. 7:4). At the end of Book of Mormon history, they engaged in human sacrifice (Morm. 4:14, 21). But their
hostility to the Nephites was not uniformly intense (Alma 20:30). Commonly, only dissenting Nephites could incite the Lamanites to go to war against their brethren
(Alma 21:3; 24:1-2, 28-30; 27:2, 12; 43:6-8, 43-44; 46-51; 52:33; 60:32; 62:35; 63:14; Hel. 1:15; 4:2-4, 8; 11:24), and the dissenters, unlike ethnic Lamanites,
virtually
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Nephi recorded that as a result of the curse placed upon the Lamanites they "did become an idle people, full of mischief and subtlety, and did seek in the wilderness for
beasts of prey" (2 Ne. 5:24; cf. Alma 17:14-15; contrast 23:18; 24:18). Somewhat later, Enos reported that "they were led by their evil nature that they became wild,
they held exaggerated notions of what the Nephites could and would do to them (e.g., Alma 19:26; 20:13). Accordingly, the Lamanites could be remarkably cruel
(e.g., Alma 56:12; 60:17; Hel. 1:27; Moro. 9:7-8; cf. Morm. 7:4). At the end of Book of Mormon history, they engaged in human sacrifice (Morm. 4:14, 21). But their
hostility to the Nephites was not uniformly intense (Alma 20:30). Commonly, only dissenting Nephites could incite the Lamanites to go to war against their brethren
(Alma 21:3; 24:1-2, 28-30; 27:2, 12; 43:6-8, 43-44; 46-51; 52:33; 60:32; 62:35; 63:14; Hel. 1:15; 4:2-4, 8; 11:24), and the dissenters, unlike ethnic Lamanites,
virtually never converted to the gospel (Alma 23:13-14).

Nephi recorded that as a result of the curse placed upon the Lamanites they "did become an idle people, full of mischief and subtlety, and did seek in the wilderness for
beasts of prey" (2 Ne. 5:24; cf. Alma 17:14-15; contrast 23:18; 24:18). Somewhat later, Enos reported that "they were led by their evil nature that they became wild,
and ferocious, and a blood- thirsty people, full of idolatry and filthiness; feeding upon beasts of prey; dwelling in tents, and wandering about in the wilderness with a
short skin girdle about their loins and their heads shaven; and their skill was in the bow, and in the cimeter, and the ax. And many of them did eat nothing save it was
raw meat" (Enos 1:20; cf. Mosiah 10:8, 11-12; Alma 3:4-5; 43:20-21, 37).

"They loved murder and would drink the blood of beasts," says Jarom 1:6, referring to a practice condemned in the law of Moses. Even as late as the century before
Christ, Nephite sources describe the Lamanites as "a lazy and an idolatrous people" (Mosiah 9:12; Alma 17:14).

Ideological "Lamanitism" remembered little of Hebrew- Nephite religious tradition (Mosiah 10:11; 24:5; Alma 17:16, 35). For example, at the time of Alma 2 , the
Lamanite kings apparently did not understand the Nephite term "God," although they knew of a "Great Spirit." And, although Lamoni knew this "Great Spirit" had
created the earth, he was unsure concerning the heavens (Alma 18:2-5, 11, 18-32; 19:25, 27; 22:7, 9-11, 18; 54:21). Some Lamanites thought it possible-in perhaps a
distorted echo of Lehi's messianic teachings-that this Great Spirit could come down among them as a man (Alma 18:4) or send a human representative to them (Alma
19:25, 27). King Lamoni and his father's belief in a Great Spirit seems to have had little impact upon their behavior (Alma 18:5). When the Nephite missionaries came
among these kings and their people, they taught them the gospel and convinced many of them of their sins (Alma 24:9-13, 15, 25; 27:6, 8). As the Nephite missionaries
ministered to the Laman-ites, they taught them about "the records and the holy scriptures of the people" since Adam, as well as the basic doctrines of the Creation, Fall,
and redemption of mankind (Alma 18:36, 39; 22:12-13; 19:31, 33).

Lamanite ideology included important political and historical elements. Lamanites believed that Lehi had been driven from Jerusalem because of his sins, and that Nephi
had repeatedly wronged their ancestors in the wilderness, while crossing the sea, in the land of their first inheritance, and, most particularly, in seeking to rule over them
and, as they saw it, in robbing them of their patrimony. Lamanite children were accordingly taught to hate, injure, and where possible, kill Nephites (Mosiah 10:12-17;
Alma 54:17-18, 20, 23-24; 55:1). Thus, Lamanites seized any Nephite who came into their territory (Alma 17:20), and their hostility toward the Nephites was so
severe that it could even override kinship and political loyalties (e.g., Alma 20:15-16; 24:2). By contrast, Nephites who hoped to reclaim the fallen Lamanites first had
to convince them of the wickedness of their fathers (Mosiah 28:2; Alma 9:17; 17:9; 18:37-38; 21:17; 23:3; 24:7; 25:6; 26:24; 37:9; Hel. 5:19, 51), whom the prophets
held responsible for their spiritual state (2 Ne. 4:3-9; Jacob 3:7-9; Mosiah 1:5; Alma 9:15-17, 23; 17:15; 19:14; 60:32; Hel. 7:23-24; 15:4, 14-15), and to persuade
them to accept the Nephite account of their history (Alma 18:41; 23:5; Morm. 7:5, 9-10). The Lamanites therefore sought to destroy the records containing that history
(Enos 1:14; Morm. 6:6). Without records themselves, they evidently lost the ability to understand "the language of Nephi," and lapsed into widespread illiteracy
(Mosiah 24:1-7). At the end of the Book of Mormon narrative, the Lamanites sought to physically exterminate the Nephites-although the ideological nature of the
conflict appears again, in the fact that they would spare any Nephite who renounced the gospel of Christ (Morm. 8:2, 7; Moro. 1:1-2).

Not everything Lamanite was evil, as several Nephite accounts concede (e.g., Mosiah 9:1; Alma 19:10). Although the Nephites tended to view the Lamanites as
"cunning" and crafty (Mosiah 10:18; 24:7) and not to be trusted (Mosiah 23:36-37), several stories illustrate their scrupulous, if rather legalistic, keeping of oaths
(Mosiah 19:25; 20:15, 24; 21:3; cf. Alma 44:8; 53:16). Indeed, it is clear from Nephite behavior, even in times of warfare, that the Nephites expected them to keep
their oaths (see Alma 44:15, 20; 62:16-17; 3 Ne. 6:3), an expectation probably rooted in experience. Despite their fierce reputation, some Lamanites were com-
passionate (Mosiah 19:13-14; 20:26; 21:15; 23:28-29, 33-34; Alma 24:23-25). They generally treated women well (Jacob 2:34-35; 3:3, 5-9; Mosiah 19:13-14;
20:1, 6, 15; 23:33-34; cf. Alma 19:12-13). Among Book of Mormon peoples, only the Lamanites are identified as having "queens," and it is clear that those queens
had real authority (Alma 19:2-18, 29-30; 22:19-21, 24; 47:32-35), yet there were arranged royal marriages (Alma 17:24). They are said to have been "friendly one
with another" and to have limited their bloodthirstiness and thievery to those beyond their kinship group (Mosiah 24:5, 7). Naturally, there were some exceptions (Alma
17:35; 18:7; Morm. 8:8; Moro. 1:2). When converted, they were extraordinarily faithful (Alma 23:6; 24:6, 18; 27:27; Hel. 15:7, 9). For a substantial period of Nephite
history, the Lamanites exceeded the Nephites in righteousness (Hel. 5:50; 6:1-5, 34, 36-37; 13-15).

At least by the period just preceding the coming of Christ, the Lamanites had developed a sedentary lifestyle resembling that of the Nephites, although some,
predominantly in the west, continued to be "idle" and to live a presumably nomadic life in tents (Alma 22:28). They had sepulchers (Alma 19:1, 5), prisons (Alma 20:2-
5, 7, 22, 27-30; 22:2; 26:29), synagogues, temples, sanctuaries, and religious assemblies (Alma 21:16; 23:2, 4; 26:29). They may have had their own system of time-
keeping (Alma 18:14) and traditional mourning practices (Alma 18:43). By the second century before Christ, they had created a system in which subordinate kings
reigned under an overall Lamanite monarch (Mosiah 9:5; 24:2; Alma 18:9; 20:1, 4, 7-8, 14, 24, 26; 21:21-22; 22:1). These kings had servants over whom they
exercised power of life and death (Alma 17:25-28; 18:6-12, 43; 19:20; 20:6; 22:3, 19-23), as well as palaces (Alma 22:2) and court protocol (Alma 47:22-23).

See also Jaredite civilization; Lamanites, Book of Mormon message concerning; Nephite civilization.

Peterson, Daniel C.

Lamanites

See Lamanite civilization.

Lamanites Book of Mormon message concerning

The Book of Mormon was "written to the Lamanites, who are a remnant of the house of Israel; and also to Jew and Gentile" (Title Page). The central message to the
Laman-ites is that they would not perish as a people, they would be restored in the latter days to a knowledge of their Israelite heritage, and the covenants God made
with their fathers, they would come unto Christ, rejoice, and become a blessed people.

The original Lamanites were the wicked sons of Lehi 1-Laman 1 and Lemuel-and their posterity who broke away from the people of Nephi 1 , or the Nephites (2 Ne.
5:1-14). They were "cut off from the presence of the Lord" because they did not keep God's commandments (2 Ne. 5:20-24; Jacob 3:3-5). Yet, a generation after the
Lamanites and Nephites had separated, Jacob 2 proclaimed that the Lamanites were a "more righteous" people than the backsliding Nephites and that Lamanite
"filthiness came because of their fathers" (Jacob 3:5, 7-9). Alma 2 delivered a similar message to wicked Nephites: "There are many promises which are extended to
the Lamanites; for it is because of the traditions of their fathers that caused them to remain in their state of ignorance; therefore the Lord will be merciful unto them and
prolong their existence in the land" (Alma 9:16; ca. 82 b.c. ). Alma prophesied that "at some period of time [the Lamanites] will be brought to believe in his [Christ's]
word, and to know of the incorrectness of the traditions of their fathers" (Alma 9:17). This prophecy was partially fulfilled through the efforts of the sons of Mosiah 2
(Alma 26:3-9, 24, 31-34; between 90 and 77 b.c.) and later through the preaching of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 (Hel. 5:39-52; 6:1; ca. 30 b.c. ). Samuel the Lamanite
added, "Behold my brethren, the Laman-ites hath [the Lord] hated because their deeds have been evil continually, and this because of the iniquity of the tradition of
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prolong their existence in the land" (Alma 9:16; ca. 82 b.c. ). Alma prophesied that "at some period of time [the Lamanites] will be brought to believe in his [Christ's]
word, and to know of the incorrectness of the traditions of their fathers" (Alma 9:17). This prophecy was partially fulfilled through the efforts of the sons of Mosiah 2
(Alma 26:3-9, 24, 31-34; between 90 and 77 b.c.) and later through the preaching of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 (Hel. 5:39-52; 6:1; ca. 30 b.c. ). Samuel the Lamanite
added, "Behold my brethren, the Laman-ites hath [the Lord] hated because their deeds have been evil continually, and this because of the iniquity of the tradition of
their fathers. But behold, salvation hath come unto them through the preaching of the Nephites; and for this intent hath the Lord prolonged their days" (Hel. 15:4; cf.
15:10).

The ultimate fulfillment of Book of Mormon prophecies and promises to the Lamanites, however, were to occur in the latter days. Present- day Lamanites, to whom the
promises pertain, are not necessarily descendants of Laman, but actually are a mixture of Book of Mormon peoples"children of Lehi." In 4 Nephi the term "Lamanites"
seems to be more a theological- political designation than a blood relationship (4 Ne. 1:20, 36-39).

In a blessing he gave to his grandchildren, the sons and daughters of Laman 1 , Lehi 1 promised that "the Lord God will not suffer that ye shall perish; wherefore, he will
be merciful unto you and unto your seed forever" (2 Ne. 4:7; cf. 4:8-9). Jacob 2 likewise prophesied that "the Lord God will not destroy [the Lamanites], but will be
merciful unto them; and one day they shall become a blessed people" (Jacob 3:6). Samuel the Lamanite declared that even though the Lamanites would be scattered
and smitten, "having no place for refuge, the Lord shall be merciful unto them" (Hel. 15:12). The Doctrine and Covenants adds that the Lamanites "shall blossom as the
rose" (D&C 49:24; cf. Isa. 27:6; 35:1).

This blossoming would occur both temporally and spiritually. For example, temporally, the Lamanites are promised that they will be preserved upon the earth (2 Ne.
9:53; Hel. 15:16). Spiritually, "the gospel of Jesus Christ shall be declared among them; wherefore, they shall be restored unto the knowledge of their fathers, and also
to the knowledge of Jesus Christ, which was had among their fathers. And then shall they rejoice . . . and their scales of darkness shall begin to fall from their eyes . . .
[and] they shall be a pure and a delightsome people" (2 Ne. 30:5-6). Samuel the Lamanite prophesied, "[The Lamanites] shall again be brought to the true knowledge .
. . of their Redeemer, and their great and true shepherd, and be numbered among his sheep" (Hel. 15:13; cf. 1 Ne. 15:12-16). This spiritual restoration of the Lamanite
people was to come in the latter days through the Gentiles. Nephi 1 prophesied that the "Lord God will proceed to do a marvelous work among the Gentiles [the
restoration of the gospel of Jesus Christ through the Prophet Joseph Smith], which shall be of great worth unto our seed [descendants of Lehi]." Further, Nephi applied
a prophecy of Isaiah, likening the benefits of this "marvelous work," to the Gentiles nourishing his posterity and carrying them "in their arms and upon their shoulders" (1
Ne. 22:8; cf. 21:22-23). In addition to partaking of gospel blessings, the Lamanites will share in the gospel work. Christ taught that this "remnant of Jacob" would be
included among those who will "build a city, which shall be called the New Jerusalem" (3 Ne. 21:22-23).

The Nephite prophets knew that their writings would be instrumental in a future day in assisting the Lamanites to come back to the gospel of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 25:21;
3:5-6, 23; 26:14-16; Enos 1:13-18; W of M 1:6-8; D&C 3:16-20). Moroni 2 dedicated his own book of Moroni to "my brethren, the Lamanites" that they "in some
future day" will find the record to be of worth to them (Moro. 1:4). Mormon's closing message was dedicated to the Lamanites-"the remnant of this people who are
spared"(Morm. 7:1). Above all he wanted them to know that they were of the house of Israel. He called them to repentance, to lay down their weapons of war and to
delight no longer in bloodshed, to believe in Christ, especially in his victory over the grave, and to lay hold of the gospel of Jesus Christ which "shall be set before you,"
in both the Book of Mormon and the Holy Bible (Morm. 7:2-8). He assured them, "Ye are numbered among the people of the first covenant; and if it so be that ye
believe in Christ, and are baptized, first with water, then with fire and with the Holy Ghost, following the example of our Savior, according to that which he hath
commanded us, it shall be well with you in the day of judgment" (Morm. 7:10).

See also Lamanite civilization.

Orden, Bruce A. Van

Lamanites twenty- four daughters of

-Twenty- four young Lamanite women who were kidnapped by a group of renegade Nephite priests who afterwards forced them to become their wives (Mosiah 20:1-
5; 23:33-34). The illegal capture of these twenty- four Lamanite daughters led to the breaking of a covenant between two peoples and later to an extended manhunt for
the abductors (Mosiah 19:15-20:16).

There must have been witnesses to the abduction because the Lamanite king knew how they had disappeared (Mosiah 20:15). Even so, the priests escaped; they were
found years later by a Lamanite army lost in the wilderness (Mosiah 23:30-31). These women, along with their husbands and children, were subsequently integrated
into Lamanite society (Mosiah 23:34-24:6; Alma 21:2). Family members suffered horribly in a rebellion (Alma 24:1-2; 25:1-9) and in military conflicts with Nephite
armies (Alma 25:3-4; 43:13).

The closest parallel in other scripture appears in the forced marriages of women of Shiloh to men of the tribe of Benjamin, as recorded in Judges 21 (Goff, 67-74). In
addition, the account of the abducted Lamanite daughters brims with legal and social dimensions that offer glimpses inside Nephite and Lamanite societies between 150
and 121 b.c. (Brown, 99-112).

Bibliography

Brown, S. Kent. From Jerusalem to Zarahemla. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1998.

Goff, Alan. "The Stealing of the Daughters of the Lamanites." Rediscovering the Book of Mormon. Edited by John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne. Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book, 1991.

Brown, S. Kent

Lamoni

Lamanite king over the land of Ishmael, a descendant of Ishmael (Alma 17:21), and the first Lamanite convert of Ammon 2 . Although an enemy of the Nephites and a
king of an apostate people, Lamoni was still a man of reason and conscience. He eventually became a man of great faith and an example of the joy and dedication that
accompanies spiritual rebirth, as well as a tremendous tool in the hand of the Lord that led to thousands of Lamanites coming to a knowledge of the truth (Alma 17-21).

When the Nephite missionary Ammon was first captured and brought before Lamoni, rather than having him slain, imprisoned, or thrown out of the land, Lamoni
listened to the young man and was moved by his sincere desire to "dwell among" the Lamanites (Alma 17:20-23). He was so impressed that he offered Ammon his
daughter to wife, but Ammon chose rather to be a servant to the king (Alma 17:24-25). His first assignment was to join other servants in watching over the king's
flocks, a task which had brought punishment by death to former servants because they failed to fend off Lamanite marauders who had scattered the flocks (Alma
17:25, 28; 18:5-6). After Ammon demonstrated his faithfulness and the power of God by protecting the king's flocks (Alma 17:26-18:7), fulfilling the king's
commandments (Alma 18:8-10), and discerning the king's thoughts (Alma 18:12-18), Lamoni was anxious and willing to be taught by Ammon, even wondering if the
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Christ, the humbled king believed all the missionary's words and pleaded with the Lord to have mercy upon him and his people (Alma 18:24-41). Subsequently he
came "under the power of God" (Alma 19:6) and sank to the earth "as if he were dead" (Alma 18:42). He remained in that state for two days and two nights while "the
daughter to wife, but Ammon chose rather to be a servant to the king (Alma 17:24-25). His first assignment was to join other servants in watching over the king's
flocks, a task which had brought punishment by death to former servants because they failed to fend off Lamanite marauders who had scattered the flocks (Alma
17:25, 28; 18:5-6). After Ammon demonstrated his faithfulness and the power of God by protecting the king's flocks (Alma 17:26-18:7), fulfilling the king's
commandments (Alma 18:8-10), and discerning the king's thoughts (Alma 18:12-18), Lamoni was anxious and willing to be taught by Ammon, even wondering if the
Nephite was the Great Spirit (Alma 18:18-23). As Ammon taught Lamoni about the creation of the world, Adam, the Fall, the plan of redemption, and the coming of
Christ, the humbled king believed all the missionary's words and pleaded with the Lord to have mercy upon him and his people (Alma 18:24-41). Subsequently he
came "under the power of God" (Alma 19:6) and sank to the earth "as if he were dead" (Alma 18:42). He remained in that state for two days and two nights while "the
dark veil of unbelief was being cast away from his mind" and the light of God "infused . . . joy into his soul" (Alma 19:6). When he finally arose he blessed God,
declared that he had seen his Redeemer, and bore testimony that Christ would "redeem all mankind" (Alma 19:12-13). So powerful was his witness that he was once
again overcome with joy and "sunk down" to the earth along with his wife, his servants, and Ammon (Alma 19:13-16). Afterwards, at the invitation of a woman named
Abish, the Lamanites gathered to observe and wonder concerning those who were lying "prostrate upon the earth" (Alma 19:16-28). Eventually Lamoni, his servants,
and the queen all arose. The queen bore witness of Jesus and the king taught the people the words of Ammon, as did his servants who testified that "their hearts had
been changed; that they had no more desire to do evil" (Alma 19:29-33). As this group of converts taught of the "things of God, and of his righteousness" many of the
Lamanites "did believe in their words," were baptized, and they established a church among them (Alma 19:34-36). Thus king Lamoni's willingness to listen, and his
ability to recognize truth led to the conversion of many of his people.

Later Lamoni and Ammon set out for Middoni to free Ammon's brothers who were imprisoned there (Alma 20:1-8). As they journeyed they met the father of Lamoni,
who was furious that his son had missed an important feast and was traveling with a Nephite (Alma 20:8-13). In his rage, Lamoni's father, who was the supreme king
over all the land, commanded Lamoni to slay Ammon, but true to his faith and loyal to his friend, Lamoni refused (Alma 20:14-15). The old king then sought to slay
Lamoni for what he perceived as insolence on the part of his son, but Ammon defended Lamoni with the sword (Alma 20:16-25). When Lamoni's father recognized
the bond of love between his son and Ammon, he was "astonished exceedingly" and not only granted Ammon's request that Lamoni be allowed to retain his kingdom
and that his brethren in Middoni be set free, but also desired that Ammon and his brethren would come to teach him (Alma 20:26-28). Later, in an experience very
much like his son's, Lamoni's father was converted and worked to convert his people (Alma 22-23).

After returning to Ishmael from Middoni, Lamoni built synagogues, taught his people the gospel, and granted them religious liberty (Alma 21:18-23). Later, Lamoni held
council with Ammon and his brethren to determine how to defend the Lamanite converts, the Anti- Nephi- Lehies , from their unconverted brethren who were
determined to slay them (Alma 24:1-5). As a further manifestation of the depth of their conversion, Lamoni and his people refused to take up arms, for they all feared
that if they did so they could not again find forgiveness from God for the murders they had previously committed (Alma 24:6-17).

Christianson, Jack R.

Lamoni father of

Unnamed in the Book of Mormon but a man of great political power- king over all the Lamanites (ca. 90-77 b.c.)-who had a tremendous impact on the spiritual history
of the Lamanite nation. His conversion illustrates how teaching the word can touch individuals and thereby change the hearts of entire societies. The king's story was
told in two parts. In the first, he was influenced by the missionary Ammon 2 , one of the sons of Mosiah 2 . In the second, he was taught by Ammon's brother Aaron 3
and converted to Jesus Christ. The king's coincidental encounter with Ammon began on a threatening note. Traveling to Middoni to effect the release of other Nephite
missionaries from prison, Ammon was with the king's son, a lesser king named Lamoni who was already converted. While journeying Lamoni and Ammon met
Lamoni's father, who was angered because his son had failed to attend an important feast and because he was in company with a Nephite, whom the king regarded as
a child "of a liar" (Alma 20:6-13). Lamoni refused to kill Ammon when his father, the king, commanded it. Furious, the king drew his sword to slay his son, but Ammon
stopped the contention by reasoning with the king that his son was an "innocent man" (Alma 20:18). The king then turned to slay Ammon but was soon bested. Fearing
for his life, he promised whatever Ammon required, even half his kingdom. Ammon asked only that his brethren be released and that Lamoni be allowed to retain his
kingdom, to be restored to his father's good graces, and to "do according to his own desires in whatsoever thing he thinketh" (Alma 20:24). Astonished, the king
granted what Ammon asked (Alma 20:14-27).

The second part of the king's story is told in Alma 22, when, after his release from prison in Middoni, Aaron was "led by the Spirit to the land of Nephi, even to the
house of the king," who "was the father of Lamoni" (Alma 22:1). The king had been "troubled in mind" over Ammon's "generosity" and words, and he was ready to be
taught (Alma 22:3). The ensuing dialogue between Aaron and the king contributes to major Book of Mormon purposes. Readers are presented with yet another model
of what is required to "come unto Christ," and how one can know God. Aaron taught the king, reading from scriptures, about the Creation, the Fall, and the plan of
redemption through Jesus Christ (Alma 22:12-14). Then, in response to the king's questions concerning what to do to receive eternal life and what to do to be born of
God, Aaron taught that if the king would repent and pray in faith, he would be granted his desires. It is significant that earlier the king had offered half his kingdom in
exchange for his physical life, but now he would gladly sacrifice all he possessed to save his spiritual life (Alma 22:15-16; cf. Matt. 13:44-46). Following a humble
prayer to God promising to "give away all my sins to know thee," the king was blessed with a dramatic spiritual experience parallel to the conversion of his son Lamoni
(Alma 22:17-18; cf. 18:41-43).

The king then ministered to his household, and they were all converted (Alma 22:23). He sent a proclamation throughout the land granting the Nephite missionaries
freedom to preach anywhere (Alma 22:27; 23:1-4). As a result, "thousands were brought to the knowledge of the Lord" (Alma 23:5) and were greatly blessed. They
laid down their weapons of war and refused to take them up again (Alma 24:6, 17). Lamoni's father died in the same year that the unconverted Lamanites took up arms
against their converted brethren (Alma 24:2-4). True to their vows, the converted Lamanites chose to suffer death rather than to defend themselves (Alma 24:21-23).
The unwavering faith of these Anti- Nephi- Lehies and the valor of their faithful sons (the stripling warriors ) can be traced to the conversion of Lamoni's father.

Marsh, W. Jeffrey

Language

See Book of Mormon, language of the translated text of.

Large plates of Nephi

See Plates of Nephi.

Lasciviousness

See Appendix C.

Last days latter days
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                        Page 730 / 919
Phrase used in the prophetic discourses of Lehi 1 (2 Ne. 3), and especially Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 15; 2 Ne. 25; 26; 27), to describe that future period of earth's history when
the Lord would restore the fulness of the gospel to the Gentiles, and they, in turn, would take it to the remnant of Lehi's posterity (1 Ne. 15:13). As a period of
tremendous restoration, the last or latter days would be a time when the Book of Mormon would "grow together" with the Bible to confound false doctrine (2 Ne. 3:5,
See Appendix C.

Last days latter days

Phrase used in the prophetic discourses of Lehi 1 (2 Ne. 3), and especially Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 15; 2 Ne. 25; 26; 27), to describe that future period of earth's history when
the Lord would restore the fulness of the gospel to the Gentiles, and they, in turn, would take it to the remnant of Lehi's posterity (1 Ne. 15:13). As a period of
tremendous restoration, the last or latter days would be a time when the Book of Mormon would "grow together" with the Bible to confound false doctrine (2 Ne. 3:5,
12; cf. 26:14-17), Israel would be gathered (1 Ne. 15:19-20), and a remnant of the seed of Joseph 1 would once again be brought to a knowledge of the Lord and his
covenant with them (3 Ne. 5:23-25).

Nephi called the last days "the days of the Gentiles," a time when all nations (Jews and Gentiles) would be drunken with iniquity (2 Ne. 27:1). He prophesied that the
Lord would raise up a mighty nation among the Gentiles where the gospel would be restored (1 Ne. 22:7-9; 3 Ne. 21:1-4). Further, in the last days the prophecies of
Isaiah would "be of great worth unto [the Gentiles] . . . for in that day shall they understand them" (2 Ne. 25:7-8).

Nephi taught that the last days would commence "many generations after the Messiah shall be manifested in body unto the children of men" (1 Ne. 15:13). He declared
that during this period the promises made to Abraham anciently would be fulfilled as all the families of the earth were blessed through Abraham's posterity (1 Ne.
15:18). Nephi also reiterated Isaiah's prophecy that a temple would be established in the tops of the mountains during the last days in preparation for a great period of
peace (2 Ne. 12:2-4).

Elder Bruce R. McConkie wrote that the last days constitute "that period of time just preceding the millennium . . . the specified time, period, or age in which the
necessary prerequisites to the Second Coming will occur. The last days are the days of the dispensation of the fulness of times, the days when the signs of the Second
Coming are shown forth, the days of `restitution of all things, which God hath spoken by the mouth of all his holy prophets since the world began' (Acts 3:21)" (431).

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Last records

An angel explained to Nephi 1 that "these last records . . . shall establish the truth of the first" (1 Ne. 13:40). These last records include the Book of Mormon, the
Doctrine and Covenants, the Pearl of Great Price, and the Joseph Smith Translation of the Bible-the scriptures of the Restoration (Maxwell, 1). These last records
would establish the essential truthfulness of the first, the Bible.

Bibliography

Maxwell, Neal A. Plain and Precious Things. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983.

Johnson, Stanley A.

Last shall be first and the first shall be last

Phrase indicating the order and timing in which the gospel was and will be preached to the Jews (Israel) and the Gentiles (1 Ne. 13:42; cf. Jacob 5:62-64). At the
Lord's first coming, he ministered strictly to the Jews, commanding his apostles to do the same (Matt. 10:5-6; 15:24). Thus these Israelites received the gospel first.
Only after his rejection by the Jews did he send his apostles out to the world-consequently the Gentiles received the gospel last, or after the Jews (see Acts 10). The
Restoration began where the New Testament work ended, bringing the gospel to the Gentiles. Accordingly, the last to hear the gospel in the days of Jesus and the
apostles became the first to hear it in the latter days. But, "when the Gentiles shall sin against my gospel," Jesus taught, "I will bring the fulness of my gospel from among
them. And then will I remember my covenant which I have made unto my people, O house of Israel, and I will bring my gospel unto them" (3 Ne. 16:10-11). Thus,
those who first received the gospel in Jesus' day, shall in the latter days receive it last, or after the Gentiles.

Moroni 2 envisioned one aspect of the fulfillment of these words in the establishment of two holy cities. The Old Jerusalem in the Holy Land, which was first built up
anciently, will be established last or after the building of the New Jerusalem (Ether 13:9-12; cf. 3 Ne. 21:22-23). From these two millennial cities shall blessings flow,
"for out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem" (2 Ne. 12:3).

Draper, Richard D.

Law answer the ends of

The principle that the demands of the law must be appeased or satisfied (2 Ne. 2:7; cf. Alma 34:16; 42:15). In consequence of the Fall, both a spiritual and temporal
death were imposed upon mankind. These deaths were overcome through the Atonement of Christ (Alma 42:23; Hel. 14:17), leaving mankind accountable for their
own sins. Inasmuch as no one keeps the whole law perfectly, "no flesh is justified" or innocent before God, and "men are cut off" (2 Ne. 2:5). Lehi 1 taught that through
the merciful and expiatory sacrifice of Christ, the demands of the law were answered for all who have faith in Christ (Moro. 7:28) and who repent (2 Ne. 2:7). For the
unrepentant, justice "executeth the law, and the law inflicteth the punishment" (Alma 42:22).

See also Appease; Demands of justice; Justice, law of; Mercy; Satisfy.

Freeman, Robert C.

Law civil

A discussion of Nephite law emerges from the outlines of Nephite political history. Soon after their separation from the Lamanites, the Nephites established Nephi 1 as
their first king (2 Ne. 5:17-19; cf. Jacob 1:9-15). During this time, the Nephites "did observe to keep the judgments, and the statutes, and the commandments of the
Lord in all things, according to the law of Moses" (2 Ne. 5:10). King Benjamin reaffirmed this practice when he united his people by a "covenant with . . . God to do
his will, and to be obedient to his commandments in all things" (Mosiah 5:5).

Before his death,
 Copyright         Nephi anointed
            (c) 2005-2009,         a successor
                             Infobase          (Jacob 1:9-12) and a series of kings ruled the Nephite civilization for approximately four hundred fifty years. Mosiah 2
                                       Media Corp.                                                                                                   Page 731 / 919
was the last of the Nephite kings (Mosiah 29:46-47), and before his death he established laws that "were acknowledged by the people" (Alma 1:1) and legal
administration based on judges. Thus began a new legal system referred to as the "reign of the judges." So momentous was the change that the Nephites began to
reckon time according to this event.
their first king (2 Ne. 5:17-19; cf. Jacob 1:9-15). During this time, the Nephites "did observe to keep the judgments, and the statutes, and the commandments of the
Lord in all things, according to the law of Moses" (2 Ne. 5:10). King Benjamin reaffirmed this practice when he united his people by a "covenant with . . . God to do
his will, and to be obedient to his commandments in all things" (Mosiah 5:5).

Before his death, Nephi anointed a successor (Jacob 1:9-12) and a series of kings ruled the Nephite civilization for approximately four hundred fifty years. Mosiah 2
was the last of the Nephite kings (Mosiah 29:46-47), and before his death he established laws that "were acknowledged by the people" (Alma 1:1) and legal
administration based on judges. Thus began a new legal system referred to as the "reign of the judges." So momentous was the change that the Nephites began to
reckon time according to this event.

The record of the reign of the judges is rich with information concerning the Nephite system of laws and legal procedure. Although there is no formal statement of
particulars concerning any Nephite code, several legal proceedings reveal some specifics of the Nephite legal system. Some of these legal proceedings involve anti-
Christs or political dissenters: Nehor (Alma 1:2-15), Korihor (Alma 30), Paanchi (Hel. 1:7-8). Nephi 2 , Seantum, and five others were tried for the murder of
Seantum's brother (Hel. 9: 1-38). The Book of Mormon also records legal proceedings that involve accusations against Nephite prophets: Abinadi (Mosiah 17:5-20),
Alma 2 and Amulek (Alma 14), and Nephi 2 (Hel. 8). In the earlier era, Jacob 2 prevailed in a contest involving legal and religious accusations brought against him by
Sherem (Jacob 7:1-23).

The law of Moses was observed by the Nephites until the coming of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 25:24; 3 Ne. 1:24-25) and greatly influenced the Nephite system of laws and
penalties. For example, Abinadi was put to death for allegedly "reviling" against king Noah 3 (Mosiah 17:11-12); such a cause of action is grounded in the Mosaic
code (Ex. 22:28). The Nephite concept of "freedom of belief" was apparently based on Joshua's ancient injunction to "choose ye this day, whom ye will serve" (Alma
30:7-8; Josh. 24:15). This concept was tested during the trial of Korihor. Under the reforms of Mosiah, "there was no law against a man's belief" and no law to punish
those that did not believe in God (Alma 30:11). As a result, Nephite law had no claim on Korihor when he preached against Christ, but only when he became
blasphemous and reviled against God and the priests and teachers (Alma 30:29-31). The trial of Paanchi affirmed the Nephites' commitment to the concept of
"liberty" (Hel. 1:7-8). The Nephite system of civil liberty was based on a funda-mental belief in equality (Mosiah 29:32; Alma 30:7-11).

The Book of Mormon contains specific information about Nephite judges and lawyers during the first century before Christ. Judges were established by the "voice of
the people" with provision being made for a form of judicial review (Mosiah 29:25-29). Judges were paid according to their time (Alma 11:1-3). Lawyers were hired
or appointed by the people "to administer the law at their times of trials," often in a type of prosecutorial function (Alma 10:14-16, 24). Zeezrom received prominent
notice as the lawyer that examined Alma and Amulek (Alma 11:20-46). Amulek spoke against the corrupt practices of judges and lawyers and prophesied that their
unrighteousness would lay the foundation for the destruction of the Nephite civilization (Alma 10:25-27). This prophecy was fulfilled (3 Ne. 6:21-30; 7:1-3). There is
no mention of trial by jury in the Book of Mormon; however the "voice of the people" had great influence on political affairs, legal proceedings, and judicial
appointments (Mosiah 29:25-27; Alma 2:2-7).

The record of the Jaredite society provides less information about civil law. Jared reluctantly anointed one of his sons as king, concerned that kingship could lead to
captivity (Ether 6:19-30). Thereafter Jaredite life was largely dominated by a cycle of righteous and wicked kings, dissension, warfare, and destruction.

See also Government, principles of; Judges, reign of.

Vernon, Eric E.

Law spiritual

The divinely ordained conditions by which salvation comes. It is only by obedience to the laws of heaven that the blessings of heaven are obtained (D&C 130:20). As
there is but one Christ so there is but one plan of salvation or system by which salvation comes. It is not for man to add to or take away from the laws of God (3 Ne.
11:40). Though obedience to law is essential to salvation it cannot be found independent of the grace of Christ. Thus Lehi 1 explained that "no flesh is justified" by the
law alone, for all have fallen short of the law, be it temporal or spiritual. Redemption, he said, comes "in and through the Holy Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:5-7). Capturing this
idea, Joseph Smith said, "We believe that through the Atonement of Christ, all mankind may be saved, by obedience to the laws and ordinances of the Gospel" (A of F
3).

See also Law, temporal.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Law temporal

A law limited in duration is temporal. The law of Moses was a temporal or carnal law. Though there is no salvation in temporal laws, God's children are duty bound to
obey them until the higher law is given. Lehi 1 explained to Jacob 2 that "by the law no flesh is justified" (2 Ne. 2:5), meaning that because all have fallen short of the full
measure of the law all stand condemned by the law. Thus he taught "that there is no flesh that can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits, and
mercy, and grace of the Holy Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:8).

See also Law, spiritual.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Law without the

Without the principles and ordinances of the gospel. A just God does not hold people accountable for laws they have not been given (Moro. 8:22). Where there is no
law there is no sin (2 Ne. 2:13; 9:25-27). Abinadi testified that "they that have died before Christ came, in their ignorance, not having salvation declared unto them" will
come forth in the first resurrection (Mosiah 15:24). Joseph Smith learned through modern revelation that this is conditioned upon their reception of the gospel in the
postmortal spirit world (D&C 137:7-10; 138).

See also Accountability; Ignorance, died in.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Law and the prophets

An  expression for the scriptural word of God, especially as it bears witness of Jesus Christ. Law refers to the law of Moses . Nephi 1's understanding of the scriptures
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
on the brass plates is expressed in sections, among which are the five books of Moses and the prophecies of the holy prophets (1 Ne. 5:10-14). The  Page    732 / 919
                                                                                                                                                       law pointed   to
Christ as did the testimony of the prophets (Mosiah 3:13-; 13:13-34; Hel. 8:16-20; cf. Luke 24:44; John 1:45). To deny Christ was to deny the prophets and the law
(2 Ne. 25:28). When Christ came, he fulfilled the law. The prophets, at least insofar as their word pertained to the future, remained (3 Ne. 15:4-). The Savior also used
Law and the prophets

An expression for the scriptural word of God, especially as it bears witness of Jesus Christ. Law refers to the law of Moses . Nephi 1's understanding of the scriptures
on the brass plates is expressed in sections, among which are the five books of Moses and the prophecies of the holy prophets (1 Ne. 5:10-14). The law pointed to
Christ as did the testimony of the prophets (Mosiah 3:13-; 13:13-34; Hel. 8:16-20; cf. Luke 24:44; John 1:45). To deny Christ was to deny the prophets and the law
(2 Ne. 25:28). When Christ came, he fulfilled the law. The prophets, at least insofar as their word pertained to the future, remained (3 Ne. 15:4-). The Savior also used
the expression "the law and the prophets" to refer to the ideal of behavior, the golden rule (3 Ne. 14:12).

Cloward, Robert A.

Law of circumcision

The only reference to circumcision in the Book of Mormon is found in an epistle written by Mormon to his son Moroni 2 . In the fourth century a.d. , a time of rampant
apostasy among the Nephites, disputations arose concerning the baptism or washing of little children (Moro. 8:4-5). After Moroni reported these disputations, a
grieved Mormon inquired of God concerning the issue and received "the word of the Lord" through the power of the Holy Ghost: "Little children are whole, . . . they
are not capable of committing sin; . . . the curse of Adam is taken from them . . . and the law of circumcision is done away in me" (Moro. 8:7-8).

The law of circumcision was instituted with Abraham some six hundred years before the time of Moses as a token of the covenant between God and his chosen
people, and also to signify "that children are not accountable before [the Lord] until they are eight years old" (JST Gen. 17:11). Newborn males were to be circumcised
when eight days old (Gen. 17:9-14). This practice was incorporated into the Mosaic code, the law of carnal commandments (Ex. 12:48-49).

It was presumably observed by those Book of Mormon peoples subject to the law of Moses until the risen Christ declared, "The law in me is fulfilled, for I have come
to fulfill the law; therefore it hath an end" (3 Ne. 15:5). Thereafter, the people "did not walk any more after the per-form-ances and ordinances of the law of Moses" (4
Ne. 1:12).

To the Nephites Christ denounced the need for little children to be baptized. He further taught that circumcision, which had served as a reminder that little children were
"not capable of committing sin," was no longer required in the new and everlasting covenant of the gospel (Moro. 8:8).

See also Children, baptism of little; Curse of Adam, the.

Turner, Rodney

Law of Moses

The divinely revealed law that governed the house of Israel from the time of Moses until the atonement of Jesus Christ. While the Old Testament contains the law's
requirements, the functions of its priests, and the procedures used in its ordinances, the Book of Mormon is unsurpassed in explaining the law's meaning and intent.

The gospel of Jesus Christ was revealed in the beginning to Adam (Moses 5:7-9; 6:51-62) and was known and taught by prophets long before Christ's coming (Hel.
8:13-20; cf. John 8:56; JST Gen. 15:11-12). It has always been the only means of salvation for all humankind (2 Ne. 31:21; Mosiah 5:8). When Moses brought the
Israelites out of Egypt, he sought to establish the gospel among them. But because of rebellion, its blessings were withdrawn from them, including the Melchizedek
Priesthood and its ordinances. The Israelites were given the law of Moses-a lesser law with lesser knowledge, governed by the lesser priesthood (JST Ex. 34:1-2;
D&C 84:19-27).

The priesthood given to administer the lesser law was the Aaronic Priesthood, with its three hereditary offices. The high priest held the keys of the priesthood and
presided over its functions, including the temple and its sacrifices. He was to be the first- born son of the lineage of Aaron 1 . Aaron's other male descendants were the
priests, who performed the sacrifices at the temple. The Levites were the rest of the men of the tribe of Levi. They assisted the priests in their duties.

The law of Moses was the system of government, commandments, and rituals by which the Israelites were to live. It was revealed to them because "they were a
stiffnecked people, quick to do iniquity, and slow to remember the Lord their God; Therefore there was a law given them, yea, a law of performances and of
ordinances, a law which they were to observe strictly from day to day, to keep them in remembrance of God and their duty towards him" (Mosiah 13:29-30). The law
of Moses can be divided into three parts: (1) the Ten Commandments, fundamental laws necessary to preserve a tranquil society; (2) a collection of civil and religious
laws that taught holiness, purity, justice, and obedience; and (3) sacrifices and related ordinances of purification. The sacrifices included burnt offerings-acts of worship
revealed first to Adam and performed by faithful Saints since the beginning; peace offerings-acts of thanks and celebration performed in conjunction with vows and
commemorations; and sin and trespass offerings, performed for the purpose of atonement-- making reconciliation with God following a violation of a law.

Because the Israelites were unable or unwilling to receive all that the Lord could reveal to them, in his mercy he gave them "the lesser portion of the word" (Alma 12:9-
10; 29:8) to be their standard. But the Old Testament shows that many or most among them fell short of even the lesser law's expectations. In the early pages of the
Book of Mormon, knowledge of Christ and the fulness of the gospel was revealed to Lehi 1 and his sons-knowledge that their fellow Judahites apparently did not have.
The Nephites, beginning with Lehi and his family, were blessed with the higher priesthood and, while they lived the law of Moses, they administered the gospel through
the Melchizedek Priesthood (2 Ne. 6:2; Alma 6:1, 8; cf. 13). Because they knew the gospel and looked forward to Jesus' coming, they viewed their adherence to the
law of Moses as a temporary legal requirement until it would be fulfilled: "It was expedient that they should keep the law of Moses as yet, for it was not all fulfilled. But
notwithstanding the law of Moses, they did look forward to the coming of Christ, considering that the law of Moses was a type of his coming, and believing that they
must keep those outward performances until the time that he should be revealed unto them" (Alma 25:15; cf. 2 Ne. 25:24-25, 27, 30; Alma 30:3).

The law of Moses was a "type" of Jesus' coming because it taught justice and mercy, the twin pillars on which the Atonement rests. Its strict laws, rituals, and penalties
taught justice. For every violation there must be accountability and punishment.

But the sacrifices taught mercy. Mercy came by means of vicarious redemption, when an unblemished, innocent creature was sacrificed to receive the punishment that
the worshipper deserved, dying in his or her behalf. Thus the law's sacrificial ordinances prefigured the sacrifice of Jesus Christ, who suffered and died in place of
others to remove their sins. When the ordinance of animal sacrifice was revealed at the beginning of human history, Adam was taught, "This thing is a similitude of the
sacrifice of the Only Begotten of the Father, which is full of grace and truth. Wherefore, thou shalt do all that thou doest in the name of the Son" (Moses 5:7-8).

Because of continuing apostasy, the Israelites in the Holy Land generally lost whatever knowledge they had of the real intent of the law of Moses. But Lehi and his
righteous descendants were taught the true meaning of the law (2 Ne. 2:5-8)-that it had been given to point them to Christ, with its precepts and sacrifices typifying his
atonement: "Behold, my soul delighteth in proving unto my people the truth of the coming of Christ; for, for this end hath the law of Moses been given" (2 Ne. 11:4).
We "look forward with steadfastness unto Christ, until the law shall be fulfilled. For, for this end was the law given" (2 Ne. 25:24-25). "By knowing the deadness of the
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law,        (c) 2005-2009,
     [our children] may lookInfobase   Media
                              forward unto thatCorp.                                                                                                  Pagein733
                                                life which is in Christ, and know for what end the law was given" (2 Ne. 25:27). "We worship the Father             / 919
                                                                                                                                                               his name.
And for this intent we keep the law of Moses, it pointing our souls to him" (Jacob 4:5). "They did look forward to the coming of Christ, considering that the law of
Moses was a type of his coming. . . . The law of Moses did serve to strengthen their faith in Christ; and thus they did retain a hope through faith, unto eternal
Because of continuing apostasy, the Israelites in the Holy Land generally lost whatever knowledge they had of the real intent of the law of Moses. But Lehi and his
righteous descendants were taught the true meaning of the law (2 Ne. 2:5-8)-that it had been given to point them to Christ, with its precepts and sacrifices typifying his
atonement: "Behold, my soul delighteth in proving unto my people the truth of the coming of Christ; for, for this end hath the law of Moses been given" (2 Ne. 11:4).
We "look forward with steadfastness unto Christ, until the law shall be fulfilled. For, for this end was the law given" (2 Ne. 25:24-25). "By knowing the deadness of the
law, [our children] may look forward unto that life which is in Christ, and know for what end the law was given" (2 Ne. 25:27). "We worship the Father in his name.
And for this intent we keep the law of Moses, it pointing our souls to him" (Jacob 4:5). "They did look forward to the coming of Christ, considering that the law of
Moses was a type of his coming. . . . The law of Moses did serve to strengthen their faith in Christ; and thus they did retain a hope through faith, unto eternal
salvation" (Alma 25:15-16).

But the sacrifices of the law of Moses could not remove sin and could not save anyone. In reality, the law could only teach. In ancient Israel, "many signs, and wonders,
and types, and shadows showed he unto them, concerning his coming; . . . and yet they hardened their hearts, and understood not that the law of Moses availeth
nothing except it were through the atonement of his blood" (Mosiah 3:15). "Salvation doth not come by the law alone; and were it not for the atonement, which God
himself shall make for the sins and iniquities of his people, that they must unavoidably perish, notwithstanding the law of Moses. . . . But behold, I say unto you, that all
these things were types of things to come. And now, did they understand the law? I say unto you, Nay, they did not all understand the law; and this because of the
hardness of their hearts; for they understood not that there could not any man be saved except it were through the redemption of God" (Mosiah 13:28, 31-32).
Perhaps humble persons in ancient Israel who lived in obedience to the law were prepared to receive the fulness in the spirit world, just as some of their descendants
later received it in life through the ministry of Christ and his apostles.

The Book of Mormon speaks of the law of Moses in doctrinal terms but reveals very little about how Lehi's descendants practiced it. However it is clear that "they
were strict in observing the ordinances of God, according to the law of Moses" (Alma 30:3; cf. 2 Ne. 5:10; Hel. 13:1; 15:5). They had the T en Commandments (see
Mosiah 12:33-36; 13:12-24), but it is not certain that they had the same collection of Mosaic laws and rituals that is in the Bible today, including all the Aaronic temple
ordinances of Exodus and Leviticus. Temples are mentioned briefly (e.g., 2 Ne. 5:16; Mosiah 1:18; 11:10; 3 Ne. 11:1), but their function is not given. There were
sacrifices. But without priests of Aaronic lineage, they must have been done by holders of the Melchizedek Priesthood and perhaps not according to the Aaronic rules
of the Bible. The only sacrifices mentioned by name are burnt offerings (Mosiah 2:3; 3 Ne. 9:19), which had been performed by Melchizedek Priesthood holders since
Adam. None of the annual feasts of the law of Moses are mentioned specifically.

In short, the Book of Mormon leaves many questions unanswered concerning how Book of Mormon people lived the law of Moses. With their knowledge of the
gospel and with the higher priesthood, it may be that the Lord required a different observance from Nephite and Lamanite Christians than was required in the society
from which Lehi came. Mormon, the book's author/compiler, never lived under the law of Moses himself, but he knew that his latter- day readers would not live under
it either, and perhaps felt it unnecessary to discuss it in his record.

The Book of Mormon teaches that the law would be fulfilled when Christ's final sacrifice, to which it pointed, would take place. The prophet Amulek taught, "For it is
expedient that there should be a great and last sacrifice; yea, not a sacrifice of man, neither of beast, neither of any manner of fowl; for it shall not be a human sacrifice;
but it must be an infinite and eternal sacrifice. . . . There can be nothing which is short of an infinite atonement which will suffice for the sins of the world. Therefore, it is
expedient that there should be a great and last sacrifice, and then shall there be, or it is expedient there should be, a stop to the shedding of blood; then shall the law of
Moses be fulfilled; yea, it shall be all fulfilled, every jot and tittle, and none shall have passed away. And behold, this is the whole meaning of the law, every whit pointing
to that great and last sacrifice; and that great and last sacrifice will be the Son of God, yea, infinite and eternal. And thus he shall bring salvation to all those who shall
believe on his name; this being the intent of this last sacrifice, to bring about the bowels of mercy, which overpowereth justice, and bringeth about means unto men that
they may have faith unto repentance" (Alma 34:10, 12-15).

When Jesus came to Lehi's descendants in America, he announced that in him the law of Moses was fulfilled. It had served its purpose as a "schoolmaster until
Christ" (JST Gal. 3:24), but now worshippers would be privileged to live a higher law: "Behold, by me redemption cometh, and in me is the law of Moses fulfilled. . . .
And ye shall offer up unto me no more the shedding of blood; yea, your sacrifices and your burnt offerings shall be done away, for I will accept none of your sacrifices
and your burnt offerings. And ye shall offer for a sacrifice unto me a broken heart and a contrite spirit. And whoso cometh unto me with a broken heart and a contrite
spirit, him will I baptize with fire and with the Holy Ghost. . . . Behold, I have come unto the world to bring redemption unto the world, to save the world from sin" (3
Ne. 9:17, 19-21). "Behold, I am he that gave the law, and I am he who covenanted with my people Israel; therefore, the law in me is fulfilled" (3 Ne. 15:5).

See also Deadness of the law; Great and last sacrifice; Jot, Tittle; Law, civil; Law and the proph-ets; Performances and ordinances; Sacrifices.

Jackson, Kent P.

Leah

See Nephite weights and measures.

Lehi 1

-Prophet- leader (ca. 600 b.c.) ; descendant of Joseph who was sold into Egypt; father of Laman 1 , Lemuel, Sam, Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , and Joseph 2 , and at least two
daughters (2 Ne. 5:6). The father of both the Nephite and Lamanite nations, Lehi led his family and those associated with them out of Jerusalem 1 to the promised land
(the Americas) before the great Babylonian captivity.

Lehi was an example to his family of courage, righteousness, and willingness to trust in the Lord. Upon hearing other prophets in Jerusalem predicting the city's
destruction, Lehi believed and prayed "with all his heart, in behalf of his people" (1 Ne. 1:4-5). In answer, he received a resplendent vision of the glory of God and his
Son, and confirmation of the impending destruction of Jerusalem (1 Ne. 1:6-9, 13, 18). Lehi was filled with thanksgiving that the Lord would "not suffer those who
come unto [him] that they shall perish" (1 Ne. 1:14), and he joined in preaching repentance to the people of Jerusalem (1 Ne. 1:18).

Lehi exemplified other important gospel principles as well, notably obedience and repentance. At the Lord's command, and despite the opposition of his eldest sons, he
obediently took his family into the wilderness, leaving behind his home and all his possessions (1 Ne. 2:2-14). At the Lord's command and in spite of potential danger,
Lehi sent his sons back to Jerusalem to acquire the brass plates from Laban (1 Ne. 3:2-9). He later sent them again to persuade Ishmael 1 and his family to join with
them in the wilderness, thereby providing wives for his sons (1 Ne. 7:1-5). Lehi was also obedient in moving onward in the wilderness at the Lord's command (1 Ne.
16:9-12), heeding the directions of the Liahona , an instrument the Lord provided to aid him in guiding his family through the wilderness and across the sea to the
promised land (1 Ne. 16:9-16, 26-33; 18:8, 21-23).

Lehi further exemplified obedience in his observance of the law of Moses by making offerings unto the Lord. Shortly after arriving in the wilderness from Jerusalem, he
"built an altar of stones, and made an offering" on it, giving thanks to God (1 Ne. 2:7). He also offered "sacrifice and burnt offerings" when his sons returned safely with
the brass plates (1 Ne. 5:9), with Ishmael's family (1 Ne. 7:22), and possibly again when food was obtained after Nephi broke his bow (1 Ne. 16:32).

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bow, Lehi joined Laman and Lemuel and the sons of Ishmael in mur-muring against the Lord (1 Ne. 16:20). Refusing to join their complaint, Nephi spoke to them "in
the energy of [his] soul," humbling them all. On this occasion, Lehi was "truly chastened" by the Lord, caused to "fear and tremble exceedingly" because of what was
Lehi further exemplified obedience in his observance of the law of Moses by making offerings unto the Lord. Shortly after arriving in the wilderness from Jerusalem, he
"built an altar of stones, and made an offering" on it, giving thanks to God (1 Ne. 2:7). He also offered "sacrifice and burnt offerings" when his sons returned safely with
the brass plates (1 Ne. 5:9), with Ishmael's family (1 Ne. 7:22), and possibly again when food was obtained after Nephi broke his bow (1 Ne. 16:32).

Not only was Lehi obedient but, like such other prophets of the Lord as Peter and Joseph Smith, Lehi served as an example of repentance. When Nephi broke his
bow, Lehi joined Laman and Lemuel and the sons of Ishmael in mur-muring against the Lord (1 Ne. 16:20). Refusing to join their complaint, Nephi spoke to them "in
the energy of [his] soul," humbling them all. On this occasion, Lehi was "truly chastened" by the Lord, caused to "fear and tremble exceedingly" because of what was
written on the Liahona, and was "brought down into the depths of sorrow" over his lapse of faith (1 Ne. 16:24-27). But Lehi also apparently received what Nephi had
asked him to seek-indications about where to look for game, which Nephi then followed to obtain food for the family (1 Ne. 16:23, 30-31). Lehi's sin and repentance
clearly demonstrated to his sons the Lord's response to sin: first, chastening, but, upon true repentance, continued guidance and revelation (1 Ne. 18:5).

Again and again, even in advanced age, Lehi demonstrated his calling as a prophet through his testimony of Christ, his visions and pro-phe-cies of the future, and his
teachings and admonitions. Lehi worked especially hard to keep his own family in the path of righteousness, even naming a river and a valley in the wilderness after his
two eldest sons, as symbolic lessons for them. He used the constancy of the river and the steadfastness of the valley to exhort them to righteousness (1 Ne. 2:9-10).
Lehiexhortations were so powerful that his sons "durst not utter against him" (1 Ne. 2:14).

One of Lehi's most familiar teachings came in the context of a remarkable dream, a vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8:2-35). In Lehi's dream , he had wandered for a
long time in "a dark and dreary wilderness" (1 Ne. 8:4, 8). Upon praying for relief, he beheld a tree from which he partook of fruit that was white and "desirable to
make one happy" (1 Ne. 8:10-11). In the dream he urged his family to come and also partake, but only his wife Sariah and sons Sam and Nephi would do so (1 Ne.
8:12-16); Laman and Lemuel refused (1 Ne. 8:17-18, 35). Lehi used this dream to exhort his sons to righteousness. A more expansive explanation of the dream and its
symbols was given by Nephi (1 Ne. 11-12; 15) who was blessed to see in vision the things his father had spoken of (1 Ne. 14:29).

Lehi also prophesied the pending destruction of Jerusalem and Babylonian captivity, the Jews' return after the captivity, and most importantly, the coming of Christ six
hundred years after his departure from Jerusalem. He spoke, too, of other prophets' testimonies of Christ and prophesied about John the Baptist's work. Additionally,
he prophesied of the Savior's death and resurrection, and the scattering and subsequent gathering of Israel to the Savior (1 Ne. 10:2-14).

Furthermore, Lehi taught that his family's journey to "the land of promise" was fulfilling the Lord's word regarding the scattering of Israel throughout the earth (1 Ne.
10:13).

Because the book of Lehi was lost through the carelessness of Martin Harris, it is fortunate indeed that Nephi recorded some of his father's teachings on the small
plates of Nephi. Lehi's prophetic pronouncements concerning the promised land are powerful (2 Ne. 1:5-11). The patriarchal blessings Lehi delivered prior to his death
are also significant, particularly those for his younger sons, Jacob and Joseph. Exhorting Laman and Lemuel to "put on the armor of righteousness" and to "come forth
out of obscurity, and arise from the dust" (2 Ne. 1:23), he promised these rebellious sons, along with Ishmael's children, blessings if they would heed Nephi's counsel
and do what is right (2 Ne. 1:28-29). He also promised Zoram 1 and Sam blessings for their faithfulness (2 Ne. 1:30-32; 4:11), and he blessed Laman and Lemuel's
children that any curse brought on them by their fathers' actions would not remain (2 Ne. 4:3-9). Nephi's blessing does not appear in the record. To his son Joseph 2
who, like Jacob, was born in the wilderness, Lehi recounted prophecies made earlier by Joseph of Egypt, a prophecy of the coming of Moses, and of another great
seer to be named Joseph (Joseph Smith) whom the Lord would raise up in the latter days to do a great work for the posterity of Joseph of old (2 Ne. 3:5-25).

Lehi's words to Jacob contain some of the most profound doctrine in all scripture about the plan of salvation and the necessity of "opposition in all things" (2 Ne. 2:11),
in order that agency be operative. If there were no sin or punishment in opposition to righteousness and happiness, Lehi explained, then "there is no God" (2 Ne. 2:13),
and creation would be nullified and purposeless (2 Ne. 2:12). Mortals must have a choice between good and evil; if there were no choice-no opposition-then there
would be no purpose to mortal existence. It is in this context, in the assertion that joy is meaningless and good is nonexistent unless their opposites-misery and sin-also
exist, that Lehi proclaimed God's ultimate design for his children: "Adam fell that men might be; and men are, that they might have joy" (2 Ne. 2:25). At the center of
Lehi's teachings concerning Adam's fall, agency, and mortality as a probationary state, is his testimony that redemption is only through Jesus Christ, the "Holy
Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:6-8; 1 Ne. 10:6). Plainly, this discourse is the product of an inspired, enlightened, and active intellect. The aged Lehi was hardly the foolish visionary
Laman and Lemuel pretended he was. Lehi was, instead, a powerful testifier of Christ and his gospel until the end.

The sins of Lehi's wayward sons caused him and his wife much sorrow and grief: "They were brought down, yea, even upon their sickbeds" to the point of death during
the ocean crossing to the promised land (1 Ne. 18:17-18). Nephi recorded that after Lehi had spoken to all his family, "according to the feelings of his heart and the
Spirit of the Lord which was in him, he waxed old. And it came to pass that he died, and was buried" (2 Ne. 4:12).

Summary of Major Teachings

1. Dream of the tree of life. Depiction through symbolic representation of humankind's response to the word of God (1 Ne. 8; cf. 11-12; 15).

2. Prophecies. The destruction of Jerusalem; Babylonian captivity; return of the Jews to Jerusalem; the ministry of John the Baptist; the coming of Jesus Christ, his
rejection, death, and resurrection; Christ's ministry through the Holy Ghost to the Gentiles; the scattering of Israel and their gathering through the instrumentality of the
Gentiles (1 Ne. 10:3-14). See Jews, history of.

3. "All mankind [are] in a lost and in a fallen state, and ever would be save they should rely" upon Christ (1 Ne. 10:6).

4. Prophetic pronouncements concerning the promised land (2 Ne. 1:5-11).

5. God has provided a way (plan) for his children; salvation is only for the repentant through the "merits, and mercy, and grace" of Christ who made intercession for all
men. All men will stand before God to be judged (2 Ne. 2:4-10).

6. The necessity of opposition in all things (2 Ne. 2:11-13, 15).

7. The purpose of the fall of Adam and Eve ; conditions before and after the Fall; mortality as a probation for God's children (2 Ne. 2:15-25).

8. The role of the devil in the fall of man; the devil's intent to make men miserable (2 Ne. 2:17-18, 27).

9. Mankind is "free to choose liberty and eter-nal life" through Christ, or "captivity and death, according to the captivity and power of the devil" (2 Ne. 2:27).

10. Prophecies of Joseph of Egypt concerning a "choice seer" God would raise up to do a work for his seed. The Lord covenanted with Joseph of Egypt that his seed
would never perish (2 Ne. 3). See Choice seer.

See also Book
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               2005-2009,      manuscript
                          Infobase MediaofCorp.
                                           (116 pages); Lehi, book of; Lehi 1 , journey to the promised land.                                           Page 735 / 919
Mitchell, Cheryl Brown
10. Prophecies of Joseph of Egypt concerning a "choice seer" God would raise up to do a work for his seed. The Lord covenanted with Joseph of Egypt that his seed
would never perish (2 Ne. 3). See Choice seer.

See also Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages); Lehi, book of; Lehi 1 , journey to the promised land.

Mitchell, Cheryl Brown

Lehi 2

See Zoram 2 .

Lehi 3

A great Nephite military leader (ca. 74 b.c. ). Lehi played a significant role in the long war described in Alma 43-62. During the Lamanite attempt under Zerahemnah to
capture the land Manti, Lehi commanded the army that encircled the Lamanites from behind and caused them to flee over the river Sidon where the army of Moroni 1
was waiting for them (Alma 43:35-41). Expecting the Lamanites to attack the city of Noah, Moroni appointed Lehi to be chief captain over the forces there. The
Laman-ites did attack and lost more than one thousand men while Lehi's forces did not lose one man (Alma 49:15-24). Lehi and his troops were also instrumental in
carrying out the successful strategy to recapture the city of Mulek. Lehi's men engaged the Lamanites that had been pursuing Teancum's forces. This caused the
Lamanites to retreat to Mulek, only to meet Moroni's men who, unknown to them, had been pursuing them from the rear. Thus, Moroni's men blocked the Lamanite
retreat to Mulek, and Lehi's army attacked from the rear. It was the "fury" of Lehi's attack that led to the Lamanite defeat (Alma 52:27-36). Captain Moroni then gave
Lehi command of the recaptured city (Alma 53:2).

Lehi and Teancum were left in charge of most of the armies of the Nephites while Moroni went to the aid of Pahoran 1 to restore the government in the land of
Zarahemla (Alma 62:3). Lehi participated in driving the Lamanites from the land of Moroni which ended the long wars (Alma 62:34-38). He was later called on to stop
a Lamanite army led by Coriantumr 3 from getting to the land Bountiful 2 (Hel. 1:28-29).

Lehi, who had much success in battle, made a mark as a military leader. His enemies "feared Lehi exceedingly" (Alma 49:17), but he was more than a successful
military leader. Lehi was described as "a man like unto Moroni" who was "beloved by all the people of Nephi" (Alma 53:2).

Johnson, Paul Vere

Lehi 4

The valiant younger son of Helaman 3 (ca. 45 b.c.) , whose chief accomplishments centered around his missionary labors with his brother Nephi 2 . Lehi's recorded
ministry stretches from ca. 30 b.c. to 13 b.c. Lehi and his brother were named after their early progenitors (Hel. 3:21; 5:6). "Not a whit behind [Nephi] as to things
pertaining to righteousness" (Hel. 11:19), Lehi received abundantly of the Spirit and taught with great knowledge and authority (Hel. 11:18-19, 23). When Nephi
delivered up the judgment- seat, he and Lehi dedicated the rest of their lives to preaching the gospel (Hel. 5:4), commencing their labors among the Nephites at
Bountiful 2 . In the land of Zarahemla they taught the Lamanites with such power that 8000 of them, and many Nephite dissenters who had joined the Laman-ites,
repented and were converted (Hel. 5:14-19). The brothers met with a very different reception in the land of Nephi, however, where they were taken captive "by an
army of the Lamanites and cast into prison" (Hel. 5:20-21).

The events that transpired in that prison when their captors came to slay them are among the most glorious in all scripture. They include the surrounding of Lehi and
Nephi by a pillar of fire; the trembling of the earth; the Lord's voice speaking above a dense cloud; the sight of Lehi and Nephi through the cloud, conversing with
heavenly beings; the descent of "the Holy Spirit of God" (Hel. 5:45) into the hearts of Lehi and Nephi; the voice of the Father speaking to them; the opening of the
heavens; and the ministering of angels to the two brothers. The 300 persons who witnessed these miraculous events, events in which Lehi played a major role, were
instrumental in the subsequent conversion of many of their people (Hel. 5:22-52) and the repentance of many Nephites (Hel. 6:4-5). Of such marvelous happenings
Moroni 2 wrote that "it was the faith of Nephi and Lehi that wrought the change upon the Lamanites" (Ether 12:14). Subsequently, Nephi and Lehi went to preach in
the land northward (Hel. 6:6). Nephi is the focus of the narrative that follows (Hel. 7-11), but Lehi is mentioned again in Helaman 11 as one who, like his brother, was
able to quell strife because he knew and preached "the true points of doctrine, having many revelations daily" (Hel. 11:23).

Freeman, Robert C.

Lehi book of

Lost among the 116 manuscript pages translated by Joseph Smith and lent to Martin Harris, the book of Lehi 1 can be recovered only in part from quotations and sum-
maries that appear in the writings of Lehi's two sons Nephi 1 and Jacob 2 .

That Nephi depended heavily on his father's work can be seen in his list of the contents of Lehi's record, an account that Nephi had copied onto his large plates (1 Ne.
heading). Significantly, this list also generally describes the subject matter of the books of 1 Nephi and 2 Nephi 1-3: "Upon the [large] plates . . . I did engraven the
record of my father, and also our journeyings in the wilderness, and the pro-phecies of my father" (1 Ne. 19:1). In this document, Lehi had "written many things which
he saw in visions and in dreams; and he also hath written many things which he prophesied and spake unto his children" (1 Ne. 1:16). Hence, based on Nephi's list, it
seems clear that Lehi had kept an extensive journal not only of the travels of his family from Jerusalem to the promised land, but particularly of his spiritual and family-
centered experiences.

The sections of Nephi's record that evidently depend on his father's account are rather extensive. Even though Nephi began the record on the small plates as if it were
entirely his own-"I make a record of my proceedings in my days" (1 Ne. 1:1)-it becomes evident very quickly that he is retelling the story of his father, beginning with
Lehi's first two visions, followed by his preaching in the city of Jerusalem (1 Ne. 1:5-20). Further, it was Lehi who detailed receiving instructions from the Lord to take
his family into the desert, whither they fled (1 Ne. 2). In this light, the chapters that go back to Lehi's narrative in one form or another are the following: calling,
preaching, and flight of Lehi and his family (1 Ne. 1-2); events in Lehi's camp, inventory of the plates of brass (1 Ne. 5); command of the Lord to Lehi that his sons
return to bring Ishmael's family (1 Ne. 7:1-2); vision of Lehi (1 Ne. 8); prophecy of Lehi (1 Ne. 10); the wilderness journey (most comes from Lehi, as the "we"
passages indicate) (1 Ne. 16); construction of the boat, voyage to and arrival in the promised land (much comes from Lehi) (1 Ne. 18); Lehi's last will and testament (2
Ne. 1-3).

Thus these chapters, which evidently depend on Lehi's record completely or in part, form the frame of the record of 1 Nephi through 2 Nephi, chapter three.

Jacob preserved less. Even so, in an important sermon delivered at the first Nephite temple, Jacob referred to a revelation about fidelity in marriage and the sacred
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
character of marriage vows which, he noted, had been received by his father Lehi (Jacob 2:23-33). Speaking specifically to men in the congregation, PageJacob736
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marized, "My brethren, ye know that these commandments [about faithfulness in marriage] were given to our father, Lehi; wherefore, ye have known them
before" (Jacob 2:34).
Thus these chapters, which evidently depend on Lehi's record completely or in part, form the frame of the record of 1 Nephi through 2 Nephi, chapter three.

Jacob preserved less. Even so, in an important sermon delivered at the first Nephite temple, Jacob referred to a revelation about fidelity in marriage and the sacred
character of marriage vows which, he noted, had been received by his father Lehi (Jacob 2:23-33). Speaking specifically to men in the congregation, Jacob sum-
marized, "My brethren, ye know that these commandments [about faithfulness in marriage] were given to our father, Lehi; wherefore, ye have known them
before" (Jacob 2:34).

Some of Lehi's teachings that may have been selected from his record to be incorporated in the small plates, concern the fall of Adam and Eve (2 Ne. 2:15-25), the
doctrine of opposition in all things (2 Ne. 2:11-14), and the restoration of the gospel through a "choice seer" descended from Joseph of Egypt (2 Ne. 3:5-15). But it is
important to see these teachings of Lehi particularly in light of his concern with the Redeemer (2 Ne. 2:5-10), noting his early preaching about the coming Messiah (1
Ne. 1:19; 10:4-6, 11) and the Messiah's role in the plan of salvation (2 Ne. 2:26-27).

See also Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages).

Bibliography

Brown, S. Kent. "Recovering the Missing Record of Lehi." From Jerusalem to Zarahemla. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1998.

Brown, S. Kent

Lehi 1 journey of to the promised land

The journey of Lehi 1 , his family, and others to "the promised land" (1 Ne. 2-18) took them from Jerusalem 1 to the southeast coast of the Arabian peninsula, a
distance of about 2,100 miles. On the seacoast, the party built and launched a ship that bore them to the New World, ending a saga that later generations remembered
for a thousand years but was not known to the wider world until the publication of the Book of Mormon.

In this journey, three geographic locales are known: Jerusalem, the Red Sea, and the Indian Ocean. Nephi 1 called the ocean "the sea, which we called Irreantum,
which, being interpreted, is many waters" (1 Ne. 17:5). Joseph Smith, in turn, called it "the great Southern Ocean" (267). Tenable locations for the first camp, Nahom ,
and Bountiful 1 have also been established.

More than half of the space in Nephi's first book ties to events associated with the first camp (1 Ne. 2:2-16:12), which was in the area known anciently as Midian.
Nephi mentioned leaving Jerusalem, reaching the Red Sea, continuing another three days (presumably between forty- five and seventy- five miles depending on the
speed of the travelers) and finally making camp by a river they named Laman, in a valley they called Lemuel (1 Ne. 2:5-10; 10:16). Explorers have suggested two
plausible locations for the camp, both north of the Straits of Tir_ACCENTf8ACCENT_ an (Hilton; Potter). Nephi's narrative does not tell readers the exact route of
this segment of the trip, a distance of about two hundred fifty miles. The party could have traveled south, turning eastward into the Jordan Valley and then journeying
south until reaching the Red Sea. Party members could also have gone east through the Jordan Valley into the hills of Moab before turning south and generally following
the King's Highway (Ogden, 22-23; Brown, "New Light from Arabia").

Nephi recalled that when the party left the first camp the general direction was "-south- southeast" (1 Ne. 16:13), the proper direction for traveling along the west coast
of Arabia. After traveling four days they camped again at a place they called "Shazer" (1 Ne. 16:13). From there they continued to travel "in the most fertile parts of the
wilderness . . . in the borders near the Red Sea" as they were led by the Liahona (1 Ne. 16:14-16).

Eventually they came to "the place which was called Nahom" (1 Ne. 16:34). The wording suggests that party members learned the name "Nahom" from others. The
locale likely lies in the area of Wadi Jawf in northwest Yemen. The keys to this identification are three inscribed altars from the seventh century b.c.-the time of Lehi and
Sariah-recently discovered at the Bar'_ACCENTf8ACCENT_ an temple in Marib, the ancient capital of the Sabaean kingdom. According to the inscriptions on the
altars, they were dedicated by a man named Bi cathar of the Nihm tribe, a tribe which has resided near Wadi Jawf for at least three millennia. The consonants NHM of
both Nahom and Nihm connect these names and make the identification of Nahom with the ancient tribal area of the Nihmites a reasonable conclusion (Brown, "Place";
"New Light from Arabia"; Aston, "Newly Found"). At some point, party members had to cross the Al- Sar_ACCENTf8ACCENT_ at mountain chain that divides the
coastal lowlands from the interior highlands in order to reach Nahom whence they turned eastward (1 Ne. 17:1). Otherwise, the mountains would have formed a
formidable barrier to eastward travel because there are few passes. Although Nephi preserved hints of a mountain crossing-for example, the unusual success at hunting
implies ample cover for the hunters (1 Ne. 16:14-15)-he did not include information as to where the crossing may have occurred.

From Nahom Lehi's group traveled "nearly eastward"-the direction of travel along the incense trail from the area of Nahom/Nihm (Brown, "New Light from Arabia")-
finally arriving at a land they "called Bountiful, because of its much fruit and also wild honey" (1 Ne. 17:1-5). Bountiful most probably lay in the Dhofar region on the
southern coast of the Sul-tan-ate of Oman. It is the only area on the seashore of Arabia that matches Nephi's description of fruit, honey, and timbers (1 Ne. 17:5;
18:1). Moreover, a number of lagoons or inlet bays lie along that coast where a group of persons could build and launch a ship. There, the monsoon rains of summer
sustain a rich, diverse vegetation which supports human and animal life (Ball et al.).

The party spent "eight years in the wilderness" (1 Ne. 17:4). Although the distance from the first camp to Nahom is approximately 1,150 miles and represents the
longest leg of the journey, the party may have covered the distance in less than one year. This conclusion is suggested from Nephi's placement of his notes about
marriages of the sons of Lehi and Sariah to the daughters of Ishmael 1 (1 Ne. 16:7) and about the births of the first children (1 Ne. 17:1). The marriages occurred
before party members left the camp and Nephi noted the births only after the arrival at Nahom. As a comparison, the ancient geographer Strabo wrote of a Roman -
military expedition that traveled basically the same route in six months and returned under forced march in two months ( Geography, 16.4.23-24). These observations
mean that the party probably spent the bulk of the eight years between Nahom and Bountiful (Brown, "Case").

Other Book of Mormon authors showed familiarity with a fuller account of this journey. Their brief recollections evidently point to the eastward segment of the trip
because they added details about troubles that differ from Nephi's rather complete report of the first segment of the journey from Jerusalem to Nahom. Alma 2
explained to his son Helaman 2 that the reason "they tarried in the wilderness, or did not travel a direct course, and were afflicted with hunger and thirst, [was] because
of their transgressions." As a result divine guidance through the Liahona ceased and "they did not progress in their journey" (Alma 37:41-42). Similarly, king Benjamin
recalled that because of unfaithfulness party members "did not prosper nor progress in their journey, but were driven back, and incurred the displeasure of God upon
them; and therefore they were smitten with famine and sore afflictions, to stir them up in remembrance of their duty" (Mosiah 1:17).

Interestingly, the visions of Lehi and Nephi (revelations enjoyed while the travelers were encamped in the valley of Lemuel) seem to correspond with many scenes that
Lehi's family would encounter en route to the promised land. Such scenes connect readers with ancient Arabia, a very different world from Joseph Smith's upstate New
York. Consider the following examples (Brown, "New Light from Arabia"):

 Copyright
"A           (c) 2005-2009,
   terrible gulf"            Infobase
                  (1 Ne. 12:18;        Mediacanyons
                                15:28)-deep   Corp. known as wadis were almost impossible to traverse.                                                Page 737 / 919

"Filthy water" (1 Ne. 12:16; 15:27)-after rains, the seasonal streams in the wadis fill with muddy water and debris.
Interestingly, the visions of Lehi and Nephi (revelations enjoyed while the travelers were encamped in the valley of Lemuel) seem to correspond with many scenes that
Lehi's family would encounter en route to the promised land. Such scenes connect readers with ancient Arabia, a very different world from Joseph Smith's upstate New
York. Consider the following examples (Brown, "New Light from Arabia"):

"A terrible gulf" (1 Ne. 12:18; 15:28)-deep canyons known as wadis were almost impossible to traverse.

"Filthy water" (1 Ne. 12:16; 15:27)-after rains, the seasonal streams in the wadis fill with muddy water and debris.

"Forbidden paths" and "strange roads" (1 Ne. 8:23, 28, 32)-desert areas where the unwary would become "lost."

"Travel[ing] for the space of many hours in darkness" (1 Nephi 8:4-8)-night travel was the preferred time for traveling in the desert.

People whose "manner of dress was exceedingly fine" (1 Ne. 8:27)-the wealth of south Arabia was widely known in antiquity.

"A mist of darkness" (1 Ne. 8:23)-heavy mists and fog at times blanket the coasts of Arabia during the monsoon season.

A "spacious building . . . in the air, high above the earth (1 Ne. 8:26)-skyscraper buildings have been an architectural feature in Yemen from the eighth century b.c. to
the present.

See also Bountiful 1 , land of; Lemuel, valley of; Shazer; Transoceanic crossings, pre- Columbian.

Bibliography

Aston, Warren P. "Newly Found Altars from Nahom." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 10:2 (2001): 56- 61.

Aston, Warren P., and Michaela Knoth. In the Footsteps of Lehi. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1994.

Ball, Terry B., S. Kent Brown, Arnold H. Green, David J. Johnson, and W. Revell Phillips. "Planning Research on Oman: The End of Lehi's Trail." In Journal of Book
of Mormon Studies 7:1 (1998): 12- 21.

Brown, S. Kent. From Jerusalem to Zarahemla. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1998.

--- . "A Case for Lehi's Bondage in Arabia." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 6:2 (1997): 205- 17.

--- . "New Light from Arabia on Lehi's Trail." Echoes and Evidences of the Book of Mormon. Edited by Donald W. Parry, Daniel C. Peterson, and John W. Welch.
Provo, Utah: FARMS (2002): 55- 126.

--- . "`The Place That Was Called Nahom': New Light from Ancient Yemen." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 8:1 (1999): 66- 68.

Groom, Nigel. Frankincense and Myrrh: A Study of the Arabian Incense Trade. London: Longman Group Ltd., 1981.

Hilton, Lynn M., and Hope A. Hilton. In Search of Lehi's Trail. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Nibley, Hugh W. Lehi in the Desert; The World of the Jaredites; There Were Jaredites. Vol. 5 of The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley. Edited by John W. Welch,
Darrell L. Matthews, and Stephen R. Callister. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988.

Ogden, D. Kelly. "Answering the Lord's Call." 1 Nephi to Alma 29. Vol. 7 of Studies in Scripture series. Edited by Kent P. Jackson. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book,
1987.

Phillips, W. Revell. "Metals of the Book of Mormon." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 9:2 (2000): 36- 43.

Potter, George D. "A New Candidate in Arabia for the Valley of Lemuel." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 8:1 (1999): 54- 63.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Strabo. Geography.

Brown, S. Kent

Lehi 1 land of and city of

Nephite land which was the location of a border dispute between people living in the land of Lehi and the neighboring land of Morianton (Alma 50:25-36).

The city of Lehi, located "in the north by the borders of the [east] seashore," was built in an unspecified "particular manner" during a time of Nephite prosperity (Alma
50:15-18; 51:26; 72 b.c. ). Four years later, the city was seized by Amalickiah and his armies during a Lamanite offensive (Alma 51:24-27). The recapturing of the city
of Lehi by the Nephites is not mentioned, but presumably it was recovered with other coastal cities (Alma 62:30-31).

Lehi 2 land of

The name given the land south because Lehi 1 originally landed there (Hel. 6:10). Mentioned in connection with the prosperity that accompanied a period of peace
between the Nephites and Lamanites, the land was said to be full of gold, silver, and other precious metals, and was suitable for raising crops and herds (Hel. 6:9, 11-
12).

Lehi 1's dream

A prophetic dream given to Lehi in the valley of Lemuel en route to the promised land (1 Ne. 8). The account is an abridgment by Nephi 1 of his father's words (1 Ne.
8:29-30). The dream, like Jesus' parable of the sower (Matt. 13:3-8, 18-23), depicts through symbolism humankind's varying responses to the gospel of Jesus Christ.
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                                                                                                                                                                         919in
While some interpretations of the symbols are given in Lehi's dream, a more complete identification of the symbols and their meaning is given in Nephi        1's vision
Nephi's later explanations to his brothers Laman 1 and Lemuel (1 Ne. 11-15). The central focus of Lehi's dream was a tree that had fruit "desirable to make one
happy" (1 Ne. 8:10). Lehi also saw a "spacious field," a "strait and narrow path" that led to the tree, a "rod of iron" that extended parallel to the path, a "river of water"
Lehi 1's dream

A prophetic dream given to Lehi in the valley of Lemuel en route to the promised land (1 Ne. 8). The account is an abridgment by Nephi 1 of his father's words (1 Ne.
8:29-30). The dream, like Jesus' parable of the sower (Matt. 13:3-8, 18-23), depicts through symbolism humankind's varying responses to the gospel of Jesus Christ.
While some interpretations of the symbols are given in Lehi's dream, a more complete identification of the symbols and their meaning is given in Nephi 1's vision , and in
Nephi's later explanations to his brothers Laman 1 and Lemuel (1 Ne. 11-15). The central focus of Lehi's dream was a tree that had fruit "desirable to make one
happy" (1 Ne. 8:10). Lehi also saw a "spacious field," a "strait and narrow path" that led to the tree, a "rod of iron" that extended parallel to the path, a "river of water"
located between the tree and a "great and spacious building," and a "mist of darkness" that stretched across the path to the tree (1 Ne. 8:9-26). The accompanying
table summarizes the symbols and their meanings.

In addition to these symbols, Lehi saw four groups of people which responded differently to the dream's setting. The first group commenced on the path to the tree but
strayed because they were blinded by the mists of darkness and consequently thrown off course (1 Ne. 8:21-23; cf. Matt. 13:7, 22). The second group made it
through the mists of darkness to the tree by "clinging to the rod of iron." As they were partaking of the fruit of the tree, however, they became ashamed because of the
mockery from finely dressed people across the river in a "great and spacious building." They "fell away into forbidden paths and were lost" (1 Ne. 8:24-28; cf. Matt.
13:5-6, 20-21). The third group also achieved their goal of arriving at the tree, but this group remained, not giving "heed" to those who mocked them (1 Ne. 8:30, 33;
cf. Matt. 13:8, 23). The fourth group of people never sought the tree, desiring the great and spacious building as their destination. Lehi saw that many were drowned or
lost in their quest, and that those who did reach the building joined in mocking those partaking of the fruit of the tree (1 Ne. 8:31-33; cf. Matt. 13:4, 19).

Lehi viewed his dream's setting and symbols in the context of his own family. He saw his wife Sariah and sons Nephi and Sam at the head of the river, standing "as if
they knew not whither they should go" (1 Ne. 8:14). He called unto them to come to the tree and partake of its desirable fruit, which they did. He then called for Laman
and Lemuel to come and partake, but they refused (1 Ne. 8:15-18). Because of his dream Lehi said, "I have reason to rejoice in the Lord because of Nephi and also
of Sam; for I have reason to suppose that they, and also many of their seed, will be saved" (1 Ne. 8:3). But concerning Laman and Lemuel, Lehi "exceedingly feared . .
. lest they should be cast off from the presence of the Lord" (1 Ne. 8:36).

Nephi saw the same symbols in his vision, but he described them in the context of the coming of Christ and the future of Lehi's descendants (1 Ne. 11-12, 15). He
beheld that the tree of life, a representation of "the love of God" (1 Ne. 11:21-22), was manifested to mankind through the condescension of God-the birth, life, and
atoning sacrifice of Jesus Christ (1 Ne. 11:4-33). This love, Nephi testified, was "most desirable above all things" and "most joyous to the soul" (1 Ne. 11:22-23; cf.
8:12, 15). After witnessing Christ's death in vision, Nephi saw the subsequent persecution of the "apostles of the Lamb" by the "multitudes of the earth" (1 Ne. 11:34).
These multitudes were gathered together "in a large and spacious building" which Nephi described as being "like unto the building which [his] father saw." The angel
instructing Nephi in his vision then said: "Behold the world and the wisdom thereof; yea, behold the house of Israel hath gathered together to fight against the twelve
apostles of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 11:34-35). Nephi saw the fall of the large building (the pride of the world) and heard the angel testify, "Thus shall be the destruction of all
nations, kindreds, tongues, and people, that shall fight against the twelve apostles of the Lamb" (1 Ne. 11:36).

Nephi also saw that his own people would be destroyed centuries later because of pride and the temptations of the devil (mists of darkness) (1 Ne. 12:16-19).

Lehi's dream offers many lessons central to the plan of salvation. For example, the dream can be viewed as a type depicting the journey all people must make in order
to "come unto Christ." Lehi was invited by a man "dressed in a white robe" to follow him. As he followed he found himself in a "dark and dreary waste." After traveling
in darkness for "many hours" Lehi prayed to the Lord for mercy , after which he was shown a beautiful tree with white fruit. After partaking of the fruit of the tree Lehi
experienced great joy and then desired to share his joy with his family (1 Ne. 8:5-12). Similarly, Christ invites all people to come follow him. As one follows Christ and
learns of him and his plan, one becomes increasingly aware of his or her own mortal and fallen condition. Understanding the need to be saved from this darkness, the
necessary cry is for mercy, for every person sins and needs redemption from the Fall. After the cry for mercy the Lord manifests the source of his mercy: a tree which is
"a representation of the love of God" (1 Ne. 11:25). The greatest manifestation of this love is Jesus Christ and his atonement (John 3:16; 1 Ne. 19:9). After partaking of
the Atonement, as represented by partaking of the fruit of the tree, one experiences great joy and feels a desire to share that joy with others. Elements of this
conversion pattern- darkness, a cry for mercy, forgiveness, joy, then the ensuing desire to share this joy-are reflected in the stories of Enos (Enos 1:1-11), king
Benjamin's people (Mosiah 4:1-3), Zeezrom (Alma 15:3, 9-12), king Lamoni (Alma 18:41; 19:6), king Lamoni's father (Alma 22:15-18, 23), Alma 2 (Alma 36:12-21,
24), and the sons of king Mosiah 2 (Mosiah 28:3).

Further, Lehi's dream portrays the opposition people face as they seek to partake of the tree of life. Mists of darkness, or the temptations of Satan, are intended to
blind the eyes. Without sight travelers wander in strange roads and can drown in unseen rivers of filthiness. The "great and spacious building" also poses a challenge to
those on the straight and narrow path. Its appearance, large and spacious, and its residents, all finely dressed, create a distraction to those susceptible to materialistic
desires and embarrassment because of the mocking of proud and worldly people. Lehi beheld that the building "stood as it were in the air, high above the earth" and
Nephi saw its eventual fall (1 Ne. 8:26; 11:36). While the building, evidently without foundation, was destined to be destroyed, conversely, one who builds a foundation
upon Christ "cannot fall" (Hel. 5:12).

Lehi saw in his dream the solution to the opposition posed by the mists of darkness and the great and spacious building. First, those who made it through the mists of
darkness held continually to the "rod of iron," or the word of God (1 Ne. 8:30; 15:23-24). Nephi declared that "whoso would hearken unto the word of God, and
would hold fast unto it, they would never perish; neither could the temptations and the fiery darts of the adversary overpower them unto blindness, to lead them away to
destruction" (1 Ne. 15:24-25; cf. 1 Tim. 3:1-7, 12-15). Second, those who successfully remained at the tree were those who "heeded" not those in the spacious
building (1 Ne. 8:33-34). To give heed means to notice, observe, regard, or give attention to; "a steady look" ( Webster). To withstand temptation and ridicule, one's
devotion must not be divided (2 Ne. 31:20; James 1:8), and one's "heed" must be to God's word (1 Ne. 15:25; cf. Hel. 3:29-30).

Bibliography

Webster, Noah. An American Dictionary of the English Language. 1828.

Largey, Dennis L.

-Lehi- Nephi land of and city of

See Nephi, land of and city of.

Lehonti

Leader of a dissident group of Laman-ites who refused to obey the king's command to go to war against the Nephites (72 b.c. ). The king of the Lamanites sent the
Nephite traitor Amalickiah with the remainder of his troops to compel the deserters to return and fight. In a secret meeting with a reluctant Lehonti, Amalickiah
proposed that he deliver his troops to Lehonti on the condition that Lehonti appoint him second in command. Amalickiah arranged for Lehonti to be poisoned and thus
became commander of the entire Lamanite force (Alma 47:1-19).
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Lemuel
Leader of a dissident group of Laman-ites who refused to obey the king's command to go to war against the Nephites (72 b.c. ). The king of the Lamanites sent the
Nephite traitor Amalickiah with the remainder of his troops to compel the deserters to return and fight. In a secret meeting with a reluctant Lehonti, Amalickiah
proposed that he deliver his troops to Lehonti on the condition that Lehonti appoint him second in command. Amalickiah arranged for Lehonti to be poisoned and thus
became commander of the entire Lamanite force (Alma 47:1-19).

Lemuel

Son of Lehi 1 and Sariah, brother of Laman 1 , Sam, Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , Joseph 2 , and unnamed sisters (1 Ne. Heading; 18:7; 2 Ne. 5:6), and husband of one of the
daughters of Ishmael 1 (1 Ne. 16:7). The Book of Mormon story of Lemuel is inextricably connected to the story of his older brother, Laman. Almost all of the
references to Lemuel in the text are in connection with the attitudes and actions of Laman. Consequently, it was the brothers "Laman and Lemuel" who murmured (1
Ne. 2:11-12; 3:31), rebelled (1 Ne. 3:28; 7:6; Alma 18:38), sought to kill Nephi (1 Ne. 7:16; 16:37; 2 Ne. 5:1-2), and refused to partake of the tree of life in Lehi's
dream (1 Ne. 8:17-18, 35-36). When Lehi blessed his family, the two rebellious brothers received the same promises in their blessings, as did their children (2 Ne.
1:28-29; 4:3-9). En route to the promised land, Lehi's family stopped in a valley by the Red Sea. Because of Lemuel's "stiffneckedness," Lehi said to Lemuel: "O that
thou mightest be like unto this valley, firm and steadfast, and immovable in keeping the commandments of the Lord!" (1 Ne. 2:10). Nephi related this incident, and
thereafter referred to this valley as the "valley of Lemuel" (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:14; 9:1). Although Lemuel and his descendants (Lemuelites) maintained their distinct identity,
they were called "Lamanites" because they followed Laman in opposing Nephite leadership and religious teachings (2 Ne. 5:1-14; Jacob 1:13-14; Alma 47:35; Morm.
1:8-9).

Lemuel city of

One of the seven Lamanite cities and lands that were "converted unto the Lord," whose people "laid down . . . all their weapons of war" and called themselves Anti-
Nephi- Lehies (Alma 23:12-13, 17; between 90 and 77 b.c. ).

Lemuel valley of

Valley near the Red Sea where Lehi 1 and his family dwelt after fleeing Jerusalem 1 (1 Ne. 2:6). From this valley Lehi's sons were sent back to Jerusalem twice: first to
retrieve the brass plates, and second to enlist Ishmael's family to accompany them. Here Lehi and Nephi 1 received marvelous visions (1 Ne. 8; 11-14) and the family
acquired the Liahona (1 Ne. 16). Lehi counseled his son Lemuel to be like the valley named after him-"firm and steadfast, and immovable" in obedience (1 Ne. 2:10).

See also Lehi 1 , journey to the promised land.

Lemuelites

Descendants of Lemuel. From the time of Jacob 2 , Lemuelites were normally included among the larger group called Laman-ites, made up primarily of Lamanites,
Lemuel-ites, and Ishmaelites (Jacob 1:13-14; Alma 43:13; 47:35; 4 Ne. 1:38; Morm. 1:8-9; D&C 3:18). Some descendants of Lemuel joined the Church during the
great Lamanite conversion (Alma 24:29).

Less than the dust of the earth

Being dependent upon God and the earth for its very existence, the mortal body is described in the Book of Mormon as being "less than the dust of the earth" (Mosiah
4:2; 2:25). Further, whereas the earth is ever obedient to God's will, mankind in its fallen, carnal state is "quick to do iniquity, and how slow to do good" (Hel. 12:4).

This view of man's moral nature should not be confused with the doctrine of the utter depravity of man. Being "less than the dust of the earth" is simply a metaphor to
dramatize man's fallen nature. The nature of Christ's atonement affirms mankind's true worth and potential (Mosiah 4:2-3; 5:1-7).

Turner, Rodney

Letters

See Epistles.

Levi 1

Third son of Jacob 1 (Israel), born of Leah, forefather of Moses and Aaron 1 (3 Ne. 24:3 // Mal. 3:3; D&C 13:1; 128:24; Gen. 29:34; Ex. 2:1-10; 4:14). Under
Mosaic law, descendants of Levi had stewardship over the Tabernacle and ministered in the ordinances thereof (Num. 3:5-13).

See also Malachi chapter review (3 Ne. 24-25 // Mal. 3-4).

Levi 2

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Liahona

A device miraculously provided by the Lord to Lehi and his family which gave divine directions and instructions to them for their travels to the land of promise. It was "a
round ball of curious workmanship" which contained "two spindles; and the one pointed the way whither [they] should go into the wilderness" (1 Ne. 16:10). The
Liahona also contained writing "which was plain to be read" and which was "changed from time to time" (1 Ne. 16:29). This "ball, or director" (Alma 37:38) functioned
only "according to the faith and diligence and heed" which the people gave to it (1 Ne. 16:28).

While there is no record of its being used after the time of Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 , the Liahona remained an object sacred to the faithful Nephites. It was passed down
from generation to generation with the plates and the sword of Laban, and, in this dispensation, it was among the items seen by the three witnesses when they viewed
the Book of Mormon plates (D&C 17:1). Alma 2 explained the Liahona's continuing symbolic significance: "And now I say, is there not a type in this thing? For just as
surely as this director did bring our fathers, by following its course, to the promised land, shall the words of Christ, if we follow their course, carry us beyond this vale of
sorrow into a far better land of promise" (Alma 37:45). Along with other symbols derived from the Book of Mormon (e.g., the angel Moroni, the rod of iron, the tree
of life), "Liahona" has become an important element of LDS culture. The term still represents the means by which the Lord can give guidance to his people. For
instance, the counsel of the modern prophets, inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and teachings of the scriptures can all be viewed as modern- day Liahonas. For the faithful,
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the Book of Mormon itself is a type of Liahona for it contains "the word of Christ, which will point to you a straight course to eternal bliss" (Alma 37:44).
Liahona, the Book of Mormon was in fact "prepared for [all people], that if they would look they might live" (Alma 37:44-46). "Liahona" has been used as the title for
several Church publications and for the Church's high school in Tonga.
surely as this director did bring our fathers, by following its course, to the promised land, shall the words of Christ, if we follow their course, carry us beyond this vale of
sorrow into a far better land of promise" (Alma 37:45). Along with other symbols derived from the Book of Mormon (e.g., the angel Moroni, the rod of iron, the tree
of life), "Liahona" has become an important element of LDS culture. The term still represents the means by which the Lord can give guidance to his people. For
instance, the counsel of the modern prophets, inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and teachings of the scriptures can all be viewed as modern- day Liahonas. For the faithful,
the Book of Mormon itself is a type of Liahona for it contains "the word of Christ, which will point to you a straight course to eternal bliss" (Alma 37:44). Like the
Liahona, the Book of Mormon was in fact "prepared for [all people], that if they would look they might live" (Alma 37:44-46). "Liahona" has been used as the title for
several Church publications and for the Church's high school in Tonga.

Lambert, Neal Elwood

Lib 1

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Lib 2

Late Jaredite king who obtained his throne through the use of secret combinations . Corian-tumr 2 , strengthened after a two- year period following his conflicts with
Gilead, came to battle against Lib and after three separate conflicts eventually (when he arrived at the plains of Agosh) defeated him. Lib's brother Shiz con-tinued the
conflict (Ether 14:10-17).

Life purpose of

Lehi 1 stated, "men are, that they might have joy" (2 Ne. 2:25). To achieve joy God prepared a plan variously known as the "plan of the great Creator" (2 Ne. 9:6), the
"plan of our God" (2 Ne. 9:13), the "plan of redemption" (Jacob 6:8; Alma 12:25, 30-33; 34:16; 42:11), the "plan of salvation" (Jarom 1:2; Alma 42:5), the "plan of the
Eternal God" (Alma 34:9), and the "great plan of happiness" (Alma 42:8, 16). This plan provides a way for God's children to experience joy by guiding them through a
mortal curriculum leading to "immortality and eternal life" (Moses 1:39). Thus they may become "even as" their Father in Heaven (3 Ne. 12:48).

Mortality affords God's children the opportunity to experience joy by obtaining a physical body and proving themselves worthy of eternal life.

Obtaining a physical body

God the Father and Jesus Christ have glorified and perfected bodies of flesh and bone (D&C 130:22). To become like them and experience their joy, God's spirit
children too must obtain a body of "element" as a counterpart to the spirit body (D&C 93:33-34). Both the phys-ical body and the spirit body are created in the image
of God (Mosiah 7:27; Ether 3:16-17). Though at death the spirit separates from the mortal body, at the time of resurrection the two bodies will be permanently reunited
in a state of immortality (Alma 11:42-45; 40:23).

Proving worthy of eternal life

God's mortal family lives in an environment where good and evil exist side by side thus allowing the exercise of agency (2 Ne. 2:11, 16, 26-27; Alma 12:31). God's
children are tried and tested in their mortal environment to see if they will obey the divine commandments (Abr. 3:25-26). Divine judgment is suspended temporarily in
order for the principle of repentance to operate (Alma 42:13, 16, 18). Mortality thus becomes a "probationary state" wherein God's children learn lessons essential to
exaltation and are "to prepare to meet" him (Alma 12:24; 34:32; 42:10). As part of mankind's preparation, they are to come unto Christ through exercising faith,
repenting of their sins, being baptized, receiving the Holy Ghost, serving God, and enduring to the end (2 Ne. 31:11-21; Alma 42:4; 3 Ne. 11:31-40; 27:16-20; cf. 2
Ne. 2:21; Alma 34:33-35). By so doing they can be redeemed through the Atonement and be brought into the presence of God to enjoy eternal life (2 Ne. 2:6-9;
Mosiah 26:24; Alma 41:5-8; 42:23-24; Morm. 7:7; 9:13; A of F 3). Those who fail to do so "remain as though there had been no redemption made, except it be the
loosing of the bands of death" (Alma 11:41). "Exposed to the whole law of the demands of justice" (Alma 34:16), unrepentant souls suffer for their sins and are denied
salvation in the kingdom of God (1 Ne. 10:21; 15:32-36; 2 Ne. 2:10; Alma 11:41; 12:12-18; 42:24-27).

See also Gospel, the; Happiness; Joy; Opposition in all things; Salvation.

Brinley, Douglas E.

Light

That which stimulates and allows vision. In the Book of Mormon the word light is used symbolically and literally as follows:

1. A metaphor for an example or guide. The restored gospel is a light to the latter- day Gentiles (2 Ne. 8:4), and the Savior is a light for those who hear his word (2
Ne. 10:14). Priestcraft consists in men setting themselves up as the light (2 Ne. 26:29). The Savior taught that his people are to be a light for others (3 Ne. 12:14-16;
15:12), and that he is the light they are to hold up (3 Ne. 18:16, 24), for "He is the light and the life of the world; yea, a light that is endless, that can never be
darkened" (Mosiah 16:9; cf. D&C 10:70; 11:28). This light stands in contrast to darkness, or that which leads to evil. Choosing darkness kindles God's wrath (Hel.
13:29-30). Therefore, people must be brought from darkness into light (2 Ne. 3:5).

2. A metaphor for understanding and knowledge which comes via the Spirit to the soul. The Lord condemns those who will not seek to gain such light (2 Ne. 32:4).
Alma 2 warned that those who murdered against this light would have a hard time finding forgiveness (Alma 39:6) and that the Nephites would perish if they rebelled
against the greater light (Alma 9:19). Rejecting the sure light carries heavy consequences (D&C 82:3; 93:31-32).

3. A metaphor for the agent or power by which God gives understanding and knowledge of the great things of his kingdom, and discernment between good and evil.
Nephi 1 testified that "the Lord God giveth light unto the understanding" of his word (2 Ne. 31:3; cf. D&C 50:24; 84:45-46; 88:66-67; John 1:6-12). This "light of
Christ," or "Spirit of Christ," "fill[s] the immensity of space" (Moro. 7:16-19; D&C 88:6-13).

4. A metaphor for that period when one can come to God, when "his arm of mercy is extended towards you in the light of the day" (Jacob 6:5).

5. Literal light that allows physical vision (e.g., Alma 56:41; 3 Ne. 8:22).

See also Light of Christ.

Draper, Richard D.
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Light of Christ
See also Light of Christ.

Draper, Richard D.

Light of Christ

Also called the "Spirit of Christ," the light of Christ is a source of rev-e-lation given of God "to every man, that he may know good from evil" (Moro. 7:16; John 1:9).
Mormon urged Church members, "the peaceable followers of Christ" (Moro. 7:3), to "search diligently in the light of Christ that ye may know good from evil," and he
warned against judging "wrongfully" between the two, "for with that same judgment which ye judge ye shall also be judged" (Moro. 7:18-19). This light will lead those
who live by it to the gospel of Jesus Christ (Alma 16:16-17; D&C 84:45-48). While those who follow the light of Christ receive more and more spiritual truths, those
who "harden their hearts, to them is given the lesser portion of the word until they know nothing concerning his mysteries" (Alma 12:10-11; 1 Ne. 17:45; 2 Ne. 28:30).

In addition to being a source of revelation, the light of Christ is defined as the power of God which "proceedeth forth from [his] presence to fill the immensity of space,"
a creative and governing force that gives life and light to all things (D&C 88:5-).

The light of Christ is the means by which members of the Godhead are omnipresent, and also the means through which the Holy Ghost communicates gifts and blessings
to all mankind (Smith, 1:40, 54).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Wilkins, Alan L.

Liken

A literary device used as a teaching tool by Nephi 1 , Zenos, and Jesus to help increase the understanding of their listeners in two ways: (1) by comparison and (2) by
application.

Liken is sometimes used as a synonym for compare: "I will liken thee, O house of Israel, like unto a tame olive- tree" (Jacob 5:3; cf. 1 Ne. 10:12). Through the use of
this imagery, Zenos compared things familiar to the Israelites, such a s olive trees, pruning a vineyard, or trans-planting and grafting branches, to gospel principles such
as a chosen people, the judgments of God, the scattering of Israel, or the gathering of Israel.

Jesus taught "whoso heareth these sayings of mine and doeth them, I will liken him unto a wise man, who built his house upon a rock" (3 Ne. 14:24). In this
comparison, the house represents a disciple's life and the rock represents Christ's teachings. As a rock foundation protects a house against physical elements, so also is
a life founded on Jesus' teachings fortified against the temptations of the world.

Furthermore, Nephi used the term "liken" in connection with how he wanted his people to consider the principles and messages of the scriptures. To "liken" the
scriptures to one's life is to see the contemporary relevance and application of their teachings. For example, Isaiah's teachings, which were directed to the house of
Israel, would also apply to Nephi's people, who were of that same lineage and subject to the same commandments and covenants. Understanding the importance of
personalizing the scriptures in this way, Nephi wrote, "I did liken all scriptures unto us . . . for our profit and learning" (1 Ne. 19:23-24; cf. 2 Ne. 11:8).

See also Book of Mormon, figures of speech in.

Parker, Todd Brian

Limhah

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Limher

See Amnor.

Limhi

Third in a line of kings (ca. 121 b.c.) that ruled over a group of Nephites who had left from Zarahemla around 200 b.c. Their goal was to inherit the land of their
fathers, the land of Nephi, a land then occupied by the Lamanites. Limhi was the son of king Noah 3 (the wicked king responsible for Abinadi's death) and the
grandson of Zeniff, who led the expedition. Some of the events surrounding Limhi are told twice, first in Mormon's summary account (Mosiah 7-8), and second in the
more chronological record of Zeniff (Mosiah 9-22).

Limhi became king of the Nephite colony when the Lamanites overran the land and his wicked father Noah was killed by some of his own men. When Ammon 1 , head
of a search party from Zarahemla, arrived at Limhi's court, he found Limhi and his people under painful subjection to the Lamanite monarch. The Lamanite king
required of them half of everything they produced. Limhi, a just man, rejoiced to learn Ammon's identity, and took hope that his people might be delivered from
bondage. Calling them together, Limhi delivered an important address (Mosiah 7:1 7 ff.) in which he declared that by their wickedness, his people had earned their
afflictions. Nonetheless, he spoke hopefully, urging his people to "lift up [their] heads and be comforted," and to "rejoice, and put [their] trust in God" (Mosiah 7:18-
19).

Before Ammon's arrival, an expedition sent by Limhi in search of Zarahemla had come upon the remains of the Jaredite civilization. The group returned to Limhi
carrying twenty- four inscribed gold plates. He rejoiced to learn from Ammon that the Nephite king had special interpretive instruments and a gift for interpreting
languages (Mosiah 8:19; 21:28). Fired with a longing to escape and rejoin the Nephites in Zarahemla, Limhi and many of his people "covenant[ed] with God . . . to
serve him and keep his commandments" (Mosiah 21:32). Moreover, "they were desirous to be baptized as a witness and a testimony that they were willing to serve
God with all their hearts" (Mosiah 21:35). Through a stratagem devised by the faithful Gideon, Limhi and his people took flight and arrived safely in Zarahemla. After
being taught(c)
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                Alma 1 , they  were allMedia
                             Infobase  baptized  (Mosiah 25:17-18).
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Merrill, Byron R.
carrying twenty- four inscribed gold plates. He rejoiced to learn from Ammon that the Nephite king had special interpretive instruments and a gift for interpreting
languages (Mosiah 8:19; 21:28). Fired with a longing to escape and rejoin the Nephites in Zarahemla, Limhi and many of his people "covenant[ed] with God . . . to
serve him and keep his commandments" (Mosiah 21:32). Moreover, "they were desirous to be baptized as a witness and a testimony that they were willing to serve
God with all their hearts" (Mosiah 21:35). Through a stratagem devised by the faithful Gideon, Limhi and his people took flight and arrived safely in Zarahemla. After
being taught by Alma 1 , they were all baptized (Mosiah 25:17-18).

Merrill, Byron R.

Limnah

See Nephite weights and measures.

Linen

A fabric made from plant fibers. In the Book of Mormon linen is always described as either "fine" or "-fine- twined," and is often cited as a sign of prosperity and pride
among the Nephites (2 Ne. 13:23; Mosiah 10:5; Alma 1:29; 4:6; Hel. 6:13). It was characteristic of the great and abominable church as described by Nephi 1 (1 Ne.
13:7, 8). The Jaredites had linen as well (Ether 9:17; 10:24).

Usually "linen" is a term used to describe a cloth made from the pounded fibers of the cultivated flax plant Linum usitatissimum. This flax was grown throughout the
ancient world, especially in Egypt. There is currently no evidence that cultivated flax was grown in the Americas in Book of Mormon times, though several wild species
are native. It is possible that the Jaredites and/or Nephites could have brought domestic flax with them, or perhaps the word linen in the Book of Mormon is describing
cloths made from the fibers of native plants. For example, a fiber called henequen, from the leaf of the agave plant, and a cloth made from the bark of the fig tree were
common in Mesoamerica.

See also Silk.

Bibliography

Sorenson, John L. "Possible `Silk' and `Linen' in the Book of Mormon." Reexploring the Book of Mormon. Edited by John W. Welch. Salt Lake City and Provo:
Deseret Book and FARMS, 1992.

Seely, David Rolph

Lion

See Animals; Micah.

List

See Appendix C.

Loathsome

See Appendix C.

Loins

1. The waist or midsection of the body, considered by Old Testament cultures to be the seat of vigor or strength. To "gird" one's loins means to cover or protect this
area of the body (e.g., Alma 43:20; 46:13), or to attach some piece of equipment about the waist (e.g., 1 Ne. 4:21). Isaiah prophesied that when the millennial Messiah
reigns "righteousness shall be the girdle of his loins" (2 Ne. 21:5; 30:11) suggesting that he will be clothed with and govern in righteousness.

2. That which generates posterity-for example, "out of the fruit of his loins" (2 Ne. 3:5), or, "a righteous branch from the fruit of the loins of Joseph" (Jacob 2:25).

Largey, Dennis L.

Long- suffering

Bearing long with some adversity (i.e., offense, hardship, provocation) in performing a task or in working with people. Not merely an alternative phrase for patience ,
but patient perseverance over an extended period with a certain degree of difficulty. Prior to their missionary labors among the Lamanites, the Lord told the sons of
Mosiah 2 , "Yet ye shall be patient in long- suffering and afflictions" (Alma 17:11; cf. 38:3-4).

-Long- suffering is an attribute of God (Mosiah 4:6, 11; Alma 5:6; 9:11, 26; 26:16; 42:30). Christ's merciful restraint while in the hands of his persecutors, and his
subsequent atoning sacrifice epitomized this element of his nature. Nephi 1 wrote, "They scourge him, and he suffereth it; and they smite him, and he suffereth it. Yea,
they spit upon him, and he suffereth it, because of his loving kindness and his long- suffering towards the children of men" (1 Ne. 19:9; cf. Moro. 9:25). Mormon
identified long- suffering as a characteristic of one who has charity: "Charity suffereth long, and is kind . . . is not easily provoked . . . beareth all things, believeth all
things, hopeth all things, endureth all things" (Moro. 7:44-45; cf. 1 Cor. 13:4). The allegory of Zenos illustrates well the long- suffering of God, showing his merciful
forbearance throughout history: the Lord spared the vineyard despite wickedness and apostasy, and he made continual efforts to encourage his people to be righteous
(Jacob 5; 6:4).

The Book of Mormon also speaks of long- suffering in context with gaining spiritual knowledge (Alma 32:41-43) and with exhorting people to diligence and obedience
(Jarom 1:11; Mosiah 27:33). Alma 2 taught that the Holy Spirit, obtained through humility and prayer, can lead one to become "full of love and all long-
suffering" (Alma 13:28; cf. Mosiah 3:19).

Mouritsen, Maren M.

Looking beyond the mark
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To look beyond Christ, for "the mark is Christ" (Maxwell, 26). The English word mark means "target" or "goal." Thus the image is of one who misses the target
because he looks beyond it. The prophet Jacob 2 was using this idiomatic expression to identify the cause of the spiritual blindness of the Jews that caused them in Old
Mouritsen, Maren M.

Looking beyond the mark

To look beyond Christ, for "the mark is Christ" (Maxwell, 26). The English word mark means "target" or "goal." Thus the image is of one who misses the target
because he looks beyond it. The prophet Jacob 2 was using this idiomatic expression to identify the cause of the spiritual blindness of the Jews that caused them in Old
Testament times to look beyond the plain truths of the gospel of Jesus Christ: "But behold, the Jews were a stiffnecked people; and they despised the words of
plainness, and killed the prophets, and sought for things that they could not understand. Wherefore, because of their blindness, which blindness came by looking
beyond the mark, they must needs fall; for God hath taken away his plainness from them, and delivered unto them many things which they cannot understand, because
they desired it" (Jacob 4:14). Jacob continued to prophesy that such blindness would cause the Jews to reject Christ, "the stone upon which they might build and have
safe foundation," when he came in the flesh (Jacob 4:15).

Elder Gene R. Cook used the metaphor "looking beyond the mark" to warn against "exotic extremes in any principle, like excessively lengthy prayers, false doctrines
about the Savior or about Adam, or extremes in diet, or politics, or investments" (26).

See also Blindness, spiritual; Plainness.

Bibliography

Cook, Gene R. "Spiritual Guides for Teachers of Righ-teousness." Ensign 12 (May 1982): 25- 27.

Maxwell, Neal A. "Jesus of Nazareth, Savior and King." Ensign 6 (May 1976): 26- 27.

Judd, Daniel K

Lost manuscript of the Book of Mormon (116 pages)

See Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages).

Lost tribes

See Israel, lost tribes of.

Love

See Charity.

Love of God

The mercy, tender regard, and condescension of God toward his children. A supreme evidence of God's love is the gift of his Son Jesus Christ (1 Ne. 11:4-8, 21-22,
25; John 3:16; D&C 34:3), the fruits flowing from the Atonement being "most desirable above all things" (1 Ne. 11:22). As people are forgiven and born of the Spirit,
they "sing the song of redeeming love" (Alma 5:26) and are enabled to love others as God loves them (1 Ne. 8:12; 2 Ne. 31:19-20; Enos 1: 2-11; Moro. 7:48; 8:26).

Jr., Rex C. Reeve

Lowliness of heart

A spiritual state ascribed to the Lord (Zech. 9:9; Matt. 11:29), often coupled with meekness and closely akin to humility . It is characterized by a readiness to hear the
word of God and by true penitence (Alma 32:6-8, 12). The Lord commended the faith of Nephi 1 for seeking Him with lowliness of heart (1 Ne. 2:19). Alma 2 taught
that the meek and lowly in heart "find rest to their souls" (Alma 37:33-34). Mormon connected lowliness of heart with other spiritual gifts-it precedes the gifts of faith,
hope, and charity; that is, one "cannot have faith and hope, save he shall be meek, and lowly of heart. If so, his faith and hope is vain, for none is acceptable before
God, save the meek and lowly in heart" (Moro. 7:43-44). He further taught that "the remission of sins bringeth meekness, and lowliness of heart; and because of
meekness and lowliness of heart cometh the visitation of the Holy Ghost, which Comforter filleth with hope and perfect love" (Moro. 8:26).

Thomas, M. Catherine

Lucifer

See Satan.

Lucre

See Appendix C.

Luram

See Archeantus.

Nephi and Laban; painting by Herman H. Haag; courtesy MCHA. "It is better that one man should perish than that a nation should dwindle and perish in unbelief" (1
Ne. 4:13).

M
Mahah
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Make his paths straight
M
Mahah

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Make his paths straight

An idiom denoting preparation. John the Baptist used this phrase in parallel with his cry to "prepare . . . the way of the Lord" (1 Ne. 10:8; Matt. 3:3; cf. Isa. 40:3).
Alma 2 taught the Gideonites that they were "making his paths straight" by walking in "paths of righteousness." It is this path "which leads to the kingdom of God" (Alma
7:19). Alma also taught them that the Lord "cannot walk in crooked paths" (Alma 7:20) and "his course is one eternal round" (Alma 37:12; D&C 3:2). When people
walk in crooked paths they hinder not only their own progression but also the progression of those around them (e.g., Alma 36:14; 39:11). In order, therefore, to
"make his paths straight," one must remove all obstacles that create detours. Alma identified repentance as the principal means of doing so (Alma 7:9; cf. Matt. 3:1-3).
Christ, however, also participates in preparing the path (2 Ne. 4:33). He removes obstacles (2 Ne. 9:10), the ultimate ones being death (Alma 40:3) and the
consequences of sin for those who come unto him (2 Ne. 9:21-23).

Strathearn, Gaye

Malachi chapter review: 3 Nephi 24-25 // Malachi 3-4

Background and synopsis

In Jewish tradition Malachi is the last of the Hebrew prophets, but the book of Malachi gives little information about when Malachi lived and prophesied. Sacrifices
were being offered at the temple (Mal. 1:7-10; 3:8), and a reference is made to a Persian official (Mal. 1:8); therefore it must be dated after the rebuilding of the temple
in 515 b.c. and before the Persian empire was conquered by Alexander the Great in 331 b.c. The book of Malachi is usually dated to the period between 450-400
b.c. Malachi addressed a community who had returned from Babylon in 539 b.c. , had rebuilt the temple, had renewed their allegiance to the covenant under Ezra
(Neh. 8-10), but were already in apostasy. He called them to repentance and promised them that the Lord would send messengers to prepare the way for the coming
of the Lord. When Christ came in glory he would judge the earth, the righteous he would refine and purify, and the wicked he would destroy.

Jesus commanded the Nephites "that they should write the words which the Father had given unto Malachi, which he should tell unto them" (3 Ne. 24:1). The Lord
then quoted Malachi 3 and 4 in their entirety in 3 Nephi 24-25. These two chapters of Malachi were important to the Book of Mormon peoples as a warning of future
apostasy, and as a comfort that the Lord would one day send messengers to restore the covenant and prepare the way for his return in glory. The Savior emphasized
the importance of these passages, explaining, "These scriptures, which ye had not with you, the Father commanded that I should give unto you; for it was wisdom in him
that they should be given unto future generations" (3 Ne. 26:2). Therefore they are even more relevant to the Saints in the latter days who will witness and participate in
their fulfillment.

Some of the language Malachi used was also familiar to Nephi 1 , who lived two centuries before Malachi: "consumed as stubble," "led up as calves of the stall," and
"the Son of righteousness shall appear unto them; and he shall heal them" (1 Ne. 22:23-24; 2 Ne. 26:9). It may be that this is because the Lord spoke to both prophets
with similar language. It is also possible that this language was common and proverbial in biblical culture or that Nephi quoted from one of the prophets on the brass
plates that may have been a source Malachi used.

Definitions

24:1 Malachi.

Last Israelite prophet, prob-ably 450-400 b.c. His name in Hebrew means "my messenger."

24:1 my messenger, and he shall prepare the way before me.

It is not clear if a specific messenger is intended or if this is speaking collectively of the many messengers that the Lord would send. Many messengers were and are
involved in the preparation for the coming of the Lord. Messengers preparing the way for the first coming included Malachi himself, whose name means "my
messenger"; John the Baptist (Matt. 11:10); Elijah and Moses (Matt. 17:3); Samuel the Lamanite (Hel. 13-15); and Nephi 3 (3 Ne. 7). Messengers preparing the way
for the Second Coming include Moroni 2 (JS-H 1:30-54); John the Baptist (D&C 13; JS-H 1:68-74); Peter, James, and John (JS-H 1:68-74); Moses, Elias, Elijah
(D&C 110:11-16); Michael, Gabriel, Raphael (D&C 128:21); and Joseph Smith (D&C 1:17-30). In the Doctrine and Covenants the restored gospel is also referred
to as a messenger: "I have sent mine everlasting covenant into the world . . . to be a messenger before my face to prepare the way before me" (D&C 45:9).

24:1

the Lord whom ye seek shall suddenly come to his temple. The Lord suddenly came to his temple in Kirtland on 3 April 1836 (D&C 110:1-10). It is likely this
prophecy has multiple fulfillments and also refers to a future appearance in the temple to be built in Jackson County, Missouri.

24:1

even the messenger of the covenant. The Lord Jesus Christ.

24:2

who may abide the day of his coming. The righteous Saints and all those worthy of a terrestrial glory will be able to endure the glory of the coming of Christ (Smith,
Doctrines, 1:86-87; 3:63-64).

24:2 refiner's fire.

This is a simile of purifying metals by burning out impurities, symbolic of the purification of the repentant through the Atonement.

24:2 fuller's soap. A fuller was one who cleaned or whitened cloth. He used a strong alkaline salt or soap in cleaning fabrics. Like the refiner's fire, it is symbolic of the
purification of the repentant.
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24:3

an offering in righteousness. This offering may refer to more than one thing (D&C 13; 84:31). Joseph Smith taught that animal sacrifice will be restored as part of the
24:2 fuller's soap. A fuller was one who cleaned or whitened cloth. He used a strong alkaline salt or soap in cleaning fabrics. Like the refiner's fire, it is symbolic of the
purification of the repentant.

24:3

an offering in righteousness. This offering may refer to more than one thing (D&C 13; 84:31). Joseph Smith taught that animal sacrifice will be restored as part of the
restoration of all things and would be part of this offering by the sons of Levi ( Teachings , 172-73). Malachi 3:2-3 is also quoted in D&C 128, and the Prophet Joseph
Smith exhorted the members of the Church to "offer unto the Lord an offering in righteousness . . . a book containing the records of our dead" (D&C 128:24).

24:5

And I will come near to you to judgment. Here the Lord answers the question, "But who may abide the day of his coming" by listing those who will not be able to
endure the Second Coming (3 Ne. 24:2).

24:5

against those that oppress the hireling in his wages, the widow and the fatherless, and that turn aside the stranger. Jesus considered mercy among the "weightier matters
of the law" (Matt. 23:23). In the eyes of the Lord the oppression of widows, orphans, and strangers is a serious offense (Ex. 22:21-24). The gravity of this matter is
reaffirmed in D&C 136:8.

24:8

tithes and offerings. Because the Savior reiterated this commandment after the fulfillment of the Mosaic law it is clear that tithing and offerings had a place in the practice
of the higher law before the law of Moses was institutionalized, just as it does in the restored gospel (D&C 119:3-4).

24:10

windows of heaven. A metaphor for rain (Gen. 7:11; 2 Kgs. 7:2). In ancient Israel rain was essential for the survival and prosperity of the people and was preeminent
among the spiritual and temporal blessings promised for obedience to the covenant (Lev. 26; Deut. 11:13-17).

24:11

devourer. Perhaps a reference to the locust that would eat the crops. This was one of the curses pronounced upon the people if they did not keep the covenant (Deut.
28:38-42).

24:16

they that feared the Lord. The Hebrew verb meaning "to fear" can also be translated "to revere" or "to honor."

24:16

book of remembrance. Other passages in scripture teach that the names of the righteous will be recorded in the book of life (Alma 5:57-58; Ex. 32:33; Dan. 12:1; Rev.
3:5; 20:12, 15), the members of the church of the Firstborn will be written in heaven (D&C 76:68), and those who will inherit eternal life shall be written in the "Lamb's
Book of Life" (D&C 132:19).

24:17

jewels. This is the same word used to express the covenant relationship between God and his people as "peculiar treasure" in Exodus 19:5 (cf. D&C 101:3).

25:1

stubble. Image of harvest when grasses and grains were cut close to the ground and removed and the remaining short stiff stalks were burned. This image is a symbol of
the destruction of the wicked after the righteous have been "harvested."

25:1

root nor branch. Image of total destruction derived from the withering of an uprooted tree or plant (cf. Ezek. 17:8-9). Perhaps the root symbolizes one's ancestors and
branches one's posterity. To be without "root or branch" in this sense would describe someone for whom the sealing blessings of the Melchize-dek Priesthood had not
been performed or someone who had not been worthy of these blessings. The keys to these priesthood blessings were restored by Elijah (D&C 110:13-16).

25:2

Son of Righteousness arise. Malachi reads, "Sun of righteousness." Both refer to the coming of Christ.

25:2

healing in his wings. The power of the Atonement to overcome sin and death and "to comfort all that mourn" (Isa. 61:2) and "wipe away tears from off all faces" (Isa.
25:8; Rev. 21:4).

25:2

ye shall go forth and grow up as calves in the stall. Calves that were fed and fattened in the stalls, as opposed to grazing on the range, were especially healthy and
strong and produced the best breeding stock and meat. This may be a figurative expression for the children of the covenant, "-hand- fed" and raised by the Lord.
Similarly, the Doctrine & Covenants refers to the faithful inheriting the earth at the Second Coming and promises "their children shall grow up without sin unto
salvation" (D&C 45:58).

25:4
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law of Moses. Moses, the giver of the law and the mediator of the covenant was translated (Alma 45:19) and restored the keys of the gathering of Israel on the Mount
of Trans-figuration (Matt. 17:3) and in the Kirtland Temple (D&C 110:11).
strong and produced the best breeding stock and meat. This may be a figurative expression for the children of the covenant, "-hand- fed" and raised by the Lord.
Similarly, the Doctrine & Covenants refers to the faithful inheriting the earth at the Second Coming and promises "their children shall grow up without sin unto
salvation" (D&C 45:58).

25:4

law of Moses. Moses, the giver of the law and the mediator of the covenant was translated (Alma 45:19) and restored the keys of the gathering of Israel on the Mount
of Trans-figuration (Matt. 17:3) and in the Kirtland Temple (D&C 110:11).

25:5

Elijah the prophet. Israelite prophet (ca. 900-800 b.c. ). Elijah was translated (2 Kgs. 2:10-12) and restored the keys of sealing power on the Mount of Transfiguration
(Matt. 17:3) and in the Kirtland Temple (D&C 110:13-16).

25:6

turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers. An image of the power of sealing keys to connect the fathers and the children.
The Prophet Joseph Smith commented, "the word turn here should be translated bind, or seal" ( Teachings, 330). Moroni 2 further clarified this phrase in D&C 2:2:
"And he shall plant in the hearts of the children the promises made to the fathers, and the hearts of the children shall turn to their fathers." The "promises made to the
fathers" refers to the prom-ise of the everlasting covenant that the time would come when the dead would be redeemed (Smith, Doctrines, 2:154).

25:6

lest I come and smite the earth with a curse. Without the keys of the kingdom the earth would not be prepared to receive the Savior at his coming. Joseph Smith taught
that this curse would come upon the earth "unless there is a welding link of some kind or other between the fathers and the children" through baptism and priesthood
sealings for the dead (D&C 128:17-18).

Significant differences between Book of Mormon Malachi (3 Ne. 24-25) and K JV Malachi (Mal. 3-4)

Several passages differ slightly in wording with little difference in meaning. In verses 5, 13, and 16 of Malachi 3, words that are italicized in the K JV are eliminated in 3
Nephi. The most significant difference is the phrase "Sun of righteousness" (Mal. 4:2) that occurs in 3 Nephi 25:2 as "Son of Righteousness." When Moroni quoted
Malachi 4:5-6 to Joseph Smith, he made some significant changes from the K JV and from 3 Nephi 25. Moroni quoted Malachi 4:5, "Behold, I will reveal unto you the
Priest-hood, by the hand of Elijah the prophet" (JS-H 1:38) instead of the K JV, "Behold, I will send you Elijah the prophet." He also cited Malachi 4:6, "And he shall
plant in the hearts of the children the promises made to the fathers, and the hearts of the children shall turn to their fathers" (JS-H 1:39) rather than the KJV, "And he
shall turn the heart of the fathers to the children, and the heart of the children to their fathers."

Latter-day applicability

Moroni quoted portions of Malachi 3 and all of Malachi 4 to Joseph Smith, together with other Old Testament prophecies, promising that they were about to be
fulfilled (JS-H 1:36-40). Latter- day Saints live in a time similar to that of Malachi, when temples are built and functioning. Modern culture presents many of the
challenges faced by ancient Israel at the time of Malachi: doubting that the Lord loves his cove-nant people (Mal. 1:2-6), offering the worst instead of the best to the
Lord (Mal. 1:6-8, 12-14), divorce and marriage to those outside the covenant (Mal. 2:14-16), not being honest and faithful in financial obligations to the Lord (Mal.
3:8-12), complaining that the wicked prosper while the righteous do not (Mal. 2:17), and believing it is vain to serve the Lord-- calling "the proud happy" (Mal. 3:13-
15). Malachi reminded the Saints that the Lord has promised to send messengers to prepare the way for his coming. Many of these messengers have already come and
have restored keys and prepared the way. Through Elijah the sealing keys of the priesthood are restored making it possible for all to partake of the sealing power to be
found in the temples-to establish holy eternal bonds between fathers, mothers, and their children, and their children to their ancestors (D&C 110:13-15). Great
promises are made to those who are faithful and who "fear the Lord": they will be able to endure his coming, they will be purified and their names recorded in the book
of remembrance, they will become the Lord's jewels, and they will be healed by the Son of Righteousness. On the other hand, the wicked, the proud, and those who
fear not the Lord will face destruction.

See also Jesus Christ, second coming of; Pride.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1954- 56.

Seely, David Rolph

Mammon

An Aramaic word designating wealth (Hauck, 4:388-90). The Book of Mormon repeatedly stresses the negative effects of wealth (e.g., Jacob 2:13; Alma 4:6-8) when
it displaces God as the center of one's devotions (3 Ne. 13:24; Hel. 13:22).

See also Riches.

Bibliography

Hauck, F. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. 8 vols. Edited by Gerhard Kittel. Translated by Geoffrey W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans,
1964-76. S.v. mE1 mF6EEE1F7 .

Strathearn, Gaye

Man creation of

It is clear that Book of Mormon peoples, both Jaredites and Nephites, possessed accounts of the creation of man (Ether 1:3; 1 Ne. 5:11), though the texts of those
 Copyright
accounts   are(c)
               not2005-2009,
                   repeated in Infobase
                                the Book Media Corp.Likely the Nephite version, on the "plates of brass," was much the same as that found in the book
                                         of Mormon.                                                                                               Page    747 /in919
                                                                                                                                                      of Moses    the
Pearl of Great Price (Reynolds, 2:136-73). Ammon 2 and Aaron 3 both used one such scriptural account of the creation of man in introducing the gospel to king
Lamoni and his father (Alma 18:36-39; 22:12-13).
Man creation of

It is clear that Book of Mormon peoples, both Jaredites and Nephites, possessed accounts of the creation of man (Ether 1:3; 1 Ne. 5:11), though the texts of those
accounts are not repeated in the Book of Mormon. Likely the Nephite version, on the "plates of brass," was much the same as that found in the book of Moses in the
Pearl of Great Price (Reynolds, 2:136-73). Ammon 2 and Aaron 3 both used one such scriptural account of the creation of man in introducing the gospel to king
Lamoni and his father (Alma 18:36-39; 22:12-13).

An arresting detail about the creation of man found in the Book of Mormon concerns the words of the premortal Jesus to the brother of Jared 1 : "Seest thou that ye
are created after mine own image? Yea, even all men were created in the beginning after mine own image. Behold, this body, which ye now behold, is the body of my
spirit; and man have I created after the body of my spirit" (Ether 3:15-16). In light of what is taught elsewhere in scripture and prophetic commentary about the role of
the Father and the Son in the creation of man, it is probable that Jesus, in this instance, was speaking as if he were the Father, according to the principle of "divine
investiture of authority" (First Presidency, 470-71; cf. Moses 2:1; Abr. 4:26-27; Heb. 1:1-2; Gen. 1:26-27).

Other references to the creation of man in the Book of Mormon focus upon the purposes of his creation . Lehi 1 explained that after God created "all things," including
"our first parents," in order "to bring about his eternal purposes" He gave "unto man that he should act for himself," which entailed enticement either toward "the
forbidden fruit" of the tree of knowledge, or toward "the tree of life; the one being sweet and the other bitter" (2 Ne. 2:14-16). By extension, one purpose of creation
was to tender an environment of opposition and agency to all who would come after Adam and Eve. Explaining further as to God's purpose in creating man, Lehi
specified that the creation of Adam and Eve was planned to lead to the Fall, and therefore to bringing children into the world "that they might have joy" (2 Ne. 2:22-
25). Alma 2 added the insight that Adam and Eve were not permitted to partake of the tree of life after the Fall, because such a course would have frustrated the plan
of redemption, resulting in their being "forever miserable" rather than happy (Alma 12:21-28).

Thus, the Book of Mormon contributes more to understanding the purposes of the creation of man than to how the creation took place, explaining that the crowning
purpose was to bring about man's joy or happiness , the fulness of which is found in obtaining immortality and eternal life (Mosiah 2:41; 16:11; cf. Moses 1:39; D&C
93:33-34).

See also Body of my spirit; Earth, the; Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Life, purpose of.

Bibliography

First Presidency and the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. "The Father and the Son: A Doctrinal Exposition by the First Presidency and the Twelve." The Articles of
Faith, by James E. Talmage. London: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1924.

Reynolds, Noel B. "The Brass Plates Version of Genesis." By Study and Also by Faith, 2 vols. Edited by John M. Lundquist and Stephen D. Ricks. Salt Lake City:
Deseret Book, 1990.

Brown, S. Kent

Man natural

See Natural man.

Manasseh

Eldest son of Joseph 1 and Asenath (Gen. 41:50-51; 46:20). His grandfather Jacob 1 blessed him and promised that his posterity would become a great people (Gen.
48:1-20). A tribe of Israel descended from Manasseh and was given an inheritance in the promised land west of the Jordan River, around the area of Samaria, and east
of the Jordan River in the pasture lands of Bashan and Gilead (Num. 32:33, 39-41; Deut. 3:13; Josh. 17:1-12; 22:7). Lehi 1 and his family were descendants of Joseph
through Manasseh (1 Ne. 5:14; Alma 10:3). Old Testament prophets spoke of this particular branch of Joseph's family. For example, when Lehi's family came to the
Americas from Jerusalem they fulfilled in part the prophetic promise Jacob pronounced upon his son Joseph that his descendants, as "a fruitful bough," would "run over
the wall" of a "well," or cross the oceans (Gen. 49:22). The Nephites recognized their status as a branch of Israel broken off or separated from their homeland (1 Ne.
15:12; 19:24; Jacob 2:25; Alma 36:26). Moreover, the record that Lehi's family wrote is the "stick of Joseph" about which Ezekiel prophesied (Ezek. 37:15-19; 2 Ne.
3:12; D&C 27:5). Furthermore, as Moses blessed the tribes of Israel he promised that the descendants of Manasseh, along with Ephraim's, would "push" or gather "the
people together to the ends of the earth" (Deut. 33:17). This prophecy finds fulfillment in the latter- day gathering of the covenant people initiated by these descendants
of Joseph (D&C 58:44-45).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954-56. 3:209- 12.

Ball, Terry B.

Manti

See Amnor.

Manti hill

The apostate Nehor was carried to "the top of the hill Manti" after being pronounced guilty of killing the righteous Gideon (ca. 91 b.c. ). There Nehor acknowledged
his false teachings and suffered an "ignominious death" (Alma 1:2-15).

Manti land of and city of

One of the Nephite lands, located southward from the land of Gideon (Alma 17:1). The land of Manti is mentioned as one of the dividing borders between the Nephite
and Lamanite territories (Alma 22:27). Alma 2 was journeying toward the land of Manti when he met the sons of Mosiah 2 (Alma 17:1; ca. 91 b.c. ). The land of
Manti was also the site of a strategic battle between the armies of Moroni 1 and the Lamanites (Alma 43:22-42; ca. 74 b.c. ). It is also referenced in other
confrontations (Alma 56:14; 58:1-28).

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                                               was conquered by the Lamanites (Alma 56:13-14) and later retaken through a cunning strategy by Helaman           / 919
                                                                                                                                                           2 (Alma
58:1-2, 13-28; ca. 63 b.c. ). As instructed by Helaman, Gid and Teomner hid their small forces in the wilderness to the right and left of Helaman's army. When the
numerically superior Lamanite forces came out of Manti to attack, Helaman led a mock retreat toward Zarahemla with the Lamanite army in hot pursuit. Manti was thus
and Lamanite territories (Alma 22:27). Alma 2 was journeying toward the land of Manti when he met the sons of Mosiah 2 (Alma 17:1; ca. 91 b.c. ). The land of
Manti was also the site of a strategic battle between the armies of Moroni 1 and the Lamanites (Alma 43:22-42; ca. 74 b.c. ). It is also referenced in other
confrontations (Alma 56:14; 58:1-28).

The city of Manti located in the land of Manti was conquered by the Lamanites (Alma 56:13-14) and later retaken through a cunning strategy by Helaman 2 (Alma
58:1-2, 13-28; ca. 63 b.c. ). As instructed by Helaman, Gid and Teomner hid their small forces in the wilderness to the right and left of Helaman's army. When the
numerically superior Lamanite forces came out of Manti to attack, Helaman led a mock retreat toward Zarahemla with the Lamanite army in hot pursuit. Manti was thus
left virtually undefended, and Gid and Teomner retook it handily. Fearing a trap as they drew nearer to Zarahemla, the Lamanite army reversed its course and camped
for the night. But while the Laman-ites slept, Helaman doubled back to Manti. When the Lamanites arrived to find the Nephites in possession of the city-and prepared
for war-they fled into the wilderness.

Manuscripts original/printers

See Book of Mormon, manuscripts of.

Mar

See Appendix C.

Marriage

Although the Book of Mormon makes little direct reference to marriage relationships, the place and importance of marriage in the plan of salvation is clearly evident.

At the outset, the Lord instructed Lehi 1 to send his sons back to Jerusalem for Ishmael 1 and his family, consisting of both sons and daughters, so the children of Lehi
would have marriage partners to "raise up seed unto the Lord in the land of promise" (1 Ne. 7:1-6; 16:7; 2 Ne. 5:6). Also by command of the Lord to Lehi, Nephite
marriages were to be monogamous, and faith-fulness to a single marriage partner was enjoined. Jacob 2 severely chastised certain Nephite men of his day who sought
"to excuse themselves in committing whoredoms, because of the things which were written concerning David, and Solomon his son"-events pertaining to a different
people living in a different time and under different command-ments pertaining to marriage (which commandments some did not observe appropriately) (Jacob 2:22-35;
cf. D&C 132:38-39). During his personal ministry among the Nephites, the Lord affirmed the higher law of marriage, in which divorce is not appropriate "saving for the
cause of fornication" (3 Ne. 12:31-32).

Indirectly, for the careful reader, the Book of Mormon yields a number of valuable insights related to marriage and family. For example, Lehi's tender, faith- filled
response to the complaints of his wife, Sariah, provides a model for settling some marital difficulties (1 Ne. 5:1-9). A lesson can also be learned by comparing the
response of wicked and righteous husbands in times of crisis. The wicked priests of king Noah 3 abandoned their marriage partners (Mosiah 19:11), while righteous
husbands protected and defended their wives and children, even by war, when necessary (Alma 43:47; 48:10). Furthermore, maintaining spirituality through gospel
living is essential to happiness in marriage. After the visit of the resurrected Lord in America, a blissful Nephite society was characterized for nearly two hundred years
by righteous, happy marriages: "They were married, and given in marriage, and were blessed according to the multitude of the promises which the Lord had made unto
them. . . . There was no contention in the land, because of the love of God which did dwell in the hearts of the people. . . . There were no envyings, nor strifes, nor
tumults, nor whoredoms, nor lyings, . . . and surely there could not be a happier people among all the people who had been created by the hand of God" (4 Ne. 1:11,
15-16).

In addition to providing these direct and indirect messages pertaining to marriage, the Book of Mormon can strengthen marriage relationships by conveying doctrinal
truths central to the plan of salvation. Concerning the influence doctrine can have in one's life, Elder Boyd K. Packer has taught, "True doctrine, understood, changes
attitudes and behavior. The study of the doctrines of the gospel will improve behavior quicker than a study of behavior will improve behavior. Preoccupation with
unworthy behavior can lead to unworthy behavior. That is why we stress so forcefully the study of the doctrines of the gospel" (20). Some examples of doctrinal truths
having important application in marriage include personal accountability for one's behavior towards others, such as thoughts, words, and deeds (Mosiah 4:30; Alma
12:14); the Holy Ghost revealing "all things what ye should do" (2 Ne. 32:3, 5); and prayer as a critical link to spiritual blessings (2 Ne. 32:9; Alma 5:46; 17:3; 34:17-
27). Through the exercise of self- discipline, based on a correct understanding of true doctrine, men and women can bring their behavior into conformity with eternal
principles, resulting in happy, fulfilling marriages.

Consistent with Book of Mormon teachings about marriage, a proclamation published in 1995 by prophets, seers, and revelators confirmed "that marriage between a
man and a woman is ordained of God" (First Presidency).

Bibliography

First Presidency and the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. "The Family: A Proclamation to the World." Ensign 25 (November 1995): 120.

Packer, Boyd K. Conference Report, October 1986.

Brinley, Douglas E.

Marvelous work marvelous work and a wonder

The restored gospel of Jesus Christ as revealed through the Prophet Joseph Smith (Smith, 1:35). Book of Mormon readers first encounter this expression in the first
book of Nephi: "For the time cometh, saith the Lamb of God, that I will work a great and a marvelous work among the children of men" (1 Ne. 14:7). After citing
extracts from the writings of Isaiah found on the brass plates (1 Ne. 21 // Isa. 49), Nephi 1 provided inspired commentary on passages which related specifically to the
last days when the descendants of Lehi 1 would receive the true gospel again: "And after our seed is scattered the Lord God will proceed to do a marvelous work
among the Gentiles, which shall be of great worth unto our seed" (1 Ne. 22:8). Nephi further stated that this work would also be of "worth unto the Gentiles" and "all
the house of Israel," bringing the Lord's covenants and gospel to them (1 Ne. 22:9-11).

After another lengthy citation of Isaiah's prophecies, Nephi again provided commentary for those living in his day as well as for the modern reader. His explication
provides an inspired view of Israel's future (2 Ne. 25). Nephi stated that after the rejection of the Messiah and the subsequent scattering of the Jews, "the Lord will set
his hand again the second time to restore his people from their lost and fallen state. Wherefore, he will proceed to do a marvelous work and a wonder among the
children of men" (2 Ne. 25:17). The verse immediately following refers directly to the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, a principal part of this marvelous work:
"Wherefore, he shall bring forth his words unto them, which words shall judge them at the last day, for they shall be given them for the purpose of convincing them of
the true Messiah, who was rejected by them" (2 Ne. 25:18). The Book of Mormon title page affirms that one of the purposes of its coming forth is to convince "the
Jew  and Gentile that Jesus is the Christ , the Eternal God , manifesting himself unto all nations."
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Nephi continued his Isaiah quotations and commentary in 2 Nephi 27. As a solution to latter- day apostasy the Lord promised, "There-fore, I will proceed to do a
marvelous work among this people, yea, a marvelous work and a wonder, for the wisdom of their wise and learned shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent
children of men" (2 Ne. 25:17). The verse immediately following refers directly to the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, a principal part of this marvelous work:
"Wherefore, he shall bring forth his words unto them, which words shall judge them at the last day, for they shall be given them for the purpose of convincing them of
the true Messiah, who was rejected by them" (2 Ne. 25:18). The Book of Mormon title page affirms that one of the purposes of its coming forth is to convince "the
Jew and Gentile that Jesus is the Christ , the Eternal God , manifesting himself unto all nations."

Nephi continued his Isaiah quotations and commentary in 2 Nephi 27. As a solution to latter- day apostasy the Lord promised, "There-fore, I will proceed to do a
marvelous work among this people, yea, a marvelous work and a wonder, for the wisdom of their wise and learned shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent
shall be hid" (2 Ne. 27:6-26). Again, Nephi's Isaiah quotations emphasized the Book of Mormon as a key element of the marvelous work: "And it shall come to pass
that the Lord God shall bring forth unto you the words of a book, and they shall be the words of them which have slumbered. . . . And in that day shall the deaf hear the
words of the book, and the eyes of the blind shall see out of obscurity and out of darkness" (2 Ne. 27:6, 29).

Nephi quoted the Lord again in 2 Nephi 29, in which the Lord said he would "do a marvelous work," whereby he would remember his covenants "unto the children of
men, . . . to recover [his] people, which are of the house of Israel." This marvelous work would include delivering the words of the Nephites to later generations (2 Ne.
29:1-2). When the risen Christ appeared to the children of Lehi 1 , he also prophesied of this marvelous work, a work he would do among latter- day Gentiles: "For in
that day, for my sake shall the Father work a work, which shall be a great and a marvelous work among them" (3 Ne. 21:9).

Modern scripture also speaks directly of the "marvelous work . . . about to come forth among the children of men" (D&C 4:1; 6:1; 11:1; 12:1; 14:1; 18:44). These
prophecies were generally fulfilled when the Book of Mormon was published and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints was established in 1830.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Church History and Modern Revelation. 4 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1953.

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Mary

The mother of the Son of God "after the manner of the flesh" (1 Ne. 11:18; Mosiah 3:8; Alma 7:10; 19:13). The Book of Mormon account both confirms Isaiah's
foreknowledge of a virgin who would be the mother of the Messiah (Isa. 7:14) and records additional prophecy understood by the children of Lehi 1 . They knew that
she would live in Nazareth (1 Ne. 11:13), would be called by the name "Mary" (the English equivalent of the Hebrew Miriam ) while on earth (Mosiah 3:8), and that
she was a "precious and chosen vessel" (Alma 7:10). Nephi 1 saw Mary in vision and described her as "most beautiful and fair above all other virgins" (1 Ne. 11:15).

See also After the manner of the flesh; Conceive by the power of the Holy Ghost.

Fronk, Camille

Mathoni

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Mathonihah

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Mediator

One who acts to reconcile an estranged relationship. Because of the Fall and because all people sin, all are estranged from God. Christ, "the great Mediator of all men,"
reconciles this relationship for those who seek forgiveness through the Atonement, and who are obedient to the laws and ordinances of the gospel (2 Ne. 2:27; A of F
3). Lehi 1 taught that no flesh can dwell in the presence of God if it were not for the intercession of Jesus Christ-his merits, mercy , and grace (2 Ne. 2:8-10). Men and
women are dependent upon Jesus Christ as their advocate to plead their cause before the Father (D&C 45:3-5; 1 Tim. 2:5).

See also Merits of Christ.

Johnson, Stanley A.

Meekness

Gentleness; submission to divine will. A quality that the Lord attributes to himself (Matt. 11:29); a childlike quality (Mosiah 3:19; Matt. 11:29), often coupled with
lowliness of heart (e.g., Alma 37:33; Moro. 7:43). Meekness characterizes those who have faith in Christ (Moro. 7:39), and is one of the fruits of the Spirit (Alma
13:28; D&C 19:23; Gal. 5:22-23). Though often persecuted by the proud and rich (2 Ne. 9:30; 28:13; Hel. 6:39), the meek are promised rest to their souls (Alma
37:34) and the earth as their eternal inheritance (3 Ne. 12:5). Meekness before God provides access to his grace (Ether 12:26-27). The remission of sins brings
meekness "and because of meekness . . . cometh the visitation of the Holy Ghost, which Comforter filleth with hope and perfect love" (Moro. 8:26). Mormon taught
that "none [are] acceptable before God, save the meek and lowly in heart" (Moro. 7:44).

See also Humility.

Thomas, M. Catherine

Meet

See Appendix C.

Melchizedek

-Name- title (Hebrew, "King of Righteousness") given to the presiding patriarch of the covenant people around 2000 b.c. Melchize-dek was king, high priest, and
keeper of the storehouse of God in the land of Salem (JST Gen. 14:25-40; Alma 13:14-18). Also called the "Prince of peace," the "King of peace," and the "king of
 Copyright
heaven,"    (c) 2005-2009,
         Melchizedek        Infobasea Media
                       is considered  type ofCorp.
                                              the Messiah (JST Gen. 14:33-36). His people had become extremely wicked, but by exercising faith   and priesthood,
                                                                                                                                               Page    750 / 919 he
helped them repent and establish peace. Eventually his people were taken up to join Enoch's city of Zion (JST Gen. 14:34; cf. Moses 7:27). He conferred the
priesthood on Abraham (D&C 84:14). To avoid too- frequent repetition of the Lord's name and to honor Melchizedek as a great high priest, Melchizedek was
honored to have the higher priesthood named after him (D&C 107:2-4). Alma 2 testified, "There were many before him, and also there were many afterwards, but
Melchizedek

-Name- title (Hebrew, "King of Righteousness") given to the presiding patriarch of the covenant people around 2000 b.c. Melchize-dek was king, high priest, and
keeper of the storehouse of God in the land of Salem (JST Gen. 14:25-40; Alma 13:14-18). Also called the "Prince of peace," the "King of peace," and the "king of
heaven," Melchizedek is considered a type of the Messiah (JST Gen. 14:33-36). His people had become extremely wicked, but by exercising faith and priesthood, he
helped them repent and establish peace. Eventually his people were taken up to join Enoch's city of Zion (JST Gen. 14:34; cf. Moses 7:27). He conferred the
priesthood on Abraham (D&C 84:14). To avoid too- frequent repetition of the Lord's name and to honor Melchizedek as a great high priest, Melchizedek was
honored to have the higher priesthood named after him (D&C 107:2-4). Alma 2 testified, "There were many before him, and also there were many afterwards, but
none were greater" (Alma 13:19).

See also Types.

Ogden, D. Kelly

Melchizedek Priesthood

See Priesthood among the Nephites.

Melek land of

Nephite region west of the river Sidon, "on the west by the borders of the wilderness," three days' journey south of Ammonihah (Alma 8:3, 6). Alma 2 ministered here
and through his efforts people "were baptized throughout all the land" (Alma 8:5; 82 b.c.). At the end of his life Alma departed from Zarahemla "as if to go into the land
of Melek," but "the saying went abroad in the church that he was taken up by the Spirit" before reaching his destination (Alma 45:18-19; 73 b.c. ). The land of Melek
also became the home of those living in the land of Jershon who gave up their land to Nephite armies for the common defense (Alma 35:13; 74 b.c. ).

Mercy

Compassion, forbearance, withholding deserved punishment. Mercy is one of the neces-sary attributes of God (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:20; 2 Ne. 9:8, 19, 53; 11:5; Jacob 4:10;
Alma 9:26; 26:37; 38:7; 3 Ne. 17:7). If people did not have the conviction that God is a merciful being, they "would faint in the midst of the tribulations, afflictions, and
persecutions which they have to endure for righteousness' sake" (Smith, 4:15).

God is a God of mercy; he is also a God of justice. It is through the atonement of Jesus Christ that these two attributes of God are made compatible. Although mercy
cannot rob justice -"Nay; not one whit" (Alma 42:25)-mercy "overpowereth justice" and "can satisfy the demands of justice" (Alma 34:15-16), because Jesus took
upon himself the punishments demanded by justice for the sins of all men and women of all ages, an "atonement, which is infinite for all mankind" (2 Ne. 25:16). Further,
he suffered "pains and afflictions and temptations of every kind . . . that his bowels may be filled with mercy, according to the flesh, that he may know according to the
flesh how to succor his people according to their infirmities" (Alma 7:11-12; cf. Mosiah 3:7). Such suffering and such understanding, gained through agonizing personal
experience, enables the Savior to be "a perfect, just God, and a merciful God also" (Alma 42:15-16; cf. 2 Ne. 2:8; Mosiah 15:9), permitting him to sit "down on the
right hand of God, to claim of the Father his rights of mercy which he hath upon the children of men" (Moro. 7:27).

Because Jesus satisfied all the demands of justice, the debt all mankind once owed to justice now transfers to the Savior, and he determines the conditions for resolving
the debt. He offers mercy, forgiving any debt, to all those who do not harden their hearts, but who repent, love him, and keep his commandments (Mosiah 13:14; Alma
12:33; 32:13; 34:15-16; 42:12-14, 21-25). To the more righteous of the Nephites and Lamanites who survived the destructions in connection with his death and
resurrection, the Savior said, "O all ye that are spared because ye were more righteous than they, will ye not now return unto me, and repent of your sins, and be
converted, that I may heal you? Yea, verily I say unto you, if ye will come unto me ye shall have eternal life. Behold, mine arm of mercy is extended towards you, and
whosoever will come, him will I receive" (3 Ne. 9:13-14). But mercy "hath no claim" on the unrepentant (Mosiah 2:38-39). They are not forgiven and cleansed through
the suffering of Christ; they must suffer for their own sins, the same penalties justice would impose (Alma 11:40-41; 34:16; D&C 19:15-18; 29:17). The Atonement
does, however, make their suffering efficacious, in that they (except for the sons of perdition) will eventually be brought forth from death and hell and placed in a
kingdom of glory (2 Ne. 9:5-12; cf. D&C 76:81-85, 99-106).

The Book of Mormon makes clear that God is anxious to respond to those who come unto him with full purpose of heart, pleading for mercy. Alma 2 (Alma 36:12-
22), king Lamoni (Alma 18:41-43; 19:1-36), and the people of king Benjamin (Mosiah 4:2-3; 5:1-5), all pled for mercy and were granted spiritual rebirth. Moreover,
the wicked lawyer Zeezrom (Alma 15:10-12) was made whole, and Lehi 1 was granted a marvelous vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8:8-12).

The Book of Mormon teaches that the eternal "plan of mercy" (Alma 42:15), made possible through the Atonement, extends to all of God's children (1 Ne. 1:14; 2 Ne.
9:21). Through the Lord's tender mercy those who repent are forgiven of their sins. God grants mercy also to the unrepentant in that he is patient and -long- suffering
with the wicked, withholding immediate punishment, diligently seeking their repentance and redemption (e.g., Jacob 6:4; Alma 38:7).

See also Appease; Arms of safety; Demands of justice; Grace; Justice, law of; Long- suffering; Satisfy.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Lectures on Faith. Compiled by N. B. Lundwall. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Merits of Christ

The right and power of the Savior to forgive sins and grant salvation to those who believe on him, given to him by the Father because of Christ's perfect obedience and
infinite atonement (Hel. 14:13; D&C 38:4; 45:4).

With the single exception of the Lord Jesus Christ , no human being has ever deserved the celestial kingdom of God (2 Ne. 31:5-7; 3 Ne. 12:48; Rom. 3:23). No one
has ever earned salvation (Mosiah 2:21-24), and no mortal has ever merited God's full approval (Alma 22:14). Therefore, without the merits of Jesus Christ, no human
being could ever be judged worthy to enter the presence of God (2 Ne. 2:8).

Because the Saints are told to keep the command-ments and because they may not inherit eternal life unless they strive earnestly to obey the Lord's injunctions, they
sometimes mistakenly assume that their efforts can somehow earn them salvation. As important as mortal efforts are, however, they are inevitably imperfect and flawed.
They  are always inadequate for salvation. All that mortals are capable of, or "all we can do" (2 Ne. 25:23), is to come to Christ through faith, repentance, and baptism
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(Alma 24:10-11). Humanity's work is to come to Christ; Christ's work is to save humanity. Only Jesus Christ lived a perfect life; only Christ was perfectly           / 919
                                                                                                                                                                 obedient.
Therefore, only Christ has earned or deserves the celestial kingdom. Yet, if mortals come to him, enter into his covenant, and remain true to that covenant relationship,
then through his love and grace he will share his merits with them. Lehi 1 testified, "There is no flesh that can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits,
Because the Saints are told to keep the command-ments and because they may not inherit eternal life unless they strive earnestly to obey the Lord's injunctions, they
sometimes mistakenly assume that their efforts can somehow earn them salvation. As important as mortal efforts are, however, they are inevitably imperfect and flawed.
They are always inadequate for salvation. All that mortals are capable of, or "all we can do" (2 Ne. 25:23), is to come to Christ through faith, repentance, and baptism
(Alma 24:10-11). Humanity's work is to come to Christ; Christ's work is to save humanity. Only Jesus Christ lived a perfect life; only Christ was perfectly obedient.
Therefore, only Christ has earned or deserves the celestial kingdom. Yet, if mortals come to him, enter into his covenant, and remain true to that covenant relationship,
then through his love and grace he will share his merits with them. Lehi 1 testified, "There is no flesh that can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits,
and mercy, and grace of the Holy Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:8). Emphasizing this truth, Nephi 1 and Moroni 2 enjoined their readers not merely to rely upon his merits but to
rely "wholly," or rely "alone," upon them (2 Ne. 31:19; Moro. 6:4; cf. Rom. 3:24).

In the task of coming to Christ and remaining faithful to him, mankind's works, their best efforts, play an important role, but the task of redeeming mankind and saving
them in God's kingdom is the work of the divine Savior alone.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Messiah

The English form of the Hebrew noun mashiach, meaning "anointed one." The Greek cognate, christos, is regularly rendered "Christ" in the New Testament.

Jesus is the Messiah, or Anointed One, because of his premortal appointment as the sole, legitimate Redeemer of the world. The Bible contains numerous messianic
prophecies that foretell some aspect of the first and/or second coming of Jesus as the Messiah or Christ. In the preserved Hebrew Bible (Old Testament), however, the
noun mashiach is never explicitly used as a title for Jehovah (the premortal Jesus) and occurs only once in a prophecy of the Messiah's coming (Isa. 61:1). This noun is
primarily employed in reference to the Israelite kings Saul, David, and David's descendants, as "the Lord's anointed," "his anointed," or "mine anointed" (1 Sam. 24:6;
26:11; 2 Sam. 19:21; 22:51; Ps. 18:50; 132:17; sometimes, as in Ps. 2:2, the Davidic king serves as a "type" of Jesus the Messiah). Also, the Aaronic High Priest
(Lev. 4:5) and even Cyrus, a Persian king (Isa. 45:1), were designated "anointed" ones. Ideally, Israelite priests and kings were supposed to symbolize the attributes
and authority of Jesus, the heavenly Messiah. Daniel prophesied of a future "Messiah the Prince," considered by most Christians to be Jesus (Dan. 9:25-26). The
prophecy in Isaiah 10:27 // 2 Nephi 20:27 that "the yoke [of Assyria] shall be destroyed because of the anointing" (Hebrew, literally "because of oil") may be an
allusion to the power of the Anointed One or to the chosen status of Israel. The Hebrew verb mashach, "to anoint," occurs in the Bible in a secular context in reference
to pouring or smearing ointment on a person (Amos 6:6), oil on cakes (Ex. 29:2) and on a shield (Isa. 21:5), and even red paint on a house (Jer. 22:14). Much more
frequent and important is the use of this verb with the religious sense of anointing with oil to consecrate or set apart. People who were anointed include kings (1 Kgs.
1:39), prophets (1 Kgs. 19:16), and priests (Ex. 30:30). Consecrated objects, such as the sacrificial altar, the tabernacle, and objects used therein, were also anointed
(Ex. 40:9-11). The verb mashach also occurs in a messianic prophecy in Isaiah 61:1: "the Lord hath anointed me to preach good tidings unto the meek . . . to proclaim
liberty to the captives" (cf. Luke 4:16-21).

The oldest manuscripts of the New Testament are in Greek, so the title "Messiah" is generally expressed therein by the Greek cognate christos, "Christ" (with the
exception of John 1:41 and 4:25, where the transliterated form messias occurs).

-Latter- day Saint scripture indicates that prophets who lived before Jesus' birth understood and taught that Jehovah/Jesus was the Messiah who would come (Moses
7:50, 53; 1 Ne. 10:5; Mosiah 13:33; Hel. 8:13-20; Jacob 2 teaches the same thing, but uses the term "Christ" in Jacob 4:4-5). Even the lesser law of Moses was given
to persuade Israelites "to look forward unto the Messiah, and believe in him to come as though he already was" (Jarom 1:11). Because the term mashiach is not clearly
preserved as a title for Jehovah in the Hebrew Bible nor in the minimal corpus of Israelite inscriptions, it is not possible to determine how many Israelites in Jerusalem at
the time of Jeremiah 1 and Lehi 1 (ca. 600 b.c.) knew or believed that Jehovah himself would come to earth as the anointed Son of God, the Messiah.

"Messiah" occurs thirty- two times in the Book of Mormon; all but three are in 1 and 2 Nephi. In contrast to the preserved biblical text, Nephi 1 indicated that when
Lehi preached repentance in Jerusalem he taught "plainly of the coming of a Messiah, and also the redemption of the world" (1 Ne. 1:19). The Jews' angry response to
Lehi's preaching could indicate their sense of guilt and/or an apostate notion that Lehi was in some way teaching false doctrine. Nephi did not relate that Lehi taught the
identity of the future Messiah to the Jews, but does report that Lehi later taught his family many details concerning the (first) coming of the Messiah, including that this
"Savior of the world" was the "Redeemer" who would be baptized, killed, and "should rise from the dead" (1 Ne. 10:4-11; cf. 2 Ne. 2:6, 8, 26). Similarly, Nephi
observed that "the Son of God was the Messiah who should come" (1 Ne. 10:17), and an angel taught him that "the Messiah . . . is the Lamb of God" (1 Ne. 12:18).
Lehi also prophesied that as part of the great latter- day gathering "remnants of the house of Israel" would "come to the knowledge of the true Messiah, their Lord and
their Redeemer" (1 Ne. 10:14; cf. 1 Ne. 15:13-14). Furthermore, both Lehi and Jacob taught that the Messiah would gather the remnants of latter- day Israel (1 Ne.
10:14; 15:13; 2 Ne. 3:5; 6:13-14).

Jacob was the first to use the title "Christ" in the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 10:3), indicating that an angel taught him this "name," presumably meaning the Greek
equivalent of the Hebrew title Messiah by which Jesus would come to be commonly designated (cf. 2 Ne. 25:19). Subsequently, Nephi regularly used "Christ" instead
of "Messiah" in his record, except in 2 Nephi 26:3 and 2 Nephi 25 (eight times), where he stated in his message to the Jews (2 Ne. 25:9-20) that Jesus Christ is the
"name" of the Messiah (2 Ne. 25:19). In 2 Nephi 25:16, Nephi used "Messiah" and "Christ" interchangeably. "Christ" is regularly used in the translated text of the Book
of Mormon from this point onwards (with the exception of Jarom 1:11; Mosiah 13:33; Hel. 8:13), apparently indicating the preference of the Nephite prophets for that
revealed form over the Hebrew form "Messiah."

Pike, Dana M.

Metals ancient writing on

The Book of Mormon mentions five sets of metallic inscriptions: the plates of brass, the plates of Ether, the small plates of Nephi, the large plates of Nephi, and the
plates of Mormon. Modern miscon-ceptions about the nature of ancient writing make it difficult for some to believe that such records could actually be inscribed and
preserved on metal plates. A review of archaeological evidence suggests such skepticism is not well founded.

Because metals are durable and, like most tangible surfaces, were used for protoliterate inscriptions the world over, thousands of metallic documents survive from
antiquity (Anchor 6.1001-2). They were used for military diplomas, judicial ballots ("dikasts' pinakia") , foundation documents and other hidden writings (concealed in
all sorts of buried containers), letters, political propaganda, economic texts, maps, dedications, enactments, prayers, historical records, mummy tickets, blessings,
curses, and much else (Wright, 468-71). Examples include a bronze plate ("delton chalken") predicting Alexander's conquest of Persia, the earliest Greek letter (written
on a leaden tablet), the Pyrgi tablets (three gold- leaf inscriptions), an inscribed bronze treaty terminating the first Peloponnesian war, more than four hundred leaden
curse tablets taken from a Boeotian jar in 1860, many lead rolls (and a few bronze inscriptions) found in Cyprus, and more than one hundred Roman military diplomas
discovered by 1924 (Wright, 457-62).

Ancient metallic documents were often lengthy and important. The copper scroll from Qumran is a good example, as is a lead book ("molybdon") containing the full text
 Copyright
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long and contain more than four thousand words. Treaties, like the Thirty Years' Peace and the accords of Khetasira with Ramses II of Egypt, were often metallic
documents, the latter filling a large silver tablet and requiring two hundred lines for its English translation. Another bronze inscription on four sizable plates fills three
discovered by 1924 (Wright, 457-62).

Ancient metallic documents were often lengthy and important. The copper scroll from Qumran is a good example, as is a lead book ("molybdon") containing the full text
of Hesiod's Works and Days. The bronze tablets of Iguvium, seven brass plates discovered at Gubbio in 1844, vary from 12 to 16 inches wide and 22 to 33 inches
long and contain more than four thousand words. Treaties, like the Thirty Years' Peace and the accords of Khetasira with Ramses II of Egypt, were often metallic
documents, the latter filling a large silver tablet and requiring two hundred lines for its English translation. Another bronze inscription on four sizable plates fills three
lengthy pages in translation; it summa-rizes Roman laws that controlled provincial mining operations in order to govern a typical mining town by regulating its miners,
cobblers, barbers, fullers, schoolmasters, and public baths (Wright, 464-65).

As products of sacral cultures, ancient metal documents were inevitably religious. The gold bible of Orphism, which resembles Egyptian Books of the Dead, consisted
of nine golden plates for guiding departed souls into their afterlives; it was to ordinary Greeks what Plato's sophisticated myth of Er was to intellectuals. Incantations of
chanted magic, inscribed on various metals by anyone invoking supernatural agents to bless or curse others, survive from most ancient cultures: blessings normally
appear on gold or silver tablets, curses on strips of lead or tin (which were often rolled up, pierced with nails, and thrown into graves or cisterns). Golden books from
ancient Burma provide additional examples: two gold plates inscribed with Buddhist scriptures were concealed in a false brick discovered at Maunggun in 1898. A
golden book from Hmawza, which resembles India's palm- leaf manuscripts, contains twenty gold leaves of inscriptions between two gold covers: its leaves were
"bound together by a thick gold wire . . . fastened to the covers by sealing wax and small glass beads"; there were "two holes in each leaf and cover, through which the
gold wire was passed, to keep the whole in position," and "it was necessary to cut this wire in order to free the leaves" (Wright, 467-68). The existence of other metal
books in ancient Burma is attested by still another discovery of sixteen small fragments of gold and silver plates covered with Pyu inscriptions. Thus, in the ancient
world, inscribing important and sacred text on metal plates was not a practice unique to the Book of Mormon authors.

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mor-mon, 9; Gold plates; Stone boxes, burial of documents in.

Bibliography

The Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by David Noel Freedman et al. 6 vols. New York: Doubleday, 1992.

Wright, H. Curtis. "Metallic Documents of Antiquity." Brigham Young University Studies 10:4 (1970): 457-77. Consult this publication for author's primary sources.

Wright, Herbert Curtis

Metals of the Book of Mormon

The ancient Near East knew six metals-gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin-and only one fabricated alloy-bronze ( Interpreter's, 3:366; Num. 31:22; Ezek. 22:20).
Nephi 1 taught his people to work iron, copper, brass, gold, and silver, and apparently steel as well (2 Ne. 5:15).

Copper, bronze, and brass

Copper occurs in nature as a native metal; however, most copper in antiquity was smelted from secondary blue and green copper carbonates like malachite. Bronze,
the copper- tin alloy, was known as early as 3000 b.c. and was the metal of choice for much of ancient Near East history. Brass, the copper- zinc alloy, was not
introduced into the Holy Land as a deliberate alloy before the first century b.c. (Tylecote, 58).

The ancient Hebrew word nechosheth and the Greek chalkos may be translated either "copper" or "bronze" (Brown, 230-31). In the language of Tudor England,
"brass" denoted any copper alloy and was derived from the Old English word braes ( Interpreter's, 1:461; New Standard, 576). The word bronze did not come into
use until the eighteenth century and does not appear in the Book of Mormon or the King James Version of the Bible, although it is common in other Bible trans-lations.
As Joseph Smith was very familiar with the King James Bible and Lehi 1 left Jerusalem before copper- zinc alloys were fabricated in the Near East, it appears likely
that the "brass" objects in the Book of Mormon were either copper or bronze. The "brass" plates of Laban may have been copper, as copper is more malleable than
bronze, and the Liahona, which was of supernatural origin, was made of some material that Nephi chose to call "fine brass."

Iron and steel

By Nephi's time, Canaan had entered the Iron Age (Tylecote, 40), and Nephi must have brought with him a few iron and steel objects (e.g., Laban's sword and
Nephi's bow) as well as a knowledge of smelting. When commanded to make tools for ship building, Nephi asked help to find ore but seemed to know how to
proceed from there (1 Ne. 17:8-11). A simple fire pit furnace, even with bellows, cannot melt iron, but yields iron "bloom" by the reduction of iron oxide ores. This
spongy mass of tiny iron crystals is forged to "wrought iron" with hammer and anvil after the manner of the western pioneer blacksmiths. Wrought iron may become
steel by "carburizing" in the same pit furnace (Phillips, 41). This technology was well known in Jerusalem by 600 b.c.

The earlier Jaredite record makes reference to "iron" (Ether 10:23) and "steel" (Ether 7:9), and Jared 1's great- grandson Shule was said to be a maker of steel swords
(Ether 7:9). Because Jared and his brother departed the Near East at the time of the great tower and the confounding of languages (Ether 1:33), the record implies a
date for iron and steel centuries before the Hittites of Asia Minor introduced iron in the second millen-nium b.c. As archaeologists have found no artifacts of smelted
iron in the New World earlier than the Spanish conquest (Tylecote, ix) and the Spanish found Mesoamerica in a pre- bronze age (Tylecote, 12), it seems likely that (1)
the knowledge of iron and steel smelting and working was known to the Book of Mormon peoples and subsequently lost; (2) the terms "iron" and "steel" in the Book of
Mormon do not denote the same metals identified by those names today; (3) archaeological evidence is incomplete. All of these choices are probably true to some
degree (Lechtman, 1).

Gold and silver

Nephi stated that the "promised land" yielded "all manner of ore, both of gold, and of silver, and of copper" (1 Ne. 18:23, 25), which is consistent with the New World
wealth found by Spanish conquistadors and by modern miners of the American cordillera. The metals designated "gold" and "silver" should be unambiguous. Both may
occur as native metals, which can be worked directly and, along with copper, are malleable, making them the metals of choice for the pages of ancient records because
they could be pounded to very thin sheets (Tylecote, 37). Great intrinsic value make gold and silver the obvious choice for barter and, as the standard of wealth and
prosperity, they repeatedly led to pride and apostasy in the narrative.

Ziff

The word ziff appears only twice in the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 11:3, 8), and as it occurs in a list of metals, it is usually assumed to be a metal. The only known
metals not considered above are tin and lead. Ziff could be either or some other alloy, but lead is most likely as it is common and easily recovered from galena (PbS),
which is also(c)the2005-2009,
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See also Metals, ancient writing on.
Ziff

The word ziff appears only twice in the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 11:3, 8), and as it occurs in a list of metals, it is usually assumed to be a metal. The only known
metals not considered above are tin and lead. Ziff could be either or some other alloy, but lead is most likely as it is common and easily recovered from galena (PbS),
which is also the principal source of silver.

See also Metals, ancient writing on.

Bibliography

Brown, Roland W. Composition of Scientific Words. Baltimore: Brown, 1954 .

Funk & Wagnalls New Standard Bible Dictionary. New York: Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1936 .

The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by George A. Buttrick. 4 vols. Nashville: Abingdon, 1962.

Lechtman, Heather. "Issues in Andean Metallurgy." In Pre- Columbian Metallurgy of South America. Edited by Elizabeth P. Benson. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton
Oaks Research Library and Collections, 1979.

Phillips, W. R. "Metals of the Book of Mormon." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 9:2 (2000).

Tylecote, R. F. A History of Metallurgy. London: The Metals Society, 1976.

Phillips, William Revell

Mete

See Appendix C.

Methought

See Appendix C.

Micah

A biblical prophet, contemporary with Isaiah, who prophesied in Judah between 742-687 b.c. Micah prophesied the destruction of Samaria and Judah, as well as
hope for their eventual gathering and restoration. His teachings focus on social justice, condemning those who profit by taking advantage of others (Micah 3). Micah is
best known for his familiar prophecies of the Lord's house being established in the top of the mountains (Micah 4:1-3; cf. Isa. 2:2-5) and that the Messiah would "come
forth" from Bethlehem (Micah 5:2). Chapters 4-5 prophesy the future restoration of Israel and the destruction of her enemies. It is possible Micah's prophecies were
recorded on the brass plates.

The resurrected Savior quoted several passages from Micah's writings (chapters 4-5) to the descendants of Lehi in 3 Nephi 16, 20, 21. In quoting Micah the Lord
spoke in the first person "I" (e.g., 3 Ne. 20:18) where the prophet Micah referred to God as "he" or "the Lord" (e.g., Micah 4:12). The passages from Micah quoted
by Christ share the common theme of Israel overcoming the wicked Gentiles. Therein the Gentiles are warned that if they do not repent "a remnant of the house of
Jacob, [shall] go forth among them; and . . . shall be in the midst of them who shall be many; and . . . shall be among them as a lion among the beasts of the forest, and
as a young lion among the flocks of sheep, who, if he goeth through both treadeth down and teareth in pieces, and none can deliver." Israel's "hand," the Lord
continued, "shall be lifted up upon thine adversaries, and all thine enemies shall be cut off" (3 Ne. 20:16-17; cf. Micah 5:8-9; see also 3 Ne. 16:15; 21:12). Elder Bruce
R. McConkie wrote: "These words of our Lord to the Nephites are quoted from Micah 5:8-9 and have reference to the desolations and ultimate burning that shall
destroy the wicked at the Second Coming. . . . The righteous-here called the remnant of Jacob-shall abide the day. And then, in the prophetic imagery, it will be as
though the remnant of Israel overthrew their enemies as a young lion among the flocks of sheep" (248).

Indeed, the Lord at his coming will gather his people together and make them mighty against their enemies (3 Ne. 20:18-19; cf. Micah 4:12-13; 3 Ne. 25:3). Still
quoting from Micah, Christ warned of specific destructions that would occur as well as specific sins that would be "cut off," "in that day"- the day of the Lord (3 Ne.
21:14- 18; cf. Micah 5:10-14). He then described the millennial conditions that will come in consequence of this cleansing: "All lyings, and deceivings, and envyings,
and strifes, and priestcrafts, and whoredoms, shall be done away" (3 Ne. 21:19).

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. The Millennial Messiah: The Second Coming of the Son of Man. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982.

Seely, David Rolph

Middoni land of

Lamanite land where Aaron 3 , Muloki, and Ammah were imprisoned for preaching the word of God (Alma 20:2; 21:11-13; between 90 and 70 b.c. ). There, they
suffered extremes of hunger, thirst, and physical abuse (Alma 20:29-30; 21:12-15). Their deliverance was accomplished by Ammon 2 and Lamoni as the converted
Lamoni had some influence with the king in Middoni (Alma 20:1-7, 14-15, 27-28; 21:14). Subsequently, the missionaries were allowed to preach freely, and the
people from Middoni and elsewhere were converted and became known as the Anti- Nephi- Lehies (Alma 23:8, 10).

Midian land of

Lamanite land east of Lehi- Nephi where Ammon 2 met with his brethren after learning that the Lamanites were preparing to attack the Anti- Nephi- Lehies. They then
went to counsel with king Lamoni and his brother Anti- Nephi- Lehi concerning the threat (Alma 24:5).

Millennium the

The  thousand-
 Copyright  (c) year period when
                2005-2009,        ChristMedia
                             Infobase    "the Holy One of Israel reigneth" on the earth following his second coming (1 Ne. 22:26, 24; 3 Ne. 21:25;Page
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of F 10). Although the word millennium is not used in the Book of Mormon, much can be gleaned on the subject from its pages. For example, the Millennium will be a
time of peace among men and in the animal kingdom: "Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more" (2 Ne. 12:4), "then shall the
wolf dwell with the lamb; and the leopard shall lie down with the kid, . . . and a little child shall lead them" (2 Ne. 30:12-14). Isaiah taught that "the earth shall be full of
went to counsel with king Lamoni and his brother Anti- Nephi- Lehi concerning the threat (Alma 24:5).

Millennium the

The thousand- year period when Christ "the Holy One of Israel reigneth" on the earth following his second coming (1 Ne. 22:26, 24; 3 Ne. 21:25; D&C 43:29-30; A
of F 10). Although the word millennium is not used in the Book of Mormon, much can be gleaned on the subject from its pages. For example, the Millennium will be a
time of peace among men and in the animal kingdom: "Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more" (2 Ne. 12:4), "then shall the
wolf dwell with the lamb; and the leopard shall lie down with the kid, . . . and a little child shall lead them" (2 Ne. 30:12-14). Isaiah taught that "the earth shall be full of
the knowledge of the Lord" (2 Ne. 21:9), and Nephi 1 added, "all things shall be made known unto the children of men" (2 Ne. 30:16), and "all things which have been
revealed unto the children of men shall at that day be revealed" (2 Ne. 30:18). Moroni 2 , drawing upon the teachings of Ether, and Christ both spoke of the New
Jerusalem , a "holy city" that would be built upon "this land" (the American continent) (Ether 13:2-10; 3 Ne. 21:21-25), which city would serve as a governing center
during the Millennium (2 Ne. 12:2-3; D&C 45:67). Moreover, it would be a millennial day when Jerusalem of old would once again be blessed and inhabited by those
of Israel "who were scattered and gathered in from the four quarters of the earth" (Ether 13:11).

During the Millennium the earth will "be renewed and receive its paradisiacal glory"-"there [will] be a new heaven and a new earth" (A of F 10; Ether 13:9). A "new
heavens and a new earth" is used in scripture to refer to the change that is to take place at the beginning of the Millennium (Isa. 65:17-25; 66:22-24; 2 Pet. 3:10-13; cf.
D&C 101:23-31), as well as to the transformation that will occur at the end of the Millennium when the earth becomes a celestial kingdom (D&C 29:22-24; 88:25-
26). In some of the verses it is not always clear which period is being spoken of or whether the designation could apply to both time periods (e.g., Ether 13:9; Rev.
21:1-4).

The Book of Mormon teaches that Satan will be bound during the Millennium. The initiation of this restraint would be through the destruction of the wicked at the
coming of Christ (1 Ne. 22:15-17; 2 Ne. 30:10; 3 Ne. 24:2-3; 25:1). Further, Nephi taught that "because of the righteousness of his people, Satan has no power;
wherefore, he cannot be loosed for the space of many years; for he hath no power over the hearts of the people" (1 Ne. 22:26). This "space of many years" was
referred to in the allegory of Zenos as the "long time" when the "vineyard is no more corrupted" (Jacob 5:75-76; cf. 2 Ne. 30:18). Zenos also taught that following this
long period of righteousness there will be wickedness once more, "the good and the bad [will] be gathered," the good will be preserved, the bad will be cast away; and
the vineyard (the earth) will be burned with fire (Jacob 5:77). This teaching corresponds with latter- day revelation which indicates that Satan will be loosed but "he
shall only reign for a little season, and then cometh the end of the earth" (D&C 43:31-32; 29:22).

Following the Savior's visit to America the righteous enjoyed peace and prosperity for nearly two hundred years (4 Ne. 1:2-18). This period of Zion among Book of
Mormon people foreshadows the conditions that will exist during the Millennium.

See also Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Johnson, Paul Vere

Minister

To attend to someone's needs, to give aid or supply relief, to serve (Webster ). In the Book of Mormon the word minister is usually found in the context of teaching and
preaching-serving others through the spoken word (e.g., Jacob 4:1; Hel. 5:50; Alma 22:23). The word is used exclusively as a verb throughout the Book of Mormon
with the exception of Alma 1's warning his people to "trust no one to be your teacher nor your minister [ noun ], except he be a man of God" (Mosiah 23:14). In this
isolated instance, the term refers to the wicked priests of king Noah 3 and means those who had been authorized to conduct the religious affairs of his kingdom
(Mosiah 11:5; 23:12-13). The word minister differs from administer in that the latter typically suggests a giving or dispensing of something tangible, such as food,
clothes, land, or the like.

Jesus Christ is clearly the exemplar of one who ministers (e.g., 1 Ne. 11:28; 13:35; 15:14; 2 Ne. 2:4; 16:1; 19:15; 26:14; Ether 3:18, 20). All others who minister do
so as emissaries of God. For example, angels frequently minister to mortals (1 Ne. 11:30; 16:38; 2 Ne. 4:24; Jacob 7:5, 17; Hel. 5:48; 3 Ne. 7:18; 17:24; 19:14;
Moro. 7:22, 25, 29, 30, 37; 10:14), and the twelve disciples were chosen by the resurrected Lord to minister by way of teaching, baptizing, and bestowing the Holy
Ghost among the descendants of Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 12:8; 3 Ne. 12:1; 13:25; 19:7-8; 26:19; 28:16, 18). Three of the twelve disciples, commonly referred to as the Three
Nephites, continue to serve as special witnesses, ministering to the scattered tribes of Israel as well as all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people, bringing many souls to
Christ (3 Ne. 28:26, 29; Morm. 8:11). All others who min-ister in the Book of Mormon can be identified as righteous followers of Jesus Christ. These include Jacob 2
(Jacob 4:1), king Lamoni's father (Alma 22:23), Alma 2 , along with other faithful missionaries (Alma 35:7; Hel. 5:50), and Nephi 3 (3 Ne. 7:17).

The Savior taught the members of his Church that they have an obligation to minister to those who are unworthy to partake of the sacrament or who refuse to repent, in
hopes that someday they may return to the Lord with full purpose of heart (3 Ne. 18:28-). Mormon taught that angels appear and minister to mortals according to faith
(Moro. 7:37), and Moroni 2 indicated that the beholding and ministering of angels is a gift given of God (Moro. 10:8, 14).

See also Angels, ministry of; Ministering spirits.

Bibliography

Webster, Noah. An American Dictionary of the English Language. 1828.

Whitchurch, David M.

Ministering spirits

Spirits sent by God to minister to his children on earth. Moroni 2 taught that one of the gifts of the Spirit is the gift of "the beholding of angels and ministering
spirits" (Moro. 10:14). The difference between angels and ministering spirits is not made known in the Book of Mormon. A revelation in the Doctrine and Covenants
teaches that an angel is a resurrected being (or translated being) with a body of flesh and bones, while spirits who appear to individuals are the spirits of just men made
perfect (D&C 129:1-3; 7). Throughout the scriptures this distinction is not always appli-cable, however, as "angels" and "spirits" are at times used interchangeably
(Mosiah 27:11; D&C 76:88; JST Heb. 1:6-7; Heb. 1:14). Examples of ministering spirits in the Book of Mormon include the Lord appearing to the brother of Jared 1
(Ether 3), the angel appearing to Alma 2 and Amulek (Alma 8:14-15, 20), and the angel who came to king Benjamin (Mosiah 3:2).

See also Angels, ministry of.

Garrett, Henry Dean
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Minon land of

Nephite land, just west of the river Sidon, "above the land of Zarahemla, in the course of the land of Nephi" (Alma 2:24). Here the spies of Alma 2 were "astonished"
See also Angels, ministry of.

Garrett, Henry Dean

Minon land of

Nephite land, just west of the river Sidon, "above the land of Zarahemla, in the course of the land of Nephi" (Alma 2:24). Here the spies of Alma 2 were "astonished"
and fearful to see Nephites fleeing toward Zarahemla before a combined Lamanite- Amlicite army (Alma 2:21-25).

Miracles

Events which mortals do not understand and of themselves cannot duplicate. The Book of Mormon teaches and illustrates that miracles are wrought through God's
power (Alma 37:40; 4 Ne. 1:30; Morm. 7:9) in the name of Christ (Jacob 4:6; 3 Ne. 8:1) to benefit man (2 Ne. 26:24; Mosiah 8:18; Ether 3:4). The prophet Moroni
2 explained that faith is a requisite of miracles, for "if there be no faith among the children of men God can do no miracle among them" (Ether 12:12; cf. 2 Ne. 26:3;
27:23; Alma 37:40; 3 Ne. 19:35). Moroni further testified that in addition to faith, righteous living and a knowledge of God are required for miracles (Morm. 9:20; cf. 3
Ne. 8:1).

Although miracles, in combination with preaching and revelation, may help bring one to a knowledge of truth (Alma 23:6), they do not supplant the need for faith in
acquiring a testimony of the divinity of God. Moroni emphasized that even the miracle of gaining a testimony is received only after faith is exercised (Ether 12:6).

Nephi 1 warned that in the last days false churches and evil men would teach that miracles have ceased (2 Ne. 28:3-6; cf. 3 Ne. 29:7). Book of Mormon prophets,
however, testified that miracles always have and always will be part of God's handiwork, for he is the "same yesterday, today, and forever" (2 Ne. 27:23; Morm. 9:7-
19). Accordingly, the Book of Mormon offers a second witness of past miracles detailed in the Old Testament, such as the creation of the earth (2 Ne. 2:14-15; Alma
22:10-12; Morm. 9:11-12), the flood in the days of Noah 1 (Alma 10:22), the parting of the Red Sea (1 Ne. 4:2; Mosiah 7:19; Hel. 8:11), and the providing of manna
for Israel in the wilderness (1 Ne. 17:28-29). The text also chronicles miracles that were contemporary with the Book of Mormon peoples, such as the working of the
Liahona (Alma 37:40), the numerous miraculous escapes of the righteous (1 Ne. 7:17-18; Mosiah 24:19; Alma 14:26-29; 4 Ne. 1:30), the raising of the dead (3 Ne.
7:19; 19:4), and the moving of a mountain (Ether 12:30). Furthermore, the Book of Mormon contains prophecies of New Testa-ment miracles, such as the divine
conception and mortal birth of Christ (1 Ne. 11:13-21; Alma 7:10; 3 Ne. 1:19), the miraculous healings by the Savior and his apostles (1 Ne. 11:31; Morm. 9:18), the
infinite atonement (Mosiah 3:7-8, 11; Alma 7:11-13), and the resurrection (Mosiah 3:10; 3 Ne. 11). Moroni reasoned that God would certainly continue to be a "God
of miracles" in the future as long as there are Saints to be redeemed through Christ, earthly taber-nacles to be resurrected from the dead, and souls to be brought
before the judgment bar (Morm. 9:11-15). Thus, Moroni's witness is that miracles are an essential part of God's work and glory (Moses 1:39).

Richardson, Matthew O.

Missionary service

As the missionary's most important tool, the Book of Mormon lies at the heart of latter- day missionary service, where it plays a multi- faceted role. First, the book
foretells a great latter- day gathering to Christ, his church, and gospel covenants (e.g., 1 Ne. 15:12-18; 22:7-12; 2 Ne. 30:2-7; 3 Ne. 5:24-26). This gathering would
be effected by servants, called and sent out into the Lord's vineyard for the "last time," following a period of universal apostasy and before the end of the world (Jacob
5). Second, the book's coming forth was foretold as a sign that would mark the time when this gathering would begin (3 Ne. 21:1-7). Third, the Book of Mormon
assists in the gathering to Christ and to the church of Christ (2 Ne. 30:3-4; 3 Ne. 16:4-5; Morm. 7:8-10) by providing "another testament of Jesus Christ" and a
tangible witness of the truth of the Restoration through the Prophet Joseph Smith. Fourth, it provides those seeking religious truth with the "fulness of the gospel" (D&C
20:9), and it restores "plain and precious" gospel truths that were lost from the Bible (1 Ne. 13:26-29, 32-36, 40-41). Fifth, it equips missionaries with answers to
questions that challenge the necessity for a second book of scripture (2 Ne. 29; Morm. 9:7-27). Sixth, the book includes a formula by which readers can come to
know, personally, the truth of the gospel and gain a testimony of the Book of Mormon (Alma 32; Moro. 10:3-7). And seventh, it contains numerous principles
pertaining to the accomplishment of effective missionary work.

The accompanying table summarizes important missionary attributes, attitudes, understandings, and practices gleaned from the Book of Mormon narrative.

Largey, Dennis L.

Mist of darkness

See Lehi 1's dream.

Mitchill Dr. Samuel Latham

See Anthon transcript.

Mocum city of

After his crucifixion, Christ caused waters to cover Mocum and its inhabitants to hide their wickedness, that the blood of martyred prophets and Saints would cease to
testify against them (3 Ne. 9:7).

Molder

See Appendix C.

Monetary system

See Nephite weights and measures.

More

See Appendix C.
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More or less

Adding to or taking away from the approved teachings of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 11:39-40; 18:12-13; D&C 10:68; 93:25; Deut. 4:2; Rev. 22:19). Incomplete or
More

See Appendix C.

More or less

Adding to or taking away from the approved teachings of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 11:39-40; 18:12-13; D&C 10:68; 93:25; Deut. 4:2; Rev. 22:19). Incomplete or
embellished doctrines (the precepts of men) tarnish truth with error and thus have no power to save. They are as sand compared to the rock of the gospel. In the Old
World, Christ did not hesitate to discredit what the Pharisees had added to the law of Moses (Matt. 15:13).

Largey, Dennis L.

Moriancumer land of

Place by the sea where the Jaredites dwelt four years before embarking on their journey to the promised land (Ether 2:13). It was here that the Lord chastened the
brother of Jared 1 for neglecting to call upon him (Ether 2:14). It was also here that they built barges to carry them across the ocean (Ether 2:16-17) and here, on
mount Shelem, that the brother of Jared received a miraculous vision of the premortal Christ (Ether 3:6-16). The area was probably named after the brother of Jared,
whose name, Mahonri Moriancumer, was revealed through the Prophet Joseph Smith.

See also Moriancumer, Mahonri.

Moriancumer Mahonri

In an unusual incident, the Prophet Joseph Smith revealed the name of the brother of Jared 1 . George Reynolds recorded, "While residing in Kirtland Elder Reynolds
Cahoon had a son born to him. One day when President Joseph Smith was passing his door he called the Prophet in and asked him to bless and name the baby.
Joseph did so and gave the boy the name of Mahonri Moriancumer. When he had finished the blessing he laid the child on the bed, and turning to Elder Cahoon he
said, the name I have given your son is the name of the brother of Jared; the Lord has just shown [or revealed] it to me. Elder William F. Cahoon, who was standing
near heard the Prophet make this statement to his father; and this was the first time the name of the brother of Jared was known in the Church in this dispensation" (282
n). The above incident took place sometime in 1834, because records indicate that on 25 July 1834, a son was born to Reynolds and Thirza Stiles Cahoon whom they
named Mahonri Moriancumer Cahoon (Black, 8:217). Significantly, the name Moriancumer does appear in the scriptural text. After crossing many waters and a stretch
of wilderness, the Jaredite colony pitched their tents in a place they called Moriancumer (Ether 2:13), which place-name possibly corroborates the modern revelation
given to the Prophet Joseph Smith concerning the name of the brother of Jared.

Bibliography

Reynolds, George. "The Jaredites." Juvenile Instructor 27 (1 May 1892); brackets in original.

Black, Susan Easton. Membership of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1830-1848. 50 vols. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young
University, 1989.

Baugh, Alexander L.

Morianton 1

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Morianton 2

A hot- tempered and wicked man who led the people of the land of Morianton in a border dispute against Nephites in the neigh boring land of Lehi (Alma 50:25-27;
ca. 68 b.c. ). Fearing retaliation from the army of Moroni 1 , Morianton planned to lead his people to the land northward. His plan was foiled, however, when a
maidservant whom he had beaten in a fit of anger defected to Moroni's camp. Learning of Morianton's intent and fearing that the people of Bountiful 2 would join
forces with Morianton (Alma 50:29-31), Moroni sent Teancum's army to stop his flight. Teancum slew Morianton and returned to the camp of Moroni with prisoners
(Alma 50:33-36).

Morianton land of and city of

Nephite coastal region bordering the land of Lehi (Alma 50:25), possibly named after a prominent leader, Morianton 2 (see Alma 50:28; ca. 68 b.c. ). Under
Morianton the people became involved in a land dispute with the inhabitants of Lehi, but before they could carry out their violent intentions, the people in the land of
Lehi fled to captain Moroni for assistance. Fearing Moroni, Morianton attempted to lead his people northward. They were prevented by force of arms, and under a
covenant of peace they were restored to their land (Alma 50:25-36). Within a year, however, they were driven out by the Lamanites and eventually joined forces with
other refugees (Alma 51:26; 59:5). Moroni began preparations to retake Morianton in 63 b.c. , but the city was heavily fortified. The record does not say when or if it
was liberated (Alma 55:33).

Moriantum

Nephite locale. In a letter to his son Moroni 2 , written just prior to the final destruction of the Nephite nation, Mormon described in horrific detail the depravity of
some Nephites in Moriantum. They captured many Lamanite women, sexually assaulted them, tortured them to death, and then devoured their flesh "for a token of
bravery." Mormon denounced their acts and lamented the state of his people (Moro. 9:9-15).

Mormon 1

Father of Mormon 2 (the primary abridger of the Book of Mormon) and a descendant of Nephi 1 (Morm. 1:5). The only reference to him is the note that he carried his
eleven- year- old son Mormon into the land of Zarahemla (Morm. 1:6; ca. a.d. 322).

Mormon 2
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Late Nephite prophet, historian, general of armies, and abridger of the Nephite records (ca. a.d. 311-85).

Mormon was a descendant of Nephi 1 and was named after his father Mormon 1 and the land of Mormon, where Alma 1 established the Church after fleeing from the
eleven- year- old son Mormon into the land of Zarahemla (Morm. 1:6; ca. a.d. 322).

Mormon 2

Late Nephite prophet, historian, general of armies, and abridger of the Nephite records (ca. a.d. 311-85).

Mormon was a descendant of Nephi 1 and was named after his father Mormon 1 and the land of Mormon, where Alma 1 established the Church after fleeing from the
servants of the apostate king Noah 3 (3 Ne. 5:12; Morm. 1:5; Mosiah 18). As author- editor of the abridged sacred record of the Nephite peoples, Mormon is the
ancient prophet to whom modern readers of the Book of Mormon are perhaps most indebted. Mormon's life spanned the final tragic era in Book of Mormon history,
and Mormon grieved deeply as he watched his people ripen fully in iniquity. So steeped in wickedness was this society that the Lord "did take away his beloved
disciples" (Morm. 1:13, 16), and spiritual gifts were withdrawn. Not only did Gadiantonism reappear, but Satan's influence was manifest in every conceivable evil,
including the practices of idolatry, witchcraft, sorcery, whoredoms, murder, thievery, and cannibalism (Morm. 1:19; 2:10; 4:14; Moro. 9:8-11). Mormon wrote
sorrowfully that he saw nothing among his people but wickedness and war "all my days" (Morm. 2:19). In the end, he witnessed total Nephite annihilation. It was
nothing short of miraculous that a child born and reared in a society glutted with iniquity could remain spiritual, loving, and tender-hearted. The sweetness in Mormon's
nature is evident in his anguish over the wickedness and suffering of his people, in his decision at the end to serve them again on the battlefield, and in his prayers for
them even after they were beyond hope. It is also evident in his tender, fatherly words to his son Moroni 2 , in the letters that constitute chapters eight and nine of the
book of Moroni. Mormon was, indeed, an unusual child, "sober," Ammaron said, and "quick to observe" (Morm. 1:2). When Mormon was only ten years old,
Ammaron, the current keeper of the sacred records, informed Mormon that he would one day have charge of them. He instructed Mormon about their care and told
him that at age twenty- four Mormon was to recover the records from the hill where Ammaron had placed them for safekeeping. At age fifteen, in what may have been
Mormon's first significant spiritual experience, he was "visited of the Lord" (Morm. 1:15), perhaps much as the boy Joseph Smith was many centuries later. Mormon
was, however, "forbidden to preach" to the Nephites "because of the hardness of their hearts" (Morm. 1:17). Then, incredibly, in his "sixteenth year" (Morm. 2:2)
Mormon was appointed to lead the Nephite armies. He modestly attributed this appointment to his imposing physical stature. His first recorded encounter in the field of
battle proved disheartening as his frightened troops "would not fight." They fled from city to city until finally some four years later they beat the Lamanites, giving
Mormon his first victory (Morm. 2:2-9).

At only one juncture over many years of warfare did Mormon take heart, when his people actually began to lament their plight. Mormon's hopes were soon dashed,
however, for "their sorrow-ing was not unto repentance, because of the goodness of God; but it was rather the sorrowing of the damned" (Morm. 2:13). Nevertheless,
when Mormon was in his middle thirties ( a.d. 346), the Nephites rallied under his inspired leadership and met with success on the battlefield. A treaty was signed ( a.d.
350), and ten years of relative peace ensued. The Lord, in an attempt to bless the Nephites, instructed Mormon to urge them to repent and promised they would be
spared. This ten- year hiatus in fighting may have given Mormon the opportunity he needed to study the Nephite records, perhaps even to begin the work of
abridgment . When warfare resumed and the Nephites emerged victorious, in their pride they desired vengeance on their enemies. Mormon would have no part of their
aggression-the Lord forbade it as he had consistently forbidden it among the Nephites-and Mormon resigned as commander (Morm. 3:4-11).

At this point (see Morm. 3:16-22) Mormon assumed in earnest his spiritual role as record keeper, historian of his times, witness to future generations, and testifier of
Christ "unto all the ends of the earth" (Morm. 3:18). What he wrote was intended not only for the twelve tribes of Israel, including and especially the Lehite remnant,
but also for "every soul who belongs to the whole human family of Adam" (Morm. 3:20). Finally, knowing of the judgments of God that awaited his people because of
their failure to repent, "without hope" Mormon consented to lead his fallen people in battle once again. This time they were fighting not for vengeance but for their lives.

Mormon knew they were lost, but they were his people and he loved them. One of only a few survivors of a mighty nation now fallen, Mormon was "rent with
anguish" (Morm. 6:16) as he watched the demise of civilization in his part of the world. "O ye fair ones," he cried in a highly poetic and agonized lament over the
needless destruction of a once faithful and blessed people (Morm. 6:17). In the end, even Mormon was a victim of the mindless slaughter, as his son Moroni recorded
(Morm. 8:3).

Mormon's contribution

It would be impossible to overstate Mormon's achievements spiritually, physically, and intellectually. He established a relationship with God in his teenage years, and it
sustained him throughout a life stamped by upheaval and grief. What Mormon achieved militarily-leading a hopelessly corrupt people to a number of major victories-
would have won him lasting fame in any society. But to the modern reader, his military leadership is secondary to his spiritual and intellectual accomplishments. Mormon
understood perfectly why a record had to be prepared; he knew that he and his predecessors wrote for future peoples. He knew the record was to contain the saving
gospel of Jesus Christ. When he spoke editorially, throughout his abridgment of the large plates of Nephi , as well as when he wrote as historian and prophet of his era
(abridging his own historical account; see Morm. 2:18; 5:9, 12-13), Mormon addressed latter- day peoples directly.

He spoke to Gentiles yet unborn (3 Ne. 29-30), but more particularly he addressed the remnant seed of Jacob, the descendants of the Lamanites who would outlast
the wars of his day (Moro. 7).

An attentive reader of the Book of Mormon is ever aware of Mormon as a presence. He was more than an editor, more than an abridger. Clearly, he effectively
assimilated the writings of his predecessors, including the prophets represented on the brass plates. He knew the scriptures and seemed to carry them in his mind; he
was full of them and fed by them, and as such was fortified against the evils of his day, and strengthened in his work. Many of his phrases echo those of earlier Nephite
prophets (e.g., Mosiah 23:22; cf. Morm. 2:19 / Enos 1:4; cf. Morm. 3:12 / Hel. 13:38; cf. Morm. 2:13 / Alma 43:45; cf. Morm. 2:23), and they especially echo the
words of Christ recorded in 3 Nephi (e.g., 3 Ne. 16:8-9, 11; cf. Morm. 5:20 / 3 Ne. 26:3; cf. Morm. 5:23 / 3 Ne. 14:20; cf. Moro. 7:5). Mormon alluded specifically
to Samuel 2 and Abinadi (Morm. 1:19).

The entire Book of Mormon was shaped by Mormon's sense of purpose. His was a divine commission. As he said in a late epistle to Moroni, "We have a labor to
perform whilst in this tabernacle of clay" (Moro. 9:6). It was after he had abridged the writings of prophets from Lehi down to the time of Benjamin (large plates) that
Mormon came upon the small plates of Nephi (W of M 1:3). Reading them, he was further strengthened concerning the divine purposes for his work with the plates.
Nephi 1 , who spoke repeatedly of the nature and purposes of the record, in a sense became his tutor, and what Mormon learned from the small plates would have
informed and helped shape the remainder of his work (Packer, 276). Nephi testified with great power that he wrote the words of Christ and that those words would
come forth in a later day (2 Ne. 26; 33). Mormon also read Nephi's prophecy of the destruction of the Nephite nation.

Thus, contemporary events, though heartbreaking, would not have come as a surprise. Mormon was able to conclude that because prophecies "concerning us down to
this day have been fulfilled," prophecies that "go beyond this day must surely come to pass" also (W of M 1:4). It might be asked of any editor or abridger why he or
she selected some materials for inclusion and bypassed others. Large amounts of material can be quite challenging, as reflected in Mormon's seeming lament, "I cannot
write the hundredth part of the things of my people" (W of M 1:5). For many editors, the materials shape the purpose. Editors typically identify patterns and themes
after they have completed their collecting and research. Guided by the Lord and by what he knew concerning the purposes of the record, Mormon worked the other
way. He searched the records to find materials that suited his predetermined commission, which was to prepare a record that would bring latter- day peoples to Christ
and ready them for his second coming. Of Mormon's selection process for inclusion of material in the Book of Mormon, President Ezra Taft Benson taught: "The Book
of Mormon was written for us today. God is the author of the book. It is a record of a fallen people, compiled by inspired men for our blessing today. . . . Mormon, the
 Copyright
ancient      (c) 2005-2009,
         prophet             Infobase
                  after whom the book isMedia
                                         named,Corp.
                                                 abridged centuries of records. God, who knows the end from the beginning, told him what to includePagein his758   / 919
                                                                                                                                                              abridgment
that we would need for our day" (Benson, 2).
after they have completed their collecting and research. Guided by the Lord and by what he knew concerning the purposes of the record, Mormon worked the other
way. He searched the records to find materials that suited his predetermined commission, which was to prepare a record that would bring latter- day peoples to Christ
and ready them for his second coming. Of Mormon's selection process for inclusion of material in the Book of Mormon, President Ezra Taft Benson taught: "The Book
of Mormon was written for us today. God is the author of the book. It is a record of a fallen people, compiled by inspired men for our blessing today. . . . Mormon, the
ancient prophet after whom the book is named, abridged centuries of records. God, who knows the end from the beginning, told him what to include in his abridgment
that we would need for our day" (Benson, 2).

Mormon knew that the record he was preparing was to come forth in a day of apostasy and confusion (1 Ne. 13; 2 Ne. 27-29). He also knew that the record was
intended to be a solution to these problems by restoring "the plain and precious things" that would be removed from the Bible (1 Ne. 13), truths needed to dispel the
spiritual darkness engulfing the latter- day world. That knowledge of his record's purpose assuredly guided Mormon's inspired editorial labors.

For example, Mormon chose to include a good number of battle strategies as well as the inspired answers of Alma 2 to one son's doctrinal questions. In a day when
war is almost a way of life, modern people can profit from the example of captain Moroni's faith in Christ and his ability to win battles without bloodshed, or from the
faith and courage of the Anti- Nephi- Lehies , or from the valor of the youthful warriors of Helaman 2 . These stories all point to Christ in some way (e.g., Alma 27:27-
28; 43:3; 48:13; 53:21; 56:47-48; 57:21, 26).

Alma's counsel to Corianton clarifies several important doctrines, such as those pertaining to resurrection, judgment, and justice (Alma 40-42). Mormon included none
of his own sermons or formal discourses in the book he prepared. Helaman 12, however, which contrasts the "unsteadiness" and "nothingness" of prideful mortals with
the greatness of God, seems to be Mormon's work (Hel. 12:1, 7). And Mormon's son Moroni elected to add one of Mormon's ser-mons (to Church members) and
two letters (to Moroni) to the record. Mormon himself had not intended these discourses to be part of the abridgment, but they carry truths applicable for modern- day
peoples nonetheless. Then, too, throughout the Book of Mormon, he added considerable commentary. He moralized on events, he counseled and warned latter- day
readers in language that splendidly testifies of Christ and Christ's redemptive mission, and he spoke of the importance of the record and its purposes. In all Mormon's
commentary and counsel, the abiding theme is that when mortals keep God's commandments in humility and faith, they prosper spiritually and materially. In Mormon's
words, "the Lord in his great infinite goodness doth bless and prosper those who put their trust in him" (Hel. 12:1).

Mormon's sermon (Moro. 7), which treats the related subjects of faith, hope, and charity, affirms first that all good comes from God, and that the true followers of
Christ perform good works and give good gifts. Conversely, the followers of Satan do nothing but evil. Mormon says further that all mortals receive the light of Christ,
enabling them to discern between good and evil. The key is the exercise of faith in Christ, and "it is by faith that miracles are wrought" (Moro. 7:37). Faith, Mormon
said, leads to "hope through the atonement of Christ" (Moro. 7:41) and to charity. When Mormon spoke of charity, he echoed the words of Paul in 1 Corinthians 13,
confirming that both men were inspired in their utterances. Mormon, however, added the insightful definition of charity as "the pure love of Christ" and explained how it
may be attained (Moro. 7:47; 8:25-26). A theme that emerges from Mormon's second letter to his son (Moro. 9) is his sorrow over the deep- seated anger in his
people, an anger that has destroyed love-charity-among them. They had, in fact, become dehumanized.

Summary of Major Teachings

1. To Jew and Gentile-Jesus is the Christ (e.g., 3 Ne. 29-30; Morm. 3:21).

2. The "children of men" are "quick to be lifted up in pride" and they are "slow . . . to remember the Lord their God" (Hel. 12:4-5).

3. God will bless and prosper the obedient (Hel. 6:34; 12:1; 3 Ne. 5:22).

4. Scattered Israel will be gathered to Christ, to the covenants, and to their lands (3 Ne. 5:24-26).

5. "Every soul who belongs to the whole human family of Adam . . . must stand to be judged of [their] works, whether they be good or evil" (Morm. 3:20, 22; 6:21-
22).

6. Latter- day children of Lehi must come to a knowledge of their birthright as Israelites, repent, believe in Christ, be baptized, and lay hold upon the gospel in both the
Bible and the Book of Mormon (Morm. 7; W of M 1:8).

7. Gifts must be given and prayers must be offered with proper intent to be acceptable to God (Moro. 7:5-11).

8. Through the "spirit of Christ" one can discern good from evil (Moro. 7:12-19).

9. Through faith mankind can lay hold on "every good thing" (Moro. 7:20-39).

10. The "ministry" of angels "is to call men unto repentance, and to fulfil and to do the work of the covenants" (Moro. 7:29-32).

11. There is an integral interrelationship between faith, hope, and charity (Moro. 7:2-48).

12. Charity , "the pure love of Christ," and the "greatest of all" gifts (Moro. 7:46-47), can be obtained through prayer and obedience (Moro. 7:48; 8:25-26).

13. Infant baptism is an abomination to God for "little children are alive in Christ" and "need no repentance, neither baptism" (Moro. 8:11-12).

See also And thus we see; Book of Mormon, selected purposes of; Book of Mormon, selected themes of; Children, baptism of little; Light of Christ; Mormon, book
of; Words of Mormon.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. A Witness and a Warning. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Hardy, Grant R. "Mormon as Editor." Rediscovering the Book of Mormon. Edited by John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1991.

Holland, Jeffrey R. "Mormon: The Man and The Book: Part I." Ensign 8 (March 1978): 15- 18.

--- . "Mormon: The Man and The Book: Part II." Ensign 8 (April 1978): 56- 59.

Keller, Roger. "Mormon and Moroni as Authors and Abridgers." Reexploring the Book of Mormon. Edited by John W. Welch. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1992.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                         Page 759 / 919
Mackay, Thomas W. "Mormon and the Destruction of Nephite Civilization." Alma 30 to Moroni. Edited by Kent P. Jackson. Vol. 8 of Studies in Scripture series,
edited by Robert L. Millet and Kent P. Jackson. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.
--- . "Mormon: The Man and The Book: Part II." Ensign 8 (April 1978): 56- 59.

Keller, Roger. "Mormon and Moroni as Authors and Abridgers." Reexploring the Book of Mormon. Edited by John W. Welch. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1992.

Mackay, Thomas W. "Mormon and the Destruction of Nephite Civilization." Alma 30 to Moroni. Edited by Kent P. Jackson. Vol. 8 of Studies in Scripture series,
edited by Robert L. Millet and Kent P. Jackson. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Packer, Boyd K. Let Not Your Heart Be Troubled. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1991.

Perry, David E. "Mormon-a Man for Our Time." A Symposium on the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1979.

Peterson, Daniel C. "Their Own Worst Enemies." Alma 30 to Moroni. Edited by Kent P. Jackson. Vol. 8 of Studies in Scripture series, edited by Robert L. Millet and
Kent P. Jackson. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Tvedtnes, John A. "Mormon's Editorial Promises." Rediscovering the Book of Mormon. Edited by John L. Sorenson and Melvin J. Thorne. Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book, 1991.

Arnold, Marilyn

Mormon book of

Book written by the prophet Mormon (Morm. 1-7) and Moroni 2 (Morm. 8-9), covering the history of the period between a.d. 321 and 401. The chapters by
Mormon are apparently his abridgment of his own more complete record, originally written on the large plates of Nephi (Morm. 2:18; 5:9). Mormon's part of the
record covers the story of his life and the dramatic downfall of the Nephite civilization (Morm. 1:2, 6; 6:5; a.d. 321-385). Moroni's part, probably added in a.d. 401
(Morm. 8:6), consists principally of his discourse to people in the latter days.

Content and message

Mormon's short book reflects a profound understanding of the whole of the Nephite record contained in the larger Book of Mormon-a book that he spent a significant
part of his life abridging. For example, the slippery treasures, sorceries, witchcraft, and the power of the evil one (Morm. 1:18-19; 2:10) that filled the land in Mormon's
day fulfilled the prophecies of Abinadi and Samuel the Lamanite (Hel. 13:18-21); Mormon's observation that the Lord would not suffer his people "to take happiness in
sin" (Morm. 2:13) is an echo of the teachings of Samuel the Lamanite (Hel. 13:38); and Mormon's exhortation to his people to "fight for their wives, and their children,
and their houses, and their homes" (Morm. 2:23) is almost a direct quotation of the words of captain Moroni 1 on the title of liberty (Alma 46:12). Moreover, Mormon
attributed Nephite military defeat in the year a.d. 363 to their choice to pursue offensive warfare without provocation (Morm. 4:4), contrary to the law of war described
in the book of Alma (Alma 43:46-47; 48:14-15). Mormon named his own son Moroni, perhaps in hopes that he would be a man like Moroni 1 of old (Alma 48:17-
18).

Book of Mormon prophets, including Christ (3 Ne. 27:32), foretold the destruction of the Nephites that Mormon later described in his book: specifically, Nephi 1 (1
Ne. 12:14-23; 2 Ne. 26:10-11, 15), Alma 2 (Alma 45:9-14), and Samuel the Lamanite (Hel. 13:8-10; 15:17). Thus Mormon's account verifies the fulfillment of these
repeated pro-phecies that the Nephites would be destroyed for their wickedness and pride. Mormon's description of the spiritual and temporal downfall of his people
serves as a powerful lesson to future readers, instructing them on how to avoid a similar destruction (cf. Morm. 6:16-22; 8:26-41; 9:31).

In chapters 1-6, Mormon included the story of his own life, a life that was inextricably connected with the events of the end of Nephite civilization. His record is a
sorrowful one as he chronicled each step in the moral decline of his people and their eventual destruction.

Mormon lived in a time when the Nephite society had reached complete apostasy (Morm. 1:13-14). He, however, was a sober and observant child (Morm. 1:2), who
at the age of fifteen was "visited of the Lord, and tasted and knew of the goodness of Jesus" (Morm. 1:15). Nevertheless, the Lord forbade him to preach to his people
because they had "wilfully rebelled against their God" (Morm. 1:16-17). The land was cursed for their sake, their treasures "became slippery," and Gadianton robbers,
sorceries, witchcrafts, magics, and the power of the evil one filled the land (Morm. 1:18-19).

Mormon was called to do manly things at a young age. When he was about ten years old, Ammaron commissioned him to be the future Nephite record keeper (Morm.
1:2-5). In his sixteenth year, Mormon became the leader of the Nephite armies (Morm. 2:2; a.d. 327). His army retreated for four years before he finally obtained his
first victory in his twentieth year (Morm. 2:9). After leading his people to victory he rejoiced, thinking that the Nephites were beginning to repent of their iniquities, but
he soon observed that "their sorrowing was not unto repentance, . . . but it was rather the sorrowing of the damned, because the Lord would not always suffer them to
take happiness in sin" (Morm. 2:13). At "about twenty and four years" of age (Morm. 1:3), Mormon retrieved the plates and began to make a full account of the record
of his people on the plates of Nephi (Morm. 2:17-18). At age thirty-five, he urged his people to stand boldly before the Lamanites and, echoing the words of general
Moroni, "fight for their wives, and their children, and their houses, and their homes" (Morm. 2:23; cf. Alma 46:12; a.d. 346). The Nephites were victorious, but Mor-
mon recorded, "the strength of the Lord was not with us; yea, we were left to ourselves, . . . we had become weak like unto our brethren" (Morm. 2:26). Four years
later, the Nephites and Lamanites made a treaty ( a.d. 350).

The people then enjoyed ten years of peace in which the Lord commanded Mormon to preach repentance and to invite the people to be baptized, to build up the
Church again, and thus be spared from destruction (Morm. 3:1-2; a.d. 350-360). Mormon's efforts were in vain, and war broke out again (Morm. 3:3-8). After a
great victory Mormon recorded the mounting pride of the Nephites: "They began to boast in their own strength, and began to swear before the heavens that they would
avenge themselves of the blood of their brethren" (Morm. 3:9). At age fifty-one, Mormon refused to lead his proud and wicked people (Morm. 3:11; a.d. 362), but he
continued his ministry as an "idle witness to manifest unto the world the things which [he] saw and heard" (Morm. 3:16). After recording his revelation of the Lord's
intent to "cut off [the Nephites] from the face of the earth" for their failure to repent (Morm. 3:15), Mormon then addressed the Gentiles and the house of Israel. He
invited them to repent of their sins, to believe in the gospel of Jesus Christ, and to prepare themselves to "stand before the judgment- seat of Christ" (Morm. 3:17-22).

Mormon indicated that the demise of the Nephites began in the year a.d. 363 (Morm. 4:1, 4, 18) and pointed out the specific reasons for their eventual destruction.
First, the Nephites went on the offensive: "The Nephites went up unto the Lamanites that they began to be smitten; for were it not for that, the Lamanites could have
had no power over them" (Morm. 4:4). Second, when the Nephites were victorious, they did "boast of their own strength" (Morm. 4:8). Third, the Nephites "repented
not of the evil they had done, but persisted in their wickedness continually" (Morm. 4:10). Fourth and finally, "every heart was hardened, so that they delighted in the
shedding of blood continually" (Morm. 4:11). Mormon recorded "there never had been so great wickedness among all the children of Lehi, nor even among all the
house of Israel" (Morm. 4:12), and "from [that] time forth did the Nephites gain no power over the Lamanites, but began to be swept off by them" (Morm. 4:18).

At age sixty-four, Mormon, seeing that the Lamanites were about to conquer the land, collected all of the records of Ammaron from the hill Shim (Morm. 4:23; a.d.
375) and resumed his command of the Nephite armies (Morm. 5:1), a command that he would hold until their destruction at Cumorah ( a.d. 385). But he led his people
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
"without hope" because they would not repent of their sins (Morm. 5:2). At this point in the narrative Mormon departed from his people's history. Page   760 / the
                                                                                                                                                  He prophesied 919
future scattering of the Lamanites by the Gentiles, as well as the day when the Lord would "remember the covenant which he made unto Abraham and unto all the
house of Israel" (Morm. 5:20-21). He foresaw that the Gentiles "who have care for the house of Israel" (Morm. 5:10) would be instrumental in bringing forth the Book
house of Israel" (Morm. 4:12), and "from [that] time forth did the Nephites gain no power over the Lamanites, but began to be swept off by them" (Morm. 4:18).

At age sixty-four, Mormon, seeing that the Lamanites were about to conquer the land, collected all of the records of Ammaron from the hill Shim (Morm. 4:23; a.d.
375) and resumed his command of the Nephite armies (Morm. 5:1), a command that he would hold until their destruction at Cumorah ( a.d. 385). But he led his people
"without hope" because they would not repent of their sins (Morm. 5:2). At this point in the narrative Mormon departed from his people's history. He prophesied the
future scattering of the Lamanites by the Gentiles, as well as the day when the Lord would "remember the covenant which he made unto Abraham and unto all the
house of Israel" (Morm. 5:20-21). He foresaw that the Gentiles "who have care for the house of Israel" (Morm. 5:10) would be instrumental in bringing forth the Book
of Mormon, which would bring the "remnant of the house of Jacob" (Morm. 5:12)-including the Lamanites and the Jews-to Christ (Morm. 5:8-24).

Mormon's last battle against the Lamanites was in the land of Cumorah (Morm. 6:2). At age seventy-four he prepared his people for war and buried his record in the
hill Cumorah, except for a few plates that he gave to his son Moroni (Morm. 6:6; a.d. 385). Mormon was wounded in battle but was still able to witness the destruction
of tens of thousands of his people (Morm. 6:8-15). A small group of twenty- four Nephites survived, including Mormon and Moroni; a few others escaped into the
south countries; and a few deserted to the Lamanites (Morm. 6:15). Mormon finished the description of the destruction of the Nephites with a lament over his fallen
people (Morm. 6:16-22).

In chapter 7, Mormon addressed the Laman-ites as "the remnant of this people who are spared" (Morm. 7:1). He proclaimed their Israelite heritage and exhorted them
to repent and believe in Jesus Christ (Morm. 7:2-5). He further invited them to "lay hold upon the gospel of Christ" which one day would be "set before" them in both
the Bible and the Book of Mormon (Morm. 7:8-9), and then declared that if they would believe in Christ and be baptized, "it shall be well" for them in the Day of
Judgment (Morm. 7:10).

Moroni finished his father's book (chapters 8-9), in which he wrote a "few things . . . which things I have been commanded by my father" (Morm. 8:1).

Most of Moroni's writings in chapters 8-9 are addressed directly to the future readers of the Book of Mormon. Moroni promised, "And whoso receiveth this record,
and shall not condemn it because of the imperfections which are in it, the same shall know of greater things than these" (Morm. 8:12). He told how the Book of
Mormon would come forth by the power of God and even described the conditions that would exist at the time the Book of Mormon would come forth (Morm. 8:12-
34).

Moroni then addressed future readers: "Behold, I speak unto you as if ye were present, and yet ye are not. But behold, Jesus Christ hath shown you unto me, and I
know your doing" (Morm. 8:35). He proceeded to chastize them for the same problems that caused the end of the Nephite civilization: pride, envy, strifes, malice,
persecutions, the love of money and fine apparel, and all manner of iniquity. In particular Moroni rebuked religion devoid of charity for the needy (Morm. 8:36-41).

In the final chapter Moroni addressed two specific audiences: those who do not believe in Christ (Morm. 9:1-6), and those who deny revelation and miracles (Morm.
9:7-29). He pleaded for unbelievers to "turn . . . unto the Lord" and pray that they might be found worthy at the last day (Morm. 9:6). To those who deny revelation
and miracles he reasoned that "God is the same yesterday, today, and forever" (Morm. 9:9). If there were miracles anciently, then "why has God ceased to be a God of
miracles and yet be an unchangeable Being?" (Morm. 9:7-19).

Mormon is one of the great poets of the Book of Mormon. His writings in his short book contain vivid, dramatic, and memorable metaphors and images, especially of
war and its terrible consequences, a topic with which he had much firsthand experience. He described the Nephite destruction in battle by the Lamanites as being
"swept off by them even as a dew before the sun" (Morm. 4:18). He described the tragedy of his people in their final years: "They were once a delightsome people, and
they had Christ for their shepherd; yea, they were led even by God the Father. But now, behold, they are led about by Satan, even as chaff is driven before the wind,
or as a vessel is tossed about upon the waves, without sail or anchor, or without anything wherewith to steer her; and even as she is, so are they" (Morm. 5:17-18). He
described the feeling among the Nephites while preparing for their final battle at Cumorah as "that awful fear of death which fills the breasts of all the wicked" (Morm.
6:7), and the thousands of resulting corpses as "being left by the hands of those who slew them to molder upon the land, and to crumble and to return to their mother
earth" (Morm. 6:15). His final poignant lament over his people summarizes the message of his own book as well as his abridgment of the whole of the Book of
Mormon: "O ye fair ones, how could ye have departed from the ways of the Lord! O ye fair ones, how could ye have rejected that Jesus, who stood with open arms to
receive you! Behold, if ye had not done this, ye would not have fallen. But behold, ye are fallen, and I mourn your loss. O ye fair sons and daughters, ye fathers and
mothers, ye husbands and wives, ye fair ones, how is it that ye could have fallen! But behold, ye are gone, and my sorrows cannot bring your return" (Morm. 6:17-20).

Seely, David Rolph

Mormon forest of

See Mormon, waters of.

Mormon place of

See Mormon, waters of.

Mormon plates of

See Plates of Mormon.

Mormon waters of

A fountain of pure water near a forest, located in a place called Mormon which bordered the land of Lehi- Nephi (Mosiah 18:4-5, 30). It was in this location that Alma
1 and 204 souls were baptized, and the "church of Christ" flourished (Mosiah 18:13-30). Because of the approach of the army of king Noah 3 , which had been sent to
destroy them for supposed rebellion, this group of new converts, which had grown to 450 souls, was forced to leave (Mosiah 18:34-35).

This beautiful area became a sacred place in Nephite religious history because of the spiritual resurgence that occurred there (ca. 147 b.c. ). The prophet- historian
Mormon was named after this land (3 Ne. 5:12), and Alma 2 spoke of the events there in his efforts to preach repentance to Nephites in Zarahemla (Alma 5:3-13).

Williams, Clyde James

Mormon Words of

See Words of Mormon.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                      Page 761 / 919
Moron

See Jared 1 , posterity of.
Mormon Words of

See Words of Mormon.

Moron

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Moron land of

Land where most Jaredite kings dwelt, "near the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites" (Ether 7:6). Because it was the political capital, it was also the site of
considerable military activity and insurrection as various rivals sought the throne (Ether 7:5, 17; 14:6, 11). No specific city is mentioned in the land of Moron.

Moroni 1

Chief captain of Nephite armies during the period 74 b.c. to 57 b.c. , an extraordinarily difficult period of Nephite history. Appointed when he was only twenty- five
years old (Alma 43:16-17), Moroni stood as a striking example of righteous leadership in a challenging time of war and internal strife (Alma 43-63). Moroni's son
Moronihah 1 succeeded him as chief captain shortly before his death (Alma 62:43; 63:3).

Moroni is notable for several reasons, including the following:

1. Moroni was an impressive military strategist. When he is first mentioned in the Book of Mormon, Moroni is leading a Nephite army against Zarahemna and a
numerically superior invading force of Lamanites (Alma 43-44). Responding to this incursion, Moroni divided and deployed his forces with ingenious skill. Furthermore
he provided his own men with thick clothing, breastplates, and protective devices for their arms and heads (Alma 43:18-19), all of which helped them prevail against
the Lamanites. In a later battle, Moroni also won a significant victory by decoying the Lamanites out of the city of Mulek, "one of [their] strongest holds" (Alma 53:6),
and trapping them between surrounding Nephite armies (Alma 52:19-40). In yet another strategic maneuver, he entered the city of Nephihah using cords and ladders to
surprise a sleeping Lamanite army: "Thus had Moroni and Pahoran obtained the possession of the city of Nephihah without the loss of one soul" (Alma 62:18-26). On
another occasion he recovered a large group of Nephite prisoners by surreptitiously giving wine to the Lamanite guards, making them drunken, and then arming the
prisoners inside. When the Lamanites awakened, they surrendered without a fight (Alma 55:3-24). Moroni "did not delight in . . . bloodshed, but he delighted in the
saving of his people from destruction; and . . . he would not fall upon the Lamanites and destroy them in their drunkenness" (Alma 55:19).

2. Moroni was a great patriot. He was one who loved, supported, and defended his country and his heritage. He rallied his troops again and again by "inspiring their
hearts" and reminding them that they "were not fighting for monarchy nor power but they were fighting for their homes and their liberties, their wives and their children, .
. . [for] their lands, their country, and their rights, and their religion" (Alma 43:45-48; cf. 46:11-12). His civic devotion is apparent in his angry letter to the Nephite
government of Pahoran 1 , as Moroni wrote regarding what he saw as "their indifference concerning the freedom of their country" (Alma 59:13) and their failure to
provide needed supplies and reinforcements. Moroni's letter of censure dealt pointedly with the "wickedness which first commenced at our head" and also made clear
his own willingness to follow the God- given course laid out regarding his country's leadership: "God has said that the inward vessel shall be cleansed first, and then shall
the outer vessel be cleansed also. And now, except ye do repent . . . behold it will be expedient that we contend no more with the Lamanites until we have first
cleansed our inward vessel, yea, even the great head of our government" (Alma 60:23-24). Moroni's response was clear and unequivocal, as he said in his letter, do
not fear your power nor your authority, but it is my God whom I fear; and it is according to his commandments that I do take my sword to defend the cause of my
country" (Alma 60:28). Upon learning that the Nephite government was not at fault, that dissenters had seized the government, Moroni marched to Zarahemla with his
army and crushed those in revolt (Alma 61-62:1-11).

3. Perhaps most important of all, Moroni was a leader in righteousness. He was a man of mighty prayer (Alma 46:13-16); he knew the importance of scripture and the
significance of righteous covenants. For instance, in rallying the Nephites with the title of liberty , he reminded the people of the symbolic significance of Joseph 1's torn
"coat of many colors" and its typological significance for them as a remnant of Joseph. Additionally, Moroni tore his own coat and wrote on a piece of it: "In memory of
our God, our religion, and freedom, and our peace, our wives, and our children" and fastened the fragment on the end of a pole (Alma 46:12). Then he went forth
"among the people, waving the rent part of his garment in the air, that all might see the writing" (Alma 46:19), and by this symbol invited them to join in a covenant
relationship with each other and with their God. "Behold," he proclaimed, "whosoever will maintain this title upon the land, let them come forth in the strength of the
Lord, and enter into a covenant that they will maintain their rights, and their religion, that the Lord God may bless them" (Alma 46:20). In response, "the people came
running together with their armor girded about their loins, rending their garments in token, or as a covenant, that they would not forsake the Lord their God" (Alma
46:21).

Moroni's faith was well illustrated on the battle-field. For example, after encircling the Lamanites and causing them to withdraw from fighting, Moroni proclaimed to
their leader Zerahemnah, "I would that ye should understand that this is done unto us because of our religion and our faith in Christ" (Alma 44:3-4; cf. 60:25-27).
Moroni had implicit faith that the powers of heaven would bless and protect his armies. As he told Pahoran, "Behold I will leave a part of my freemen to maintain this
part of our land, and I will leave the strength and the blessings of God upon them, that none other power can operate against them . . . and I will come unto you" (Alma
60:25-27).

Moroni lived worthy of receiving direct revelation from the Lord. To chief judge Pahoran, Moroni wrote, "Behold, the Lord saith unto me: If those whom ye have
appointed your governors do not repent of their sins and iniquities, ye shall go up to battle against them" (Alma 60:33; 61:19-20).

Mormon, who had much in common with captain Moroni, provided a memorable summary of the qualities for which this great chief captain is remembered: "Moroni
was a strong and a mighty man; he was a man of a perfect understanding; yea, a man that did not delight in bloodshed; a man whose soul did joy in the liberty and the
freedom of his country, and his brethren from bondage and slavery; yea, a man whose heart did swell with thanksgiving to his God, for the many privileges and
blessings which he bestowed upon his people; a man who did labor exceedingly for the welfare and safety of his people. Yea, and he was a man who was firm in the
faith of Christ, and he had sworn with an oath to defend his people, his rights, and his country, and his religion, even to the loss of his blood. . . . Yea, verily, verily I say
unto you, if all men had been, and were, and ever would be, like unto Moroni, behold, the very powers of hell would have been shaken forever; yea, the devil would
never have power over the hearts of the children of men" (Alma 48:11-13, 17).

See also Epistles; Joseph 1 , coat of.

Lambert, Neal Elwood

Moroni 2

The  final writer
 Copyright        in the BookInfobase
            (c) 2005-2009,    of Mormon, the abridger
                                      Media  Corp. of the book of Ether, and the son of the prophet and historian Mormon (ca. a.d. 421). Moroni       was a military
                                                                                                                                                    Page    762 / 919
commander as well as a church leader over whom his father "rejoice[d] exceedingly" (Moro. 8:2). Like the other major writers and abridgers of the Book of Mormon,
Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , and his father, Mormon (2 Ne. 2:3; 11:2-3; Morm. 1:15), Moroni was blessed to see Jesus Christ. He testified, "I have seen Jesus, and . . . he hath
talked with me face to face" (Ether 12:39). He was also privileged in his life to see and be ministered to by the Three Nephite disciples who had lived generations
Lambert, Neal Elwood

Moroni 2

The final writer in the Book of Mormon, the abridger of the book of Ether, and the son of the prophet and historian Mormon (ca. a.d. 421). Moroni was a military
commander as well as a church leader over whom his father "rejoice[d] exceedingly" (Moro. 8:2). Like the other major writers and abridgers of the Book of Mormon,
Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , and his father, Mormon (2 Ne. 2:3; 11:2-3; Morm. 1:15), Moroni was blessed to see Jesus Christ. He testified, "I have seen Jesus, and . . . he hath
talked with me face to face" (Ether 12:39). He was also privileged in his life to see and be ministered to by the Three Nephite disciples who had lived generations
earlier but had been translated (Morm. 8:11).

The precise date of Moroni's birth is unknown, but his life spanned the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries a.d. Very likely the namesake of captain
Moroni 1 , whom Mormon admired immensely (Alma 48:11-13, 17-19), Moroni 2 was reared in a faithful home, one where he was nurtured in the principles and
practices of the gospel of Jesus Christ (Moro. 8:2-3). Yet, simultaneously, he lived in a civilization plagued with wickedness and violence.

Following the destruction of the Nephite nation at the battle of Cumorah, Moroni was left to wander alone for more than three decades in a hostile land. He had not
only his own life to protect, but the records of two civilizations which were entrusted to his care. He watched the destruction of everything in his world-home, family,
friends, and country. Despite all that Moroni saw and suffered, he kept the faith.

The introduction to Moroni's message includes a heart- rending lament that reveals much about the extent of his suffering and the bleakness of his prospects: "My father
hath been slain in battle, and all my kinsfolk, and I have not friends nor whither to go; and how long the Lord will suffer that I may live I know not" (Morm. 8:5).
Moroni realized that he was left "alone to write the sad tale of the destruction of [his] people" (Morm. 8:3). Moreover, his message would need to include warnings and
admonitions to future generations. Moroni's writings evidence his closeness to the Lord and the guidance he received in choosing what to record (e.g., Ether 4:6; 8:26).
Moroni gave the initial impression that his comments would be brief, not knowing whether he would be captured and killed by the Lamanites (Morm. 8:3-7). In fact, he
concluded the record twice before he finally sealed it and buried it with the other records and materials in his care, to come forth in a much later day (Morm. 8:12-14;
Ether 12:38; Moro. 1:1, 4).

What Moroni did write was choice and important to Book of Mormon purposes. He prophesied concerning the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, and he foretold
many of the circumstances that would attend this event and that would be prevalent in modern times-including the pervasiveness of secret combinations, apostate
churches, priestcrafts, wars, fires, tempests, earthquakes, pollutions, and "all manner of abominations" (Morm. 8:26-32). Reflecting on all the Lord had shown him
about those days, Moroni personalized his warning, saying that "Jesus Christ hath shown you unto me, and I know your doing" (Morm. 8:35). What Moroni was
shown brought forth his stinging rebuke directed at latter- day people who "transfigured the holy word of God" for personal gain, and who neglected the poor. He
called them "pollutions," "hypocrites," and teachers who had sold themselves for the "praise of the world" (Morm. 8:32-41). He foresaw that many in the latter days
would "walk in the pride of [their] hearts" (Morm. 8:36). In Mormon 9, Moroni's writings first address "those who do not believe in Christ" (Morm. 9:1), and then he
shifted and gave most attention to those "who deny the revelations of God, and say that they are done away" (Morm. 9:7). In his response to this particular latter- day
audience Moroni defended the validity of miracles and revelations in any age, giving doctrinal reasons (Morm. 9:7-26) to counteract those who would reject the coming
forth of the Nephite records because they would not believe in revelations and miracles in their modern age. Moroni cautioned that if miracles cease to occur, their
absence is a result of unbelief and not because God has changed (Morm. 9:15-20).

The book of Ether is Moroni's abbreviated account of approximately two millennia of Jaredite history, intermingled with his personal commentary. Because of the
account's brevity, it may be assumed that Moroni included only what he regarded as significant for latter- day people. Moroni indicated that he was the engraver of the
sealed portion of the plates from which the Book of Mormon was translated (Ether 4:4-5; 5:1), that portion which contains "a revelation from God, from the beginning
of the world to the ending thereof" (2 Ne. 27:7). Midway through his discussion of faith, hope, and charity in Ether 12, Moroni revealed a personal struggle with
feelings of inadequacy, and his fear that "the Gentiles will mock at these things, because of our weakness in writing" (Ether 12:23). He also referred to this concern in
Mormon 8:17 and in Mormon 9:31-33 where he asked that his readers not condemn him or the work itself because of his imperfections in writing. Commending all to
seek Jesus, Moroni ended his personal commentary and returned to his historical abridgment of the Jaredite record (Ether 12:41-13:1), which concluded with some of
Ether's prophecies and experiences as darkness settled over the Jaredite civilization. The last of the Nephites, Moroni was perfectly positioned to rehearse the account
of Ether, another lonely survivor of a fallen civilization.

In addition to his own writings, Moroni recorded some important doctrinal truths his father had taught in the synagogue concerning how to discern good from evil, and
the relationship between faith, hope, and charity (Moro. 7). He also included two letters his father had written to him. The first letter addressed why baptism of little
children is unnecessary (Moro. 8), and the second consisted of a description of the depravity the Nephites had reached prior to their destruction (Moro. 9).

In the year a.d. 421, Moroni wrote his farewell, a final exhortation and testimony to latter- day peoples found in Moroni 10. He enjoined a ll to "remember how
merciful the Lord hath been . . . and ponder it in [their] hearts" (Moro. 10:3). Then he issued the sublime promise that one would know the truth of these things by
praying and receiving the witness of the Holy Ghost (Moro. 10:4-5). Following his discussion of spiritual gifts, Moroni turned again to the three great virtues of faith,
hope, and charity. His final invitation to readers of this era was to "come unto Christ, and be perfected in him" (Moro. 10:32).

Even though Moroni's written message was then finished, his ministry and responsibility for the sacred Nephite record was not. He was given the special charge by the
Lord "to reveal the Book of Mormon" and to hold "the keys of the record of the stick of Ephraim" (D&C 27:5). On 21 September 1823, in a small farmhouse in New
York state, the resurrected Moroni appeared to young Joseph Smith. After recording the most complete description of a resurrected personage in the standard works,
the Prophet Joseph wrote, "He called me by name, and said unto me that he was a messenger sent from the presence of God to me, and that his name was Moroni;
that God had a work for me to do" (JS-H 1:33). Four years later, on 22 September 1827, Moroni delivered the record engraved on gold plates to Joseph Smith for
translation by the gift and power of God. Thus, Moroni helped usher in a new era: the dispensation of the fulness of times. The sacred record which he had finished and
buried so long before was to be brought forth to the very world for which it was written.

Summary of Major Teachings

1. The Book of Mormon. The record is of "great worth; and whoso shall bring it to light, him will the Lord bless" (Morm. 8:14). By the power of God the records
would be "brought out of the earth" to "shine forth out of darkness" (Morm. 8:16). Those that condemn the text, "let him be aware lest he shall be in danger of hell
fire" (Morm. 8:17-20). The truth of the Book of Mormon and "all things" can be known through the power of the Holy Ghost (Moro. 10:4-5). See Moroni 2's promise.

2. Prophecies concerning the latter days, the day the plates would come forth. "It [the plates] shall come in a day when it shall be said that miracles are done away . . .
when the blood of saints shall cry unto the Lord, because of secret combinations . . . when the power of God shall be denied . . . when there shall be great pollutions
upon the face of the earth; there shall be murders, and robbing, and lying, and deceivings, and whoredoms, and all manner of abominations" (Morm. 8:26-32).

3. Messages and admonitions to latter- day people. To those who persecute the latter- day work of the Lord: "The eternal purposes of the Lord shall roll on" (Morm.
8:22). To those who practice priestcraft : "Ye hypocrites, ye teachers, who sell yourselves for that which will canker, . . . ye polluted the holy church of God" (Morm.
 Copyright
8:38).      (c) 2005-2009,
       To "those who do not Infobase
                             believe inMedia
                                         Christ"Corp.                                                                                                  Page
                                                 (Morm. 9:1): "Ye unbelieving, turn ye unto the Lord; cry mightily unto the Father in the name of Jesus,   that 763  / 919
                                                                                                                                                                perhaps ye
may be found spotless, pure, fair, and white, having been cleansed by the blood of the Lamb, at that great and last day" (Morm. 9:1, 6). To those who "deny the
revelations of God" and spiritual gifts: "He that denieth these things knoweth not the gospel of Christ. . . . God is the same yesterday, today, and forever" (Morm. 9:7-
upon the face of the earth; there shall be murders, and robbing, and lying, and deceivings, and whoredoms, and all manner of abominations" (Morm. 8:26-32).

3. Messages and admonitions to latter- day people. To those who persecute the latter- day work of the Lord: "The eternal purposes of the Lord shall roll on" (Morm.
8:22). To those who practice priestcraft : "Ye hypocrites, ye teachers, who sell yourselves for that which will canker, . . . ye polluted the holy church of God" (Morm.
8:38). To "those who do not believe in Christ" (Morm. 9:1): "Ye unbelieving, turn ye unto the Lord; cry mightily unto the Father in the name of Jesus, that perhaps ye
may be found spotless, pure, fair, and white, having been cleansed by the blood of the Lamb, at that great and last day" (Morm. 9:1, 6). To those who "deny the
revelations of God" and spiritual gifts: "He that denieth these things knoweth not the gospel of Christ. . . . God is the same yesterday, today, and forever" (Morm. 9:7-
27).

4. Instructions to Joseph Smith concerning the sealed portion of the plates and witnesses. "Touch them not [the sealed portion] in order that ye may translate; for that
thing is forbidden you, except by and by it shall be wisdom in God. And behold, ye may be privileged that ye may show the plates unto those who shall assist to bring
forth this work" (Ether 5:1-2).

5. Secret combinations . "The Lord worketh not in secret combinations" (Ether 8:19). And the warning that "whatsoever nation shall uphold such secret combinations,
to get power and gain, until they shall spread over the nation, behold, they shall be destroyed" (Ether 8:22).

6. The trial of faith . "Ye receive no witness until after the trial of your faith" (Ether 12:6-22, 30-31).

7. Faith , hope , and charity . "Except ye have charity ye can in nowise be saved in the kingdom of God; neither can ye be saved . . . if ye have not faith; neither can ye
if ye have no hope" (Moro. 10:21; Ether 12:29-34).

8. Spiritual Gifts . "Deny not the gifts of God, for they are many" (Moro. 10:8). Spiritual gifts are bestowed "by the Spirit of Christ . . . unto every man
severally" (Moro. 10:17), "to profit them" (Moro. 10:8). "Every good gift cometh of Christ" (Moro. 10:18).

9. Come unto Christ. "I would exhort you that ye would come unto Christ. . . . Yea, come unto Christ, and be perfected in him" (Moro. 10:30-32; Ether 12:41). See
Book of Mormon, selected themes of, come unto Christ.

See also The Structure of the Book of Mormon, 17; Ether, book of; Moroni, book of.

Merrill, Byron R.

Moroni book of

The final book of the Book of Mormon, written by Moroni 2 at the end of Nephite history (between a.d. 401 and 421). The book of Moroni consists of a compilation
of specific practices of the Nephite Church detailing gospel ordinances and church admini-stration, a recorded discourse, two letters from Moroni's father Mormon,
and Moroni's concluding words of exhortation.

Content and message

After his comments in Mormon 8 and 9 and his abridgment of the record of Ether, Moroni supposed that he was finished with the book that would one day bear his
father's name. Contrary to his expectations, he later returned to the gold plates and thought it wise to record a few more things for the benefit of his "brethren, the
Lamanites" (Moro. 1). He included significant information concerning doctrines and practices of the Nephite Church. He described the manner in which the Nephites
bestowed the gift of the Holy Ghost, were ordained to the priest-hood, blessed the sacrament (including the precise sacramental prayers), and participated in religious
ordinances and observances (Moro. 2-6). Moroni 7 is an address Mormon gave to "the peaceable followers of Christ" (Moro. 7:3). It is a supernal discourse on giving
gifts and praying with real intent of heart, of discerning good from evil, and on the interplay of faith, hope, and charity . Mormon explained that "charity is the pure love
of Christ," and that all must "pray unto the Father with all the energy of heart, that [they] may be filled with this love" (Moro. 7:47-48). Chapter 7 also discusses the
ministry of angels to "chosen vessels of the Lord, that they may bear testimony of him. And by so doing, the Lord God prepareth the way that the residue of men may
have faith in Christ" (Moro. 7:31-32).

Moroni 8 and 9 are letters from Mormon to Moroni written long before Moroni recorded them on the gold plates. Moroni had kept them safe during more than three
decades of wandering alone after the last battle at Cumorah. These letters contain the following comforting words from a father to a son: "My beloved son . . . I rejoice
exceedingly that your Lord Jesus Christ hath been mindful of you. . . . I am mindful of you always in my prayers" (Moro. 8:2-3). The letter in chapter 8 addresses an
important doctrinal issue that had not been treated in Mormon's abridged record, but which Moroni deemed important for latter- day peoples. It states forcefully that
"little children need no repentance, neither baptism" (Moro. 8:11). They are saved through the atonement of Christ, and to baptize them "setteth at naught the atonement
of him and the power of his redemption" (Moro. 8:20). Chapter 9 is a sad letter recounting the degenerate state of the Lamanite and Nephite peoples. It serves as a
warning to those in the latter days to "be more wise" than Mormon and Moroni's people had been (Morm. 9:31), and it also illustrates the faith and sense of mission
that enabled these prophets to continue to serve their fellow men with a sense of hope in such a discouraging world (Moro. 9:6, 22, 25-26).

Moroni 10 contains Moroni's final farewell and testimony. In it he used the word "exhort" -meaning to strongly advise or recommend-and its derivative "exhortation"
nine times. He exhorted his readers to "remember how merciful the Lord hath been . . . and ponder it in [their] hearts" (Moro. 10:3). He then issued the promise, "And
when ye shall receive these things, I would exhort you that ye would ask God, the Eternal Father, in the name of Christ, if these things are not true; and if ye shall ask
with a sincere heart, with real intent, having faith in Christ, he will manifest the truth of it unto you, by the power of the Holy Ghost. And by the power of the Holy Ghost
ye may know the truth of all things" (Moro. 10:4-5). Moroni warned his readers not to deny the power of God evidenced by the spiritual gifts given by the spirit of
Christ, and then reiterated the importance of the three great virtues-faith, hope, and charity. Moroni's words increase in intensity and power as he boldly professed to
"speak unto all the ends of the earth" (Moro. 10:24), as he declared the truth of his prophetic calling (Moro. 10:27-29), and as he echoed the plea of the prophets
before him, inviting all to "come unto Christ, and be perfected in him" (Moro. 10:32). He closed by bidding all farewell until he would meet them at "the pleasing bar of
the great Jehovah" on the final Day of Judgment (Moro. 10:34).

See also The Structure of the Book of Mormon, 17; Angels, ministry of; Book of Mormon, selected themes of, come unto Christ; Children, baptism of little; Church of
God (Christ) in ancient America; Epistles; Evil, concept of; Good, concept of; Moroni 2's promise; Sacrament prayers.

Merrill, Byron R.

Moroni land of and city of

The land of Moroni is described as being "in the borders by the seashore" (Alma 62:25). It became a stronghold for the Lamanites during their conflict with Moroni 1
(Alma 62:25-33).
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The city of Moroni was built during a time of Nephite prosperity; it was located "by the east sea . . . on the south by the line of the possessions of the Lamanites" (Alma
50:13, 17-18). Amalickiah and the Lamanite armies took possession of the city during a time when Moroni was resolving internal conflict with the king- men. The
Moroni land of and city of

The land of Moroni is described as being "in the borders by the seashore" (Alma 62:25). It became a stronghold for the Lamanites during their conflict with Moroni 1
(Alma 62:25-33).

The city of Moroni was built during a time of Nephite prosperity; it was located "by the east sea . . . on the south by the line of the possessions of the Lamanites" (Alma
50:13, 17-18). Amalickiah and the Lamanite armies took possession of the city during a time when Moroni was resolving internal conflict with the king- men. The
Nephites who fled from the city of Moroni traveled to the city of Nephihah (Alma 51:22-24). The city of Moroni was sunk into the depths of the sea during the
calamities that attended the death of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 8:9; 9:4).

Moroni 2 visits of to Joseph Smith

Moroni was the principal heavenly messenger who directed Joseph Smith in finding and translating the Book of Mormon. Joseph received about 22 recorded angelic
visits directly pertaining to that work. Most of these were appearances of Moroni , though the Prophet indicated other angels also came to him before he obtained the
plates in 1827. Joseph Smith's dialogues with Moroni, which continued over the course of six years, offer an excellent example of effective spiritual teaching, employing
explanations, scriptural pro-phecy, visual illustration, repetition, application, correction, and sustained encouragement.

Joseph Smith obtained the plates on 22 Sep-tember 1827, "after having received many visits from the angels of God unfolding the majesty and glory of the events that
should transpire in the last days" (Smith, Church, 4:537). But Joseph clearly identified the angel who commissioned him: "Moroni, the person who deposited the plates,
from whence the book of Mormon was translated, in a hill in Manchester, Ontario County New York, being dead, and raised again therefrom, appeared unto me, and
told me where they were; and gave me directions how to obtain them" (Smith, Elders' Journal, 42-43; also in Church, 3:28; cf. D&C 27:5). In the 1838-39 dictated
portion of Joseph's history, Nephi was named as the angel who appeared to reveal the hidden record. Several early sources agree on a different personage, suggesting
that "Nephi" may have been a scribal error. Soon after the history was first printed, the Prophet wrote to the Church about "glad tidings from Cumorah! Moroni . . .
declaring the fulfilment of the prophets-the book to be revealed" (D&C 128:20). When Oliver Cowdery first described the angel's visits in an 1834-35 series in the
church newspaper, the Messenger and Advocate, he stated that Joseph Smith "has offered to assist us" in order to ensure the accuracy of the account (Smith, Papers,
17). Oliver named "the angel Moroni, whose words I have been rehearsing, w[h]o communicated the knowledge of the record of the Nephites" (Smith, Papers, 70).
Nephi's name may have come into the manu-script history because, as Brigham Young said, Moroni delivered the plates to Joseph, "but Nephi also visited him" (Smith,
Papers, 277 n. 1).

The most complete account of Moroni's arrival is the Prophet's own account, dictated in 1838 and reproduced in the Pearl of Great Price. In the First Vision, in
response to the question of which church he should join, Joseph Smith was told that the true church was not on earth, and that he should "continue as [he] was until
further directed" (JS-H 1:26). Further direction came on a night three years later, as he approached God in "prayer and supplication" for forgiveness and a knowledge
of his "standing before him" (JS-H 1:29). Moroni appeared with a "countenance . . . as lightning," clothed with "garments . . . pure and white above all other
whiteness" (D&C 20:6; cf. JS-H 1:30-32). Oliver Cowdery offered details about this visit that he undoubtedly learned from Joseph Smith, writing of Moroni's
"pleasing, in[n]ocent and glorious appearance, so much so, that every fear was banished from the heart, and nothing but calmness pervaded the soul" (Smith, Papers,
51). Moroni, calling Joseph by name, explained that he, Joseph, was called to a work so far- reaching that his fame would extend worldwide "for good and evil" (JS-H
1:33). In an 1832 summary of his early visions, Joseph also said the angel assured him "the Lord had forgiven me my sins" (Smith, Papers, 8). Moroni then told of a
buried record that spoke of early American civilizations. He emphasized its great value because "the fulness of the everlasting Gospel was contained in it, as delivered
by the Savior to the ancient inhabitants" (JS-H 1:34). Joseph was shown a vision of the location of the plates, and was informed that buried with the plates were "two
stones" which "God had prepared . . . for the purpose of translating the book" (JS-H 1:35).

At this first visit Joseph Smith reported that Moroni reviewed Old and New Testament prophecies that would be fulfilled in God's latter- day work (Mal. 3-4; Isa. 11;
Acts 3:22-23; Joel 2:28-32). In quoting Malachi to Joseph, Moroni expanded the traditional text, or restored its original form, stating that Elijah would "reveal . . . the
Priesthood," and "plant in the hearts of the children the promises made to the fathers" (JS-H 1:36-39; cf. Mal. 4:5-6). Moroni "quoted the eleventh chapter of Isaiah,
saying that it was about to be fulfilled." He quoted Acts 3:22-23, "precisely as they stand in our New Testament," explaining that the great prophet like Moses was
Christ, whom all Israel would ultimately be required to hear (JS-H 1:40). Isaiah 11 and Acts 3 testify of Christ's millennial reign. Isaiah pictured a time of peace,
wherein the earth would be "full of the knowledge of the Lord" (Isa. 11:9), and the Messiah, of the house of David, would rule in righteousness (Isa. 11:3-5). Isaiah
wrote that in preparation for this period, God will set up "an ensign for the nations," and call to "the four corners of the earth" to gather the faithful descendants of all the
tribes of Israel (Isa. 11:12-13).

Moroni affirmed that Joel's prophecies were soon to be fulfilled (JS-H 1:41)-that God would pour out judgments but would also call a "remnant" in a day when
prophecy and visions would be renewed (Joel 2:28-32). Moroni further declared "that the fulness of the Gentiles was soon to come in" (JS-H 1:41). See Fulness of the
Gentiles.

Joseph Smith said that in addition to the scriptural passages he specifically identified, the angel Moroni "quoted many other passages of scripture, and offered many
explanations" (JS-H 1:41). In his articles on Moroni's coming, Oliver Cowdery evidently cited many of those "other passages of scripture," a number of which pertain
to the latter- day gathering of Israel. And Oliver admitted to only giving a general view of Moroni's instruction. Oliver's paraphrasing of the angel's words to Joseph at
the first interview include the following: "He has therefore chosen you . . . to . . . bring to pass a marvelous work and a wonder. . . . Those who draw near to God with
their mouths, and honor him with their lips, while their hearts are far from him, will seek its overthrow. . . . The scripture must be fulfilled . . . which says that the words
of a book, which were sealed, were presented to the learned; for thus has God determined to . . . show to the meek that his arm is (not) short[e]ned that it cannot
save" (Smith, Papers, 53). Thus, Moroni must have cited Isaiah 29 and explained its relevance to the work of restoration to which Joseph Smith had been called.

Oliver implied that Moroni used another scripture when first addressing young Joseph Smith, stating that God was calling him as one of the weak things of the world to
confound the wise (Smith, Papers, 52; cf. 1 Cor. 1:27-28). As shown by the dramatic prophecies quoted by Moroni, God would use Joseph Smith to change the
world. In his "outline of the conversation of the angel," Oliver said the messenger announced an "ushering in of the fulness of the gospel, to prepare the way for the
second advent of the Messiah, when he comes in the glory of the Father with the holy angels" (Smith, Papers, 73). In later repeating this language in his Wentworth
letter, the Prophet verified these words as coming from Moroni, who added "that the time was at hand for the gospel, in all its fulness to be preached in power, unto all
nations that a people might be prepared for the millennial reign" (Smith, Papers, 430; Smith, History, 4:537).

Twice more that night, and once the next morning, the angel reappeared and repeated his message, burning the basics of gospel restoration into the soul of the young
prophet. In the morning Moroni instructed Joseph to tell his father of the visions. When he did so, his father immediately believed and told Joseph "to go and do as
commanded by the messenger." Joseph proceeded to the hill, "to the place where the messenger had told me the plates were deposited" (JS-H 1:50). What first
seemed so easy took on solemn dimensions, for Moroni met Joseph at the hill and denied him possession of the records, for "the time for bringing them forth had not
yet arrived, neither would it, until four years from that time" (JS-H 1:53). After uncovering the plates, Joseph tried three times to take them out of their repository, and
three times he received a shock which "deprived him in a measure, of his natural strength" (Smith, Papers, 86). In thinking of fame and gain, Joseph had ignored the
caution that God would release the record only for the purpose "of building his kingdom" (JS-H 1:46). This lesson was powerfully reinforced by a vision at the hill
described by Oliver Cowdery. As Joseph received the angel's correction with humble repentance and prayer, "the heavens were opened and the glory of the Lord
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                                                                                                                                                                 powers  of
good and evil and told "that you may know hereafter the two powers and never be influenced or overcome by that wicked one" (Smith, Papers, 87). According to
Oliver, Moroni's corrections to Joseph at the hill were concluded with expressions of confidence in Joseph and assurance that the restored kingdom of God would
yet arrived, neither would it, until four years from that time" (JS-H 1:53). After uncovering the plates, Joseph tried three times to take them out of their repository, and
three times he received a shock which "deprived him in a measure, of his natural strength" (Smith, Papers, 86). In thinking of fame and gain, Joseph had ignored the
caution that God would release the record only for the purpose "of building his kingdom" (JS-H 1:46). This lesson was powerfully reinforced by a vision at the hill
described by Oliver Cowdery. As Joseph received the angel's correction with humble repentance and prayer, "the heavens were opened and the glory of the Lord
shone round about and rested upon him." At the same time he was shown Satan and his attendants. Moroni's words were pointed-Joseph was shown the powers of
good and evil and told "that you may know hereafter the two powers and never be influenced or overcome by that wicked one" (Smith, Papers, 87). According to
Oliver, Moroni's corrections to Joseph at the hill were concluded with expressions of confidence in Joseph and assurance that the restored kingdom of God would
indeed succeed. Moroni promised that priesthood authority to baptize and confer the Holy Ghost would be given, and that though there would be enemies of the
Church, "it will increase the more opposed, and spread farther and farther" to prepare the world for Christ's coming (Smith, Papers, 89).

Joseph was told to return to the hill each year until the plates could be given him. He did so, and of these interviews he said, "I found the same messenger there, and
received instruction . . . respecting what the Lord was going to do, and how and in what manner his kingdom was to be conducted in the last days" (JS-H 1:54).

Joseph finally received the buried record with a charge of strict accountability. He compromised this charge to a degree when he insisted that the Lord allow him to loan
the 116 pages of translation to Martin Harris to show to designated family members. After Martin's carelessness caused the loss of these 116 pages, the plates and
Urim and Thummim were taken from Joseph for a time in the summer of 1828, and then returned by Moroni, again with encouragement. Not much translating was
done from that time until April 1829, when Oliver Cowdery became the prophet's scribe. Then, within less than three months the translation was finished. When the
translation was nearing completion, an "angel" showed the plates to Joseph and the Three Witnesses. Most likely that angel was Moroni, because the Lord had
committed to him "the keys of the record of the stick of Ephraim" (D&C 27:5). A few days after the Three Witnesses had been shown the plates, Joseph was
permitted to show them to the Eight Witnesses. Once Joseph had "accomplished . . . what was required at [his] hand" with the plates, Moroni, "according to
arrangements . . . called for them," and Joseph reported 2 May 1838, "has them in his charge until this day" (JS-H 1:60)

Thus, Moroni protected the sacred record, repeatedly visiting Joseph Smith, instructing, warning, disciplining, and encouraging him concerning it. Awareness of
Moroni's education of Joseph Smith immensely increases confidence in the Prophet. He emerged from this process at age twenty- three, seasoned in obedience and
deeply aware of what was expected in organizing and directing Christ's restored church.

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

--- . The Papers of Joseph Smith. Vol. 1. Auto-biographical and Historical Writings. Edited by Dean C. Jessee. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989.

--- . Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

---, ed. Elders' Journal. 1 (July 1838).

Anderson, Richard Lloyd

Moronihah 1

A righteous Nephite general who accepted command of the Nephite armies when his father Moroni 1 retired (Alma 62:43; ca. 60 b.c. ). Peace ensued for a number of
years (ca. 60-53 b.c. ), but dissension and conflicts with Lamanites, usually incited by Nephite dissenters, plagued Nephite society for the next two decades. Over
those years, which were punctuated by periods of peace, Moronihah led the Nephite armies in several battles to regain Nephite territory from the Lamanites. To retake
Zarahemla, he and Lehi 3 defeated the army of Coriantumr 3 by attacking with their strength from the periphery of Nephite lands, while Coriantumr was caught in the
middle (Hel. 1:2 2 ff.). As the Nephites grew more wicked and were left without the Lord's fortifying strength, they lost more and more of their lands. Moronihah, who
clearly saw the connection between obedience to God and prosperity-in war and peace alike, preached repentance to them, as did Helaman 3's sons Lehi 4 and Nephi
2 . When the Nephites repented, Moronihah was heartened and returned to war. His people were preserved, but the most Moronihah could do was retake and
maintain half of their former lands and holdings (Hel. 4:1 4 ff.).

Wright, Dennis A.

Moronihah 2

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Moronihah city of

Wicked Nephite city destroyed in the cataclysms attending the Savior's death. The record says "the earth was carried up upon the city of Moronihah," making in its
place "a great mountain" (3 Ne. 8:10, 25; 9:5).

Moroni 2's promise

An invitation and exhortation given by Moroni 2 to future Lamanites (Moro. 10:1), as well as Jews and Gentiles (Title Page), to read the Book of Mormon, ponder its
message in their hearts, and then "ask God, the Eternal Father, in the name of Christ" if the book is true. Those who ask in faith may gain a testi-mony of its truth and
divinity by the power of the Holy Ghost (Moro. 10:3-5). Moroni listed the steps that would enable a reader to receive a divine witness of the truthfulness of the Book
of Mormon.

1. "Read these things" (Moro. 10:3). The Book of Mormon itself, rather than a commentary about the book, must be carefully studied and examined, a process that
may cover a period of time and is not usually accomplished in a single sitting.

2. "Ponder it in your hearts" (Moro. 10:3). The English word ponder comes from the Latin pondus or pound, which refers to weight. Readers are to ponder or to
"weigh" carefully "these things"-the mercies of God and the words or messages of the Book of Mormon.
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3. "Ask God . . . in the name of Christ" (Moro. 10:4). Ultimately, the answer to the question, "Is the Book of Mormon true?" must come from God. Moroni stipulated
that the asking for a knowledge of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon must be done with a "sincere heart, with real intent" (Moro. 10:4). The prayer is not a token
may cover a period of time and is not usually accomplished in a single sitting.

2. "Ponder it in your hearts" (Moro. 10:3). The English word ponder comes from the Latin pondus or pound, which refers to weight. Readers are to ponder or to
"weigh" carefully "these things"-the mercies of God and the words or messages of the Book of Mormon.

3. "Ask God . . . in the name of Christ" (Moro. 10:4). Ultimately, the answer to the question, "Is the Book of Mormon true?" must come from God. Moroni stipulated
that the asking for a knowledge of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon must be done with a "sincere heart, with real intent" (Moro. 10:4). The prayer is not a token
request, not a mere formality. It must be a wholehearted, unfeigned attempt to find truth. As noted by Elder Dallin H. Oaks: "`With real intent' means that if the Holy
Ghost witnesses the truth of the book, the prayerful seeker is committed to act on that witness by being baptized into The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints.
Moroni did not promise a manifestation of the Holy Ghost to those who seek to know the truth of the Book of Mormon for hypothetical or academic reasons, even if
they `ask with a sincere heart.' The promise of Moroni is for those who are committed in their hearts to act upon the manifestation if it is received. Prayers based on any
other reason have no promise because they are not made `with real intent'" (19-20). Addition-ally, Moroni taught that the foundational premise upon which one asks
must consist of "faith in Christ" (Moro. 10:4). One must exercise faith in Jesus Christ that an answer can and will come.

The blessing for reading, pondering, and praying about the Book of Mormon will be God "manifest[ing] the truth of it unto you, by the power of the Holy
Ghost" (Moro. 10:4). The Holy Ghost is a revelator and a testifier providing the power of discernment and judgment. Just as "no man can say that Jesus is the Lord, but
by the Holy Ghost" (1 Cor. 12:3), no man can know the Book of Mormon is true but by the Holy Ghost. The Lord told Joseph Smith that the spirit of revelation comes
to the "mind and . . . heart, by the Holy Ghost" (D&C 8:2-3). The witness, therefore, comes both to a person's thoughts and feelings. One cannot determine the book's
truthfulness through intellect alone. The witness of the Holy Ghost must also come to a person's heart through feelings. If people are reticent to trust their feelings they
may be forfeiting the opportunity to receive a witness of the Book of Mormon through the Holy Ghost. Concerning the manner in which the answer or manifestation will
come, Elder Spencer W. Kimball declared, "Remember in the book of Moroni 10:4-5 the promise is given that on certain conditions God `will manifest the truth of it
unto you, by the power of the Holy Ghost. And by the power of the Holy Ghost ye may know the truth of all things.'Such a testimony is not promised to anyone who
reads the book with a critical attitude nor one who reads it to satisfy curiosity nor to one who resists it, but definitely it will come to everyone who has fully surrendered
himself with an open mind and heart. And when this testimony comes to readers it is quite unlikely that it will come by flourish of trumpets or by handwriting on the wall
or by audible voice, but by a burning of hearts in bosoms, and he that will receive it will know it and appreciate it, but if there is resistance it will not come" (Kimball,
134).

The remarkable thing about Moroni's promise is that it applies not only to the Book of Mormon, but to "all things" (Moroni 10:5). If one is willing to accept Moroni's
challenge to find out if the Book of Mormon is true then other truths will follow. The last paragraph of the "intro-duction" page of every Book of Mormon contains this
promise: "Those who gain this divine witness from the Holy Spirit will also come to know by the same power that Jesus Christ is the Savior of the world, that Joseph
Smith is his revelator and prophet in these last days, and that The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints is the Lord's kingdom once again established on the
earth, preparatory to the second coming of the Messiah."

Bibliography

Kimball, Spencer. Teachings of Spencer W. Kimball. Edited by Edward L. Kimball. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1982.

Oaks, Dallin H. Pure in Heart. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1988.

Parker, Todd Brian

Mortal mortality

The period of time between birth and death (Enos 1:27; Mosiah 2:26; 18:13; Alma 40:11). Mortality is also referred to as the "second estate" (Abr. 3:26). Alma 2
emphasized that mortality was a "probationary state; a time to prepare to meet God" (Alma 12:24; 42:4, 10, 13; cf. 34:32). Amulek counseled the Nephites to not
"procrastinate the day of [their] repentance," and further warned that, "if we do not improve our time" while in mortality, "then cometh the night of darkness wherein
there can be no labor performed" (Alma 34:33). Mortality is temporary. In the resurrection, mankind will become immortal and live forever (Enos 1:27; Mosiah 16:10;
Alma 5:15; 11:44-45; 12:12; 41:4; Morm. 6:21).

See also Life, purpose of.

Baugh, Alexander L.

Moses

Noble prophet of ancient Israel and the most influential personage in the Old Testament. Moses enjoys high status in the Book of Mormon as well, chiefly because of
the predominance of the law of Moses among Nephites and, at times, among Lamanites. Moreover, the Book of Mormon both clarifies biblical teachings and presents
information about Moses not known from other sources.

Although Book of Mormon authors offer no details about Moses' birth and youth, they knew of a prophecy about his calling and ministry which was received many
centuries before by Joseph of Egypt, a prophecy not contained in the present biblical text. In it, Joseph learned that Moses would receive "power . . . in a rod" and
"judgment . . . in writing," though he would not be "mighty in speaking." Nonetheless, the Lord vowed to "write unto him [his] law by the finger of mine own hand." (In
this connection, when referring to events at Sinai, the resurrected Jesus affirmed that he himself the law, and I am he who covenanted with my people Israel" [3 Ne.
15:5], clarifying that he personally had given the law to Moses.) Moreover, the Lord promised, "I will make a spokesman for him" (2 Ne. 3:17), a reference to the role
of his brother Aaron 1 .

Of events that enmeshed Moses with the Exodus of the Hebrew slaves, Nephi 1 referred indirectly to the call of Moses at the holy mount ("Moses was commanded of
the Lord"; 1 Ne. 17:26) and then directly to his confrontation with Pharaoh's army at the Red Sea (1 Ne. 4:2; 17:27). Nephi also gave prominence to Moses' actions in
the miraculous crossing of the sea (1 Ne. 4:2; 17:26; Ex. 14:13-22) and in the Lord's miracle of providing fresh water in the desert (1 Ne. 17:29; 2 Ne. 25:20; Ex.
17:6; Num. 20:11). Indirectly, Moses' second reception of the law was affirmed when Alma 1 referred to the face of Abinadi shining "as Moses' did while in the mount
of Sinai" (Mosiah 13:5; Ex. 34:28-35).

The Book of Mormon records several other experiences of Moses in the desert. For example, the Israelite rebellions against Moses receive attention as examples of
rebellion against the Lord and his servants (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:30, 42), including that which led the Lord to send "fiery flying serpents among them" whose deadly venom
was counteracted by Moses' manufacture of the brazen serpent (1 Ne. 17:41; Hel. 8:13-15; Num. 21:4-9). Further, Moses' prophecy of the coming of a "Prophet . . .
like unto me" (Deut. 18:15, 18-19) found fulfillment in the risen Jesus (1 Ne. 22:20-21; 3 Ne. 20:23).

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thereafter by the Lord (Deut. 34:1, 5-6). But the plates of brass must have recorded another version of his end because Helaman 2 , son of Alma 2 , was aware not
only of the tradition that the Lord buried Moses, but also of an account in "the scriptures" that Moses "was taken up by the Spirit" (Alma 45:19).
rebellion against the Lord and his servants (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:30, 42), including that which led the Lord to send "fiery flying serpents among them" whose deadly venom
was counteracted by Moses' manufacture of the brazen serpent (1 Ne. 17:41; Hel. 8:13-15; Num. 21:4-9). Further, Moses' prophecy of the coming of a "Prophet . . .
like unto me" (Deut. 18:15, 18-19) found fulfillment in the risen Jesus (1 Ne. 22:20-21; 3 Ne. 20:23).

The Book of Mormon also corrects the Bible with regard to the death of Moses. According to the book of Deuteronomy, Moses died on Mount Nebo and was buried
thereafter by the Lord (Deut. 34:1, 5-6). But the plates of brass must have recorded another version of his end because Helaman 2 , son of Alma 2 , was aware not
only of the tradition that the Lord buried Moses, but also of an account in "the scriptures" that Moses "was taken up by the Spirit" (Alma 45:19).

The legacy of Moses' ministry lived on, of course, in the Mosaic law, which was carefully observed in most eras of Nephite civilization and among the converted Anti-
Nephi- Lehies before the coming of the risen Jesus (e.g., Jarom 1:5; 3 Ne. 12:18; Alma 25:15). Although the Book of Mormon does not mention explicitly the
observance of individual celebrations tied to the work of Moses, such as Passover (Ex. 12:1-30) and the Feast of Tabernacles, also called Ingathering (e.g., Ex. 23:16;
Lev. 23:33-36), it does suggest that such may have been observed. Nephi 1 mentioned that he and his followers "did observe to keep the judgments, and the statutes,
and the commandments of the Lord in all things, according to the law of Moses" (2 Ne. 5:10). It is clear that temple sacrifice, as required in the law of Moses, formed
an important part of religious life (e.g., Mosiah 2:3). Moreover, the Mosaic code served as the basis for civil law, as was hinted at in the trial of Abinadi (Mosiah
12:27-37; 13:11-26) and in the extensive civil reform of king Mosiah 2 (Mosiah 29:15, 25; Alma 1:1, 14).

It is not only in connection with the Mosaic law and certain historical events that Moses is mentioned in the Book of Mormon, however. Both Abinadi and Nephi 2
spoke of the prophecies Moses uttered "concerning the coming of the Messiah" (Mosiah 13:33; Hel. 8:13-16). Jesus himself confirmed that Moses "wrote of me" (John
5:45-46; cf. 3 Ne. 15:10).

See also Fiery flying serpents; Sinai, mount; Ten Commandments.

Brown, S. Kent

Moses five books of

Probably the books of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy; also called the Torah, the Law, or the Pentateuch. After Nephi 1 and his brothers
returned to their wilderness encampment with the plates of brass , Lehi 1 diligently searched the sacred record from the beginning (1 Ne. 5:10). He found that the plates
of brass included "the five books of Moses, which gave an account of the creation of the world, and also of Adam and Eve" (1 Ne. 5:11). The Book of Mormon
further suggests that the plates of brass version of the five books of Moses contained additional information not found in the current text of the Old Testament (1 Ne.
13:23; cf. Moses 1:41).

Book of Mormon prophets used the plates of brass in their preaching and writing. The information Nephi used in his recounting of Israel's exodus from Egypt, as well
as Lehi's discourses to his sons on the fall of Adam (2 Ne. 2) and the prophecies of Joseph 1 (2 Ne. 3) likely would have come from the five books of Moses (1 Ne.
17). Later prophets, such as Abinadi, Ammon 2 , Amulek, Alma 2 , and Nephi 2 apparently used the five books of Moses as a source of inspiration for their teaching
(Mosiah 12:33-37; 13:5-35; Alma 18:36; 33:19-20; 34:7; Hel. 8:13-20).

Huntington, Ray Lynn

Mosiah 1

King over the people of the land of Zarahemla. While still living in the land of Nephi, Mosiah had been warned by the Lord to take as many righteous people as would
follow him and flee from the land of Nephi (Omni 1:12). Mosiah's departure fulfilled the prophecy of Jacob 2 (Jacob 3:4) and verified Nephi 1's words that the Lord
"leadeth away the righteous into precious lands" (1 Ne. 17:38). The Book of Mormon is silent concerning the fate of the Nephites who remained behind in the land of
Nephi. Mosiah and his people were directed by God through a wilderness to the city and to the people of Zarahemla (Omni 1:13-14). The people of Zarahemla
rejoiced "because the Lord had sent the people of Mosiah with the plates of brass" (Omni 1:14). Mosiah had the Nephite language taught to the people of Zarahemla,
and the two peoples united with Mosiah as their king (Omni 1:18-19). During his reign "there was a large stone brought unto him with engravings on it," which he was
able to translate "by the gift and power of God" (Omni 1:20). The inscription gave a partial history of the Jaredites who had previously occupied the land. Mosiah 1
was succeeded as king by his son Benjamin and his grandson Mosiah 2 .

See also Omni, book of; Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Mosiah 2

Nephite king (154 to 91 b.c. ), son of king Benjamin, grandson of king Mosiah 1 , and Seer . Mosiah 2 ascended the throne (ca. 124 b.c. ; Mosiah 6:3-4) when his
father consecrated him to be king. Thereafter, Mosiah ruled in the city of Zarahemla as a righteous king over the people of Nephi (by this time a mixture of Nephites
and Mulekites; Omni 1:19; Mosiah 25:13), following in his father's example of "walk[ing] in the ways of the Lord, and . . . observ[ing] his judgments and his
statutes" (Mosiah 6:6; 29:14-15; cf. 2:13). Mosiah died in the thirty- third year of his reign at the approximate age of sixty-three. He was loved and revered by the
people because they did not view him "as a tyrant who was seeking for gain"; rather, they "did esteem him more than any other man" and "did wax strong in love
towards" him (Mosiah 29:40).

Mosiah is most noted for three events during his reign. First, Mosiah sent out a search party to find the people of Zeniff who had left Zarahemla during the reign of his
father (or perhaps his grandfather) to return to the land of Nephi. During his reign the two remnants of the people of Zeniff, Alma 1 with his people and Limhi with his
people, both originally from the land of Nephi, returned separately to Zarahemla. After Alma's return, Mosiah granted him permission to organize the Church
throughout all the land of Zarahemla (Mosiah 25:19).

Second, Mosiah was a seer, as well as a pro-ph-et and revelator (Mosiah 8:13-18). With this "gift from God, whereby he could interpret" ancient languages (Mosiah
21:28), he translated the plates of gold found by Limhi's people in their search for Zarahemla (Mosiah 28:11-19; 8:8-9). These plates contained the record of the
Jared-ites who inhabited the land before the Nephites, but who were destroyed in a series of catastrophic wars about the time the people of Zarahemla entered the
land.

Finally, Mosiah proposed a change in the Nephite governmental system. Up to the end of the reign of Mosiah, the Nephites had employed a hereditary monarchy to
govern the people. Near the end of his reign, Mosiah proposed to the Nephite people that a system of judges be instituted to rule the people in the place of a king
(Mosiah 29:11, 25). He proposed this change partly because none of his children wanted to be king (Mosiah 29:3-9) and partly because of the evil that one wicked,
hereditary king could cause (Mosiah 29:16-24). The judges would be answerable to the people and therefore could be removed if they proved unfit to be a judge. The
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
people accepted the change, and they appointed judges to rule over them. Alma 2 , the head of the Church, was chosen to be the first chief judge;Page       768 /were
                                                                                                                                                    lesser judges  919
also appointed (Mosiah 29:42).
Finally, Mosiah proposed a change in the Nephite governmental system. Up to the end of the reign of Mosiah, the Nephites had employed a hereditary monarchy to
govern the people. Near the end of his reign, Mosiah proposed to the Nephite people that a system of judges be instituted to rule the people in the place of a king
(Mosiah 29:11, 25). He proposed this change partly because none of his children wanted to be king (Mosiah 29:3-9) and partly because of the evil that one wicked,
hereditary king could cause (Mosiah 29:16-24). The judges would be answerable to the people and therefore could be removed if they proved unfit to be a judge. The
people accepted the change, and they appointed judges to rule over them. Alma 2 , the head of the Church, was chosen to be the first chief judge; lesser judges were
also appointed (Mosiah 29:42).

See also Government, principles of; Judges, reign of; Mosiah, book of; Mosiah 2 , sons of.

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Mosiah book of

Mormon's abridgment of a part of the large plates of Nephi, covering a period ca. 200-91 b.c. Sources for Mormon's abridgment include the records of Nephite kings
during this period, inscribed on the large plates, as well as the records of Zeniff and Alma 1 (Headings, Mosiah 9; 23). Whether Zeniff's and Alma's records came to
Mormon as separate sets of plates or whether these accounts were already incorporated into the large plates of Nephi before Mormon's day remains unknown.

The book bears the name of the last Nephite king, Mosiah 2 . It opens with the final discourse of king Benjamin, Mosiah's father, and the consecration of Mosiah to
serve as king in his father's stead. The book closes with the report of Mosiah's death in the thirty- third year of his reign (Mosiah 29:46). The work chronicles events in
two geographical areas, the land of Zarahemla and the land of Lehi- Nephi. On the narrative level, the book rehearses two stories, one of unity between peoples of
different origins-Nephites and the people of Zarahemla (Mulekites), who were separate peoples yet whose origins went back to Jerusalem-and another of the
absorption of colonists back into the parent society two generations after the colonists had left.

Content and message

The book of Mosiah is complex because it chronicles events in two geographical areas, the land of Zarahemla and the land of Lehi- Nephi. In addition, the book
presents a series of flashbacks to different time periods. The opening section (Mosiah 1:1-8:21) recounts the period from ca. 130 to 121 b.c. , the end of the reign of
king Benjamin and the beginning of the reign of his son Mosiah 2 . Having selected Mosiah to succeed him, king Benjamin gathered his people and delivered his
masterful final address in which he recounted his own stewardship as king, taught of the coming of Christ and his atonement, and called his people to repent of their sins
and enter into a covenant to become sons and daughters of Christ (Mosiah 2-5). At the end of his sermon, king Benjamin recorded the names of the people who had
entered into a covenant to keep the commandments of God, and he turned the kingship over to his son Mosiah (Mosiah 6:1-7:1). The section closes with the account
of an expedition led by a man named Ammon 1 who went to the land of Lehi- Nephi to learn about the fate of colonists who had left perhaps fifty or more years before
(Omni 1:29-30; Mosiah 7:2-8:21). There he met king Limhi, son of Noah 3 , son of Zeniff. Zeniff had led a group many years earlier from the land of Zarahemla to
explore and possess the land of their fathers, occupied by the Lamanites.

The next segment is a flashback that recounts the reigns of Zeniff, Noah, and Limhi in the period from ca. 170 to 121 b.c. (Mosiah 9-22). Zeniff was the first king of
the colonists from Zarahemla who came to repossess their former lands. Surprisingly, the king of the Lamanites peacefully relinquished the land of Lehi- Nephi and the
land of Shilom to Zeniff and the colonists. But the king's long- range plan was to conquer them in order to live off their labors and possessions. Later Zeniff and the
colonists successfully defended themselves against king Laman 2 and the Lamanites, and afterwards against Laman's son also named Laman 3 , thus foiling this plan
(Mosiah 9-10). Zeniff was succeeded by his son Noah, who ruled in corruption and immorality (Mosiah 11-19). During Noah's reign the Lord chose the prophet
Abinadi to call the king and his wicked priests to repentance and to teach them about the coming Messiah. King Noah's agents arrested Abinadi and, after allowing
Abinadi to deliver his message, executed him (Mosiah 12-17). Abinadi's only known convert was a priest of Noah named Alma 1 , who escaped after attempting to
defend Abinadi. In the seclusion of a remote wooded area, Alma gained converts and established the Church of Christ. King Noah, charging Alma with rebellion, sent
an army to destroy Alma's people, but they escaped into the wilderness (Mosiah 18:33-34). Ultimately king Noah's people were conquered by a Lamanite army. The
king, who had escaped the initial attack, was burned to death by his own subjects who were angered when he directed them not to return to their wives and children
whom they abandoned when fleeing the Lamanites. Noah's righteous son Limhi succeeded the king and became the last colonial ruler. Limhi began his reign in bondage
to the Lamanites, paying one half of "all they possessed" as tribute to the Lamanite king (Mosiah 19). A Nephite named Ammon found the colonists in this unbearable
situation and assisted them in escaping and returning to Zarahemla (Mosiah 21-22; 29:18-20).

A third section is an account of the period from ca. 145 to 120 b.c. and concerns Alma's own colonizing efforts in the wilderness, the eventual bondage of his people,
and their miraculous flight to Zarahemla (Mosiah 23-24).

The fourth and final segment returns to the original narrative of chapters 1-8, rehearsing the reabsorption of the former colonists (the people of Zeniff/Limhi and Alma)
into the society of Zarahemla. King Mosiah appointed Alma to organize and preach to the Church. Alma's son Alma 2 and the four sons of Mosiah sought to destroy
the Church but were miraculously converted and began to preach to the Nephites and later to the Lamanites. At the end of his ministry Mosiah changed the government
from a mon-archy to one of elected representation (Mosiah 25-29).

The basic theme of the book of Mosiah can be stated in one word: deliverance. This concept appears first as exhortation in king Benjamin's address on the atonement
of Christ (Mosiah 2-6). It then receives emphasis in the narrative reports of the escape of the people of Limhi from their captors and the almost simultaneous escape of
the people of Alma 1 from their captors. Both escapes succeeded because of the rescuing influence of the Lord (Mosiah 22:10-16; 24:16-25; 29:19-20). The
deliverance theme is based on the observation that, as God delivered his people in the past, so he would deliver the Nephite people from bondage, whether it be
spiritual bondage, as Benjamin's speech stressed, or whether it be physical bondage, as was the case with the two groups of colonists. The common prerequisite for
divine aid, as Mormon noted in an editorial aside, is that one must be willing to put one's entire "trust" in the Lord (Mosiah 23:22; cf. 7:33): "the Lord in his great infinite
goodness doth bless and prosper those who put their trust in him" (Hel. 12:1). Significantly, then, throughout the book the theme of deliverance is joined to that of trust
or faith , thus underscoring the chief value of the work as an inspirational document.

The arrangement of the book of Mosiah shows Mormon making his historical interests serve his higher, religious purposes. For example, he clustered his important
chronological notices near the beginning and ending of the book (Mosiah 6:4-5; 7:1, 4-5; 29:45-46). Further, he merely noted the passage of time among the Zeniffite
colonists, with no apparent intent to connect events there with events at Zarahemla (Mosiah 9:11, 14; 10:3; 12:1; 17:6). As a result, Mormon eschewed chronological
reporting in favor of the spiritually rich moments that he sought to accentuate. Such moments, of course, include (1) the notable address of king Benjamin on the
atonement of Christ, which itself incorporated a message from an angel about the coming Messiah's ministry (Mosiah 2-6); (2) the spirited courtroom defense of the
pro-phet Abinadi on the same subject (Mosiah 12-16); (3) the formal and spiritual adoption of the returning colonists into the society in the land of Zarahemla (Mosiah
25); (4) the landmark revelation received by Alma the Elder on dealing with apostasy within the Church (Mosiah 26); and (5) the miraculous conversion of Alma the
Younger and his four friends, who were sons of king Mosiah (Mosiah 27).

The one chronological note that Mormon repeated twice concerns the third year of Mosiah's reign (Mosiah 6:7; 7:1). This year saw not only the departure of the
expedition of sixteen "strong men" to make contact with the colonists (Mosiah 7:2-3) but, more significantly, their successful return with the colonists in tow (Mosiah
 Copyright Otherwise,
22:13-14).   (c) 2005-2009,  Infobase
                        Mormon         Media
                                 did not      Corp.
                                         include much chronological information. For example, just before sketching the background to the story ofPage        769
                                                                                                                                                       Alma the     / 919
                                                                                                                                                                 Younger
and his friends, Mormon illustrated the passing of time by mentioning "the rising generation that could not understand the words of king Benjamin, being little children at
the time he spake unto his people" (Mosiah 26:1; 27). Thus, by recounting no other events in Zarahemla, the record does not report on the generation between the time
Younger and his four friends, who were sons of king Mosiah (Mosiah 27).

The one chronological note that Mormon repeated twice concerns the third year of Mosiah's reign (Mosiah 6:7; 7:1). This year saw not only the departure of the
expedition of sixteen "strong men" to make contact with the colonists (Mosiah 7:2-3) but, more significantly, their successful return with the colonists in tow (Mosiah
22:13-14). Otherwise, Mormon did not include much chronological information. For example, just before sketching the background to the story of Alma the Younger
and his friends, Mormon illustrated the passing of time by mentioning "the rising generation that could not understand the words of king Benjamin, being little children at
the time he spake unto his people" (Mosiah 26:1; 27). Thus, by recounting no other events in Zarahemla, the record does not report on the generation between the time
Mosiah assumed the throne and the time at which his sons were old enough to cause serious trouble for the youthful Church.

Concerning civil matters, the early chapters of the book of Mosiah illuminate the procedures for succession in the Nephite monarchy (Mosiah 1; 6). Further, the book
includes a view of a Nephite legal proceeding (although unrighteous) in the trial of Abinadi, and gives an account of an unusually peaceful change in government (Mosiah
29). This change in government is painted in bright colors because of the stark contrasts between two righteous kings, Benjamin and Mosiah, and the self- indulgent,
wicked king Noah. In fact, in urging his people to adopt a government of judges, king Mosiah pointed to this contrast as justification for abolishing the monarchy
(Mosiah 29:13-23). In a long letter to his people he wrote, "If it were possible that you could have just men to be your kings, . . . then it would be expedient that ye
should always have kings to rule over you." In contrast, "an unrighteous king doth pervert the ways of all righteousness" (Mosiah 29:13, 23). Therefore, "because all
men are not just" (Mosiah 29:16), Mosiah urged his subjects to "choose you by the voice of this people, judges, that ye may be judged according to the laws which . . .
were given them by the hand of the Lord" (Mosiah 29:25).

Concerning king Benjamin, one sees that his highly influential sermon rests on a prophecy about the coming ministry of Christ that can be summarized in a pair of
expressions: Christ the king, Christ the servant. For Benjamin, the willingness of Christ the Eternal King to become Christ the humble servant served as an example that
he and his people were to imitate (Mosiah 2:16-21). The purpose of Benjamin's prophetic sermon was to bring his people to Christ through a covenant that entailed
receiving the name of Christ and promising to follow his example (Mosiah 5:6-9). At the heart of the sermon, and influencing its message, stood the words of an angel
who had appeared to the king (Mosiah 3). The angel's words revealed in broad outline the mortal ministry of Jesus Christ, the Lord Omnipotent. According to the
angel, Christ's future ministry would ensure "that a righteous judgment might come upon the children of men" (Mosiah 3:10). Moreover, the people's response to the
king's words illustrates that the Messiah's atonement raises individuals from being less than "the dust of the earth" to the status of son or daughter of Christ (Mosiah 4:2;
5:7; cf. 2:25-26). This assurance that Christ would thus rescue people from their lowly state brings this sermon within Mormon's broad interest in deliverance.

Concerning the life of the prophet- martyr Abinadi, little is known. The Lord called him to prophesy against the evil excesses of king Noah and the colonists in the land
of Lehi- Nephi. But when the king tried to arrest him, the prophet withdrew to an unknown destination (Mosiah 11:20-29). Two years later, Abinadi returned, only to
be arrested and tried before a court made up of Noah's priests (Mosiah 12:1-18). Abinadi's appearance before the court is notable because he seized the occasion to
preach to Noah and his wicked priests about the coming Christ. After quoting all of chapter 53 of Isaiah, Abinadi offered one of the most important statements about
the atonement of Christ ever uttered (Mosiah 14-15). He said that Christ "breaketh the bands of death," thus assuring resurrection for all, and that he is "filled with
compassion towards the children of men" and has "taken upon himself their iniquity . . . and satisfied the demands of justice." But, he declared, only "those that have
kept the command-ments of God, shall come forth in the first resurrection . . . to dwell with God who has redeemed them." In contrast, "the Lord redeemeth none such
that rebel against him and die in their sins." In time, Abinadi promised, this message of "the salvation of the Lord shall be declared to every nation, kindred, tongue, and
people" (Mosiah 15:8-9, 22-23, 26-28). Although Abinadi did not escape death at the hands of the court-his death was to stand as a witness against evil (Mosiah
17:13-20)-his message about Christ's redemption fits within the larger lesson of deliverance in the book of Mosiah.

See also Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ; Book of Mormon, selected themes of, bondage and deliverance; Government, principles of; Isaiah
chapter reviews (Mosiah 14 // Isa. 53); Mosiah 2 , sons of; Nephite civiliza-tion; Noah 3 , priests of; Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Bibliography

Nyman, Monte S., and Charles D. Tate, eds. The Book of Mormon: Mosiah-Salvation Only through Christ. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, 1991.

Brown, S. Kent

Mosiah 2 sons of

Aaron 3 , Ammon 2 , Omner, and Himni; rebellious sons of king Mosiah 2 who, along with Alma 2 , sought to destroy the church of God, but were converted by the
appearance of an angel (Mosiah 27). Following their conversions they zealously sought "to repair all the injuries which they had done to the church" (Mosiah 27:35) by
teaching the gospel throughout the land (Mosiah 27:35-37; Alma 17-23). Despite persecution by unbelievers, the sons of Mosiah continued to report the visitation of
the angel. Their acknowledgment of their sins, along with their preaching and exhortations, brought many people "to the knowledge of their Redeemer" and also served
to console church members and confirm their faith (Mosiah 27:32-37). Although converted by miraculous means, with seemingly instantaneous trans-formations from
sinners to Saints, the sons of Mosiah were not spared the pains of true repentance. Their earlier rebellion cost them "much anguish of soul" and fear for their own eternal
welfare (Mosiah 28:4).

Driven by the desire to save "any human soul" from perishing and suffering "endless torment," the sons of Mosiah aspired to declare salvation to "every
creature" (Mosiah 28:3). Thus, they approached their father and asked permission to "impart the word of God to their brethren, the Lamanites" (Mosiah 28:1). All of
them declined the crown to serve missions, which led Mosiah to propose a system of elected judges among the Nephites (Mosiah 29:1-3; Alma 17:6). The sons' lofty
mission goals included bringing the Lamanites "to the knowledge of the Lord," convincing "them of the iniquity of their fathers," and "cur[ing] them of their hatred
towards the Nephites." Success would bring joy in the Lord, new friendships between former enemies, and peace in the land (Mosiah 28:2). The task would be
formidable, as the Lamanites' hatred for the Nephites had been entrenched for some 500 years (2 Ne. 5:14; Jacob 7:24; Enos 1:20; Mosiah 1:14; 10:17; 11:17; Alma
20:10-14; 4 Ne. 1:39). After inquiring of the Lord, king Mosiah granted his sons permission to do as they had requested, and the Lord promised them protection
(Mosiah 28:6-7).

Their fourteen- year Lamanite mission was a great success. The conversions of king Lamoni and his father through Ammon and Aaron opened opportunities to preach
freely among the Lamanite people (Alma 21:20-23; 23:1-4), and "thousands were brought to the knowledge of the Lord" (Alma 23:5). In regard to those Lamanite
converts who called themselves Anti- Nephi- Lehies , the missionary goals of the sons of Mosiah had been accomplished (Alma 23:5-13; 25:17), through their faith
(Ether 12:15) and through the power of the inspired records (scriptures) that testified of Jesus Christ (Alma 37:9).

The mission of the sons of Mosiah, however, was not without several intense challenges. Aaron and some of his companions were imprisoned and suffered "hunger,
thirst, and all kinds of afflictions" (Alma 20:29; 21:13-14); Ammon single- handedly fought off a band of Lamanite marauders (Alma 17:33) and was later saved from a
Lamanite sword by the power of God (Alma 19:22); and more than a thousand of their converts were martyred in consequence of conversion (Alma 24:22).

After securing the safety of their Lamanite converts by helping them settle in the Nephite land of Jershon (Alma 27:21-27), the sons of Mosiah continued their labors in
the ministry (Alma 30:20; 31:5-6; 49:30).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                         Page 770 / 919
The lives of Ammon, Aaron, Omner, and Himni exemplified the power of true conversion. They are described in the record as having become "men of a sound
understanding" who "had searched the scriptures diligently, that they might know the word of God" (Alma 17:2). Furthermore, through "much prayer, and fasting" they
Lamanite sword by the power of God (Alma 19:22); and more than a thousand of their converts were martyred in consequence of conversion (Alma 24:22).

After securing the safety of their Lamanite converts by helping them settle in the Nephite land of Jershon (Alma 27:21-27), the sons of Mosiah continued their labors in
the ministry (Alma 30:20; 31:5-6; 49:30).

The lives of Ammon, Aaron, Omner, and Himni exemplified the power of true conversion. They are described in the record as having become "men of a sound
understanding" who "had searched the scriptures diligently, that they might know the word of God" (Alma 17:2). Furthermore, through "much prayer, and fasting" they
enjoyed "the spirit of prophecy, and the spirit of revelation, and when they taught, they taught with power and authority of God" (Alma 17:3). In essence, the four sons
of king Mosiah were staunch and courageous "men of God" (Alma 48:18).

Largey, Dennis L.

Mote

A small chip of wood or twig (Liddell, 402). Although the mote may seem inconsequential when compared to the beam, it still constitutes a risk to the eye, just as any
sin poses a risk to the soul. Thus, when Christ condemned those with a beam in their eye who judge others with a mote in their eye, he still taught the importance of
ultimately having the mote removed (3 Ne. 14:1-5 // Matt. 7:1-5).

Bibliography

Liddell, H. G. An Intermediate Greek- English Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992. S.v. .

Strathearn, Gaye

Mother of abominations

A designation for the great and abominable church (1 Ne. 14:9-16; D&C 88:94), emphasizing the role of that evil entity as the origin or source of all that the Lord hates
(abominates). Five practices commonly designated in scripture as abominations are ritual pollution, occultism, idolatry, murder, and sexual sin (e.g., Lev. 7:18; Deut.
17:1; 18:9-12; 29:17-18; Alma 39:3-5; Jacob 2:28).

See also Great and abominable church; Mother of harlots; Whore of all the earth.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Mother of harlots

Another name for the great and abominable church or Babylon (1 Ne. 13:34; 14:16-17; D&C 133:14; Rev. 17:5) which emphasizes Babylon's willingness to sell what
is sacred in order to make money. A harlot is a prostitute, and whoever accepts rewards for misusing or defiling that which is sacred, whether physically or spiritually, is
a harlot and a daughter of Babylon.

See also Great and abominable church; Mother of abominations; Whore of all the earth.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Motherhood

See Parenting; Stripling warriors.

Mouth of a Jew mouth of the Jew

Expres-sions used by Nephi 1's angelic guide when referring to the Jewish writers of the bib-lical records (1 Ne. 13:23-24; 14:23). Nephi learned that these words of
the Jews would originally contain pure gospel truths, many of which would later be taken away by those desiring to "pervert the right ways of the Lord" (1 Ne. 13:24-
29). He also saw that the "book of the Lamb of God, which had proceeded forth from the mouth of the Jew" would eventually be brought by the Gentiles to the
descendants of Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 13:38).

Ludlow, Victor L.

Mulek

A son of the last king of Judah (Zedekiah 1 ). Mulek escaped the destruction of Jerusalem though his father was blinded and carried "captive into Babylon" and his
brothers were all slain (Omni 1:15; 2 Kgs. 25:7). That Zedekiah had a son who escaped is known only through the Book of Mormon. Independent of Lehi 1 , Mulek
and his party were led by the Lord to the promised land (Omni 1:16). The Lord brought "Mulek into the land north, and Lehi into the land south" (Hel. 6:10). The
descendants of these people became known to the Nephites as the "people of Zarahemla," apparently named after their leader when the Nephites discovered them
(Omni 1:13-19). Eventually, they were numbered with the Nephites (Mosiah 25:13). Readers of the Book of Mormon sometimes refer to the people of Zarahemla as
Mulekites.

See also Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Meservy, Keith H.

Mulek city of

Nephite city, south of Bountiful 2 , "on the east borders by the sea-shore." Mulek was conquered during Amalickiah's advance into Nephite lands (Alma 51:25-26; ca.
67 b.c. ). Later, Nephite commander Teancum received orders to retake the city from Jacob 3 and his Lamanite forces. When the apostate Zoramites 2 refused to
come out of Mulek to do battle, a stratagem was employed to draw them out. Teancum marched a small number of men "down near the seashore" as Moroni 1 hid his
army in the wilderness west of the city (Alma 52:22). Discovering the movement of Teancum's army, the Lamanites pursued them, supposing an easy victory against
 Copyright
fewer        (c) 2005-2009,
      Nephites.               Infobase
                  As the Lamanites     Media
                                    chased     Corp. Moroni sent part of his army to retake Mulek and the other part to follow the Lamanites. When
                                           Teancum,                                                                                                  the Lamanites
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reached Bountiful in pursuit of Teancum they met the army of Lehi 3 , which had been stationed there to protect the city. Weary and fearful of meeting a fresh foe, the
Lamanites turned and fled back to Mulek. Lehi pursued them until they were caught between his and Moroni's armies. Surrounded and confused, the Laman-ites were
defeated in a furious battle (Alma 52:15-38).
Nephite city, south of Bountiful 2 , "on the east borders by the sea-shore." Mulek was conquered during Amalickiah's advance into Nephite lands (Alma 51:25-26; ca.
67 b.c. ). Later, Nephite commander Teancum received orders to retake the city from Jacob 3 and his Lamanite forces. When the apostate Zoramites 2 refused to
come out of Mulek to do battle, a stratagem was employed to draw them out. Teancum marched a small number of men "down near the seashore" as Moroni 1 hid his
army in the wilderness west of the city (Alma 52:22). Discovering the movement of Teancum's army, the Lamanites pursued them, supposing an easy victory against
fewer Nephites. As the Lamanites chased Teancum, Moroni sent part of his army to retake Mulek and the other part to follow the Lamanites. When the Lamanites
reached Bountiful in pursuit of Teancum they met the army of Lehi 3 , which had been stationed there to protect the city. Weary and fearful of meeting a fresh foe, the
Lamanites turned and fled back to Mulek. Lehi pursued them until they were caught between his and Moroni's armies. Surrounded and confused, the Laman-ites were
defeated in a furious battle (Alma 52:15-38).

Mulek descendants of

See Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Mulek land of

Land named after Mulek, the son of Zedekiah. The land of Mulek was located to the north of the land of Lehi, "for the Lord did bring Mulek into the land north, and
Lehi into the land south" (Hel. 6:10).

Mulekites

See Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Muloki

See Ammah.

Murder

The selfish, unauthorized, intentional taking of human life (Hel. 7:21), second only to denying the Holy Ghost in order of seriousness. It is one of the "most abominable"
of sins (Alma 39:5). Nephi 1 described the devil as being "the founder of murder" (2 Ne. 26:22).

The Lord God has "commanded that men should not murder" (2 Ne. 26:32), and Amulek explained that "the law requireth the life of him who hath murdered" (Alma
34:12; cf. 2 Ne. 9:35). It is clear that in some cases capital punishment was indeed a penalty for those found guilty of murder among the Nephites (e.g., Alma 1:1-15).

A just and loving God has provided for every man to be judged according to the level of law he has been given, and "where there is no law given there is no
punishment" (2 Ne. 9:25; 2:5; Alma 39:6; D&C 82:3). Thus, in some cases, repentance for murder may be available. For example, the Anti- Nephi- Lehies were
"convinced" of the "many murders" they had committed before being taught the gospel, but God "granted" them the opportunity to repent and be forgiven (Alma 24:9-
10). Likewise, king Lamoni, who had his servants killed, subsequently was forgiven and enjoyed a marvelous spiritual manifestation (Alma 17:27-19:31). Moreover,
the Savior invited the latter- day Gentiles to repent and be forgiven of the sin of murder: "Turn, all ye Gentiles, from your wicked ways; and repent of your . . .
murders . . . and come unto me, and be baptized in my name, that ye may receive a remission of your sins, and be filled with the Holy Ghost, that ye may be numbered
with my people who are of the house of Israel" (3 Ne. 30:2). President Boyd K. Packer taught, "Save for the exception of the very few who defect to perdition, there
is no habit, no addiction, no rebellion, no transgression, no apostasy, no crime exempted from the promise of complete forgiveness" (20). He went on to state,
"Forgiveness does not, however, necessarily assure exaltation, as is the case with David (see D&C 132:38-39; see also Ps. 16:10; Acts 2:25-27; Teachings of the
Prophet Joseph Smith, p. 339)" (21 n. 15). Alma 2 warned those who "murdereth against the light and knowledge of God . . . that it is not easy for him to obtain a
forgiveness" (Alma 39:6).

War with one's enemy does not provide indiscriminate justification for the taking of life. In the context of war, the only legitimate cause to take life is to preserve life
(Alma 43:45-47; 48:23-24): "The Nephites were taught to defend themselves against their enemies, even to the shedding of blood if it were necessary . . . to preserve
their lives" (Alma 48:14).

A person may be guilty of a type of murder by leading others astray. Alma the Younger recounted that he had "murdered many of [God's] children, or rather led them
away unto destruction" (Alma 36:14; italics added).

See also Blood crying from the ground.

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd K. "The Brilliant Morning of Forgiveness." Ensign 25 (November 1995): 18- 21.

Judd, Daniel K

Murmur

The act of expressing discontent or anger ; complaining. Fifteen of the thirty- three verses that contain the word murmur, or a form of it, refer to Laman 1 and Lemuel
and their constant haggling against the revelations and the related activities of Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 . Murmuring in this context is shown as a precursor to rebellion.
Because murmuring shows a lack of understanding or due reverence for spiritual truths, one antidote is the teaching of true doctrine (1 Ne. 2:12).

Parrish, Alan K.

Mysteries of God the

Truths known through revelation, such as doctrines of the gospel, and the "ways" or divine actions and attributes of God (Jacob 4:8; cf. Alma 26:22). For example,
Nephi 1 , "having great desires to know of the mysteries of God," sought the Lord in prayer to "see, and hear, and know" concerning the prophetic words of his father
(1 Ne. 2:16; 10:17-19). Alma 2 , in response to Zeezrom's questions concerning the doctrines of resurrection and judgment, taught how gospel truths (mysteries) are
revealed (Alma 12:8-11), and Jacob 2 quoted the allegory of Zenos to reveal the "mystery" concerning the Lord's work in bringing the Jews back to Christ after they
had rejected him (Jacob 4:18).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                          Page 772 / 919
The mysteries of God are taught in the scriptures (Mosiah 1:3, 5), by inspired men (Alma 12:9; Mosiah 2:9; cf. Jacob 4:18), and through the power of the Holy Ghost
(1 Ne. 10:19), according to the faithfulness of those who read or hear (1 Ne. 10:19; Jacob 4:8; Alma 12:9). One demonstrates the needed faithfulness or "heed and
diligence" (Alma 12:9) by opening one's ears, heart, and mind (Mosiah 2:9), offering sincere and continual prayer (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:16; Alma 26:22), diligently seeking (1
Nephi 1 , "having great desires to know of the mysteries of God," sought the Lord in prayer to "see, and hear, and know" concerning the prophetic words of his father
(1 Ne. 2:16; 10:17-19). Alma 2 , in response to Zeezrom's questions concerning the doctrines of resurrection and judgment, taught how gospel truths (mysteries) are
revealed (Alma 12:8-11), and Jacob 2 quoted the allegory of Zenos to reveal the "mystery" concerning the Lord's work in bringing the Jews back to Christ after they
had rejected him (Jacob 4:18).

The mysteries of God are taught in the scriptures (Mosiah 1:3, 5), by inspired men (Alma 12:9; Mosiah 2:9; cf. Jacob 4:18), and through the power of the Holy Ghost
(1 Ne. 10:19), according to the faithfulness of those who read or hear (1 Ne. 10:19; Jacob 4:8; Alma 12:9). One demonstrates the needed faithfulness or "heed and
diligence" (Alma 12:9) by opening one's ears, heart, and mind (Mosiah 2:9), offering sincere and continual prayer (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:16; Alma 26:22), diligently seeking (1
Ne. 10:19), and practicing faith, repentance, and good works (Alma 26:22). Those who faithfully seek such knowledge are "favored" to know God's goodness (e.g., 1
Ne. 1:1), the Lord visits them and softens their hearts by the power of the Holy Ghost (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:16; 10:19), they no longer suffer "in ignorance" (e.g., Mosiah 1:3),
and they become instruments in the hands of God to bring others to repentance (Alma 26:22). In contrast, the hard-hearted lose revealed knowledge "until they know
nothing concerning his mysteries," are "taken captive by the devil," and stand condemned before God (Alma 12:10-11; cf. 2 Ne. 28:29-30).

Thomas, John C.

N
Nahom

Place in Lehi 1's journey through the Arabian peninsula where Ishmael was buried. The sojourn at Nahom was a low point in the journey through the wilderness. The
death of Ishmael caused his daughters to "mourn exceedingly" and to murmur against Lehi because of their many afflictions (1 Ne. 16:34-36). Prompted by Laman 1 ,
Lemuel and the sons of Ishmael rebelled against Lehi and Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 16:37-38). Only a chastening from the Lord brought them to repentance (1 Ne. 16:39). The
name Nahom may be related to the Hebrew words n_ACCENTf8ACCENT_ aham, to "groan," or n_ACCENTf8ACCENT_ a h* am, to "be sorry, console
oneself" (Brown et al., 625, 636). It has been suggested that Nahom may be identified with Nihm in Yemen (Brown, 66-68; see map, page 514).

See also Lehi 1 , journey to the promised land.

Bibliography

Brown, Driver, and Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Based on the lexicon of W. Gesenius as translated by E. Robinson. Edited by F.
Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs. Oxford: Clarendon, 1980.

Brown, S. Kent. "The Place That Was Called `Nahom': New Light from Ancient Yemen." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies (August 1999): 66- 68.

Szink, Terrence L.

Names in the Book of Mormon

The proper names and appellations of the Book of Mormon exhibit what might be expected from a book that openly claims roots in another culture, but which at the
same time also consciously proclaims that its culture and languages have departed from their roots. Even the Jaredite record, which claims a nexus with an as yet
unidentifiable Old World origin, contains a mixture of original and perhaps retained names.

The personal and geographic names in the Book of Mormon provide a window to the lan-guage and people who produced that book. Of the 337 proper names in the
Book of Mormon, 188 (about 56 percent) by current count are unique to the Book of Mormon. Ninety- six names (about 28 percent) occur in passages in which the
Bible is being quoted or paraphrased. That leaves 53 names (about 16 percent) which occur in both the Book of Mormon and the Bible but in unrelated passages.

Though most of the names in the Book of Mormon are Lehite- Mulekite (i.e., those people descended from the original Lehi colony and from the people of Zarahemla,
who trace themselves back to the colony of Mulek), a sizable number are Jaredite, the language group of the first inhabitants of Book of Mormon lands. Of the 188
names unique to the Book of Mormon, 142 are Lehite- Mulekite, 41 are Jaredite, and 5 are common to both groups.

Some appellations in the Book of Mormon were obviously influenced by a Hebrew background. For example, when the Lamanite servants of king Lamoni spoke to
Ammon 2 , they called him rabbanah, which the Book of Mormon interprets to mean "powerful or great king" (Alma 18:13). Rabbanah resembles Hebrew words that
derive from a common Semitic root rbb meaning "to be big or many." Even more telling for Book of Mormon history is that the Lamanites, who seem to have strayed
culturally from their Nephite cousins, still preserved their Hebrew/Semitic language background.

Other names in the Book of Mormon have not appeared to come from a Hebrew background at first glance but have proven in the meantime to reflect authentic
Israelite origins. Perhaps the best example of this is the prominent Book of Mormon name Alma, which does not appear in any biblical text. For years the name lacked
an ostensible Hebrew root and therefore could easily be explained as the feminine form from the Latin root meaning "nurture." Yet, the name Alma does appear in
authentic Hebrew documents of the Bar Kochba period (ca. a.d. 130). There the name appears as a masculine name spelled exactly as might be expected, 'lm',
( Alma ) and 'lmh, ( Almah ) (Yadin, 176). This find unequivocally places the Book of Mormon name Alma within the Israelite tradition of names. Of the 53 names that
the Bible and the Book of Mormon share in unrelated passages (16 percent of the total), two names appear to be Greek: the personal name Timothy and the
geographic name Antipas. This should not be sur-prising, given that a Greek presence in the Levant is known from at least the eighth century b.c. and contact between
the Levant and the Aegean existed at least as early as the end of the Late Bronze Age, 1400 to 1200 b.c.

Plays on words, especially with names, are very common in the Hebrew Bible. That such plays on words found their way into the Book of Mormon seems evident
from the name Jershon in Alma 27:22. Jershon appears to be derived from the Hebrew root meaning "to inherit," the root being yr9A. Thus, Jershon could mean
"inheritance." If this line of reasoning is correct, then a wonderful play on words in that verse is developed: "This land Jershon [namely, inheritance] is the land which we
will give unto our brethren for an inheritance."

Jaredite names cannot at the present be linked to any known language. (This is not unusual: Kassite names of the Middle Babylonian Period in Mesopotamia cannot be
linked to any known language.) A few Jaredite names might be related to Semitic roots, such as the name Jared. But most Jaredite names, such as Coriantumr, are
most likely not related to Israelite origins. Interesting, though, are the Jaredite names that reappear in the Nephite record, as if there were some conscious continuity
between the two cultures. For example, after the union of the people of Zarahemla and the fleeing Nephite remnant under king Mosiah 1 , the two most infamous
apostates both bear names with clear resemblances to Jaredite names, Corihor/Korihor and Nehor/Nehor, seemingly as though these apostate movements were
inspired by Jaredite precedents.

Bibliography
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                         Page 773 / 919
Yadin, Yigael. Bar Kokhba. New York: Random House, 1971.
apostates both bear names with clear resemblances to Jaredite names, Corihor/Korihor and Nehor/Nehor, seemingly as though these apostate movements were
inspired by Jaredite precedents.

Bibliography

Yadin, Yigael. Bar Kokhba. New York: Random House, 1971.

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Narrowly

See Appendix C.

Natural branches

Term used in the scriptures as a metaphor for the house of Israel. In the allegory of the olive tree in Jacob 5 this metaphor is used to describe the scattering of the house
of Israel throughout the world. At the same time, non- Israelites, represented by "wild branches," are mixed with the house of Israel. The allegory continues by
describing how in the latter days the natural branches, which had been scattered throughout the world, will be grafted back into the natural tree. This grafting represents
the gathering of the house of Israel back to the gos-pel of Jesus Christ. The metaphor of the natural branches is mentioned in three other scriptural passages: 1 Nephi
10:14; 1 Nephi 15:7, 13; and Romans 11:16- 24.

See also Zenos, allegory of.

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Natural man

The natural birth gives rise to the natural man (McConkie, 282), and, as an angel explained to king Benjamin, "the natural man is an enemy to God" (Mosiah 3:19; Ether
3:2). The natural man is the unregenerated person, the man or woman who has received neither the revealed witness of the Spirit nor the cleansing powers of the
Atonement. He or she lives in what Alma called a "state of nature," or "a carnal state," being "without God in the world" and thus living "contrary to the nature of God"
and, sadly, "contrary to the nature of happiness" (Alma 41:11). The things of the Spirit of God seem alien and foolish to such a person (1 Cor. 2:14; cf. Alma 26:17-
21). Acting without the Holy Ghost, the natural man can be proud, obsessed with self, overly competitive, reactionary, fiercely independent, driven by desires,
appetites, worldly acclaim, or one who yields himself to the harsh and the crude. In general, the natural man is an unredeemed creature, a being who walks in darkness
or in the light of his own fire and in the sparks he has kindled (2 Ne. 7:10-11). Such a one is acclimated to the nature of things about him, taking his cues and bearings
from a fallen world.

The natural man will remain forevermore an enemy to God unless he or she turns away from sin, comes unto Christ, and partakes of the cleansing and quickening
powers of the Atone-ment. More specifically, one puts off the natural man through yielding to the enticings of the Holy Spirit and subscribing to the first principles of the
gospel-faith, repentance, baptism, and the reception of the Holy Ghost (2 Ne. 31; 3 Ne. 27:16-20). Such a person will then begin to come alive to things of
righteousness and thereby begin to acquire Christlike attributes. Whereas the "works of the flesh" characterize the natural man, the "fruit[s] of the Spirit" flow from the
life of one changed and renewed in Christ (Gal. 5:19-25; Mosiah 3:19; Alma 7:23).

See also Born again; Carnal, sensual, and devilish; Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Millet, Robert L.

Nazareth

City located in the hills of Galilee that form the northern side of the Jezreel Valley. In a vision, Nephi 1 saw in Nazareth a beautiful virgin, the future mother of the Son of
God, along with her infant son, Jesus, the Lamb of God (1 Ne. 11:13, 18, 20-21). He possibly saw Nazareth again when he saw the Redeemer being cast out (1 Ne.
11:28; cf. Luke 4:16-30).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Neas

See Agriculture in the Book of Mormon.

Nehor

Apostate Nephite who first introduced priestcraft into Zarahemla (Alma 1:12). Nehor appeared during the first year of the reign of the judges (ca. 91 b.c.) as one who
powerfully enticed others to do evil and who established a church to promote his cause.

Nehor was a large and strong man, which gave him a natural appeal. But it was his doctrine that many found a desirable alternative to the strict teachings of the
prophets of God. Pretending also to be a prophet, Nehor taught that the priests of their religion should be popular, or people- pleasers, and that "they ought not to
labor with their hands, but that they ought to be supported by the people" (Alma 1:3). He taught also that God would redeem and give eternal life to all men; therefore,
"they need not fear nor tremble" before God "but that they might lift up their heads and rejoice" (Alma 1:4).

This new religion of Nehor institutionalized priestcraft, which is "that men preach and set themselves up for a light unto the world," taking praise and gain for their efforts
(2 Ne. 26:29). In the true Church, priests are called of God by the laying on of hands of those who are in authority, and the light which they hold up to the world is
Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 18:24). In Nehor's religion, pride was encouraged as well as the wearing of costly apparel (Alma 1:6). But in the true Church, humility is required of
all (Alma 1:20, 26-27). Nehor assured his listeners that they need not be concerned about sinning, for all would be forgiven and everyone would enjoy eternal bliss
(Alma  1:4). (c)
 Copyright   But2005-2009,
                 the true Church strictlyMedia
                             Infobase     enjoined everyone to repent of all sinning, for every sin would be accounted for on the Day of Judgment. Page 774 / 919
                                                Corp.

Not only did Nehor teach priestcraft, that men should make a business out of selling religion, but he attempted "to enforce it by the sword" (Alma 1:12). He contended
verbally with Gideon, an elderly teacher in the "church of God," but Gideon withstood him "with the words of God" (Alma 1:7, 9). Angered at Gideon for his ability to
This new religion of Nehor institutionalized priestcraft, which is "that men preach and set themselves up for a light unto the world," taking praise and gain for their efforts
(2 Ne. 26:29). In the true Church, priests are called of God by the laying on of hands of those who are in authority, and the light which they hold up to the world is
Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 18:24). In Nehor's religion, pride was encouraged as well as the wearing of costly apparel (Alma 1:6). But in the true Church, humility is required of
all (Alma 1:20, 26-27). Nehor assured his listeners that they need not be concerned about sinning, for all would be forgiven and everyone would enjoy eternal bliss
(Alma 1:4). But the true Church strictly enjoined everyone to repent of all sinning, for every sin would be accounted for on the Day of Judgment.

Not only did Nehor teach priestcraft, that men should make a business out of selling religion, but he attempted "to enforce it by the sword" (Alma 1:12). He contended
verbally with Gideon, an elderly teacher in the "church of God," but Gideon withstood him "with the words of God" (Alma 1:7, 9). Angered at Gideon for his ability to
counter his teachings, Nehor slew him (Alma 1:5-9). For this murder Nehor was put to death in accordance with the laws of the land (Alma 1:10, 14-15).

Being pleasing to the carnal mind, the teachings of Nehor continued, as did his church. "The order of the Nehors" was evident among the Nephites and the Lamanites
for some time, giving a pretext of justification to those who chose not to worship the true and living God (Alma 21:4; 1:6; 16:11; 24:28-29).

Riddle, Chauncey C.

Nehor land of and city of

Jaredite territory. Corihor 1 rebelled against his father, Kib, and "went over and dwelt in the land of Nehor" (Ether 7:4). In the city of Nehor, Shule defeated his brother
Corihor 1 and restored the kingdom to his father, Kib (Ether 7:9).

Nehor order of

Religious sect that followed the teachings of Nehor (Alma 1) . Individuals and groups identified with this persuasion were wicked. Amlici, the Nephite dissenter who
wanted to be king (Alma 2:1); the judge in Ammonihah who threatened Alma 2 and Amulek with death (Alma 14:16); and many of the Amulonites and Amalekites,
hard-hearted Nephite dissenters who lived among the Lamanites, were "after the order of the Nehors" (Alma 21:4; 24:28-29). The Amulonites and Amalekites built
synagogues in the city of Jerusalem 2 that accorded with these religious beliefs (Alma 21:4). Perhaps it was the Amlicites, another group of Nephite apostates defecting
to the Lamanites (Alma 1-2), who first introduced the teachings of Nehor to the Amulonites and Amalekites in the land of -Nephi.

After the Lamanite destruction of the wicked Nephite city of Ammonihah, the area became known as the "Desolation of Nehors," because those who possessed
Ammonihah "were of the profession of Nehor" (Alma 14:18; 16:11).

Largey, Dennis L.

Nehors Desolation of

See Desolation of Nehors.

Nephi 1

Son of Lehi 1 and Sariah (ca. 615-b.c.) , who holds a special place among Book of Mormon prophets. He was an essential figure, having founded the civilization and
commenced the records on which the book is based, and an exemplary one. His life was characterized by unfailing obedience to the will of God. Nephi's final words
could well serve as his epitaph: "For thus hath the Lord commanded me, and I must obey" (2 Ne. 33:15).

Throughout his life, Nephi was determined to "go and do the things which the Lord hath commanded" (1 Ne. 3:7). Whether this meant following his father into the
wilderness, returning to Jerusalem for the brass plates, slaying Laban, building a ship, crossing an ocean, establishing a new civilization, erecting a temple, ruling and
protecting his people, or fashioning and engraving a sacred record on metal plates, Nephi proved both willing and able to faithfully perform the Lord's will, however
formidable the obstacles. His was a heroic life, writ large in Book of Mormon history and in the hearts of his people.

Nephi was the fourth son of a wealthy, well- educated family living in Jerusalem shortly before the Babylonian captivity. As a young man, Nephi fled into the wilderness
with his family after his father was warned by God of Jerusalem's impending doom (1 Ne. 1-2). Nephi twice returned to Jerusalem: once to retrieve scriptures recorded
on brass plates and again to enlist the family of Ishmael 1 , whose daughters Lehi's sons could marry (1 Ne. 3-4; 7:1-5). After eight hard years in the wilderness, this
group came to a land by the sea, a land they named Bountiful 1 . There God commanded Nephi to build a ship to take them to a promised land. Despite periods of
trying opposition from his older brothers, Nephi built the ship and sailed across the sea (1 Ne. 17-18).

Shortly after arriving in the promised land Lehi died, leaving Nephi to carry the lonely burden of leadership amid his enemies, a condition that seems reflected in his
psalm (2 Ne. 4:15-35). To escape his fratricidal brothers, Nephi obeyed the Lord's warning and fled deeper into the wilderness with those who remained faithful (2
Ne. 5:5-6). There, in a land they named Nephi, Nephi became the ruler, teacher, protector, and priest for a people who called themselves "the people of Nephi" (2
Ne. 5:9), or simply "Nephites." Nephi led his people as prophet- king for the remainder of his life, thereby fulfilling the Lord's words that Nephi would "be made a ruler
and a teacher over [his] brethren" (1 Ne. 2:22). When Nephi died, fifty- five years after leaving Jerusalem, his people honored him by designating all subsequent kings
by the title "Nephi," so great was their love for their mighty founding prophet and protector (Jacob 1:11).

Teachings

Nephi engraved two sets of plates, the large and small plates of Nephi (1 Ne. 19:1-6). The Book of Mormon preserves intact Nephi's writings from the small plates,
which Nephi reserved for the account of his ministry, prophecies (1 Ne. 19:3-4), and "the things of [his] soul" (2 Ne. 4:15). Consequently, 1 Nephi and 2 Nephi are
rich in teaching, prophecy, and scriptural commentary, if somewhat sparse in biographical and historical detail, especially regarding events in the promised land. Among
Nephi's most important prophecies and teachings are his vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 11-14), his prophecies of the Messiah and last days (1 Ne. 22; 2 Ne. 25-30),
and his distillation of the "doctrine of Christ" (2 Ne. 31-33).

Vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 11-14)

Having heard his father recount a remarkable vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8), Nephi sought to experience the same vision (1 Ne. 10:17-19). Accordingly, Nephi was
"caught away in the Spirit . . . into an exceedingly high mountain" (1 Ne. 11:1) where he "saw the things which [his] father saw" (1 Ne. 14:29). Nephi's account includes
interpretations of key symbols-such as the tree of life, rod of iron, spacious building, fountain of filthy water, and mists of darkness-as well as prophecies of the Savior's
ministry on two continents and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon in the latter days. These details are missing from Nephi's admittedly incomplete redaction of his
father's vision (1 Ne. 8:29, 36). Whereas Lehi's account focuses on the salvation of his immediate family, Nephi's account focuses on the salvation of his seed
throughout   history. Thus Nephi foresaw Jesus' ministry not only among the Jews in the Holy Land (1 Ne. 11) but also among his own seed in the promised land (1 Ne.
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
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                                                                                                                                                                         the
great conflict between the church of the Lamb and the church of the devil that would persist until the end of the world (1 Ne. 14). Nephi's vision burdened him with the
painful foreknowledge of the Nephites' eventual destruction (1 Ne. 15:5; 2 Ne. 26:7, 10); but at the same time, it blessed him with the joyful assurance of God's grand
interpretations of key symbols-such as the tree of life, rod of iron, spacious building, fountain of filthy water, and mists of darkness-as well as prophecies of the Savior's
ministry on two continents and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon in the latter days. These details are missing from Nephi's admittedly incomplete redaction of his
father's vision (1 Ne. 8:29, 36). Whereas Lehi's account focuses on the salvation of his immediate family, Nephi's account focuses on the salvation of his seed
throughout history. Thus Nephi foresaw Jesus' ministry not only among the Jews in the Holy Land (1 Ne. 11) but also among his own seed in the promised land (1 Ne.
12). He foresaw, too, the coming of the Gentiles to the promised land, the coming forth of the Book of Mormon among his seed in the latter days (1 Ne. 13), and the
great conflict between the church of the Lamb and the church of the devil that would persist until the end of the world (1 Ne. 14). Nephi's vision burdened him with the
painful foreknowledge of the Nephites' eventual destruction (1 Ne. 15:5; 2 Ne. 26:7, 10); but at the same time, it blessed him with the joyful assurance of God's grand
designs for scattered Israel. The knowledge of futurity that Nephi gained in this vision, especially about the Messiah and the last days, informed both his understanding
of Isaiah and his own prophecies.

Prophecies of the Messiah and the last days (1 Ne. 22; 2 Ne. 25-30)

Twice Nephi engraved onto the small plates extensive quotations from Isaiah (1 Ne. 20-21; 2 Ne. 12-24), which he knew applied to his people, a branch of scattered
Israel (1 Ne. 19:23; 2 Ne. 11:8), as well as to latter- day peoples. After each quotation from Isaiah, Nephi supplied prophetic commentary. Because the Lord had
shown him plainly the events that Isaiah also saw regarding the coming of the Messiah and the last days, and because Nephi delighted in plainness (2 Ne. 25:4; 33:6),
he prophesied in "plainness . . . that no man can err" (2 Ne. 25:7).

At the end of 1 Nephi, Nephi expounded upon the Lord's "marvelous work among the Gentiles" in the last days, "which shall be of great worth unto our seed" as well
as to the Gentiles themselves and the whole house of Israel (1 Ne. 22:8-9). His prophetic commentary repeated many elements in his vision of the tree of life, such as
the scattering and gathering of Israel, the coming of the Messiah, the rise of a great and abominable church, and the reign of righteousness during the Millennium. Nephi
cited the testimony of other prophets, including Moses, to supplement Isaiah's words and his own, so that his hard-hearted brothers "need not suppose that I and my
father are the only ones that have testified" (1 Ne. 22:31).

Similarly, Nephi introduced Isaiah in 2 Nephi as a third witness of Christ to complement his own testimony and that of his brother Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 11:2-4). Likewise,
Nephi's subsequent commentary again referred to events revealed not only to Isaiah but to Nephi himself in his vision of the tree of life: the birth, crucifixion, and
resurrection of the Messiah (2 Ne. 25); the ministry of Christ to the Nephites and the condition of the Gentiles in the last days (2 Ne. 26); the coming forth of the Book
of Mormon (2 Ne. 27); the workings of the devil and his abominable church in the last days (2 Ne. 28); the Gentiles' rejection of the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 29); and
the conversion of Gentiles, Jews, and Lehi's seed (2 Ne. 30:1-8) before the millennial day when "the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord" and "Satan shall
have power over the hearts of the children of men no more" (2 Ne. 30:15, 18). Thus Nephi's prophecies in 2 Nephi 25-30 correlate to both passages in Isaiah and to
Nephi's vision of the tree of life.

Doctrine of Christ (2 Ne. 31-32)

Central to all Nephi's prophecies was his understanding of Christ. He knew that "there is none other name given under heaven save it be this Jesus Christ . . . whereby
man can be saved" (2 Ne. 25:20). Consequently, "we labor diligently . . . to persuade our children, and also our brethren, to believe in Christ. . . . We talk of Christ,
we rejoice in Christ, we preach of Christ, we prophesy of Christ . . . that our children may know to what source they may look for a remission of their sins" (2 Ne.
25:23, 26).

As Nephi closed his record, he determined to set forth plainly the "doctrine of Christ" (2 Ne. 31:2, 21; 32:6). His teachings in chapters 31-32 provide a trenchant
summary of the first principles of the gospel. Nephi explained that all people must have faith, humble themselves, repent, and follow the example of Jesus "with full
purpose of heart, acting no hypocrisy," by taking upon themselves the "name of Christ, by baptism," and subsequently receiving "the baptism of fire and of the Holy
Ghost" (2 Ne. 31:13). After they have entered on the strait and narrow path by this gate, then they must "press forward with a steadfastness in Christ, having a perfect
brightness of hope, and a love of God and of all men. Wherefore," Nephi added, "if ye shall press forward, feasting upon the word of Christ, and endure to the end,
behold, thus saith the Father: Ye shall have eternal life" (2 Ne. 31:20). This is the "doctrine of Christ," or the gospel in brief.

Nephi concluded his record with a powerful valediction. In it, he expressed his love for his people, for whom he prayed by day and wept by night (2 Ne. 33:3). He
bade farewell to "all ye ends of the earth" (2 Ne. 33:10). And, as "one crying from the dust" (2 Ne. 33:13), he called all people to repent and believe in Christ, solemnly
testifying that God would hold the world accountable for how it would receive his testimony (2 Ne. 33:11, 14-15). Nephi's valedictory testimony is consistent with his
initial statement of intent: "For the fulness of mine intent is that I may persuade men to come unto the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob,
and be saved" (1 Ne. 6:4).

Summary of Major Teachings

1. Deliverance through faith in the Lord (1 Ne. 1:20; cf. 7:17-18).

2. Obedience. Exhortations (1 Ne. 4:1; 15:25; 17:23-55), blessings (1 Ne. 17:3), and divine assistance (1 Ne. 3:7). See Book of Mormon, selected themes of,
obedience.

3. Salvation. "The way is prepared for all men from the foundation of the world, if it so be that they repent and come unto [Christ]" (1 Ne. 10:18).

4. The eternal nature of God's work-the Lord's course is one eternal round ; he reveals his mysteries by the power of the Holy Ghost to "[him] that diligently seeketh" in
any era-"these times," "times of old," and "times to come" (1 Ne. 10:19; cf. 15:11).

5. The vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 11-14), including additional interpretive commentary to his brothers on its symbols (1 Ne. 15). See Nephi 1's vision.

6. The rejection of the Messiah by "those who are at Jerusalem"; his crucifixion and burial according to the words of Zenock, Neum, and Zenos; the subsequent
scattering of the Jews for this rejection; and their eventual gathering when they "no more turn aside their hearts against the Holy One of Israel" (1 Ne. 19:7-17; cf. 2 Ne.
25:9-20).

7. Prophecies of the Messiah and the last days, including the scattering and gathering of all the house of Israel, the restoration of the gospel, the coming forth of the
Book of Mormon, conditions among the Gentiles, warnings against false teachings and the tactics of Satan , the Second Coming, and the Millennium (1 Ne. 22; 2 Ne.
25-30). See Jesus Christ, second coming of; Israel, gathering of; Israel, scattering of.

8. The doctrine of Christ (2 Ne. 31-32). See Gospel, the.

9. The roles of the Holy Ghost (2 Ne. 31-32; 33:1).

10. Principles
 Copyright  (c)of2005-2009,
                  prayer: the Spirit teaches
                              Infobase       manCorp.
                                         Media   to pray; "ye must pray always" (2 Ne. 32:8-9); the evil spirit teaches man "that he must not pray" (2Page
                                                                                                                                                       Ne. 32:8).
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See also Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning; Laban, slaying of; Lamanites, Book of Mormon message
concerning; Nephi, first book of; Nephi, second book of; Nephi 1's psalm.
8. The doctrine of Christ (2 Ne. 31-32). See Gospel, the.

9. The roles of the Holy Ghost (2 Ne. 31-32; 33:1).

10. Principles of prayer: the Spirit teaches man to pray; "ye must pray always" (2 Ne. 32:8-9); the evil spirit teaches man "that he must not pray" (2 Ne. 32:8).

See also Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning; Laban, slaying of; Lamanites, Book of Mormon message
concerning; Nephi, first book of; Nephi, second book of; Nephi 1's psalm.

Tanner, John Sears

Nephi 2

The diligent and dutiful elder son of Helaman 3 , whose public reign and sacred ministry spanned nearly forty years, ending just before Christ's birth (ca. 39 b.c.-a.d. 1).
Though the Book of Mormon reveals nothing of Nephi's birth and little about his personal life, there is ample scriptural material attesting to the stellar quality of his
character.

He filled the role of chief judge for nine years after his righteous father's death (Hel. 3:37). Because of the great pride and iniquity of his people, Nephi's judgeship
constituted some of the bleakest years in Nephite history. During this time the Lamanites gained "possession of the land of Zarahemla . . . and also all the lands, even
unto the land which was near the land Bountiful" (Hel. 4:5). The Nephites had become "weak" like the Lamanites, and the Spirit of the Lord ceased to "preserve
them" (Hel. 4:24-25).

Weary of their transgressions and unrepentant behavior, Nephi relinquished his civil leader-ship to Cezoram, which enabled him to devote all his time to preaching the
gospel "all the remainder of his days" (Hel. 5:1-4; 30 b.c.-a.d. 1) . A man of enormous spiritual prowess and unforgettable personal courage and stamina, Nephi's intent
was to testify of Christ and warn of imminent destruction if the people did not repent and forsake iniquity (e.g., Hel. 7:13-29). Therefore, the primary focus of Nephi's
story is his activity as a missionary among the Nephites and Lamanites.

In association with his brother Lehi 4 , Nephi began his ministry at the northern settlement of Bountiful 2 , moving from city to city until he and his brother had "gone
forth among all the people of Nephi who were in the land southward" (Hel. 5:16). Traveling next to the Lamanites in the land of Zarahemla, they preached with such
"power and authority" that many Nephite dissenters, as well as 8,000 Lamanites, repented and were baptized (Hel. 5:17-19). Proceeding south to the land of Nephi,
Nephi and Lehi were captured by Lamanite soldiers and imprisoned. Intent on slaying them, their captors and about 300 others (Hel. 5:49) experienced some of the
most remarkable and wondrous happenings ever recorded: The prophet brothers were encompassed by fire but "not burned"; the earth and prison walls shook
frequently; the Lord's piercing but mild voice cried repentance and spoke "marvelous words" three times above the darkness encircling the people; the apostate
Nephite Aminadab explained that the two prisoners were communicating with heavenly beings; all present were eventually surrounded by fire as the "Holy Spirit of
God" descended "and did enter into their hearts"; the "pleasant voice" of the Father declared "peace be unto [them], because of [their] faith in my Well Beloved"; and
the heavens opened and angels ministered to the people (Hel. 5:21-48). The converted Lamanites became the influence that brought most of their people, as well as
many Nephites, to repentance. The Lamanites manifested their sincerity by giving up their weapons, their hatred, and their traditions and by restoring to the Nephites
their lands (Hel. 5:50-52; 6:4-5).

A short period of peace, stability, and prosperity resulted until pride again entered the hearts of the people, which permitted the secret band of Gadianton to flourish
(Hel. 6:7-41). During this time Nephi and Lehi traveled northward to continue their ministry, but after pro-ph-esying "many things unto them" (Hel. 7:2), they were
rejected (Hel. 6:6; 7:3). Nephi returned to his ancestral home in Zarahemla only to find that under the influence of Satan (Hel. 6:21-31), the Gadiantons had a corrupt
grasp on the govern-ment throughout the land and were "doing no justice" (Hel. 7:4). Saddened, Nephi "pour[ed] out his soul unto God" from a tower in his garden
(Hel. 7:10-14), eventually attracting a multitude whom he rebuked and cautioned that if they continued to sin against the "great knowledge which [they had] received"
and did not repent, they would be "utterly destroyed" (Hel. 7:22-24).

Although the angry Gadianton judges attempted to incite public opposition, many regarded Nephi as a "good man," and they stood firm and supportive of his preaching
(Hel. 8:7-9). Encouraged, Nephi added his witness of the coming of Christ to those of the prophets in the scriptures from the time of Abraham to Jeremiah 1 , including
Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 (Hel. 8:11-23). Boldly Nephi 2 enumerated the sins of the people and announced the murder of their chief judge Seezoram by his brother Seantum,
who coveted his office (Hel. 8:24-27; 9:6). Nephi's seeric abilities were affirmed when Seezoram's slaying was discovered by five men sent to investigate the alleged
crime. The five, however, were accused of the murder and imprisoned, only to be released when it was discovered that they were the same five sent to verify Nephi's
claims (Hel. 9:1-18). Enraged, the judges persisted in their efforts to connect Nephi with the murder. Nephi responded by giving "another sign," challenging them to
confront Seantum with the murder and telling them the details of his denial and subsequent confession (Hel. 9:25-37).

Despite the "great miracle which Nephi had done in telling them concerning the death of the chief judge," the people hardened their hearts (Hel. 10:13). As Nephi
headed homeward, "cast down" and deep in thought, he was unexpectedly comforted and blessed by the Lord. The Lord acknowledged his courage, obedience, and
"unwearyingness" in preaching the gospel, and in consequence, he promised Nephi, "I will bless thee forever; and I will make thee mighty in word and in deed, in faith
and in works; yea, even that all things shall be done unto thee according to thy word, for thou shalt not ask that which is contrary to my will" (Hel. 10:2-5).
Accordingly, Nephi was endowed with great power, including the sealing power (Hel. 10:5-10). Nephi continued preaching but met rejection and abuse. When those
who "revile[d] against him" sought to place him in prison, the Spirit "conveyed" him to safety (Hel. 10:14-16).

With the escalation of wickedness, Nephi pleaded with the Lord to send a famine that the people might "remember the Lord" (Hel. 11:7) rather than be "destroyed by
the sword" (Hel. 11:4). Soon, famine filled the land, the people repented, the Church flourished, and the Gadianton bands were banished (Hel. 11:7-23). It was not
long, however, until iniquity returned, and the people "ripen[ed] again for destruction" (Hel. 11:37).

At this point the Lord sent another witness to the Nephites, Samuel the Lamanite, to cry repentance and warn them of impending doom (Hel. 13-16). The Book of
Mormon is silent about any contact between the two contemporary prophets other than to report that those who believed on the words of Samuel went to Nephi to be
baptized: "For behold, Nephi was baptizing, and prophesying, and preaching, crying repentance unto the people, showing signs and wonders, working miracles among
the people, that they might know that the Christ must shortly come" (Hel. 16:3-5). Just before the birth of the Savior, Nephi imparted the sacred records to his son
Nephi 3 and then mysteriously left the land of Zarahemla, never to return-where he went "no man knoweth" (3 Ne. 1:2-3; 2:9).

Nephi's life encompassed experiences that ranged from the depths of sorrow and loneliness to some of the most extraordinary spiritual manifestations ever recorded.
There were moments of great conversion as well as repeated rejection for this teacher and minister of "the true points of doctrine" (Hel. 11:23). A notable prophet, he
exemplified faith, testimony, perseverance, and zeal. As with other prophets, he in many ways can be viewed as a type of Christ. He taught with power and authority
(Hel. 5:17-; cf. Mark 1:22); he knew the thoughts of the people's hearts (Hel. 9:41; cf. Mark 2:8); he was delivered from his enemies (Hel. 5:23; 10:16; cf. Luke 4:29-
30); he was questioned, reviled, and falsely accused before wicked judges; and he was rejected by his own people (Hel. 9:16, 19; 10:15; cf. Matt. 26:57-68; 27:22-
25). Nephi sacrificed the things of the world and personal interests, seeking only to do God's work (Hel. 10:4; cf. John 8:29), and as a result he was promised eternal
 Copyright
blessings    (c) 10:5).
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Mouritsen, Maren M.
exemplified faith, testimony, perseverance, and zeal. As with other prophets, he in many ways can be viewed as a type of Christ. He taught with power and authority
(Hel. 5:17-; cf. Mark 1:22); he knew the thoughts of the people's hearts (Hel. 9:41; cf. Mark 2:8); he was delivered from his enemies (Hel. 5:23; 10:16; cf. Luke 4:29-
30); he was questioned, reviled, and falsely accused before wicked judges; and he was rejected by his own people (Hel. 9:16, 19; 10:15; cf. Matt. 26:57-68; 27:22-
25). Nephi sacrificed the things of the world and personal interests, seeking only to do God's work (Hel. 10:4; cf. John 8:29), and as a result he was promised eternal
blessings (Hel. 10:5).

Mouritsen, Maren M.

Nephi 3

Eldest son of Nephi 2 and grandson of Helaman 3 (ca. a.d. 1), first of the Twelve called by Jesus Christ at the beginning of his ministry among the Nephites. Nephi
wrote the record that Mormon abridged as 3 Nephi. He was the mortal leader of the true Church among the descendants of Lehi 1 in the years preceding the birth of
the Savior in the flesh and throughout the years of his life and ministry in and around Jerusalem. Nephi presided during a lengthy period that spanned extremes of
spiritual highs and lows. The lows were experienced in the terrible wickedness before the Savior's birth and again before his death. The highs were experienced in the
righteousness and blessedness after the Savior's birth and especially in his ministry after the cataclysmic events that followed His death. Information is unusually scarce
about a prophet and leader who served as long and faithfully as this man. Much can be deduced, however, from historical events themselves and from what Mormon
mentions in his record.

Nephi was a man of immense spiritual power and extraordinary personal courage. He fearlessly taught the gospel of Jesus Christ through many years of great
wickedness among his people, when prophets were hated and killed and the Church was sorely persecuted. The enemies of the Church "were angry with him,"
Mormon wrote, "even because he had greater power than they." They were angry, too, because his righteous power made it impossible for them to "disbelieve his
words" (3 Ne. 7:18). It was this Nephi who prayed ceaselessly for an entire day, grieving over the persecutions suffered by those who watched faithfully for the
prophesied signs of the Savior's birth. And it was he who received the glorious message that on that very "night shall the sign be given, and on the morrow come I into
the world" (3 Ne. 1:13). It was this Nephi who guided the Church for the next three decades and more, this Nephi who survived the destruction and darkness following
the cruci-fixion, this Nephi whom the Savior called to serve at his side and establish the Church in the fulness of the gospel, this Nephi who was chosen to take the
Church from the law of Moses to the higher law.

The record contains no sermons or other discourses of this prophet, because, Mormon says, "all of them cannot be written, and a part of them would not suffice" (3
Ne. 7:17). Clearly, Nephi's main purpose in the record was to bear witness to the reality and divinity of Jesus Christ. Even his historical writing must have been power-
ful because Mormon's condensed rendering of it is magnificent. There are no more glorious scriptural passages anywhere than those describing Christ tenderly
ministering in person to his stricken people and praying to the Father in their behalf (3 Ne. 17). Those passages are rivaled perhaps only by the account of the
indescribable events that followed the baptisms of Christ's chosen twelve disciples (3 Ne. 19).

Nephi's life and ministry were sketched in broad strokes, for the most part. There are enough details, however, to provide some mea-sure of the man. For example, in
3 Nephi 7, in the midst of chronicling deteriorating moral and political conditions, Mormon pauses to say some-thing about Nephi. In just six verses, one learns a great
deal: that he was "visited by angels and also the voice of the Lord"; that he foresaw "the ministry of Christ"; that he witnessed the people's "quick return" to "wickedness
and abominations" but testified to them "boldly, repentance and remission of sins through faith on the Lord Jesus Christ"; that his ministrations were "many" and
powerful, so much so that it "would not suffice" to tell only "a part of them"; that "angels did minister unto him daily"; that "in the name of Jesus did he cast out devils and
unclean spirits"; that he raised his own brother "from the dead, after he had been stoned"; and that "he did also do many more miracles, in the sight of the people, in the
name of Jesus" (3 Ne. 7:15-20).

Like several of his predecessors, Nephi was a type for Christ. For example, he raised his brother Timothy from the dead (3 Ne. 7:19; 19:4), as Christ had raised
Lazarus (John 11:43-44). Like Jesus, too, he raised the ire of the people "because he had greater power than they," including the power to cast out devils and heal the
sick (3 Ne. 7:18-20).

See also Nephi, third book of.

Arnold, Marilyn

Nephi 4

The son of Nephi 3 , one of the twelve disciples of Jesus Christ. Nephi 4 inscribed the record of his people on the plates of Nephi (4 Ne. 1:19; ca. a.d. 34). He lived
during the era of peace and unity that followed the ministry of Jesus Christ among the Nephites (4 Ne. 1:15-17). After Nephi's death, Amos 1 , his son, kept the
record.

See also Nephi, fourth book of.

Williams, Clyde James

Nephi first book of

The first of two works written by Nephi 1 on the small plates of Nephi , this book recounts the heaven- led flight of the family of Lehi 1 and Sariah, along with others,
from Jerusalem to "the land of promise" in the Americas (1 Ne. 18:25; ca. 600-589 b.c. ). Nephi wrote this record on his "small [metal] plates" thirty years after his
family left Jerusalem (2 Ne. 5:28-34), a record that covers the period from ca. 600 to 570 b.c.

Content and message

In Jerusalem at the end of the seventh century b.c. , the four turbulent years preceding the initial visions of Lehi (1 Ne. 1) were characterized by high- handed
interference by the Baby-lonians, which took the form of successive dethronements of kings of Judah (2 Kgs. 24:1-17). In this era, the kingdom of Judah had become
a vassal state of Babylonia, and Nebuchadnezzar had placed Zedekiah on the throne of Judah as a puppet king not long before the departure of Lehi and his family (2
Kgs. 24:17-20; 1 Ne. 1:4; 2:1-4). It was also in this age that the prophets Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah were active. Moreover, Lehi's
inventory of a record on plates of brass indicates that Jeremiah's prophecies had gone through at least an initial compilation by ca. 600 b.c. (1 Ne. 5:13; Jer. 36).

After people of the city had rejected Lehi's preaching and begun to persecute him, the Lord commanded him to take his family south from Jerusalem into the desert (1
Ne. 2:1-4). The family made a base camp near the shore of the Red Sea (1 Ne. 2:5-6). It was from this spot that Lehi sent his sons back to the city to obtain the plates
of brass and later to persuade a man named Ishmael and his family to join their trek. It was also here that an important vision came separately to Lehi and then Nephi (1
Ne. 8; 11-14). The entire group later began a journey "-south- southeast" along the Red Sea coast, traveling approximately the route of the famous incense trail-in
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reverse. After taking eight years to cross the Arabian desert, the small party eventually found itself by the sea. They called this sea "Irreantum," meaning "many
waters" (1 Ne. 17:4-5). Here, Nephi and his brothers, under the direction of the Lord, built a ship and set sail for the promised land (1 Ne. 17-18). Although opinions
differ, some believe that the most likely route took them across the Indian and Pacific Oceans, ultimately arriving in the New World (Hilton and Hilton, 77-116; Brown,
After people of the city had rejected Lehi's preaching and begun to persecute him, the Lord commanded him to take his family south from Jerusalem into the desert (1
Ne. 2:1-4). The family made a base camp near the shore of the Red Sea (1 Ne. 2:5-6). It was from this spot that Lehi sent his sons back to the city to obtain the plates
of brass and later to persuade a man named Ishmael and his family to join their trek. It was also here that an important vision came separately to Lehi and then Nephi (1
Ne. 8; 11-14). The entire group later began a journey "-south- southeast" along the Red Sea coast, traveling approximately the route of the famous incense trail-in
reverse. After taking eight years to cross the Arabian desert, the small party eventually found itself by the sea. They called this sea "Irreantum," meaning "many
waters" (1 Ne. 17:4-5). Here, Nephi and his brothers, under the direction of the Lord, built a ship and set sail for the promised land (1 Ne. 17-18). Although opinions
differ, some believe that the most likely route took them across the Indian and Pacific Oceans, ultimately arriving in the New World (Hilton and Hilton, 77-116; Brown,
"Case," 216).

Nephi ended his first book by drawing on prophecies he found written on the brass plates (1 Ne. 19-21). In chapter 19 Nephi quoted from the prophets Zenock,
Neum, and especially Zenos concerning the ministry, crucifixion, and death of the Messiah, as well as their predictions about the scattering and gathering of Israel. He
then incorporated two chapters from Isaiah (48-49) that prophesy concerning the future of the house of Israel and the future of his own people (1 Ne. 20-21). Nephi
devoted the last segment of his first book to a prophetic commentary on his Isaiah quotes, the ultimate destruction of the wicked, and the Millennium (1 Ne. 22).

After arriving in the promised land, Nephi made two sets of metal plates for writing. The first set of plates, whose date of origin was ca. 588 b.c. , became known as
the large plates of Nephi. Upon them Nephi began recording a rather complete secular history of his people. This set of plates passed from one generation to another
and provided the basic record that Mormon would later abridge as the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 19:4). Thirty years after the party had left Jerusalem (ca. 570 b.c.) ,
the Lord commanded Nephi to make another record, this one to contain the spiritual dimensions of his people's history (1 Ne. 19:3; cf. 2 Ne. 5:28-33). This record
became known as the small plates of Nephi. Its custodians continued this second record to the reign of king Benjamin (ca. 130 b.c.) , at which time both the spiritual
and secular accounts were kept together on the large plates, presumably by government scribes.

The chief theme of this book is deliverance, a term that Nephi placed prominently at the end of his extended introduction, pointedly informing readers of the purpose of
his story: "Behold, I, Nephi, will show unto you that the tender mercies of the Lord are over all those whom he hath chosen, because of their faith, to make them mighty
even unto the power of deliverance" (1 Ne. 1:20). Such a declaration suggests that Nephi wrote according to a predesigned outline that is discernible.

The theme of the Lord's deliverance appears throughout Nephi's records (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:14; 8:8; 21:10, 13; 2 Ne. 4:26; 11:5; 24:1). In practical terms, it occurs in the
escape of Lehi's party from the destruction of Jerusalem (2 Ne. 1:3-4) and in Nephi's avoiding serious harm from his rebellious brothers during their journey in the
wilderness (e.g., 1 Ne. 7:17-18; 17:48-52). It also appears in the Lord's rescue of the party from the dangers of storm at sea and his guidance of the ship to the
promised land (1 Ne. 18:11-20).

Another important theme is the reality of continuing revelation and divine guidance. In the case of continuing revelation, the entire saga of the first book of Nephi rests
on a series of revelations that Lehi received, revelations that informed him of the looming destruction of Jerusalem and of the coming Messiah (1 Ne. 1). These divine
manifestations led to others, including the Lord's instructions to Lehi to send his sons to Jerusalem, first to obtain the plates of brass (1 Ne. 3-4) and then to persuade
the family of Ishmael to join them in the desert (1 Ne. 7). Naturally, the continuing revelation found in the extended visions of Lehi (1 Ne. 8) and Nephi (1 Ne. 11-14)
also fits into this category. In addition, Nephi wrote generously of the miraculous discovery and subsequent aid of the compass- like metallic ball known as the Liahona
(1 Ne. 16:10, 16, 26-29) and of the Lord's revelation of the pattern for the ship that would carry the colonists to the New World (1 Ne. 17:8, 18, 51; 18:1-2).

Yet another theme of Nephi's book, that of obedience and associated blessings, mirrors the promises and warnings the Lord uttered before the Israelites reached their
promised land under Moses and Joshua (Deut. 27-28). The connection between obedience and divine blessings in a promised land appears early in the record:
"Inasmuch as ye shall keep [God's] commandments, ye shall prosper, and shall be led to a land of promise . . . which is choice above all other lands" (1 Ne. 2:20). The
matter of obedience and prosperity, which is first featured here, continues throughout the entire Book of Mormon (e.g., Jarom 1:9; Omni 1:6; Mosiah 1:7; Alma 9:13).

Modern research has discovered that Nephi employed a variety of sophisticated literary structures, both to bring unusual unity to his work (Reynolds, "Outline") and to
weave together a broad defense of his ascendancy in family govern-ment over his older brothers. He evidently undertook this latter task to answer criticism from his
brothers and their descendants who claimed rights to govern the extended family (Reynolds, "Dimensions").

Besides the chief themes and structure of the record, Nephi plainly identified one of his main purposes for writing his account: "For the fulness of my intent is that I may
persuade men to come unto the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, and be saved" (1 Ne. 6:4). In part, Nephi accomplished his objective
by rehearsing his father's vision of the coming of the Messiah (1 Ne. 10) and his own vision of Jesus Christ's dual ministry, one in the Old World and the other in the
New World after his resurrection (1 Ne. 11-12). He thus emphasized that the coming of the Messiah was the most important news to which he could bear witness.

See also Babylonian captivity; Book of Mormon, selected themes of, obedience; Isaiah chapter reviews (1 Ne. 20 // Isa. 48; 1 Ne. 21 // Isa. 49); Jerusalem 1 , city of;
Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c. ; Laban, slaying of; Lehi 1's dream; Lehi 1 , journey of, to the promised land; Nephi 1's vision.

Bibliography

Brown, S. Kent. From Jerusalem to Zarahemla. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young Univer-sity, 1998.

--- ."A Case for Lehi's Bondage in Arabia." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 6 (Fall 1997): 205- 17.

Brown, S. Kent, and David R. Seely. "Jeremiah's Imprison-ment and the Date of Lehi's Departure." Religious Educator 2 (2001): 15- 32.

Hilton, Lynn M., and Hope Hilton. In Search of Lehi's Trail. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Reynolds, Noel B. "Nephi's Outline." Book of Mormon Authorship. Edited by Noel B. Reynolds. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University,
1982.

--- . "The Political Dimensions of Nephi's Small Plates." Brigham Young University Studies 27 (Fall 1987): 15- 37.

Brown, S. Kent

Nephi fourth book of

An abridgment by Mormon of the large plates of Nephi written by Nephi 4 , son of Nephi 3 the disciple of Christ; Nephi's son and grandson, both named Amos; and a
writer named Ammaron (4 Ne. heading; 1:19, 21, 47). It summarizes the rise and fall of the righteous civilization that developed after the visit of the resurrected Savior
to the descendants of Lehi 1 (ca. a.d. 34-321).

Copyright
Content and(c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
            message                                                                                                                                       Page 779 / 919

The book of 4 Nephi is important for at least four reasons. First, it is a testament of the profound effect of the Savior's visit on the lives of the people living in the
An abridgment by Mormon of the large plates of Nephi written by Nephi 4 , son of Nephi 3 the disciple of Christ; Nephi's son and grandson, both named Amos; and a
writer named Ammaron (4 Ne. heading; 1:19, 21, 47). It summarizes the rise and fall of the righteous civilization that developed after the visit of the resurrected Savior
to the descendants of Lehi 1 (ca. a.d. 34-321).

Content and message

The book of 4 Nephi is important for at least four reasons. First, it is a testament of the profound effect of the Savior's visit on the lives of the people living in the
western hemisphere. Second, it constitutes a classic study on the course and structure of righteousness and prosperity on the one hand versus wickedness and
destruction on the other, showing human beings at their best and their worst. Third, the book succinctly demonstrates Mormon's inspired editorial ability and prophetic
mantle. And fourth, it instructively foreshadows of the conditions to exist in the millennial future.

Mormon abridged the records of the actual eyewitnesses to the events recounted in 4 Nephi (Nephi 4 , Amos 1 , Amos 2 , and Ammaron) and from them distilled the
essential lessons of Nephite and Lamanite history, making those lessons more succinct, intense, and poignant by their brevity. In only forty- nine verses the record
captures the heights and depths of a civilization's social, economic, spiritual, and moral condition, the practical workings of the law of the celestial kingdom-the true
order of heaven on earth, the ideal pattern of welfare service, the circumstances and atmosphere that will exist during Christ's millennial reign, and the stark contrast of
Satan's purposes, influence, and success in a temporarily fallen world. The insidious effects of pride, persecution of the Saints, and deliberate perversion of gospel truths
are laid bare in unmistakable terms. Juxtaposed in stunning fashion are those elements that go together to create Zion (1:1-18) with those that destroy it (1:20-46).

Fourth Nephi spans almost one- third (approximately 300) of the years covered in the entire Book Mormon (approximately 1,000), excluding the Jaredite account.
One may be tempted to lament that one of the greatest periods in Nephite, as well as human history, is given such relatively sparse historical treatment. Mormon's
inspired purpose was not historical detail, however. Rather, he intended to set forth the important principles and truths that could be culled from sacred history to inform
future generations. When originally published, 3 and 4 Nephi were together, one composition entitled "Nephi." In 1879 Orson Pratt separated them and added the titles
3 Nephi and 4 Nephi to distinguish them from each other.

See also Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Nephi land of and city of

Land located south of the land of Zarahemla and bordered on the east and west by two large bodies of water, the "sea east" and the "sea west" (Alma 22:1, 27). The
land of Nephi and the land of Zara-hemla were separated by a narrow strip of wilder-ness that ran from east to west and connected with both the east and the west
seas (Alma 22:27). The Book of Mormon does not identify the southern boundaries of the land of Nephi. The land of Zarahemla must have been at a lower elevation
than the land of Nephi because all movements from Zarahemla to Nephi are "up," although the direction is south, while all movements from Nephi to Zarahemla are
"down," although the direction is north (e.g., Mosiah 7:2-4; 8:2; 9:3; Alma 17:8; Omni 1:13). "The place of their fathers' first inheritance" was located on the west of the
land of Nephi by the seashore (Alma 22:28), indicating that Lehi 1 and his family must have landed on the west sea coast of the land. The climate of the land of Nephi
was conducive to raising animals and cultivating such agricultural products as corn, wheat, and barley (2 Ne. 5:11; Mosiah 9:8, 9).

Control over the land and its cities alternated between the Nephites and the Lamanites. From the time that Nephi 1 and his people settled the land (2 Ne. 5:7-8; ca.
590-570 b.c.) until Mosiah 1 and his people left (ca. 200 b.c.) , the Nephites ruled the land of Nephi. During the era of Zeniff, Noah 3 , and Limhi (ca. 121 b.c.) and
throughout the remainder of the Book of Mormon, the Lamanites maintained control over the land.

Many important events took place in the land of Nephi. In the early period, under Nephite rule of the land, there is record of Nephi 1 building a temple that was
constructed "after the manner of the temple of Solomon" (2 Ne. 5:16), the preaching and prophesying of Jacob 2 and his encounter with the anti-Christ Sherem (2 Ne.
6-10; Jacob 1-7), and the conversion and prophecies of Enos (Enos 1). The Nephite period of rule concluded with Mosiah 1's leading his people out of the land of
Nephi to the land of Zarahemla (Omni 1:12-13). The Book of Mormon history that follows also contains numerous references to occurrences in the land of Nephi,
including the return of Zeniff (Mosiah 9), the preaching of the prophet Abinadi to king Noah and his wicked priests (Mosiah 11:20-17), the conversion of Alma 1 and
the subsequent mass con-version of ot hers at the waters of Mormon (Mosiah 17:2; 18:4-5, 16), the bondage of Limhi's people to the Lamanites and their escape
(Mosiah 21, 22), the mission of the sons of Mosiah 2 to the Lamanites (Alma 17-26), and the imprisonment and miraculous deliverance of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 (Hel.
5:20-50).

The city of Nephi, or Lehi- Nephi, was the chief city in the land of Nephi (Alma 47:20). It was first settled in the sixth century b.c. by Nephi 1 after he fled from his
brethren (2 Ne. 5:5-8). Lehi- Nephi was the center of Nephite culture for approximately four hundred years from ca. 590 b.c. to 200 b.c. (2 Ne. 5:8; Omni 1:12-13).
Later, following the Lamanite acquisition of the land of Nephi, Nephite colonists under the reigns of Zeniff, Noah, and Limhi occupied the city of Nephi for
approximately eighty years (Mosiah 9:6; until ca. 121 b.c. ).

The city of Nephi was likely located in a valley in a mountainous region, for when Ammon 1 and sixteen strong men from Zarahemla set out to inquire about the
Nephites living there, they went up to the land of Nephi and then camped on a hill and went down into Shilom and Nephi, or Lehi- Nephi, as the region was then called
(Mosiah 7:2-6; cf. 9:3).

With the exception of the city of Zarahemla, the city of Nephi is mentioned more often than any other city in the Book of Mormon. Many prominent people of the Book
of Mormon lived all or a portion of their lives in the city of Nephi. Among them were Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , Mosiah 1 , Abinadi, Alma 1 , Zeniff, Noah 3 , Limhi, and
Gideon.

Allen, Joseph L.

Nephi plates of

See Plates of Nephi.

Nephi second book of

Written by Nephi 1 on the small plates of Nephi , the book of second Nephi is primarily a collection of prophetic discourses or treatises by Lehi 1 (2 Ne. 1:1-4:11),
Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 6-10), and Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 4:15-35; 11-33) delivered some time between ca. 588 b.c. and 544 b.c. Both Jacob and Nephi cited substantial excerpts
of the prophecies of Isaiah in their discourses (e.g., 2 Ne. 7-8; 12-24). Additionally, 2 Nephi records the death of father Lehi (2 Ne. 4:12) and the subsequent
separation of his posterity into two peoples, the Lamanites and the Nephites (2 Ne. 5).
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Content and message

Nephi testified that he had been commanded to record the "ministry and the prophecies" and the "more sacred things" of his people upon the small plates, of which 2
Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 6-10), and Nephi 1 (2 Ne. 4:15-35; 11-33) delivered some time between ca. 588 b.c. and 544 b.c. Both Jacob and Nephi cited substantial excerpts
of the prophecies of Isaiah in their discourses (e.g., 2 Ne. 7-8; 12-24). Additionally, 2 Nephi records the death of father Lehi (2 Ne. 4:12) and the subsequent
separation of his posterity into two peoples, the Lamanites and the Nephites (2 Ne. 5).

Content and message

Nephi testified that he had been commanded to record the "ministry and the prophecies" and the "more sacred things" of his people upon the small plates, of which 2
Nephi is a part (1 Ne. 19:3-5; cf. 2 Ne. 4:14-15; 5:29-33). The four discourses found in 2 Nephi appear to have been collected and recorded to fulfill that
commandment. Lehi's discourse, delivered as he anticipated the end of his life, contains his final blessings and counsel to his family. Speaking first to his older sons
Laman, Lemuel, and Sam, as well as to the sons of Ishmael, Lehi explained that he had seen in vision the destruction of Jerusalem and reminded them of the great
mercy God had shown in bringing them to a "land of promise" (2 Ne. 1:1-4). He also explained the covenant of righteousness associated with the promised land and
urged his sons to repent and no longer rebel against Nephi, who had been an instrument of God in bringing them to the land (2 Ne. 1:5-27). He promised his first
blessing to his older sons if they would hearken unto Nephi; otherwise, the blessing would rest upon Nephi (2 Ne. 1:28-29).

After admonishing his older sons, Lehi pronounced blessings and gave counsel to the rest of his posterity, either as individuals or as family groups (2 Ne. 1:30-4:11).
His blessings contain prophecies and promises concerning the future of each individual or group in the covenant land and are followed by counsel "according to the
workings of the Spirit" (2 Ne. 1:6). His teachings to his youngest sons, Jacob and Joseph, are especially significant. He taught Jacob such important doctrines as the
plan of redemption through Jesus Christ, the necessity of opposition and agency, the role of Satan, and the importance of the fall of Adam and Eve (2 Ne. 2). In
counseling his son Joseph, Lehi cited the prophecies of his ancestor Joseph of Egypt to teach his son about the preservation of his seed, the latter- day coming forth of
the Book of Mormon, and the ministry of the choice seer Joseph Smith (2 Ne. 3).

The next section of 2 Nephi was written by Nephi after he recorded the death of Lehi and the subsequent rebellion of Laman, Lemuel, and the sons of Ishmael (2 Ne.
4:12-13). Perhaps the highlight of the treatise is Nephi's psalm (2 Ne. 4:15-35) in which, much like the biblical psalmist, Nephi used inspiring imagery and poetic
parallelism to praise God for his goodness, to lament his own weaknesses, and to declare his devotion to the Lord.

Between Nephi's psalm and Jacob's discourse is a historical chapter that chronicles the separation of Lehi's posterity into two distinct peoples, the Nephites and the
Lamanites (2 Ne. 5). In this chapter Nephi described the theological, cultural, and geographical divisions that developed between the brother nations and lamented that
within forty years of separating they were at war one with another.

Jacob's discourse, as next recorded, is apparently two sermons delivered to the people of Nephi on two successive days. In the first sermon Jacob described what he
had seen in vision and understood from the writings of Isaiah concerning Jerusalem and the Gentiles, including the Babylonian captivity and return, the coming of Christ
and his crucifixion (2 Ne. 6:8-9), the subsequent scattering and oppression of the house of Israel, and with the help of the Gentiles, the latter- day gathering of Israel
and their restoration by conversion to the gospel of Christ (2 Ne. 6:6-18). Jacob then cited passages from Isaiah to teach of the Messiah and the redemption of his
people (2 Ne. 7-8 // Isa. 50; 51-52:2). Concluding the first sermon with an enlightening explanation of how redemption is accomplished through "the plan of our God,"
Jacob taught of the Atonement, the Resurrection, and the Judg-ment (2 Ne. 9). In the second sermon delivered the following day, Jacob rehearsed the words spoken
to him by an angel concerning Christ and his rejection by the Jews. He added commentary on Isaiah to summarize, reinforce, and augment the prophecies and teachings
he had given in the first sermon concerning the scattering, gathering, and redemption of the covenant people (2 Ne. 10).

In his final treatise, Nephi, like Jacob, quoted extensively from the writings of Isaiah to teach the mission of the Messiah and the history and future of God's covenant
people (2 Ne. 12-24 // Isa. 2-14). After quoting these chapters Nephi commented on them in chapters 25-30, incorporating portions of Isaiah 29 in his discussion. He
specifically addressed the Jews (2 Ne. 25:9-20), the descendants of Lehi (2 Ne. 25:21-26:11), and the Gentiles (2 Ne. 26:12-29:14). As Nephi spoke to each group,
he tailored his comments to meet their needs, detailing problems and challenges they would face and the important role of the Book of Mormon in solving those
problems. To the Jews he bore stirring witness of Jesus Christ, proclaiming the advent of Christ's mortal ministry, his rejection by the Jews, and the subsequent
scattering of the Jewish people (2 Ne. 25:9-15). Nephi then prophesied of the marvelous work God would perform in the last days to gather the Jews and of the
coming forth of the Book of Mormon "for the purpose of convincing them of the true Messiah" (2 Ne. 25:16-19). Nephi concluded his comments to the Jews with a
sacred oath, "as the Lord God liveth, there is none other name given under heaven save it be this Jesus Christ . . . whereby man can be saved" (2 Ne. 25:20; cf. 31:21).

As Nephi shifted his attention from the Jews to his own people, he emphasized that his record, the Book of Mormon, would be preserved and handed down "that his
seed should never perish" and that they be persuaded to believe in Christ (2 Ne. 25:21-23; cf. 3:3-5, 23; 9:53). He admonished them to keep the law of Moses until it
would be fulfilled by Christ and testified that the "right way is to believe in Christ" and worship him (2 Ne. 25:24-30). He then foretold of the wars that would come
between the Nephites and Lamanites, the signs that would accompany the birth and death of Jesus Christ, and the ministry of the resurrected Christ among Lehi's
descendants (2 Ne. 26:1-9). Nephi also spoke of the three generations of peace that would follow Christ's ministry and warned that apostasy and speedy destruction
would come after the fourth generation (2 Ne. 26:9-10). Later in the text, as Nephi spoke of the latter- day Gentiles, he taught that through the coming forth of the
Book of Mormon and the restoration of the gospel, his own people would be restored to the truth and redeemed (2 Ne. 26:15-16; 27:6-26; 30:3-6).

Nephi's message to the Gentiles is no less clear: In the latter days, false churches, priestcraft , and secret combinations would abound (2 Ne. 26:20-22). Satan would
inspire men to teach false and seductive doctrines (2 Ne. 28), and many would refuse to accept additional revelation and scripture from God (2 Ne. 29). But, through
the restoration of the gospel and the Book of Mormon, they would be brought to a knowledge of the truth, and the Gentiles would be numbered among and enjoy the
blessings of the covenant people (2 Ne. 27:26, 29, 35; 30:1-3; see Isaiah chapter reviews, 2 Ne. 26:6, 15-18; 27 // Isa. 29).

Nephi closed his final treatise with a simple and beautiful explanation of the importance of faith, repentance, baptism, reception of the Holy Ghost, and endurance to the
end-principles and ordinances he defined as the "doctrine of Christ" (2 Ne. 31). He then invited all to accept this doctrine and to pray and act in the name of Christ (2
Ne. 32). His final words are an admonition to all to believe in Christ and the Book of Mormon, for each testifies of the other (2 Ne. 33:10-15).

See also Churches, false; Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Isaiah chapter reviews (2 Ne. 12-24 // Isa. 2-14); Israel, gathering of; Israel, scattering of;
Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning; Lamanites, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Nephi 1 sisters of

Nephi mentioned his sisters when he listed those who went with him into the wilderness at the time the family of Lehi 1 divided into Nephites and Lamanites (2 Ne. 5:5-
6). Presumably they were righteous, for "all those who would go with me," Nephi wrote, "were those who believed in the warnings and the revelations of God" (2 Ne.
5:6). There is no indication how many sisters Nephi had.

Nephi third book of
 Copyrightabridgment
Mormon's    (c) 2005-2009,
                        of theInfobase Media
                               record kept     Corp.
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                                                                                                                                                    Nephi contains a
description of events in the western hemisphere from ca. 1 b.c. to ca. a.d. 34, events focused primarily on Christ's ministry in ancient America. While 3 Nephi may not
be at the physical center of the Book of Mormon, it clearly serves as its crowning jewel. Much of the record that precedes 3 Nephi, as well as that which follows,
5:6). There is no indication how many sisters Nephi had.

Nephi third book of

Mormon's abridgment of the record kept on the large plates by Nephi 3 , "the son of Nephi, who was the son of Helaman" (3 Ne. heading). Third Nephi contains a
description of events in the western hemisphere from ca. 1 b.c. to ca. a.d. 34, events focused primarily on Christ's ministry in ancient America. While 3 Nephi may not
be at the physical center of the Book of Mormon, it clearly serves as its crowning jewel. Much of the record that precedes 3 Nephi, as well as that which follows,
refers to Christ's ministry recorded in 3 Nephi. Some six hundred years previous, Nephi 1 prophesied that Christ would minister unto his seed (1 Ne. 12:6; 2 Ne.
26:9), and Jacob 2 wanted his readers to understand that "we knew of Christ, and we had a hope of his glory many hundred years before his coming" (Jacob 4:4). At
the other end of the time line, Mormon looked back and lamented, "O ye fair ones, how could ye have rejected that Jesus, who stood with open arms to receive
you!" (Morm. 6:17).

Third Nephi is sometimes referred to as the fifth Gospel (e.g., Roberts, 1:373-99) because it includes accounts of Christ's birth (cf. 3 Ne. 1:15-21; Matt. 2:2), death
(cf. 3 Ne. 8:5-23; Matt. 27:50-54), and resurrection (3 Ne. 11:14-15; Luke 24:39); it also includes many of his teachings (cf. 3 Ne. 12-14; Matt. 5-7) and miracles
(cf. 3 Ne. 17:7-9; 20:1-9; Mark 6:34-44; 8:1-9). The parallel accounts in 3 Nephi and the New Testament stand at the pinnacle of the role of the Book of Mormon as
another testament of Jesus Christ. They reconfirm the reality of Christ's mortal ministry, atoning sacrifice, and position as God's "Beloved Son, in whom [He is] well
pleased" (3 Ne. 11:7; cf. Matt. 17:5; Mark 1:11).

Content and message

Third Nephi illustrates the spiritual and temporal heights and depths of the ancient Book of Mormon society. The fulfillment of the prophecies of Samuel the Lamanite
concerning Christ's birth created a spiritual revival among the Nephites: "The more part of the people did believe, and were converted unto the Lord" (3 Ne. 1:22). As
a result, the Nephite society experienced a period of "peace in the land" when "there were no contentions," with the brief exception of a group who taught that the law
of Moses was no longer required (3 Ne. 1:23-25). Third Nephi, however, identifies two major threats to the Nephites that attacked the very foundation of the peace
that comes through living the gospel of Jesus Christ.

The major external threat to peace was the Gadianton robbers , who secreted themselves in the mountains, increasing in power with the addition of Nephite dissenters
(3 Ne. 1:27-29) and frequent raids upon Nephite and Lamanite cities. This group became so powerful that the Nephites and Lamanites were forced to combine their
resources to combat them. Even so, "the Nephites were threatened with utter destruction because of this war" (3 Ne. 2:13). To protect their societies from the
destabilizing force of Gadianton forays, the chief judge Lachoneus 1 and the commander of the Nephite forces, Gidgiddoni, caused that the people gather into one
body and fortify themselves (3 Ne. 3:13-14, 21-26). Centralizing Nephite forces and provisions made the Gadianton siege ineffective and led to the robbers' defeat (3
Ne. 4). The Nephites preached the "word of God" to all of their prisoners. Those who entered into a covenant were "set at liberty," while those who refused to do so
were "punished according to the law" (3 Ne. 5:4-5; cf. Alma 4:19; 31:5). These actions "put an end," at least for a short time, to "all those wicked, and secret, and
abominable combinations, in the which there was so much wickedness, and so many murders committed" (3 Ne. 5:6).

The other major threat to Nephite society came from within and was profoundly more destructive: pride . Class distinctions developed on the basis of riches and the
people's "chances for learning" (3 Ne. 6:12) and ultimately resulted in the breaking up of the Church (3 Ne. 6:14). The author specifically noted that these people "did
not sin ignorantly, for they knew the will of God concerning them, for it had been taught unto them; therefore they did wilfully rebel against God" (3 Ne. 6:18). Although
the Lord sent "men inspired from heaven" to testify "boldly of [their] sins and iniquities" and to testify "concerning the redemption which the Lord would make for his
people" (3 Ne. 6:20; cf. Amos 3:7), by and large, the people rejected their testimonies and put them to death (3 Ne. 6:23; 9:5, 7-9, 11). In an effort to protect the
wicked judges who had the prophets put to death secretly, a secret combination was formed, and the Nephite chief judge was assassinated (3 Ne. 6:25-30; 7:1). After
this murder the government collapsed, the people divided into tribal units (3 Ne. 7:2), secret combinations flourished, and "the more righteous part of the people had
nearly all become wicked; yea, there were but few righteous men among them" (3 Ne. 7:7). The most prominent of the righteous was Nephi 3 , who during this time
"had power given unto him that he might know concerning the ministry of Christ," had "angels . . . minister unto him daily," and raised his brother from the dead (3 Ne.
7:15-19).

It was in this state of spiritual apostasy that the Americas experienced the fulfillment of the prophecy of Samuel the Lamanite concerning the signs surrounding Christ's
death. These signs included a great storm, "such an one as never had been known in all the land. . . . a great and terrible tempest . . . terrible thunder, insomuch that it
did shake the whole earth as if it was about to divide asunder. . . . exceedingly sharp lightnings, such as never had been known in all the land," numerous cities
destroyed, and a thick darkness that covered the land for three days (3 Ne. 8:3-25; cf. Hel. 14:20-28). Only the "more righteous" who had "received the prophets and
stoned them not" survived these calamities (3 Ne. 10:12). These Nephites and Lamanites were qualified to participate in one of the seminal events in the earth's history-
to come into the presence of the resurrected, glorified Son of God.

During his three- day ministry Christ invited the people to "come unto [him]" (e.g., 3 Ne. 12:3, 19-20, 23-24) in two important ways. The first was an immediate,
tender, and personal effort on the Savior's part to be accessible to his people. He invited all those gathered together at the temple to come "forth one by one" to receive
their own personal witness of the reality of his a toning sacrifice (3 Ne. 11:13-15). Then after teaching them for many hours, and when he was ready to conclude the
first day's activities, he was still sensitive to the people's desire that he "tarry a little longer with them" (3 Ne. 17:4-5). Jesus surveyed the assembled crowd and said,
"Behold, my bowels are filled with compassion towards you," and then he went about healing their sick, praying for the people, and blessing their children by one" (3
Ne. 17:6-25).

He was sensitive to the desires of his disciples, both in terms of their doctrinal questions about the name of the Church (3 Ne. 27) and in their personal requests about
their status once they had completed their mortal ministries (3 Ne. 28:1-10).

The second way Christ invited his people to come unto him was through covenants (Ludlow, 22-35). The Savior specifically indicated that he came to the Americas to
bless the people in turning them from their sins: "And this because ye are the children of the covenant" (3 Ne. 20:25-26). He then went into depth to expound for his
audience their place in the covenantal scheme (3 Ne. 16-20). Christ quoted Malachi 3-4, at least in part because it contains a prophecy of his coming and a messenger
that would prepare the way: "Behold, I will send my messenger, and he shall prepare the way before me, and the Lord whom ye seek shall suddenly come to his
temple, even the messenger of the covenant" (3 Ne. 24:1). Although Christ's coming fulfilled the Mosaic law, the covenant was still in effect (3 Ne. 15:2-10). Christ
invited the people to rise to a higher level of living that would more fully enable them to come unto him. His emphasis on the practical teachings of the Sermon on the
Mount (3 Ne. 12-14) and his emphasis on the ordinances of baptism (3 Ne. 11:19-39; 26:17-21), the sacrament (3 Ne. 18:1-11; 20:1-9; 26:13), and receiving the
Holy Ghost (3 Ne. 11:35-36; 12:6; 18:36-38) are all ways for people, both then and now, to make covenants efficacious in their lives. Mormon summarized the
message of 3 Nephi by imploring Gentiles to repent, come unto Christ, be baptized, and be filled with the Holy Ghost so "that ye may be numbered with my people
who are of the house of Israel" (3 Ne. 30:1-2).

See also Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ; Israel, gathering of; Malachi chapter review (3 Ne. 24-25 // Mal. 3-4); Nephites, the Three; Prophets,
rejection of; Sermon at Bounti-ful and Sermon on the Mount; Trans-lation; Writing of divorcement.

Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Bibliography                                                                                                                                         Page 782 / 919

Benson, Ezra Taft. "The Book of Mormon-Keystone of Our Religion." Ensign 16 (November 1986): 4- 7.
See also Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ; Israel, gathering of; Malachi chapter review (3 Ne. 24-25 // Mal. 3-4); Nephites, the Three; Prophets,
rejection of; Sermon at Bounti-ful and Sermon on the Mount; Trans-lation; Writing of divorcement.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. "The Book of Mormon-Keystone of Our Religion." Ensign 16 (November 1986): 4- 7.

--- . "The Savior's Visit to America." Ensign 17 (May 1987): 4- 7.

Ludlow, Victor L. Jesus' "Covenant People Discourse" in 3 Nephi [pamphlet]. Religious Education Lecture Series. Provo, Utah, 1988.

Roberts, B. H. "The Fifth Gospel." Defense of the Faith and the Saints. 2 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1907- 12.

Strathearn, Gaye

Nephihah

A wise man and an elder of the Church selected by Alma 2 and confirmed by the voice of the people as the second Nephite chief judge in Zarahemla (Alma 4:16-17;
50:37; ca. 83 b.c. ). During his sixteen- year administration, Nephihah "filled the judgment seat with perfect uprightness before God" (Alma 50:37). With the consent of
his people, he admitted the converted Anti- Nephi- Lehies into Nephite lands (Alma 27:20-22). Later he sat with Alma in judgment against the anti-Christ Korihor
(Alma 30:29-30). He ruled during a period of severe crisis and conflict-first with Zerahemnah (Alma 43-44) and then with the traitor Amalickiah, who wished to
overthrow the system of judges and establish himself as king (Alma 46-50). Nephihah died after the rebellion of Morianton 2 was quelled and was succeeded by his
son, Pahoran 1 (Alma 50:39-40). Because Nephihah had declined to be custodian of the Nephite records, Alma passed them to his son Helaman 2 (Alma 50:38).
Presumably the city of Nephihah mentioned in Alma 50:14 was named after him.

See also Judges, reign of.

Nephihah land of city of and plains of

Nephite land where Moroni 1 built the city of Nephihah, between the cities of Moroni and Aaron (Alma 50:14; ca. 72 b.c. ). When the Lamanites seized Moroni, the
dispossessed Nephites fled to Nephihah, which itself fell about five years later (Alma 51:23-24; 59:5-11; 62 b.c. ). Nephi-hah was the first city retaken during the final
campaign of Moroni and Pahoran 1 . Although Moroni desired to fight the Lamanites upon the nearby plains of Nephihah, their refusal prompted a strategic night
assault. Moroni's army recovered Nephihah by climbing the walls on the west side of the city while the Lamanite army slept on the east side and then attacking their
startled and frightened enemy from within. Not one Nephite soldier was killed in this action, although Lamanite casualties were high. Many of the Lamanite captives
chose to enter a covenant of peace rather than remain prisoners (Alma 62:14-30; ca. 61 b.c. ).

The wording of Alma 51:25-26 suggests the possibility of a second city named Nephihah on the eastern coast.

Nephi 1's psalm

Called both a psalm and a song, this poetic piece forms a most poignant depiction of Nephi 1's own struggles with sin and with feelings about rebellious members of his
family (2 Ne. 4:17-35). Like some biblical psalms (e.g., Ps. 10; 78), Nephi's song may be "mixed" because it includes features of differing types, a personal lament
coupled with a song of thanksgiving. The psalm offers a model of how Nephi sought to overcome discouragement. The opening lines picture him in personal pain (vv.
17-19), which he sought to reverse by counting his blessings (vv. 20-25). But his mind was still puzzled over why his soul was captured by sin and transgression (vv.
26-27). Even though he urged himself to more noble thoughts and deeds (vv. 28-30), in the end he acknowledged that only the Lord in His mercy could lift him (vv.
31-35).

As in the case of ancient Hebrew poetry, which Nephi knew from his own scriptures, his psalm exhibits poetic characteristics found in the Old Testament. Such
features include parallelism of expression, often with the second and third thought repeating or intensifying the meaning of the first (Alter, 3-26). This sort of phrasing
differs from western poetry, which rests on meter and often, in its modern forms, on rhyme.

The expected Hebrew parallelisms of expression appear in the following examples from Nephi's song (Rust, 71-75). In these words of lament, the second and third
lines sharpen and deepen the initial sentiment, exposing sources of Nephi's frustration:

O wretched man that I am!

Yea, my heart sorroweth because of my flesh;

my soul grieveth because of mine iniquities. (4:17)

A similar intensification can be seen in Nephi's self- reassuring memories of the Lord's aid, in which Nephi passed from a general statement to specific examples of how
the Lord had supported him:

My God hath been my support;

he hath led me through mine afflictions in the wilderness;

and he hath preserved me upon the waters of the great deep. (4:20)

Another feature of poetic parallelism lies in completing one thought with a succeeding one. Nephi achieved this end-the second line complementing the first, and the
fourth line completing the third-when he spoke of the differing deeds of the Lord:

He hath filled me with his love,even unto the consuming of my flesh.

He hath confounded mine enemies,unto the causing of them to quake before me. (4:21-22)
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The occasion for Nephi's poignant words seems partly to have grown out of his sorrow at losing his father in death, leaving Nephi, a younger sibling,      to wrestle
difficulties that arose within the family. The other part evidently arose from the continuing series of conflicts with his older brothers: "Not many days after [Lehi's] death,
Laman 1 and Lemuel . . . were angry with me because of the admonitions of the Lord" (2 Ne. 4:13). As is clear from Nephi's psalm, his response to the anger of his
He hath filled me with his love,even unto the consuming of my flesh.

He hath confounded mine enemies,unto the causing of them to quake before me. (4:21-22)

The occasion for Nephi's poignant words seems partly to have grown out of his sorrow at losing his father in death, leaving Nephi, a younger sibling, to wrestle with
difficulties that arose within the family. The other part evidently arose from the continuing series of conflicts with his older brothers: "Not many days after [Lehi's] death,
Laman 1 and Lemuel . . . were angry with me because of the admonitions of the Lord" (2 Ne. 4:13). As is clear from Nephi's psalm, his response to the anger of his
brothers had distressed him. In words that are poetically matched, he asked himself why he had allowed himself to become angry, and then he urged him-self to better
action: "Why am I angry because of mine enemy? . . . Do not anger again because of mine enemies" (2 Ne. 4:27, 29).

At the end, Nephi's final words brim with expressions of loyalty to the Lord who had delivered him both from his enemies and from his own worst self:

I will cry unto thee, my God, the rock of my righteousness.

Behold, my voice shall forever ascend up unto thee, my rock and mine everlasting God. (4:35)

See also Book of Mormon, as literature; Book of Mormon, poetry in; Parallelism.

Bibliography

Alter, Robert. The Art of Biblical Poetry. New York: Basic Books, 1985.

Bokovoy, David. "From Distance to Proximity: A Poetic Function of Enallage in the Hebrew Bible and the Book of Mormon." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 9:1
(2000): 60- 63.

Rust, Richard D. Feasting upon the Word: The Literary Testimony of the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1997.

Brown, S. Kent

Nephi 1's vision

Revelation given to Nephi in the wilderness that came in consequence of his desire to "see, and hear, and know . . . the things that [his] father had seen" (1 Ne. 10:17;
11:1; 14:29), namely, the vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8). In addition to seeing the vision shown to Lehi 1 , Nephi also beheld the interpretation of the vision through
various segments of history, particularly as they pertained to his posterity.

Nephi's vision is a pivotal event in the Book of Mormon. Elder Jeffrey R. Holland described it as "a concise introduction to the reader of the book's central purpose in
declaring that Jesus is the Christ" (42). The focus of the vision is the tree of life, a symbol of God's love (1 Ne. 11:21-23, 25). In addition and in contrast to the tree of
life, Nephi's vision also described the destructive effects of the "large and spacious building," a symbol for "the pride of the world" (1 Ne. 11:35-36; 12:18-23; cf. 8:24-
28, 31-34).

First Nephi 11 provides the foundation for the rest of the vision. It is here that Nephi learned of the "condescension of God" manifested through the Father and the Son
(1 Ne. 11:16, 26; cf. John 3:16). The importance of this part of the vision should not be underestimated. It is the earliest known account of Christ's mortal ministry,
predating the New Testament Gospels by six hundred years. Although the account is prophetic rather than historical in nature, it is a significant witness for the veracity
of the New Testament. Additionally, even though chapter 11 does not contain the detail found in the Gospels, it does focus the reader's attention on the central
elements of Christ's life, such as his birth (11:15-21), baptism (11:27), ministry (11:28), miracles (11:31), and death (11:33)-specific elements that bear witness of his
divinity. The chapter closes with Nephi's observing multitudes within the "large and spacious building" gathered together "to fight against the apostles of the Lamb." The
angel instructing Nephi said, "Behold the world and the wisdom thereof; yea, behold the house of Israel hath gathered together to fight against the twelve apostles of the
Lamb" (1 Ne. 11:34-36).

Chapter 12 shifts the reader's attention geographically to the western hemisphere and also highlights the transition between Christ's mortal and resurrected ministries. In
doing so, Nephi's vision teaches that the tree of life spreads forth its branches to extend God's love to all of his covenant people (cf. Jacob 4:7; 5). While chapter 11
functions as the "first" testament of Christ, witnessing of Christ's ministry in the Holy Land (as recorded in the Gospels), chapter 12 stands as "another testament"of
Christ, witnessing of his ministry in the Americas (as recorded in the Book of Mormon). In chapter 12 Nephi saw the condescension of God among his own people
when Christ, as a resurrected being, would visit them (1 Ne. 12:6; cf. 3 Ne. 11-28). Just as he did in the eastern hemisphere, Christ chose twelve disciples to minister
unto his people (1 Ne. 12:8-10; cf. 3 Ne. 11:19-22; 18:36-37; 19:4). Nephi saw that the fruit of Christ's visit for Lehi's descendants was that they would live in
righteousness for three generations (and many of the fourth generation also) and that they "are made white in the blood of the Lamb, because of their faith in him" (1 Ne.
12:11; cf. 2 Ne. 26:9; 4 Ne. 1:1-22). Nephi also beheld their subsequent destruction because of pride, represented by "the large and spacious building," and "the
temptations of the devil," represented by "the mists of darkness" (1 Ne. 12:17-19; cf. 8:21-23, 26-27).

Chapters 13 and 14 detail the Lord's response to the apostasy found in both eastern and western hemispheres at the end of chapters 11 and 12. The "great and
spacious building" of Lehi 1's dream (1 Ne. 8:26-27), which works to entice people away from the tree of life, is represented in these chapters by the "great and
abominable church" (1 Ne. 13:4-9). Nephi was shown that this "great and abominable church" contributed to the apostasy by removing or holding back many plain and
precious gospel truths and covenants (1 Ne. 13:26, 34). This, Nephi saw, would cause "an exceedingly great many [to] stumble, . . . insomuch that Satan [would have]
great power over them" (1 Ne. 13:29).

Chapter 13 describes two major acts of God intended to counteract the work of the "great and abominable church" and deliver his people-Jew, Gentile, and
descendant of Lehi (1 Ne. 13:32, 39)-out of this apostasy. First, Nephi saw the Spirit of God working upon the Gentiles to establish the Americas. Specifically, Nephi
saw Columbus crossing the Atlantic ocean (13:12), other Gentiles arriving to colonize the Americas (13:13-16), and the subsequent war for independence (13:17-19).
These providential events were necessary for the establishment of a free nation (3 Ne. 21:4). Second, in this free nation the Lord would "work a great and a marvelous
work among the children of men" (1 Ne. 14:7). A principal part of this work would be the coming forth of the Book of Mormon and "other books" (e.g., the Doctrine
and Covenants and Pearl of Great Price) (1 Ne. 13:34-42). Together these books would do three things: they would "establish the truth" of the Bible; "make known the
plain and precious things which have been taken away"; and convince all that "the Lamb of God is the Son of the Eternal Father, and the Savior of the world; and that
all men must come unto him, or they cannot be saved" (1 Ne. 13:39-40). Moreover, Nephi was told that the Savior's words contained in both the Nephite records and
the writings of the Twelve Apostles were destined to become one (1 Ne. 13:41).

In chapter 14 Nephi was reminded by the angel of the "covenants of the Father unto the house of Israel" (1 Ne. 14:8, 17), and he was taught concerning the Gentiles'
opportunity to participate in those covenants (1 Ne. 14:1-2, 5-6). Within this context the chapter shows the alternative consequences for the children of men if they
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children of men." This work, the restoration of the Church of Jesus Christ through the Prophet Joseph Smith, would "be everlasting" and either convince them of "peace
and life eternal" or deliver them into "captivity, and also into destruction, both temporally and spiritually, according to the captivity of the devil" (1 Ne. 14:7; cf. 22:8-
the writings of the Twelve Apostles were destined to become one (1 Ne. 13:41).

In chapter 14 Nephi was reminded by the angel of the "covenants of the Father unto the house of Israel" (1 Ne. 14:8, 17), and he was taught concerning the Gentiles'
opportunity to participate in those covenants (1 Ne. 14:1-2, 5-6). Within this context the chapter shows the alternative consequences for the children of men if they
hearken to the Lamb of God or if they become ensnared by the wiles of the great and abominable church. God would "work a great and a marvelous work among the
children of men." This work, the restoration of the Church of Jesus Christ through the Prophet Joseph Smith, would "be everlasting" and either convince them of "peace
and life eternal" or deliver them into "captivity, and also into destruction, both temporally and spiritually, according to the captivity of the devil" (1 Ne. 14:7; cf. 22:8-
12). Nephi also beheld that the Lamb of God would not allow the great and abominable church, as powerful as it would become, to be victorious (1 Ne. 14:3-4, 8-
17). The "covenant people of the Lord" would be armed with righteousness and the power of God (1 Ne. 14:14), and the "wrath of God" would be poured out upon
the great and abominable church: "Then, at that day, the work of the Father shall commence, in preparing the way for the fulfilling of his covenants, which he hath made
to his people who are of the house of Israel" (1 Ne. 14:17; cf. 3 Ne. 21:25-28).

Even though Nephi was shown much more than he described in these chapters (1 Ne. 14:28), he was told that the responsibility for writing "concerning the end of the
world," the ultimate victory over Satan lay with John the Revelator and others (1 Ne. 14:22, 25-26; cf. 2 Ne. 27:10-11; Ether 3:21-27).

In summary, Nephi's vision provides latter- day people with another testament of the divinity of Jesus Christ. Moreover, it gives additional testimony of a universal
apostasy and subsequent restoration of gospel truths. Nephi's vision reminds readers that despite the seemingly pervasive power of Satan and the great and abominable
church, God and his Saints will ultimately triumph. It also teaches latter- day readers that they can have confidence in the prophecies of the Lord's anointed servants.
Much of what was prophecy for Nephi is now history for people living in modern times.

See also Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ; Condescension of God; Great and abominable church; Israel, covenants unto; John the
Beloved/Revelator; Plain and precious things, loss of and restoration of; Tree of life in ancient cultures.

Bibliography

Holland, Jeffrey R. Christ and the New Covenant. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1997.

Strathearn, Gaye

Nephite civilization

Civilization is the sum of a society's conventional art, culture, language, literature, and literacy, as well as government, law, ethics, morality, and economics. Reading
between the lines in the Book of Mormon, one can discover many clues concerning the nature of Nephite civilization.

Historical overview

As reflected in the Book of Mormon, Nephite civilization changed dramatically during the course of its thousand- year history. The Nephite records reflect four distinct
eras. During the first era (ca. 580-200 b.c.) , the primarily agrarian Nephite culture was centered on the city of Nephi and the temple that Nephi 1 built there in the sixth
century b.c. (2 Ne. 5:16-17). The relatively small group of Nephites attempted to establish a foothold in their new world and struggled to maintain their religious and
cultural heritage in a new setting. During these years being a Nephite stood mainly in contrast with being a Lamanite. The posterity of Lehi 1 was divided into seven
tribes (2 Ne. 1:28-4:11; Jacob 1:13), and these seven groups persisted to the end of Nephite history (4 Ne. 1:36-38; Morm. 1:8). Tribal wars soon plagued the small
population (Jacob 7:26; Jarom 1:7; Omni 1:3, 10), which polarized into two main bodies. After an initial burst of creativity and formative efforts by Nephi and Jacob 2 ,
Nephite civilization appears to have stagnated, receiving as far as is known no new revelation and producing few noteworthy achievements in their second through
fourth centuries (Jarom 1:2; Omni 1:11).

The second era began when king Mosiah 1 , following the Lord's guidance, led his people out of the land of Nephi and moved the center of Nephite civilization down
to the city of Zara-hemla, where they were welcomed as effective leaders by the indigenous Mulekites (Omni 1:12-16). Here the Nephites experienced a century of
innovation, rejuvenation, growth, expansion, inventions, development, and inspiration. The Zarahemla era (ca. 200 b.c. to a.d. 17) was characterized by religious and
cultural diversity, group fragmentation, and efforts to establish citizen equality while still retaining Nephite religious and political control. Several important contacts
continued between the land of Zara-hemla and the land of Nephi, involving diplomatic investigation and record exchange (Mosiah 7-8), missionary work (Alma 17-26;
Hel. 5), and occasional commercial activity (Hel. 6:8), as well as resettlements (Mosiah 22-24; Alma 27) and considerable warfare (W of M 1:13; Alma 16; 28; 43-
62; Hel. 4). Eventually, political rivalries in the land of Zarahemla degenerated into corruption, assassinations, and lawlessness at the hands of several robber bands and
secret combinations (Hel. 1-2; 6; 11; 3 Ne. 2-4).

The third era began when Nephite civilization removed its center from the city of Zarahemla (3 Ne. 3:22), eventually ending up in a new temple city at Bountiful 2 ,
seventeen years after the signs of Christ's birth. From this strategic location at the isthmus separating the land northward from the land southward (Alma 22:27-33), the
Nephites anticipated and witnessed the coming of Christ in the year a.d. 34. Nephite civilization then enjoyed four generations of glorious peace and righteousness (4
Ne.).

The fourth and final era commenced around the end of the second century a.d. , when privat-ization and fractionalization again fragmented Nephite civilization.
Wickedness and secret combinations led to two hundred years of decline and destruction from which Nephite civilization never recovered (Morm. 2-7; Moro. 9).

Inclusion and membership

Belonging to the Nephite civilization was based fundamentally on family and lineage. Descendants of Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , Joseph 2 , and at different times, Zoram 1 ,
were counted as Nephites (Jacob 1:13). Other peoples, however, were also numbered among the Nephites through a process of making covenants and taking down
names (Mosiah 6:1-2; 3 Ne. 2:14). For example, the Lamanite converts brought to Zarahemla by Ammon 2 became Nephites when they were given the land of
Jershon by the Nephites as the land of their inheritance within the Nephite hegemony (Alma 27:21-25). Conversely, some groups, such as the Zoramites 2 ,
disassociated themselves from the Nephite culture (Alma 31:2-3; 43:13). Geographical proximity, too, played a role in defining group membership, as when king
Benjamin numbered all the people within the land of Zarahemla as his people (Mosiah 1:10). Similarly, converted Lamanites united with the Nephites in the days of
Lachoneus to defend themselves against the Gadianton robbers (3 Ne. 2:12).

Nephite civilization was closely connected with the lineage- based history kept by the descendants of Jacob 2 and Alma 1 that recorded their interactions with other
groups. For the most part, however, the Nephites remained separate, lonely, and isolated. Mobility appears to have been limited, indicating that they lived in areas of
broken terrain. Transportation was difficult enough that long-range communication was limited, and great joy and relief were expressed when groups reunited after long
periods of separation (Mosiah 21:25-22:14; Alma 26). Relocations of population groups proved problematical on several occasions (Omni 1:28; Mosiah 21-22; Alma
50:31-33). Nephites also strongly discouraged marriage outside of appropriate Nephite circles; differences in skin color served to distinguish their seed "from the seed
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                                                                                                                                                               the rise of
marginalized social elements on the fringes of Nephite civilization who harbored resentment and hostility (Mosiah 10:12-18), often forming secret combinations and
dissenting groups (Alma 9-16; 46; Hel. 2).
groups. For the most part, however, the Nephites remained separate, lonely, and isolated. Mobility appears to have been limited, indicating that they lived in areas of
broken terrain. Transportation was difficult enough that long-range communication was limited, and great joy and relief were expressed when groups reunited after long
periods of separation (Mosiah 21:25-22:14; Alma 26). Relocations of population groups proved problematical on several occasions (Omni 1:28; Mosiah 21-22; Alma
50:31-33). Nephites also strongly discouraged marriage outside of appropriate Nephite circles; differences in skin color served to distinguish their seed "from the seed
of their brethren . . . that they might not mix and believe in incorrect traditions" (Alma 3:8; 2 Ne. 5:23). These social and religious conditions contributed to the rise of
marginalized social elements on the fringes of Nephite civilization who harbored resentment and hostility (Mosiah 10:12-18), often forming secret combinations and
dissenting groups (Alma 9-16; 46; Hel. 2).

Material and social culture

The Book of Mormon mentions many details indicative of the material culture underlying Nephite civilization. Their foods, crafts, metal working, tools, markets,
symbols, and other elements of daily life compare favorably with what is known about ancient Meso-american civilization generally; for example, trees served important
symbolic functions in both Nephite and Mesoamerican civilizations (Sorenson, Images, 182-83). Wealth was readily gained and lost in Nephite civilization, indicating a
relatively simple agricultural economy vulnerable to weather and many other factors causing large economic fluctuations. Not land but tangible personal property,
especially "costly apparel" and jewelry, was the main outward indicator of wealth in this society (Jacob 2:13; Alma 1:27, 29; 5:53). Clothing distinguished social
classes; pride and costly apparel contributed to social barriers and conflicts (e.g., Alma 4:6-10; 31:28; Hel. 13:28).

Educational instruction is mentioned in the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 24:1-4; 3 Ne. 6:12), and fathers and mothers apparently taught or personally saw to the
academic and spiritual education of their children, presumably at home (1 Ne. 1:1; Enos 1:1; Mosiah 1:2-3). Literacy levels and regard for record keeping among the
Nephites always remained fairly high and appears to have received increased emphasis (Mosiah 1:2-4) after they encountered the Mulekites, who had brought no
records with them and whose language "had become corrupted" (Omni 1:17). While retaining an interest in Hebrew language and Egyptian script, the Nephite
vernacular changed significantly over its thousand- year span (Morm. 9:33-34). Language was largely functional, useful for record keeping, law giving, speech
recording, and military communications. Several Nephite writers were skillful and creative in the use of various literary forms, notably chiasmus . Women in this society
apparently spent most of their time rearing children and performing domestic duties.

Nephite political culture was based on the law of Moses , as found on the plates of brass and modified by Nephite revelation and legal innovations. The monarchy of
the first era was transformed into a more democratic system of judges during the second era, although in both systems the chief officer was installed for life, preferred
on the basis of heredity, and functioned as a single head of state (Mosiah 29). Under the reign of the judges, freedom of belief was legally protected (Alma 1:17;
30:11), but that did not necessarily extend to complete freedom of speech (Alma 30:30). The Nephite polity was composed of several loosely affiliated and largely
autonomous cities, with ethnic groups tending to cluster in their own lands or areas, such as the Zoramites 2 in the land of Antio-num (Alma 31), the Ammonites in the
land of Jershon (Alma 27), the Nehorites in the land of Ammoni-hah (Alma 9-16), and the Limhites apparently in the land of Gideon (Gideon had been an important
member of Limhi's colony in the land of Nephi; Alma 6:7-8).

Although not always righteous, Nephite society was thoroughly religious. Until the coming of Christ, faithful Nephites were strict in their observance of the law of Moses
and other laws given by God to their Israelite forefathers (2 Ne. 5:10; Jarom 1:5; Alma 30:3): the righteous adhered to the Ten Commandments (Mosiah 13:15-24),
offered burnt sacrifices (Mosiah 2:3), observed the Sabbath (Jarom 1:5), refrained from eating blood (Jarom 1:6), and prayed morning, noon, and night (Alma 34:21).
The lack of any identifiable Nephite art may be due in part to the prohibition under the law of Moses that forbids the making of any graven images. Looking forward to
the coming of Christ, the Nephites also gathered regularly at their main temples in the cities of Nephi, Zarahemla, and Bountiful 2 , as their law required (Deut. 31:12).
As religious groups proliferated, they gathered at other places of assembly or worship, sometimes building unconventional synagogues (e.g., Alma 31:12).

World view

Ultimately, civilization is a composite of attitudes and practices that reflect how a group of people defines the place of mankind in the world. Nephite civilization saw
humanity collectively. Group well- being and survival usually dominated over individual rights. An individual remained an enemy to God so long as he or she remained
unrepentant and lived out of harmony with the religious order (Mosiah 2:36-37; 3:19).

The Nephite civilization, as portrayed in the Book of Mormon, viewed history providentially. God was close to his people, looking after their welfare, giving them
victories, or inflicting divine judgment and punishment (Jacob 6:5). God, as creator of heaven and earth, continued to maintain life's order from day to day, giving breath
(Mosiah 2:21) and speaking to his prophets (Jacob 4:6). Oaths sworn in the name of God were taken seriously, in fear of his wrath (Alma 44:8). Those who kept their
covenants with God became his sons and daughters and were sealed his (Mosiah 5:7, 15).

In response to life's ultimate questions, Nephite civilization understood the purpose of this existence and the fall of Adam and Eve in a positive sense, that all people
might have joy (2 Ne. 2:25). The possibility of pain and destruction, however, was equally evident (Mosiah 2:38; Alma 12:11). Life was a time "for men to prepare to
meet God" (Alma 34:32). After death, resurrection would allow all mankind to stand before God in their bodies to be judged by him (Alma 33:22). The purpose of
human life was essentially to allow people to choose between good and evil (2 Ne. 2:26-27), and all human choices were reduced to these alternatives (Moro. 7:12).
Good was defined as coming unto Christ, repenting, being baptized, keeping his commandments, and enduring to the end (3 Ne. 11:36-39; Moro. 7:13; 10:6).

Not unlike Christian nations today, Nephite civilization experienced contradictions. Essentially a faithful people, they were also often forgetful. Constant in their main
worldview, the Nephites experienced repeated cycles of righteousness, prosperity, pride, and wickedness. They were often hardworking, humble, and longsuffering;
but at the same time, they were proud, stubborn, and uncooperative. Remarkably, Nephite civilization existed without slavery, an almost universal practice in ancient
civilizations. Equality before God translated fundamentally into social equality for the Nephites, leading at times to deep concern for the poor and needy (Mosiah 4:16-
27). Yet, social stratification and class distinctions were also frequently evident (e.g., Alma 2:9; 4:6; 45:24; Hel. 3:36). While often presenting themselves as a peace-
loving people, waging no offensive wars and willing to relocate in order to avoid hostilities, the Nephites still expended great energy on the production of weapons and
the construction of fortifications. Moreover, Nephite civilization thought of itself as an open society, welcoming converts and allies; however, strongly held religious
principles impeded or precluded extensive collaboration, compromise, or reconciliation (e.g., with the apostate Zoramites 2 ; Alma 31).

Nephite civilization was particularly self- conscious. The faithful among the Nephites never forgot that they had been scattered from Israel onto the islands of the sea,
had been brought to a promised land given to them on condition of obedience to certain covenants, and were anticipating the coming of the Messiah. They knew that
the Messiah would be rejected (1 Ne. 11:32) and their own civilization would not survive (1 Ne. 12:22) but that their words would survive to come forth through the
hands of the Gentiles (1 Ne. 13:35) to bring about a reunification of all of Israel (1 Ne. 14:17; 2 Ne. 29:13-14).

Despite watching the collapse of Nephite civilization, Mormon and his people knew Nephi's prophecies that God's purposes would ultimately prevail over evil (1 Ne.
14; 2 Ne. 30). Ancient covenants also assured them that the Nephite records would come forth to be used at the final day of judgment (Mosiah 3:24; Moro. 10:27).
These eternal perspectives added an enduring quality to much of Nephite civilization.

See also Agriculture in the Book of Mormon; Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction; Government, principles of; Jaredite
civilization; Judges, reign of; Kings; Lamanite civilization; Law, civil; Warfare in the Book of Mormon.
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Bibliography

Sorenson, John L. Images of Ancient America: Visualizing Book of Mormon Life. Provo, Utah: Research Press, 1998.
These eternal perspectives added an enduring quality to much of Nephite civilization.

See also Agriculture in the Book of Mormon; Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction; Government, principles of; Jaredite
civilization; Judges, reign of; Kings; Lamanite civilization; Law, civil; Warfare in the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Sorenson, John L. Images of Ancient America: Visualizing Book of Mormon Life. Provo, Utah: Research Press, 1998.

--- . An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1985.

Welch, John W. "The Temple in the Book of Mormon: The Temples at the Cities of Nephi, Zarahemla, and Bountiful." Temples of the Ancient World: Ritual and
Symbolism. Edited by Donald W. Parry. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1994.

Welch, John W.

Nephite weights and measures

Nephite system of monetary exchange for goods and services. The Nephite system of weights and measures at the time of Mosiah 2 is specifically outlined in Alma
11:5-19, presumably to underscore the high value of a bribe that Zeezrom offered to Amulek while Amulek was preaching in Ammonihah. Zeezrom offered six onties
of silver, or the equivalent of 42 measures of grain (also equal to 42 days of pay for a Nephite judge; Alma 11:3, 13; see accompanying table), to Amulek if he would
"deny the existence of a Supreme Being" (Alma 11:22).

The system of weights and measures known in the Book of Mormon is not a continuation of the system known in the Old Testament. According to the Book of
Mormon, names, weights, and values of the pieces of gold and silver were not reckoned "after the manner of the Jews" but were altered "according to the minds and
the circumstances of the people, in every generation, until the reign of the judges" (Alma 11:4). Thus, the origination of a general system of weights and measures could
have begun shortly after Lehi 1 and his family left Jerusalem or arrived in the promised land, and continued to develop to the time of Mosiah 2 .

According to the "law of Mosiah . . . every man who was a judge of the law, or those who were appointed to be judges, should receive wages according to the time
which they labored to judge" (Alma 11:1). Apparently there was some problem in Nephite society with debtors reneging on their obligations, and judges were the
arbiters of such disputes. Judges had the authority to send enforcement officers to individuals who would not pay and bring them to a court where evidence was
presented against them. If an individual was found guilty, the judge could force payment (Alma 11:2). In payment for his service the judge would receive "a senine of
gold" or "senum of silver" per day, which were equivalent in value (Alma 11:3). By ca. 82 b.c. some of the legal experts had devised ways to enhance the profit they
could make from these legal suits by stirring "up the people to riotings, and all manner of disturbances and wickedness, that they might have more employ, that they
might get money according to the suits which were brought before them" (Alma 11:20). Verses 5-19 of Alma 11 list various kinds of gold and silver measures,
presumably designated by weights and their relative values. Mosiah assigned these values relative to certain amounts of grains ( see accompanying table).

As one source on the subject indicates, it is not possible to "be altogether confident about the meanings of terms in the weights and measures system or their possible
etymologies" ("Weights," 2). A few terms, however, such as "shum," "shiblom," and "limnah," bear some resemblance to Jaredite, Sumerian, and Akka-dian words
("Weights," 1-3).

Systems of weights and measures are known from Mesopotamia and Egypt from the third millennium b.c., but coinage proper was not invented until the sixth century
b.c. by the Lydians. The Book of Mormon says nothing about coins. Instead, the word money is used, which may indicate that pieces of metal of different shapes and
sizes could be assigned a value through weighing (Nibley, 224). Richard Smith suggests that the Nephite "system was a peculiarly efficient one. The selection of 1, 2, 4,
and 7 for the values of the larger coins [metal pieces] seems particularly wise. . . . In every case it turns out that the `1-2-4-7' system has an edge over . . . other
systems from the standpoint of number of coins [metal pieces] required for a purchase" (316).

Bibliography

Nibley, Hugh. Since Cumorah. 2d ed. Vol. 7 of The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley. Edited by John W. Welch. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Smith, Richard Pearson. "The Nephite Monetary System." Improvement Era 57 (May 1954): 316- 17.

"Weights and Measures in the Time of Mosiah II." Provo, Utah: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1983.

Hauglid, Brian Michael

Nephites the Three

Three of the twelve Nephite disciples who were granted permission to remain on the earth as translated beings until the "judgment day of Christ" (3 Ne. 28:40).
Bringing his personal ministry to the Nephites to an end, Jesus bestowed desired blessings on each of his twelve disciples, and "then he departed" (3 Ne. 28:12). Three
of the disciples, the Three Nephites, feared to express their desires. Jesus knew their thoughts and said, "Ye have desired the thing which John, my beloved, who was
with me in my ministry, before that I was lifted up by the Jews, desired of me" (3 Ne. 28:6-9). Modern revelation states that John "desired of [Christ] that he might
bring souls unto [him]," or "that he might do more, or a greater work yet among men than what he has before done" (D&C 7:4-5). Answering Peter's question about
what John would do, Jesus said, "If I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to thee?" (John 21:20-23). John was made "as flaming fire and a ministering angel" to
"minister for those who shall be heirs of salvation who dwell on the earth" (D&C 7:6).

Granted a similar mission, the Three Nephites "were caught up into heaven, and saw and heard unspeakable things" (3 Ne. 28:13); they were made "as the angels of
God" (3 Ne. 28:30). Jesus declared that a change was "wrought upon their bodies, that they might not suffer pain nor sorrow save it were for the sins of the world" (3
Ne. 28:38). Further, they were changed so that "Satan could have no power over them . . . and they were sanctified in the flesh, that they were holy, and that the
powers of the earth could not hold them" (3 Ne. 28:38-39). In the final rebellion of the Nephites, to erase the memory of the teachings of Christ, the people tried to
destroy the Three Nephites. They cast them into prisons, which crumbled. They buried them in the earth, but no pit could hold them. Three times they were cast into
furnaces and twice into dens of wild beasts, but they were never harmed (3 Ne. 28:18-22; 4 Ne. 1:30-37).

Mormon had a record of their ministering unto "all the people," uniting and baptizing as many as would believe into the Church (3 Ne. 28:18). Three centuries after the
Lord blessed them, they ministered to Mormon and Moroni 2 (3 Ne. 28:26; Morm. 8:11). Though the Lord took them away from the Nephites because of prevailing
wickedness (Morm. 1:13), Mormon prophesied that before the Judgment Day, great and marvelous works would be wrought by the Three Nephites among the
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Gentiles, the(c) 2005-2009,
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may be fulfilled, and also because of the convincing power of God which is in them" (3 Ne. 28:27-29). Mormon said that "they are as the angels of God, and if they
shall pray unto the Father in the name of Jesus they can show themselves unto whatsoever man it seemeth them good" (3 Ne. 28:30). Their desire was to bring the
Mormon had a record of their ministering unto "all the people," uniting and baptizing as many as would believe into the Church (3 Ne. 28:18). Three centuries after the
Lord blessed them, they ministered to Mormon and Moroni 2 (3 Ne. 28:26; Morm. 8:11). Though the Lord took them away from the Nephites because of prevailing
wickedness (Morm. 1:13), Mormon prophesied that before the Judgment Day, great and marvelous works would be wrought by the Three Nephites among the
Gentiles, the Jews, all the scattered tribes of Israel, and "all nations, kindreds, tongues and people." They "shall bring out of them unto Jesus many souls, that their desire
may be fulfilled, and also because of the convincing power of God which is in them" (3 Ne. 28:27-29). Mormon said that "they are as the angels of God, and if they
shall pray unto the Father in the name of Jesus they can show themselves unto whatsoever man it seemeth them good" (3 Ne. 28:30). Their desire was to bring the
souls of men unto Christ "while the world shall stand" (3 Ne. 28:9). Their blessing included his promise that when that time ended, they would be resurrected: "When I
shall come in my glory ye shall be changed in the twinkling of an eye from mortality to immortality; and then shall ye be blessed in the kingdom of my Father" (3 Ne.
28:8).

See also Sanctified in the flesh; Taste of death; Translation.

Parrish, Alan K.

Nethermost

See Appendix C.

Neum

An Israelite prophet known only from Nephi 1's reference in 1 Nephi 19:10. Neum foretold the crucifixion of the God of Israel, a prophecy that was presumably cited
from the brass plates of Laban and appears in Nephi's writings with additional prophecies by Zenock, Zenos, and an unnamed angel, all of whom related specific
details concerning the future mortal ministry of the Holy One of Israel. Neum's prophecy was confirmed by Nephi's own vision of the crucifixion (1 Ne. 11:33).

Cloward, Robert A.

-Never- ending torment

See Endless torment, eternal torment, never- ending torment.

New Jerusalem

In the Book of Mormon "New Jerusalem" has at least two meanings: (1) a holy city to be built in the latter days "upon this land [America]" (Ether 13:4-7; 3 Ne. 21:23-
24; A of F 10); and (2) a heavenly city "which should come down out of heaven" at the beginning of the Millennium , when the Savior returns to the earth, to join the
earthly New Jerusalem (Ether 13:3; cf. Moses 7:60-64).

The earthly New Jerusalem

The Savior said that the converted Gentiles, the descendants of Lehi 1 , and "as many of the house of Israel as shall come" would all participate in building the New
Jerusalem (3 Ne. 21:22-23), that it would be a gathering place for the Lord's people, notably the seed of Joseph (3 Ne. 21:24; Ether 13:6-8), and that the power of
heaven and the Savior himself would be there (3 Ne. 20:22; 21:25). Joseph Smith learned that the New Jerusalem was to be "called Zion" (D&C 45:67), a place of
gathering, peace, and protection for the Lord's people (D&C 45:64-71). The Lord also revealed that "the land of Missouri . . . [is] the place for the city of Zion,"
Independence being "the center place" (D&C 57:1-3).

The heavenly New Jerusalem at the beginning of the Millennium

In summarizing the words of Ether, Moroni 2 told of "the New Jerusalem, which should come down out of heaven" (Ether 13:3), descriptive of the City of Enoch
coming to earth at the beginning of the Millennium to meet the people of the Lord, the elect who have been gathered "from the four quarters of the earth, unto . . . an
Holy City, . . . called Zion, a New Jerusalem" (Moses 7:62-64; cf. Ether 13:8-10; JST Gen. 9:21-23). Isaiah foresaw that Zion (the New Jerusalem) would be one of
two world capitals during the Millennium, from which "shall go forth the law" (2 Ne. 12:3 // Isa. 2:3).

Dahl, Larry Evans

Night of darkness

That point in time when one's probationary opportunities come to an end and the inevitable consequences of previous choices and behavior ensue. Amulek warned the
apostate Zoramites 2 , "I beseech of you that ye do not procrastinate the day of your repentance until the end; for after this day of life, which is given us to prepare for
eternity, behold, if we do not improve our time while in this life, then cometh the night of darkness wherein there can be no labor performed" (Alma 34:33). Similarly,
the Savior charged his Nephite disciples to follow the narrow path and enter the strait gate that leads to life, rather than choose the broad way and wide gate that leads
to death, the path many travel "until the night cometh, wherein no man can work" (3 Ne. 27:33). Alma 2 taught his son Corianton the principle of restoration: evil for
evil, good for good (Alma 41:4, 13). He said that if one "desired to do evil all the day long even so shall he have his reward of evil when the night cometh," while "if he
hath repented of his sins, and desired righteousness until the end of his days, even so he shall be rewarded unto righteousness . . . delivered from that endless night of
darkness" (Alma 41:5-7).

By using the phrases "this life," "the end," "until the end," "this day of life" (Alma 34:32-33), and "all the day long" (Alma 41:5), both Alma and Amulek clearly seem to
have been warning their hearers not to procrastinate repentance until they leave their mortal probation through death. Both also associated this "night of darkness," this
"awful crisis," and the point at which "there can be no labor performed" with the time of resurrection: Amulek declared, "That same spirit which doth possess your
bodies at the time that ye go out of this life, that same spirit will have power to possess your body in that eternal world" (Alma 34:33-34), and Alma testified of all being
raised from mortality to immortality, the righteous to endless happiness, and the wicked to endless misery "when the night cometh" (Alma 41:4-5).

Other than Alma's brief commentary, little is said in the Book of Mormon about what happens between death and resurrection. Alma explained that at death the
righteous are received into a state of happiness and peace; the wicked, on the other hand, "shall be cast into outer darkness," where there "shall be weeping, and
wailing, and gnashing of teeth." What is meant by "righteous" is not discussed. The "wicked," however, are described as those who "chose evil works rather than good;
therefore the spirit of the devil did enter into them, and take possession of their house." Alma said the wicked remain in this state of misery, "as well as the righteous in
paradise, until the time of their resurrection." At the resurrection, the righteous shall "shine forth in the kingdom of God," and the wicked will suffer "an awful death . . .
for they die (c)
 Copyright   as to2005-2009,
                   things pertaining  to things
                               Infobase    MediaofCorp.
                                                   righteousness; for they are unclean, and no unclean thing can inherit the kingdom of God" (Alma 40:11-15, 25-26).
                                                                                                                                                        Page 788 / 919
It is helpful to consider carefully what the Book of Mormon says about a "night of dark-ness" in light of latter- day scripture and prophe-tic commentary. Following are
some conclusions that may be drawn:
righteous are received into a state of happiness and peace; the wicked, on the other hand, "shall be cast into outer darkness," where there "shall be weeping, and
wailing, and gnashing of teeth." What is meant by "righteous" is not discussed. The "wicked," however, are described as those who "chose evil works rather than good;
therefore the spirit of the devil did enter into them, and take possession of their house." Alma said the wicked remain in this state of misery, "as well as the righteous in
paradise, until the time of their resurrection." At the resurrection, the righteous shall "shine forth in the kingdom of God," and the wicked will suffer "an awful death . . .
for they die as to things pertaining to things of righteousness; for they are unclean, and no unclean thing can inherit the kingdom of God" (Alma 40:11-15, 25-26).

It is helpful to consider carefully what the Book of Mormon says about a "night of dark-ness" in light of latter- day scripture and prophe-tic commentary. Following are
some conclusions that may be drawn:

1. The night of darkness occurs for sons of perdition when they commit the unpardonable sin, the sin against the Holy Ghost. The devil enters into them and takes
"possession of their house" (Alma 40:13), having power also to "possess [their] body in that eternal world." The devil seals them his permanently and has all power over
them, "and this is the final state of the wicked" (Alma 34:34-35).

2. Those who do not sin to the point of becoming sons of perdition but who procrastinate repentance until mortal death also experience a night of darkness "wherein
there can be no labor performed." Nothing can be done to avoid the consequences of their earthly wickedness (Alma 34:33). Yet, this night of darkness is not
permanent. By virtue of the atonement of Christ, "the dead who repent will be redeemed, through obedience to the ordinances of the house of God, And after they
have paid the penalty of their transgressions, and are washed clean, shall receive a reward according to their works, for they are heirs of salvation" (D&C 138:58-59).

See also Hell; Judgment, the; Spiritual death.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Nimrah

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Nimrod 1

See Nimrod 1 , valley of.

Nimrod 2

See Jared 1 , posterity of. .

Nimrod 1 valley of

A valley north of Babel in the Old World named after "the mighty hunter" (cf. Gen. 10:8-10), where Jared 1 , his brother, their families, and friends, gathered before
their exodus to a land "choice above all the lands of the earth" (Ether 1:41-42). Here the Lord talked with the brother of Jared "in a cloud, . . . [and] commanded them
that they should go forth into the wilderness" (Ether 2:1-5).

Noah 1

Old World patriarch at the time of the Flood, son of Lamech, and father of Shem, Ham, and Japheth (Gen. 5:30-32; 6:11-14; 7). The Book of Mormon contains three
references to Noah and thus confirms the historicity of this biblical character: the ark he built (Ether 6:7), the covering of the earth by water, and the "utter" destruction
of all life by the Flood. Noah is mentioned twice in connection with the Lord's promise not to destroy the earth again by water (Alma 10:22; 3 Ne. 22:9).

Noah 2

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Noah 3

Son of Zeniff, father of Limhi, and second king (succeeding Zeniff) of the Nephite colony that left Zarahemla and returned to the land of Lehi- Nephi. Unlike his faithful
and even at one time "-over- zealous" father (Mosiah 7:21), Noah lived a life full of "whoredoms and all manner of wickedness" (Mosiah 11:2). Noah replaced the
priests whom his father had consecrated with those who joined him in setting their hearts upon riches and spending their "time in riotous living" (Mosiah 11:14). Noah's
self- indulgent lifestyle necessitated his placing a heavy tax upon his people, which amounted to "one fifth part of all they possessed" (Mosiah 11:3, 6).

Noah rejected God and the prophet Abinadi and the warning that he and his people must repent or be taken in bondage (Mosiah 11:23, 27). Although he nearly
released Abinadi because of his fear "that the judgments of God would come upon him" (Mosiah 17:11), in the end Noah hearkened to his wicked priests and had
Abinadi put to death by fire (Mosiah 17:12, 20). Before his death, Abinadi prophesied of a similar fate for his executioners: "Ye shall be hunted, and ye shall be taken
by the hand of your enemies, and then ye shall suffer, as I suffer, the pains of death by fire" (Mosiah 17:18). Scripture records that the unrepentant Noah was indeed
killed by fire at the hands of his own people (Mosiah 19:20), a sobering illustration of the consequences of placing self before God and family (Mosiah 19:10-11, 20).

See also Noah 3 , priests of.

Judd, Daniel K

Noah land of and city of

Nephite region and city in the land of Zarahemla, near Ammon-ihah. Previously "the weakest part of the land," Moroni 1 strengthened its defenses greatly against an
expected Lamanite attack. The Lamanite armies decided not to attack neighboring Ammonihah because of the manner in which Moroni had fortified the city. Supposing
the city of Noah to be an easy target, the chief captains made an oath to attack the city and destroy its people. The Lamanites thus played into Moroni's hands, for on
arriving, they were astonished to find Noah more heavily fortified than Ammonihah. Nevertheless, having sworn an oath to attack, the Lamanites fought but in vain.
They were not able to penetrate the heavily fortified city. In the Lamanites' effort to tear down the city's fortifying banks of earth, many were slain. The record makes
the ironic observation that the strategic ditches surrounding Noah became filled not with earth from the protective banks but with the bodies of the Lamanite dead and
wounded. The city was spared without one Nephite casualty (Alma 49:12-25; 72 b.c. ).
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                           Page 789 / 919
Noah 3 priests of
arriving, they were astonished to find Noah more heavily fortified than Ammonihah. Nevertheless, having sworn an oath to attack, the Lamanites fought but in vain.
They were not able to penetrate the heavily fortified city. In the Lamanites' effort to tear down the city's fortifying banks of earth, many were slain. The record makes
the ironic observation that the strategic ditches surrounding Noah became filled not with earth from the protective banks but with the bodies of the Lamanite dead and
wounded. The city was spared without one Nephite casualty (Alma 49:12-25; 72 b.c. ).

Noah 3 priests of

A group of men who attended king Noah 3 in Lehi- Nephi after Zeniff, in his old age, conferred the Nephite kingdom upon his son Noah 3 . The wicked Noah had
dismissed his father's priests and replaced them with men who would support him in his sinful lifestyle.

Described as being "lifted up in the pride of their hearts," these priests were lazy, idolatrous whoremongers who used "vain and flattering words" (Mosiah 11:5-7).
Moreover, they lived off the high taxation of Noah's people, set a bad example for the citizenry, and proved to be a plague to the Nephites long after the death of king
Noah.

When the Lord sent the prophet Abinadi to call Noah's people to repentance, Noah called him up before his priests. The record of that encounter is one of the most
powerful moments in the Book of Mormon. Noah's wicked priests sought to "cross [Abinadi], that thereby they might have wherewith to accuse him; but he answered
them boldly, and withstood all their questions, yea, to their astonishment; for he did withstand them in all their questions, and did confound them in all their
words" (Mosiah 12:19). After one of the priests asked Abinadi a question from the scriptures, he chided them for their lack of knowledge and pretentiousness. "What
teach ye this people?" Abinadi inquired of the priests. Their response, "We teach the law of Moses," brought Abinadi's stinging rebuke, "If ye teach the law of Moses
why do ye not keep it?" (Mosiah 12:27-29). Frightened by Abinadi's preaching, Noah was ready to release him, but his priests (with one exception) appealed to his
vanity, and he condemned Abinadi to death by fire (Mosiah 17:11-12). The one priest who believed Abinadi, Alma 1 , spoke up in his defense but then had to flee for
his own life (Mosiah 17:2-4). As Abinadi's sentence was being carried out, he prophesied that destruction would come upon the king and all of the evil priests (Mosiah
12:27-29; 17:14-18).

When king Noah was later put to death by fire, his priests escaped into the wilderness, where they endangered their former countrymen by kidnapping twenty- four
Lamanite daughters and making them their wives (Mosiah 20:1-5, 18, 23). Discovered by Lamanite armies, the priests were spared through the pleas of their wives in
their behalf (Mosiah 23:33-34). The priests then joined with the Lamanites (Mosiah 23:35). Their leader Amulon and the other priests were appointed to teach the
Lamanites the Nephite language (Mosiah 24:4). Relishing his newfound clout, Amulon "began to exercise authority over Alma and his brethren," abusing and
persecuting them, even refusing to let them pray (Mosiah 24:8, 11). There were no converts among the seed of Noah's priests (Alma 24:29; see Mosiah 20:3; 25:12,
concerning the children the priests abandoned in the city of Nephi). Eventually their seed were hunted and destroyed by the Lamanites for their evil as Abinadi had
prophesied (Alma 25:4, 9-12).

See also Lamanites, twenty- four daughters of.

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Noised

See Appendix C.

O
Oaths

Solemn statements, often sworn as part of rituals, used to establish covenants or promises or to strengthen declarations. Oaths were an important part of Near Eastern
and biblical culture (Lev. 19:12; Num. 30:2). Oaths first appear in the Book of Mormon with Nephi 1 and Zoram 1 swearing to each other (1 Ne. 4:32-37). King
Benjamin appointed priests to "stir [his people] up in remembrance of the oath which they had made" to keep the commandments (Mosiah 6:1-3). Instances of oath
swearing can also be seen in warfare. For example, invading Lamanites swore an oath to destroy the city of Ammonihah (Alma 49:13) which Moroni 1 had sworn an
oath to defend (Alma 48:13). Conversely, the Ammonites swore an oath of peace (Alma 24:18; 53:11-14; 56:8). Evidently, public officials were sworn in by oaths;
Nephi-hah took an "oath and sacred ordinance" of judgeship (Alma 50:39). The seriousness of oaths and their associated covenants is demonstrated by the Lamanite
leader Zerahemnah's refusal to swear a false oath to Moroni to surrender with a pledge of peace, even while surrounded by Nephite armies (Alma 44:1-20). Yet,
Mormon "repent[ed]" of an oath not to lead his people (Morm. 5:1; 3:11). The oath "as the Lord liveth," or a form of it, appears frequently in the Book of Mormon and
is used to strengthen solemn declarations. For example, Nephi asserted to his brethren that "as the Lord God liveth, there is none other name given under heaven save it
be this Jesus Christ, of which I have spoken, whereby man can be saved" (2 Ne. 25:20; Omni 1:26; Alma 23:6). This type of oath is also found in the Old Testament
where its use is similar (e.g., 2 Sam. 12:5; 1 Kgs. 17:1). Unfortunately, powerful oaths also made the Gadianton tradition possible (Hel. 6:21-24), and the "oath of the
ancients" handed down from Cain helped destroy Jaredite civilization (Ether 9:5; 8:15, 20-21). In fulfilling the law of Moses, Jesus taught concerning oaths: "And again
it is written, thou shalt not forswear thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord thine oaths; but verily, verily, I say unto you, swear not at all; . . . but let your
communication be Yea, yea; Nay, nay; for whatsoever cometh of more than these is evil" (3 Ne. 12:33-37). Christ was enjoining the Nephites to forgo the use of oaths
as a means of guaranteeing their integrity: they were to follow a higher standard of personal honesty.

Szink, Terrence L.

Obedience

See Book of Mormon, selected themes of, obedience.

Offerings

See Sacrifices.

Oft

See Appendix C.

Ogath
 Copyright
An  area near(c)the2005-2009,
                    hill Ramah Infobase
                                and southMedia   Corp. of Ripliancum, to which the Jaredite armies of Shiz fled before the forces of Coriantum r 2 . Presumably
                                         of the waters                                                                                                Page 790      / 919
                                                                                                                                                                it was
there that Shiz spent four years gathering all his people for the final conflict with the armies of Coriantumr (Ether 15:8-10, 14).
See Appendix C.

Ogath

An area near the hill Ramah and south of the waters of Ripliancum, to which the Jaredite armies of Shiz fled before the forces of Coriantum r 2 . Presumably it was
there that Shiz spent four years gathering all his people for the final conflict with the armies of Coriantumr (Ether 15:8-10, 14).

Old Testament historical narrative refer-red to

The expression "Old Testament" is not found in the Book of Mormon, but the plates of brass obtained by Nephi 1 included records contained in the present Old
Testament up to 600 b.c. For example, the plates of brass contained the five books of Moses and a "record of the Jews," as well as "prophecies of the holy prophets"
from the beginning down to the time of Zedekiah, a contemporary of Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 5:5-13). From the plates of brass, Book of Mormon prophets, teachers, and
writers were familiar with the same historical narratives preserved in the Old Testament records and often made reference to these narratives. Throughout the Book of
Mor-mon, references are found to the account of the Creation, Adam and Eve, the Fall, the Flood, the Abrahamic covenant, Joseph in Egypt, the Exodus, and the
history of Israel up to 600 b.c.

The Nephites might be thought of as an Old Testament people. Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 1:4) and Ishmael (1 Ne. 7:2) were descendants of Jacob 1 and Abraham through
Manasseh and Ephraim, the sons of Joseph 1 . Later, the people of Mulek, son of king Zedekiah, joined them in the "new" land (Omni 1:15; Hel. 6:10). All had come
from "the land of Jerusalem" (1 Ne. 2:11) and were politically "descendants of the Jews" (2 Ne. 30:4). As the plates of brass were the only scriptures the Nephites
possessed, they often made reference to their contents in their sermons and writings, as did the resurrected Christ during his Nephite ministry in the land Bountiful (e.g.,
3 Ne. 20:23-24; 23:1). The Savior also revealed writings that were not available when they left Jerusalem (3 Ne. 24; 25), but which were later added to the Nephite
canon of scripture. These writings from the prophet Malachi also became part of the Old Testament canon. The accompanying table illustrates references in the Book
of Mormon that reflect historical information in the Old Testament.

Additional allusions to the Old Testament account provide evidence that the Nephites were familiar with Old Testament sources and drew heavily from them for their
discourses and writings. For example, Book of Mormon prophets, teachers, and record keepers used their Old World scriptures to help emphasize their goals, which
included the following:

To show what great things the Lord had done f or their fathers, to reveal the Lord's covenants, and to convince their audience that Jesus is the Christ (Title Page; 1 Ne.
19:23).

To recognize that they (Lehi's posterity) were of the house of Israel, the covenant people, and to know Christ's doctrines (1 Ne. 15:14; 19:24; 2 Ne. 6:5).

To emphasize that all the prophets taught of Christ (Jacob 4:4; 7:10-11).

To show that the plan of redemption came through Christ (Alma 22:13).

To enlarge the memory of their people, convince them of their errors, cause them to repent, and bring them to a knowledge of their God (Alma 37:3-8).

In his concluding testimony, Mormon said if people believe the other sacred writings, they will believe the Book of Mormon, and vice versa (Morm. 7:8-9).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to prove to the world that the holy scriptures are true; Book of Mormon, what it says about the Bible; Moses, five
books of.

Jr., George A. Horton

Olive trees

The olive was an important plant during biblical times and olive trees are frequently mentioned in the scriptures. In addition to being used for fruit, olives also supplied oil
that filled basic needs of the people. Olive oil was used for cooking, healing, lighting, anointing, and many other purposes. Although there are thirty- five to forty species
of olive ( Olea ), the cultivated or tame olive ( Olea europaea L.) and the oleaster, or wild olive ( Olea europaea var. oleaster ), are the only ones of concern from a
scriptural point of view. The tame plants probably originated in the eastern Mediterranean and spread westward. Tame trees were cultivated for their desirable growth
patterns and fruit quality. The tame olive has larger fruits with a smaller amount of the bitter glucoside, oleuropein than wild olives. Because tame plants readily hybridize
with wild plants, producing seeds of uncertain genetic makeup, it is not desirable to grow new trees from seeds. Desirable plants are therefore usually propagated from
cuttings taken from tame trees.

The allegory of Zenos (Jacob 5) relies upon imagery of olive culture. The author of the allegory was well versed in olive tending. For example, it might seem odd from a
traditional botanical perspective that the Lord of the vineyard in the allegory had his servant graft wild branches onto the rootstock of a tame tree (Jacob 5:9-10). Wild
branches are usually not used in fruit tree grafting because the wild material retains its wild characteristics even when grafted onto tame root stock. Yet, olive trees often
live for centuries, and in ancient olive culture, productive rootstock was sometimes rejuvenated by grafting wild branches, which grow vigorously, onto the rootstock.
As the Lord stated in the allegory, this was the reason for grafting in the wild branches, "that perhaps I might preserve the roots thereof that they perish not, that I might
preserve them unto myself, I have done this thing" (Jacob 5:11).

Furthermore, more than fifty botanical and cultural principles of olive care can be found in Zenos' allegory of the olive tree (Hess et al., 479-555; Hess, 87-102).
Examples include the following: The benefits of being nourished (Jacob 5:3-5, 11, 20, 22-23, 25, 27-28, 31, 34, 47, 58, 63, 71, 75-76), which may include being
dunged (Jacob 5:47, 64, 76) for nutritional purposes. Proper pruning contributes to general tree health and fruit production (Jacob 5:4-5, 11, 27). Young, tender
branches will form with proper care (Jacob 5:4, 6). Branches can be grafted (Jacob 5:8-10, 17-18, 30, 34, 52, 54-57, 60, 63-65, 67-68) or planted (Jacob 5:23-25,
43) for new growth. Root and foliage tissue need to be balanced (Jacob 5:37, 48, 65-66). Fruit can be wild (bad or evil) or good (Jacob 5:17-18, 20, 25-27, 30, 32-
33, 35-40, 42, 45-46, 52, 54, 60-61, 65, 77). Land for growing trees can be poor or good (Jacob 5:21-23, 25, 43). The roots may perish if the foliage of an
otherwise healthy tree is removed or reduced below the ability of the tree to provide photosynthate to the roots (Jacob 5:8, 18, 34, 36, 54, 60, 65-66).

The remarkable detail concerning olive culture in the allegory supports the text's claim of ancient Old World authorship (Jacob 5:1). It is untenable to ascribe its
authorship to Joseph Smith. While he probably knew how to prune, dig about, dung, and nourish fruit trees, and perhaps he knew the principles of grafting, he would
have known very little about the unique aspects of olive culture found in the allegory because domesticated olives cannot grow in his native northeastern United States.
Moreover, it is not likely that an author of the Book of Mormon period would have known enough about olives to compose this remarkable allegory. Olive culture
does not appear to have been practiced by Book of Mormon peoples. It is possible that Lehi's family attempted to bring cuttings with them on their journey to establish
olive yards in their new promised land, but cuttings would not normally survive the long journey. Moreover, olives require specific ecological conditions to grow and
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reproduce. Only four limited areas in the New World-- California, Arizona, Chile, and Argentina-fit these specific growing conditions. At the timePageJacob 5791
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recorded on the plates of Nephi (ca. 544 to 521 b.c. ) it is probable that only a few dozen people present had ever seen an olive tree. After Jacob 6, olive is not
mentioned again in the Book of Mormon.
have known very little about the unique aspects of olive culture found in the allegory because domesticated olives cannot grow in his native northeastern United States.
Moreover, it is not likely that an author of the Book of Mormon period would have known enough about olives to compose this remarkable allegory. Olive culture
does not appear to have been practiced by Book of Mormon peoples. It is possible that Lehi's family attempted to bring cuttings with them on their journey to establish
olive yards in their new promised land, but cuttings would not normally survive the long journey. Moreover, olives require specific ecological conditions to grow and
reproduce. Only four limited areas in the New World-- California, Arizona, Chile, and Argentina-fit these specific growing conditions. At the time Jacob 5 was
recorded on the plates of Nephi (ca. 544 to 521 b.c. ) it is probable that only a few dozen people present had ever seen an olive tree. After Jacob 6, olive is not
mentioned again in the Book of Mormon.

The most plausible way the Nephites could have known the specific details about olive tending was from the records which they brought with them. As the text testifies,
Jacob 2 quoted Zenos, an Old World prophet known to the Nephites from the brass plates (Jacob 5:1). Zenos' writings were not included in the Old Testament.

While the botanical information used in the allegory is very detailed and accurate, there are two startling exceptions that seemingly defy botanical principles: First, if a
wild olive branch is grafted onto a tame olive tree, that branch, and all tissue which grows from it, will be genetically different from the tame tree and the fruit. The
grafted wild branch should still produce wild olives. Yet surprisingly, in the allegory wild branches grafted into the tame roots began to produce tame fruit (Jacob 5:9,
17-18). This anomaly, wherein the grafted wild branches became tame and bore good fruit, is symbolic of the miraculous conversion that occurs when one is "grafted
in" or comes unto Christ and the covenant: one's very nature is changed. Second, a desirable rate of growth will not occur from either wild or tame plants in poor soil,
even with tending and digging. Moreover, with an equal amount of effort, the growth in good soil will normally be far superior to growth in poor soil. Yet in the allegory
olives growing in poor soil became more productive than those grown in good soil, even though both received equal care (Jacob 5:20-25). Here again the anomaly
teaches a gospel truth. It illustrates that regardless of the "soil" or circumstances in which God's children are placed, they can still bring forth "good fruit" if they will
respond to the nurturing of the Master (Hess et al., 479-555).

See also Trees; Zenos, allegory of.

Bibliography

Hess, Wilford M. "Botanical Comparisons in the Allegory of the Olive Tree." The Book of Mormon: Jacob through Words of Mormon-To Learn with Joy. Salt Lake
City: Desert Book, 1990.

Hess, Wilford M., Daniel J. Fairbanks, John W. Welch, and Jonathan K. Driggs. "Botanical Aspects of Olive Culture Relevant to Jacob 5." The Allegory of the Olive
Tree: The Olive, the Bible, and Jacob 5. Edited by Stephen D. Ricks and John W. Welch. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1994.

Hess, Wilford M.

Omer

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Omner

A son of king Mosiah 2 (ca. 100-74 b.c. ). Omner was "numbered among the unbelievers," but after the appearance of an angel, he labored to rectify the damage he
had caused endeavoring to destroy the Church (Mosiah 27:8-10, 32-36). Like his brothers, he elected not to succeed his father as king but rather set out with them on
what was to be a challenging and ultimately successful fourteen- year Lamanite mission in the land of Nephi (Mosiah 28:1-10; Alma 17:2-18; 23:1-3; 25:17; 26:29-
30). Omner, along with his brothers, was described as a man of God (Alma 48:18). He was a man who had a "sound understanding" of the gospel, who had the "spirit
of prophecy , and the spirit of revelation" and who taught with power. These qualities are credited to his diligent scripture study and to his "much prayer, and
fasting" (Alma 17:2-3). Omner later accompanied Alma 2 on a mission to the Zoramites 2 (Alma 31:6-7).

See also Mosiah 2 , sons of.

Omner city of

Strongly fortified Nephite city on the east borders by the seashore (Alma 51:26-27; ca. 67 b.c. ). While Moroni 1 was busy subduing the king- men, Amalickiah and
his Lamanite army captured many coastal cities, including Omner, which temporarily gave them strongholds in Nephite territory (Alma 51:21-27).

Omni

Son of Jarom who made a brief entry on the small plates of Nephi before passing them to his son Amaron. Omni characterized himself as an unrighteous man and
acknowledged that he had not kept the commandments "as I ought to have done." Nonetheless, he "fought much with the sword" to preserve the Nephites during
"seasons of serious war" (Omni 1:1-3; ca. 361-317 b.c. ).

See also Omni, book of.

Omni book of

The final book recorded on the small plates of Nephi , written by a series of five record keepers-Omni, Amaron, Chemish, Abinadom, and Amaleki 1-between 361
b.c. and ca. 130 b.c.

Content and message

The book of Omni reports wars between Nephites and Lamanites, the flight of Mosiah 1 from the land of Nephi with "as many as would hearken unto the voice of the
Lord," the dis-covery of the people of Zarahemla, and the establishment of a new Nephite center in the land of Zarahemla. While Omni is the first to write in the book,
Amaleki is the main author. Amaleki recorded that Mosiah's exodus was prompted and guided by revelation (Omni 1:12-13). He wrote that Zarahemla's ancestors had
also journeyed to the land with divine assistance, but their language and religion became corrupted because they had no written records. Consequently, they received
with joy the "record of the Jews" which Mosiah brought with him to their land. The people of Zarahemla subsequently united with the Nephites, learned their language,
and accepted Mosiah as their king (Omni 1:14-19). Amaleki further told how Mosiah exercised divine gifts to interpret engravings on a "large stone" that told of the
Jaredites (Omni 1:20-22).

Mosiah's
 Copyrightson(c)Benjamin succeeded
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                             Infobase  as king. During Benjamin's just reign, two groups of Nephites tried to return to the land of Nephi (Omni 1:27-30). The first
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group failed due to contention among themselves. Amaleki had no knowledge of the fate of the second group, whose history is later recorded in the book of Mosiah
(Mosiah 7-22).
with joy the "record of the Jews" which Mosiah brought with him to their land. The people of Zarahemla subsequently united with the Nephites, learned their language,
and accepted Mosiah as their king (Omni 1:14-19). Amaleki further told how Mosiah exercised divine gifts to interpret engravings on a "large stone" that told of the
Jaredites (Omni 1:20-22).

Mosiah's son Benjamin succeeded him as king. During Benjamin's just reign, two groups of Nephites tried to return to the land of Nephi (Omni 1:27-30). The first
group failed due to contention among themselves. Amaleki had no knowledge of the fate of the second group, whose history is later recorded in the book of Mosiah
(Mosiah 7-22).

The book of Omni shows the fulfillment of prophetic warnings: unrighteous Nephites did not prosper in their land (Omni 1:5-7; cf. 2 Ne. 1:20; Jarom 1:9); God led
righteous Nephites out of the land of Nephi (Omni 1:12) to escape Lamanite conquest (Jacob 3:4; cf. 1 Ne. 17:38); and the unrepentant Jaredites were utterly
destroyed, their bones heaped on the earth and their land inherited by another people (Omni 1:20-22; cf. Ether 11:6, 20-21; 13:20-21).

See also Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Thomas, John C.

One eternal round

An expression used to testify of God's constancy. Alma 2 testified that God "cannot walk in crooked paths; neither doth he vary from that which he hath said; neither
hath he a shadow of turning from the right to the left, or from that which is right to that which is wrong; therefore, his course is one eternal round" (Alma 7:20; cf.
37:12). Therefore, his law operates without variance from all eternity to all eternity. For example, concerning the consistent pattern the Lord has set for receiving
revelation, Nephi 1 proclaimed, "He that diligently seeketh shall find; and the mysteries of God shall be unfolded unto them, by the power of the Holy Ghost, as well in
these times as in times of old, and as well in times of old as in times to come; wherefore, the course of the Lord is one eternal round" (1 Ne. 10:19).

Mormon testified that "God is not a partial God, neither a changeable being; but he is unchangeable from all eternity to all eternity" (Moro. 8:18). According to Elder
Bruce R. McConkie, "when our revelations say of Christ, `From eternity to eternity he is the same, and his years never fail' (D&C 76:4), they mean that from one
preexistence to the next he does not vary, his course is one eternal round. They mean, for instance, that from our premortal or pre-existent state to the day when the
exalted among us provide a preexistence for our spirit children, he is the same" (McConkie, 166).

See also God, nature of.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. The Promised Messiah. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1978.

Draper, Richard D.

One God

The Father and the Son, resurrected beings with immortal bodies of flesh and bone, together with the Holy Ghost, a "personage of Spirit," constitute the one God of
scripture (D&C 130:22; 2 Ne. 31:21; Alma 11:44; 3 Ne. 11:27, 36; The Testimony of the Three Witnesses). This definition of the Godhead , known as tritheism, is in
contradistinction to the doctrine of trinitarianism, which is one god existing in three coequal, coeternal, and indivisible persons of identical immaterial substance. The
unity of the Godhead in the Book of Mormon has been misinterpreted by some as trinitarianism.

Although Christ is a separate and distinct member of the triad Godhead, in the Book of Mormon he is declared to be "God himself" (Mosiah 13:28, 34; 15:1) who
fulfills dual roles, as "the Father and the Son" (Mosiah 15:2-3; Ether 3:14). As the incarnate Son of God he "subjected the flesh to the will of the Father" (Mosiah 15:2-
3; cf. D&C 93:3-4; Luke 22:41-42; Philip. 2:5-9). But as the risen Lord, possessing his Father's powers in perfection (3 Ne. 12:48; John 10:36; 14:10), he is the
spiritual (not spirit ) Father of the redeemed. "Born of him," such become "the children of Christ, his sons, and his daughters" (Mosiah 5:7; cf. 27:25; D&C 25:1). Thus
Christ is "Son" to his Father, and "Father" to mankind.

Further, a literal rendering of the expression "one God" led some Nephites to the erroneous assumption that there cannot be a Son of God (Alma 11:28-35; 14:5). But
the oneness of the Godhead is spiritual, not physical, a unity of holiness, minds, and purposes. Thus Jesus, referring to those who believed in him, prayed "that I may be
in them as thou, Father, art in me, that we may be one" (3 Ne. 19:23; cf. John 17:21).

The Father, the "most high God" (1 Ne. 11:6), the source of all truth, brought forth the spirits of mankind and presides as Patriarch of the human family. The Son is, by
divine investiture, the Creator, "the Father of heaven and of earth" (2 Ne. 25:12; Mosiah 7:27), the "Holy One of Israel" (2 Ne. 6:9), the Messiah, Savior, and
Redeemer (1 Ne. 10:4-5), who atoned for all sin, conquered death, and will yet come to his temple in Zion (Alma 34:8; 3 Ne. 24:1-4 // Mal. 3:1-4). In sum, he is "the
Lord God Omni-potent" (Mosiah 5:15; cf. Rev. 19:6).

The Holy Ghost testifies of God the Father and his Only Begotten Son (2 Ne. 31:18; 3 Ne. 11:32). He is the Comforter (Moro. 8:26) and a revelator (2 Ne. 32:5;
Moro. 10:4-5). He justifies (2 Ne. 2:5; Moses 6:60), sanctifies (Alma 13:12; 3 Ne. 27:20), and, as the Holy Spirit of promise, seals up the righteous (D&C 88:3-4;
132:7, 9). The distinct, individual members of the Godhead act in concert in bringing to pass the salvation of mankind (3 Ne. 11:32-33). Their combined efforts
constitute the labors of the one God.

See also Children of Christ; God the Father; Jesus Christ; Jesus Christ, role of, as Father and Son.

Turner, Rodney

Onidah

Called "the place of arms," Onidah was where "the more part" of the Lamanites fled from their king's command to go up to battle against the Nephites (Alma 47:1-5;
ca. 72 b.c. ).

Onidah hill

A hill in the land of Antionum from which Alma 2 preached to the humbler of the apostate Zoramites 2 (Alma 32:4; ca. 74 b.c. ).
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Onihah city of

Following his crucifixion, Christ caused waters to cover Onihah and its inhabitants to hide their wickedness that the blood of martyred prophets and Saints would cease
Onidah hill

A hill in the land of Antionum from which Alma 2 preached to the humbler of the apostate Zoramites 2 (Alma 32:4; ca. 74 b.c. ).

Onihah city of

Following his crucifixion, Christ caused waters to cover Onihah and its inhabitants to hide their wickedness that the blood of martyred prophets and Saints would cease
to testify against them (3 Ne. 9:7).

Onti

See Nephite weights and measures.

Opposition in all things

The existence of opposing alternatives. For agency to exist (2 Ne. 2:16) and the eternal purposes of God to be fulfilled (2 Ne. 2:12, 15), "it must needs be, that there is
an opposition in all things" (2 Ne. 2:11). One could not be righteous and receive the consequence of happiness unless he or she had the alternative to be wicked and
receive the con sequence of misery (2 Ne. 2:11-13). Lehi 1 taught that without such opposing alternatives or distinctions, "all things must needs be a compound in one,"
leaving no real choices and thus "destroy[ing] the wisdom of God and his eternal purposes, and also the power, and the mercy, and the justice of God" (2 Ne. 2:11-
12).

Largey, Dennis L.

Opposition to the Book of Mormon

See Book of Mormon, opposition to.

Orihah

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Other sheep

Term used by the Savior to describe members of the house of Israel, such as the Nephites and the lost tribes of Israel, who were scattered or separated from their
brethren in the Holy Land (3 Ne. 15:15-21; 16:1-3; 17:4). During his mortal ministry Christ referred to himself as the Good Shepherd and the house of Israel as his
sheep (John 10:11, 14). Continuing the metaphor, he explained to the Jews in the eastern hemisphere that he had "other sheep . . . which are not of this fold: them also I
must bring, and they shall hear my voice; and there shall be one fold, and one shepherd" (John 10:16). Because of "stiffneckedness and unbelief" among the Jews they
did not understand Jesus' words (3 Ne. 15:18), and they mistakenly assumed that the "other sheep" to which Jesus referred were the Gentiles (3 Ne. 15:21-22). During
his ministry among the Nephites, however, the resurrected Savior revealed that they, as well as other Israelites not living in the Holy Land, were his "other sheep" who
were to hear his voice and be part of his fold (3 Ne. 15:15-17, 21; 16:1-3). He also clarified that he would not manifest himself to the Gentiles through a personal
ministry but that the Gentiles would learn of Jesus through the preaching of the Jews and the witness of the Holy Ghost (3 Ne. 15:22-23; cf. Matt. 10:5-6; 15:24).

See also Israel, lost tribes of.

Huntington, Ray Lynn

Outer darkness

Used but once in the Book of Mormon (Alma 40:13) to refer to the state of sons of perdition, a particular group of spirits in the spirit world between death and
resurrection. They are the spirits of those who "chose evil works rather than good" during their mortal lives, to the extent that "the spirit of the devil did enter into them,
and take possession of their house" (Alma 40:13). Their state is one of "weeping, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth," in "awful, fearful looking for the fiery indignation of
the wrath of God upon them" (Alma 40:13-14). Alma 2 explained that "they remain in this state . . . until the time of their resurrection" (Alma 40:14). Alma also affirmed
that these spirits will be reunited with their bodies in the resurrection but will then suffer "an awful death . . . for they die as to things pertaining to things of
righteousness" (Alma 40:18, 23, 26). Being yet unclean, they cannot enter into the kingdom of God, but inherit the kingdom of the devil (Alma 40:26; 41:1-5). The
Doctrine and Covenants uses the term "outer darkness" twice (D&C 101:91; 133:73). Both instances refer to the punishment of the "wicked," or those who "believed
not my servants" and "obeyed not my voice," but do not label such punishment as perdition. Doctrine and Covenants 101:90-91 states they will receive "their portion
among hypocrites, and unbelievers; even in outer darkness," apparently indicating that when "their portion" has been received (i.e., justice has been satisfied), they will
be freed from the sufferings of outer darkness at the last resurrection (D&C 76:85), unlike the sons of perdition who remain with the devil and his angels after the
resurrection.

See also Hell; Paradise.

Dahl, Larry Evans

P
Paanchi

A son of Pahoran 1 who, following the death of his father, contended with two of his brothers, Pahoran 2 and Pacumeni, for the judgment- seat (Hel. 1:2-4; ca. 52
b.c. ). When the popular voice chose Pahoran, Pacumeni acceded to the people's will, but Paanchi and his supporters planned a rebellion (Hel. 1:5-7). Before he could
carry out his scheme, however, Paanchi was arrested, tried, and condemned to death for rebelling and for seeking "to destroy the liberty" of the Nephites. His followers
then engaged "one Kishkumen" to assassinate Pahoran (Hel. 1:8-9).

Pachus

King of Nephite
 Copyright      dissenters who
           (c) 2005-2009,       drove Media
                            Infobase   chief judge
                                               Corp.Pahoran 1 and many freemen out of Zarahemla and also prevented supplies from being sent to afflicted    Nephite
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armies (Alma 61:3-5; ca. 62 b.c. ). Pachus made an alliance with the king of the Lamanites that would have granted him continued kingship over the people of
Zarahemla had the Lamanites conquered the remainder of the Nephite lands (Alma 61:8). Moroni 1 joined forces with Pahoran at Gideon and defeated the men of
Pachus at Zarahemla. Pachus was killed in this battle, and the remaining rebels who "would not take up arms in the defence of their country . . . were put to
Pachus

King of Nephite dissenters who drove chief judge Pahoran 1 and many freemen out of Zarahemla and also prevented supplies from being sent to afflicted Nephite
armies (Alma 61:3-5; ca. 62 b.c. ). Pachus made an alliance with the king of the Lamanites that would have granted him continued kingship over the people of
Zarahemla had the Lamanites conquered the remainder of the Nephite lands (Alma 61:8). Moroni 1 joined forces with Pahoran at Gideon and defeated the men of
Pachus at Zarahemla. Pachus was killed in this battle, and the remaining rebels who "would not take up arms in the defence of their country . . . were put to
death" (Alma 62:6-9).

Pacify

To calm (1 Ne. 15:20); to alleviate anger or distress (Mosiah 20:19-20); to lull, appease, or tranquilize. For example, while Satan stirs up anger in some, "others will he
pacify, and lull them away into carnal security, that they will say: All is well in Zion; yea, Zion prospereth, all is well-and thus the devil cheateth their souls, and leadeth
them away carefully down to hell" (2 Ne. 28:20-21).

See also All is well in Zion.

Cracroft, Richard H.

Pacumeni

Son of Pahoran 1 who, following the death of his father, contended with two of his brothers, Pahoran 2 and Paanchi, for the judgment- seat (Hel. 1:2-4; ca. 52 b.c. ).
When the popular voice chose Pahoran, Pacumeni united with the people's will, but Paanchi and his supporters rebelled (Hel. 1:5-7). After one of them, a man named
Kishkumen, murdered Pahoran, Pacu-meni was chosen by the people to be chief judge (Hel. 1:9, 13). This civil unrest allowed the Lamanites to conquer Zarahemla,
and their military leader Coriantumr 3 killed Pacumeni (Hel. 1:18-21).

Pagag

The firstborn son of the brother of Jared 1 , Pagag was chosen king by the people but refused the position. When the people wanted his father to prevail upon him, the
brother of Jared "commanded" that they "constrain no man to be their king" (Ether 6:25).

Pahoran 1

Third chief judge of the Nephites (ca. 68 b.c.) , Pahoran succeeded his father Nephihah to the judgment- seat (Alma 50:40). Although Pahoran began his rule in a time
of relative peace, that peace soon gave way to internal strife. A segment of Nephite society began agitating for a monarchy to replace the government of judges elected
by the people. The king- men , as the dissenters were called, were defeated in a general election and then, because of the critical state of affairs (Alma 51:7, 9, 13),
they were compelled to defend Nephite liberty and lands or be killed or imprisoned (Alma 51:19). The struggle of Pahoran to maintain his seat as chief judge had
nothing to do with a personal desire for power. Rather, the struggle came from his commitment to maintain the rights and freedoms of the people he served (Alma 51:3-
7).

Mormon elected to include in his abridgment the full text of three important epistles exchanged during Pahoran's rule. These letters, taken as a whole, illustrate
Pahoran's incredible magnanimity and forgiving nature. The letters were written in the midst of warfare with the external and internal enemies of the Church and state.
The first letter, from Helaman 2 to Moroni 1 , details victories, defeats, and sufferings attributed to the apparent neglect of Pahoran and his government to send
provisions and reinforcements to the battlefront (Alma 58:3-9, 34-36). Moroni sent an epistle to Pahoran requesting more men for Helaman's army, but it was not
included in the record and Pahoran may have never received it (Alma 59:3). The second epistle included was again from Moroni to Pahoran (Alma 60), and the third is
from Pahoran to Moroni (Alma 61). Angered at the circumstances and at Pahoran's failure to answer his first request, Moroni sent a scathing letter to the chief judge.
He went so far as to accuse Pahoran of being a traitor, and he threatened to march on Zarahemla and make war on him (Alma 60:27-30).

Pahoran's reply is an example of Christ's injunction to turn the other cheek, and it teaches the modern reader the appropriate way to respond to false accusations (3
Ne. 12:11; Matt. 5:11). Rather than responding angrily, Pahoran quietly explained that he had been driven out of Zarahemla and his government taken over by
dissenters. Then he wrote, "In your epistle you have censured me, but it mattereth not; I am not angry, but do rejoice in the greatness of your heart" (Alma 61:9). That
Pahoran did not take offense when wrongly accused, that he did not return the wrong but instead absorbed it, defines the man. Understanding now that the government
would have to be won back, Pahoran took heart and, with Moroni, defeated the enemies of liberty. Having been restored to the judgment- seat, he marched with
Moroni to retake the fallen city of Nephihah (Alma 62:18-26). After a series of wars, peace was established, and Pahoran returned to the judgment- seat (Alma
62:44). The father of many sons, Pahoran died in about 52 b.c. (Hel. 1:2-4).

Arnold, Marilyn

Pahoran 2

Fourth chief judge of the Nephites (ca. 52 b.c.) , Pahoran succeeded his father, Pahoran 1 , to the judgment- seat . One of three sons who sought the position, he was
elected by the people. Those who favored the election of his brother Paanchi sent Kishkumen to murder him "as he sat upon the judgment- seat" (Hel. 1:9).

Arnold, Marilyn

Paradise

The state of happiness, peace, and rest enjoyed by the spirits of the righteous in the interval between death and resurrection (Alma 40:12). In the Book of Mormon the
term "paradise," or an extended phrase, "paradise of God" is used by Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 9:13), Alma 2 (Alma 40:12,14), Mormon (4 Ne. 1:14), and Moroni 2 (Moro.
10:34). The term is used in other scriptures with a different or broadened meaning. It sometimes refers to heaven or the rewards of the righteous (D&C 77:2, 5; 2 Cor.
12:4; Rev. 2:7). In regard to the Savior's words to the thief on the cross in Luke 23:43, Joseph Smith explained that the meaning was "This day thou shalt be with me in
the world of spirits" (309).

See also Outer darkness; Spirit world.

Bibliography
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                            Page 795 / 919
Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Dahl, Larry Evans
See also Outer darkness; Spirit world.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Parallelism

A poetic device used commonly in ancient Hebrew literature. There are literally hundreds of parallelisms in both the Bible and the Book of Mormon. Parallelisms
consist of short, balanced lines of text (phrases or sentences) with words or thoughts in one line that parallel or correspond with those in a subsequent line or lines. The
words or thoughts in the later instances repeat, echo, build upon, or are symmetrical counterparts of earlier lines. In contrast to English poetry, parallelisms rarely
feature rhymes of consonance or assonance (repeated vowel sounds), rather, they present a repetition of two ideas, or a rhyming of thought. The thoughts may "rhyme"
or correspond in a number of ways, including the following:

Identical words or phrases, such as "light-light" and "cry unto him-cry unto him."

Antonyms, such as "holy-unholy," "poor-rich," and "grievous words-soft answer."

Synonyms or near synonyms, such as "heart-soul" and "statutes-commandments."

Gradations, an increase or decrease of the sense or idea, such as "the prince became king," and "forget God-sin against the Lord."

Complementaries, such as "bows-arrows" and "river-sea."

Different inflections of the same root, such as "to judge," "a judge," "judgment," and "judgment- seat."

Superordinates, such as "breastplates-shields," "wine-drink," and "gold-metal."

Reciprocals, such as "to retire-to sleep," "to eat-to be full," and "to sin-pain of conscience."

Parallelism appears to have been used for two chief purposes: emphasis and clarification. For example, Nephi 1 used a two- line parallelism not only to emphasize the
sorrow that comes because of iniquity but also to clarify and teach about how such sorrow affects one and what may be the cause or source of iniquity:

Yea, my heart sorroweth because of my flesh;

my soul grieveth because of mine iniquities. (2 Ne. 4:17)

Several terms from the first line have corresponding elements in the second. The expression "my heart" parallels "my soul" suggesting that sorrow for sin is felt both in
one's "heart," or thoughts and feelings, and in one's "soul," or body and spirit. The terms "sorroweth" and "grieveth" are synonymous, both emphatic and descriptive of
the anguish associated with sin. The words "because of mine iniquities" of line two parallel "because of my flesh" of line one, suggesting that there is a connection
between sin and the flesh or "natural man" (cf. Mosiah 3:19). Thus the parallelisms here convey the prophetic word with great clarity, permitting the reader who will
recognize and ponder them to obtain new levels of knowledge and greater insights.

There are many types of parallelistic structures in the Book of Mormon, including chiasmus , synonymous, antithetical, repeating, and extended alternate. These may
consist of two lines, four lines, six lines, or more (Parry, "Reformatted" 1992).

An example of a ten- line parallelism is found in Alma 5:28-29 ( see fig. 1).

The bolded words of the two "a" lines correspond with each other, creating parallel lines. The same is true of the "b" lines, the "c" lines, and so on. Both of the "a" lines
form an interrogative sentence, both begin with the exclamation "behold," and both have the parallel phrase "stripped of pride//stripped of envy." The "b" lines feature
the synonymous phrases "ye are not prepared//such an one is not prepared." The "c" lines have the identical phrase "prepare quickly." "Soon at hand" harmonizes with
"close at hand" in the "d" lines, and "one hath not eternal life" corresponds with "one is not found guiltless" in the "e" lines. Thus in several aspects the parallelism is found
to possess correspond-ing elements, the lower half of the parallelism representing a counterpart or near mirror image of the upper half. The use of parallelism here
emphasizes and invites the reader to evaluate the state of his or her soul and to prepare to meet God.

An eight- line parallelism in 1 Nephi 19 alternates four truths about Jesus Christ's atoning sacrifice (in the four lines labeled "a") with four attributions (in the four lines
labeled "b"), emphasizing that these truths were revealed and known of old ( see fig. 2).

Many other truths are set forth in parallelisms. In Helaman 12:9-15 fourteen lines are alternated to emphasize and teach about the omnipotence of God ( see fig. 3).

The seven lines marked "a" pertain to God's commands to the earth (represented by "his voice" four times, "if he say" twice, and "his word" once); the seven lines
marked "b" deal with the earth's obedience to his commands by its moving "hither and thither" (represented by "tremble and quake," "broken up," "shake," "rock,"
"moved," "go back," and "goeth back"). The particle "yea" begins five of the "a" lines, while synonymous elements in the "b" lines present geographical terms: "hills,"
"mountains," "valley," "whole earth," "foundations" of the earth, and "earth," repeated three times.

Alma 2 taught the "meaning of the word restoration" to his son by using a parallelistic pattern called climax ("climax occurs when the same word or words are found in
successive clauses or sentences"; Parry, 296). Alma said, "The meaning of the word restoration is to bring back again

evil for

evil, or

carnal for

carnal , or
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devilish for
carnal for

carnal , or

devilish for

devilish-

good for that which is

good ;

righteous for that which is

righteous ;

just for that which is

just ;

merciful for that which is

merciful . (Alma 41:13)

Note the repetition of seven different words in this parallelism. This climactic pattern is followed immediately by additional teachings on restoration as Alma further used
parallelism to emphasize and clarify to his son that God deals with his children as they deal with others ( see fig. 4).

In this extended parallelism the "a" lines are parallel, as are the "b" lines, the "c" lines, and so forth through the "f" lines. Alma balanced the top half of the parallelism (the
first six lines) with the bottom half (the lower six lines) by repeating the key words ( mercy, justice, righteous judgment, good, etc.).

Such use of parallelism by Book of Mormon authors confirms the ancient origin of the text.

See also Book of Mormon, as literature; Book of Mormon, poetry in; Nephi 1's psalm.

Bibliography

Parry, Donald W. The Book of Mormon Text Reformatted According to Parallelistic Patterns. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1992.

---. "Power through Repetition: The Dynam-ics of Book of Mormon Parallelism." Book of Mormon Authorship Revisited: The Evidence for Ancient Origins. Edited by
Noel B. Reynolds. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1997.

Parry, Donald W.

Parenting

Throughout the Book of Mormon, principles of good parenting are demonstrated by God, the Father of all spirits, as well as Jesus Christ, the Father of salvation. Book
of Mormon fathers and mothers also provide positive examples of parenting.

The account in the Book of Mormon of God's dealings with his children illustrates his loving and nurturing disposition. He knows them individually (Morm. 6:22), wants
their happiness, and provides a way for them to achieve it (2 Ne. 2:24-25; Morm. 7:7). He sets reasonable expectations and rules for his children which, if followed,
will protect, bless, and help them progress (1 Ne. 3:7; 2 Ne. 2:5; Mosiah 2:22). He gives his rules or commandments after explaining the larger plan into which they fit
(Alma 12:32). He allows his children to make choices (2 Ne. 2:16), and by providing means for them to be "instructed sufficiently that they know good from evil," he
ensures that they understand the consequences of those choices (2 Ne. 2:5, 27).

He encourages ingenuity within designated boundaries, allowing his children to grow through their own efforts to solve problems that arise (Ether 2:22-25). He is
consistent (1 Ne. 10:18), fair with his discipline, and applies appropriate principles of justice and mercy (2 Ne. 9:17, 19; Jacob 4:10; Alma 41:3). He is honest in
keeping his promises and covenants with his children (Enos 1:6, 16-17; 3 Ne. 16:11; 21:4). He warns them when they are in danger (2 Ne. 1:3; 5:5; Mosiah 23:1),
forgives them when they repent (Enos 1:5; Mosiah 26:22; 3 Ne.13:14-15), consoles and supports them when they experience trials (2 Ne. 8:12; Jacob 3:1; Alma
17:10; 36:3), and is willing to assist them when they ask for help (2 Ne. 4:35; 3 Ne. 14:7-11). In all things he is perfect in his response with his children and thus he is a
perfect model to emulate (3 Ne. 12:48).

Book of Mormon fathers and mothers were exemplary as parents in teaching their children gospel principles. President Ezra Taft Benson observed that Book of
Mormon parents taught their children the plan of salvation. He stated that the "overarching message" of righteous Book of Mormon fathers was "`the great plan of the
Eternal God'-the Fall, rebirth, Atonement, Resurrection, Judgment, [and] eternal life" (36). As Alma 2 rehearsed the plan of salvation to his wayward son Corianton, he
reminded him that his ministry was to teach the great plan, or "glad tidings," to the people that they might "prepare the minds of their children to hear the word at the
time of his coming" (Alma 39:16).

The Book of Mormon record keepers often attributed their success to parents who taught them. Nephi 1 declared that "having been born of goodly parents, therefore I
was taught somewhat in all the learning of my father" (1 Ne. 1:1). Enos also declared that his father "taught [him] in his language, and also in the nurture and admonition
of the Lord-and blessed be the name of my God for it" (Enos 1:1). Alma the Younger was saved from despairing over his sins when he "remembered also to have
heard [his] father prophesy unto the people concerning the coming of one Jesus Christ, a Son of God, to atone for the sins of the world" (Alma 36:17).

The importance of mothers teaching their children is also illustrated in the Book of Mormon. As Helaman 2 related to Moroni 1 the bravery of the young warriors he
called his sons, he stated: "Now they never had fought, yet they did not fear death; and they did think more upon the liberty of their fathers than they did upon their
lives; yea, they had been taught by their mothers, that if they did not doubt, God would deliver them. And they rehearsed unto me the words of their mothers, saying:
We do not doubt our mothers knew it" (Alma 56:47-48). These young men attributed the faith that preserved them in battle to the righteous teachings of their mothers.
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Parental lessons can also be gleaned from the emphasis given to teaching children gospel doctrine. King Benjamin taught his sons the "language of his fathers" that they
might understand the "prophecies which had been spoken by the mouths of their fathers" (Mosiah 1:2). In an effort to penetrate the rationalizations of his sinful son
Corianton, Alma 2 taught him important gospel doctrines concerning the afterlife, including the resurrection, the Judgment, and the relationship between justice and
The importance of mothers teaching their children is also illustrated in the Book of Mormon. As Helaman 2 related to Moroni 1 the bravery of the young warriors he
called his sons, he stated: "Now they never had fought, yet they did not fear death; and they did think more upon the liberty of their fathers than they did upon their
lives; yea, they had been taught by their mothers, that if they did not doubt, God would deliver them. And they rehearsed unto me the words of their mothers, saying:
We do not doubt our mothers knew it" (Alma 56:47-48). These young men attributed the faith that preserved them in battle to the righteous teachings of their mothers.

Parental lessons can also be gleaned from the emphasis given to teaching children gospel doctrine. King Benjamin taught his sons the "language of his fathers" that they
might understand the "prophecies which had been spoken by the mouths of their fathers" (Mosiah 1:2). In an effort to penetrate the rationalizations of his sinful son
Corianton, Alma 2 taught him important gospel doctrines concerning the afterlife, including the resurrection, the Judgment, and the relationship between justice and
mercy (Alma 40-42). Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 , just prior to their challenging mission to Nephite apostates and Lamanites, remembered important doctrinal teachings that
their father Helaman 3 quoted from king Benjamin and Amulek (Hel. 5:9-19).

In his address at the temple in Zarahemla, king Benjamin taught Nephite parents concerning the true source of strength and motivation to accomplish their parental
duties. He enumerated the attitudes and actions that characterize those who have tasted the love of God and who have received a remission of their sins (Mosiah 4:11-
13). Parents thus empowered would "not suffer [their] children that they go hungry, or naked; neither [would they] suffer that they transgress the laws of God, and fight
and quarrel one with another, and serve the devil. . . . But [they would] teach them to walk in the ways of truth and soberness; [they would] teach them to love one
another, and to serve one another" (Mosiah 4:14-15).

Although some in the Book of Mormon were prompted to faithfulness because of parental teachings, others were led to apostasy and wickedness because of the
"traditions of their fathers," which were "incorrect" (Mosiah 1:5; Alma 3:8; 9:16; 17:15). The teaching of Laman-ite traditions by Lamanite parents instilled in their
children a desire to destroy the Nephites, their records, and their traditions (Enos 1:14, 20; Mosiah 10:12-17). Thus the influence of parents, whether righteous or
wicked, can have an enduring influence upon their posterity.

See also Stripling warriors.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. "Worthy Fathers, Worthy Sons." Ensign 15 (November 1985): 35- 37.

Dorius, Guy L.

Parents goodly

See Goodly parents.

Past feeling

Expression used by Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 17:45), Mormon (Moro. 9:20), and Paul (Eph. 4:19) to describe an individual's inability to perceive spiritual things as a result of
personal unrighteousness. The ability to recognize spiritual impressions that come to one's mind and heart through the Holy Ghost depends on righteous living and
adherence to God's laws. When Nephi used this expression to describe his rebellious brothers he added, "Ye could not feel [the angel's] words" (1 Ne. 17:45).
Reference was made not to their ability to hear the message with their ears but to feel it in their hearts. Elder Boyd K. Packer stated, "I have come to know that
inspiration comes more as a feeling than as a sound" (20). Paul wrote to the Corinthians that the "natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God: for they are
foolishness unto him: neither can he know them, because they are spiritually discerned" (1 Cor. 2:11-14). The light of Christ that proceeds forth from the presence of
God to fill the immensity of space enlightens people's minds and quickens their understanding (D&C 88:11-13). This light forsakes the adversary and is diminished
through disobedience (D&C 93:37, 39). Through righteous living, a person gains more and more spiritual light. Through unrighteousness, light progressively decreases
until a person is past the ability to feel or perceive it (Alma 12:9-11; D&C 50:24; 88:67; JST Matt. 13:10-11; Smith, 94-95).

See also Revelation.

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd K. "Prayers and Answers." Ensign 9 (November 1979): 19- 21.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Parker, Todd Brian

Patience

Calm endurance; bearing such things as provocation, annoyance, misfortune, pain, or delay without complaint. Patience is an attribute of God (Mosiah 4:6; Alma 9:26)
as well as an attribute of one who has yielded "to the enticings of the Holy Spirit," has put off the "natural man," and has become a "saint through the atonement of
Christ" (Mosiah 3:19; Alma 13:28).

Many noteworthy examples of patience are found in the Book of Mormon, including Alma 1 and his followers, who did "submit cheerfully and with patience to all the
will of the Lord" even when in bondage to the Lamanites (Mosiah 24:15); the Nephite Saints, who at the time of Nehor "bore with patience the persecution which was
heaped upon them" (Alma 1:25); and the brethren of Ammon 2 , who as missionaries patiently endured being bound naked in a Lamanite prison, suffering "hunger,
thirst, and all kinds of afflictions" (Alma 20:29). The foremost example of this godly attribute is Jesus Christ, whom Alma 2 described as being "full of patience" (Alma
9:26).

God wants his children to develop and demonstrate patience. Thus, Alma 2 entreated the people to be "full of patience" (Alma 7:23). Amulek exhorted the people to
patience and warned that lacking it leads to sin (Alma 34:40-41). Alma, recognizing that God can bless a person with patience, pled with the Lord to give him this
virtue (Alma 31:31). Later Alma praised his son Shiblon for his patience among the Zoramites 2 and acknowledged that he, Shiblon, was able to endure adversity
patiently "because the Lord was with" him (Alma 38:3-4).

The Lord tries the patience of his children and rewards those who exercise it (Mosiah 23:21). He lightened the burdens of the people of Alma 1 while they were in
bondage to the Lamanites, and because of their faith and patience he eventually delivered them from that bondage (Mosiah 24:15-16). The Lord admonished Ammon
2 and the other sons of Mosiah 2 to be patient in long- suffering and afflictions as missionaries among the Lamanites, in order that they "show forth good examples."
Then, the Lord pronounced, "I will make an instrument of thee in my hands unto the salvation of many souls" (Alma 17:11). Later Ammon 2 testified that their patience
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
did indeed contribute to their great success (Alma 26:27-31). Alma 2 identified patience as a key element in acquiring spiritual truths through faith Page              798 /(Alma
                                                                                                                                                                on the "word" 919
32:22-42). He taught, "Because of your diligence and your faith and your patience with the word in nourishing it, that it may take root in you, behold, by and by ye shall
pluck the fruit thereof, which is most precious, . . . and ye shall feast upon this fruit even until you are filled, that ye hunger not, neither shall ye thirst" (Alma 32:42).
The Lord tries the patience of his children and rewards those who exercise it (Mosiah 23:21). He lightened the burdens of the people of Alma 1 while they were in
bondage to the Lamanites, and because of their faith and patience he eventually delivered them from that bondage (Mosiah 24:15-16). The Lord admonished Ammon
2 and the other sons of Mosiah 2 to be patient in long- suffering and afflictions as missionaries among the Lamanites, in order that they "show forth good examples."
Then, the Lord pronounced, "I will make an instrument of thee in my hands unto the salvation of many souls" (Alma 17:11). Later Ammon 2 testified that their patience
did indeed contribute to their great success (Alma 26:27-31). Alma 2 identified patience as a key element in acquiring spiritual truths through faith on the "word" (Alma
32:22-42). He taught, "Because of your diligence and your faith and your patience with the word in nourishing it, that it may take root in you, behold, by and by ye shall
pluck the fruit thereof, which is most precious, . . . and ye shall feast upon this fruit even until you are filled, that ye hunger not, neither shall ye thirst" (Alma 32:42).

Mouritsen, Maren M.

Peace

The Book of Mormon teaches about two types of peace: civil and spiritual. Civil peace, the absence of physical and social conflict, was sought after and prized by the
righteous in the Book of Mormon. Kings established it (Mosiah 29:14), and at times armies enforced it (Alma 3:23-24). Throughout the Book of Mormon martial force
was legitimately invoked for the preservation of civil peace (e.g., Alma 43:45-47; 44:1-7; 48:21-25).

Nephi 1 prophesied that the Nephites would enjoy three generations of peace after the Savior's advent (2 Ne. 26:9; cf. 1 Ne. 12:11-12). This peace was both civil and
spiritual. Indeed, the Nephite society flourished in righteousness: "There were no contentions and disputations among them, and . . . [there was] peace in the land" (4
Ne. 1:2, 4, 15). As "prosperity in Christ" led to material prosperity, pride led to apostasy, which eventually resulted in the total destruction of an entire people (4 Ne.;
Morm. 6).

The Book of Mormon illustrates repeatedly, however, that even when civil peace does not exist, the righteous may find peace within themselves (e.g., 1 Ne. 20:18 //
Isa. 48:18). This spiritual peace is a "peace of conscience" granted by the Spirit to the faithful, through the application of the atonement of Jesus Christ (Mosiah 4:1-3).
Alma 2 taught that the "peace of God" is bestowed "according to [one's] faith and good works" (Alma 7:27; cf. D&C 19:23).

Peace is the correlative of "life eternal" (1 Ne. 14:7), and the antitheses of hardness of heart and blindness of mind: "There is no peace, saith the Lord, unto the
wicked" (1 Ne. 20:22 // Isa. 48:22).

Jesus is the "founder" of "the peace of God, which passeth all understanding" (Philip. 4:7). Because of his atonement, people can be redeemed from sin and death
(Mosiah 15:17-19) and "partake of the goodness of God, that they might enter into his rest" (Jacob 1:7; cf. Alma 40:12). Hence, "how beautiful upon the mountains are
the feet of him that bringeth good tidings; that publisheth peace" (Mosiah 12:21; 15:14-18).

For the penitent, peace is the fruit of the mercy of the Prince of Peace, as Alma testified: "Never, until I did cry out unto the Lord Jesus Christ for mercy, did I receive a
remission of my sins. But behold, I did cry unto him and I did find peace to my soul" (Alma 38:8).

Joseph 1 prophesied that in the latter days the Book of Mormon and the Bible would "grow together" and help to establish peace among his descendants (2 Ne. 3:12).

Concerning those who seek to establish peace, both civil and spiritual, Jesus proclaimed in his sermon at the temple in Bountiful, "Blessed are all the peacemakers, for
they shall be called the children of God" (3 Ne. 12:9).

Griffin, Carl Wayne

Pearl of Great Price what it says about the Book of Mormon

The Pearl of Great Price gives an account of how Joseph Smith received the gold plates from the angel Moroni (JS-H 1:29-59) as well as a description of two
important events that occurred as the Book of Mormon was being translated. These include Martin Harris's encounter with Professor Charles Anthon (JS-H 1:63-65)
in fulfillment of the prophecy of Isaiah (Isa. 29:11; cf. 2 Ne. 27:15-17), and the restoration of the Aaronic Priesthood by John the Baptist (JS-H 1:68-72). Other
insights about the Book of Mormon from the pages of the Pearl of Great Price include Moroni's testimony to Joseph Smith that the gold plates contained the fulness of
the gospel of Jesus Christ, as well as an account of the former inhabitants of the American continent and "the source from whence they sprang" (JS-H 1:34); the Lord's
promise to Enoch that in the last days "truth will I send forth out of the earth, to bear testimony of mine Only Begotten" (Moses 7:62), a clear reference to the Book of
Mormon and its important role as another testament of Jesus Christ; and the eighth Article of Faith which explicitly states that the Church accepts the Book of Mormon
as the word of God (A of F 8).

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Anthon transcript; Book of Mormon, and Article of Faith 8; Moroni 2 , visits of, to Joseph Smith.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Penitent

See Appendix C.

People voice of

See Voice of the people.

Peradventure

See Appendix C.

Perdition son of

See Son of perdition.

Perfection

A state of consummate excellence, being all- powerful, all- knowing, possessing every virtue, lacking nothing. God the Father and Jesus Christ are perfect, and all
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mankind   are(c) 2005-2009,
               enjoined        Infobase
                         to become        Media
                                     perfect      Corp.
                                             as they are (3 Ne. 12:48; cf. 27:27). Achieving such perfection during mortality, however, is not possible.Page  Joseph799
                                                                                                                                                                      Smith/ 919
encouraged his hearers to "go on to perfection," explaining: "When you climb up a ladder, you must begin at the bottom, and ascend step by step, until you arrive at the
top; and so it is with the principles of the Gospel-you must begin with the first, and go on until you learn all the principles of exaltation. But it will be a great while after
you have passed through the veil before you will have learned them. It is not all to be comprehended in this world; it will be a great work to learn our salvation and
Perfection

A state of consummate excellence, being all- powerful, all- knowing, possessing every virtue, lacking nothing. God the Father and Jesus Christ are perfect, and all
mankind are enjoined to become perfect as they are (3 Ne. 12:48; cf. 27:27). Achieving such perfection during mortality, however, is not possible. Joseph Smith
encouraged his hearers to "go on to perfection," explaining: "When you climb up a ladder, you must begin at the bottom, and ascend step by step, until you arrive at the
top; and so it is with the principles of the Gospel-you must begin with the first, and go on until you learn all the principles of exaltation. But it will be a great while after
you have passed through the veil before you will have learned them. It is not all to be comprehended in this world; it will be a great work to learn our salvation and
exaltation even beyond the grave" (364, 348).

Although ultimate perfection is not possible in mortality, mankind may enjoy elements of perfection on earth through the grace of Christ and by the power of the Holy
Ghost . Moroni 2 exhorted all to "come unto Christ, and be perfected in him, and deny yourselves of all ungodliness; and if ye shall deny yourselves of all ungodliness,
and love God with all your might, mind and strength, then is his grace sufficient for you, that by his grace ye may be perfect in Christ . . . then are ye sanctified in Christ
by the grace of God, through the shedding of the blood of Christ, which is in the covenant of the Father unto the remission of your sins, that ye become holy, without
spot" (Moro. 10:32-33). Though lacking complete knowledge, understanding, power, and other elements of perfection, such covenant people are perfectly justified,
perfectly cleansed from their sins. Similarly, Book of Mormon prophets speak of men having "perfect faith" (2 Ne. 9:23), "a perfect brightness of hope" (2 Ne. 31:20),
"perfect knowledge" of certain principles (Jacob 4:12; Alma 32:26-35; Ether 3:20; Moro. 7:15-17), "perfect understanding" (Alma 48:11), and "perfect love" (Moro.
8:16-17, 26), all of which are made possible through the atonement of Christ and the power of the Com-forter, the Holy Ghost (Jacob 4:8, 13; Moro. 8:26). Attaining
Godlike perfection is thus a long- term, step- by- step process with rewards along the way. Joseph Smith explained that "God has created man with a mind capable of
instruction, and a faculty which may be enlarged in proportion to the heed and diligence given to the light communicated from heaven to the intellect; and that the nearer
man approaches perfection, the clearer are his views, and the greater his enjoyments, till he has overcome the evils of his life and lost every desire for sin. . . . But we
consider that this is a station to which no man ever arrived in a moment" (51).

See also Merits of Christ.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Performances and ordinances

Command-ments given under the law of Moses to help the children of Israel come to Christ. Nephi 1 , Abinadi, and Alma 2 reminded the Nephites that observance of
these "performances and ordinances" pointed them toward the coming of the Messiah but would be fulfilled after his coming (2 Ne. 25:30; Mosiah 13:30; Alma 25:15).
From this one can deduce that the performances and ordinances were that part of the law of Moses referred to in Hebrews 7:16 as "carnal command-ment[s] ,"
perhaps referring to the sacrifices , rituals of purification, or festivals that were a part of the law of Moses fulfilled in Christ. Lehi 1 and his descendants lived the gospel,
following the law of Moses until the coming of Christ (2 Ne. 25:23-24; Jacob 4:5; Mosiah 13:27-28). While the phrase does not occur in the KJV, it is probably the
equivalent of such biblical phrases as "a statute and an ordinance" (Ex. 15:25), "ordinances and laws" (Ex. 18:20), "statutes and . . . judgments" (Lev. 18:26; 2 Ne.
5:10). Korihor ridiculed these commandments, calling them "foolish" (Alma 30:23), and Mormon noted after the coming of Christ the people no longer followed them
(4 Ne. 1:12).

Seely, David Rolph

Persecute persecution

To oppress, harass, or ill- treat another because of his or her beliefs, social status, or religious practices. Alma 2 and his followers, for example, were persecuted "with
all manner of words" because of their "humility . . . and because they did impart the word of God . . . without money" (Alma 1:20). The Book of Mormon describes
various sources of persecution that led to division and strife: prideful individuals who taught false doctrine (Alma 1:16, 19; Jacob 7:2-3; cf. 2 Ne. 28:3-4, 13-14),
unbelievers (1 Ne. 16:37-38; 17:18; Mosiah 27:1; 3 Ne. 1:5-9), and apostate dissenters who left the Church (Hel. 4:1). But the chief cause of persecution was pride ,
engendered by riches (3 Ne. 6:10, 12-13; Hel. 3:34-36; Jacob 2:13). Those who were rich as to things of the world, who were puffed up in the pride of their hearts,
despised the poor and persecuted the meek supposing they were better (2 Ne. 9:30; Jacob 2:13, 20; Alma 5:53-54; 32:2-3; cf. 2 Ne. 28:13; Alma 4:8; Morm. 8:36).

The main target of persecutors were members of the Church of God (Mosiah 26:38; Alma 1:19; 4 Ne. 1:29). Alma the Elder and his followers were persecuted by
Amulon, even to the point of Amulon's causing "that his children should persecute [Alma's] children" (Mosiah 24:8-9). Likewise, after his conversion Alma the Younger
preached the word of God despite much tribulation, "being greatly persecuted by those who were unbelievers, being smitten by many of them" (Mosiah 27:32).

In an effort to stop persecution of believers in his day, king Mosiah 2 sent a proclamation throughout the land that unbelievers should not persecute any who belonged
to the church of God (Mosiah 27:3), a measure that evidently had little effect, at least in regard to the newly converted Alma 2 and the four sons of king Mosiah
(Mosiah 27:32). There was also "a strict law among the people of the church" not to persecute one another or those who did not belong to the Church (Alma 1:21).
When the righteous ruled, laws prohibited persecution and required tolerance for believers in Christ (Mosiah 27:2-3; Alma 30:7). When the wicked ruled, believers
were persecuted (Alma 14:6-9; 3 Ne. 1:5-9). Occasionally, this persecution led to armed conflict (Alma 2:1-4, 10-12).

The Saints, "steadfast and immovable in keeping the commandments of God," bore with patience the persecution heaped upon them (Alma 1:25). Only the humble and
penitent before God would not revile at the persecution they received (3 Ne. 6:13). Saints were commanded to pray for those who persecuted them (3 Ne. 12:44).
Persecution caused some church members to suffer greatly (Mosiah 24:10), and others were led by persecuting unbelievers to commit sin (Mosiah 27:1, 8-9).

The righteous who "hearken unto the words of the prophets . . . notwithstanding all per-secution" will not perish (2 Ne. 26:8). Those persecuted for the Savior's name's
sake will inherit the "kingdom of heaven" and "great shall be [their] reward in heaven; for so persecuted they the prophets" (3 Ne. 12:10-12).

Marsh, W. Jeffrey

Persons respecter of

See Respecter of persons.

Pharaoh
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The supreme and absolute ruler of ancient Egypt. The destruction of Pharaoh's armies in the Red Sea , an example of God's strength and power to deliver his people,
was recalled twice by Nephi 1 to motivate his family to trust in God (1 Ne. 4:2; 17:27; Ex. 14:26-30).
See Respecter of persons.

Pharaoh

The supreme and absolute ruler of ancient Egypt. The destruction of Pharaoh's armies in the Red Sea , an example of God's strength and power to deliver his people,
was recalled twice by Nephi 1 to motivate his family to trust in God (1 Ne. 4:2; 17:27; Ex. 14:26-30).

Pickets

See Appendix C.

Pillar of fire

The Lord has often used a pillar of fire to symbolize his glory and power, such as with the children of Israel in the wilderness (Ex. 13:21-22), the call of Lehi 1 (1 Ne.
1:6-8), and the ministry of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 , sons of Helaman 3 (Hel. 5:24, 43-44). These occurrences attest to the outpouring of the Spirit and power of the
Almighty.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Pit the

A state of suffering, ignorance, or bondage brought about by the wickedness of men and devils. Nephi 1 wrote of a "great pit" of false religion designed to produce the
spiritual destruction of mankind (1 Ne. 14:3; 22:14). He prophesied that in the latter days many who justified themselves in "a little sin" would say, "Dig a pit for thy
neighbor; there is no harm in this" (2 Ne. 28:8). Joseph Smith prayed that "he who diggeth a pit" for the Lord's people "shall fall into the same himself" (D&C 109:25).
Isaiah employed the term to characterize the physical and spiritual bondage from which scattered Israel would be delivered in latter days (2 Ne. 8:14; cf. D&C 113:7-
10) and described Lucifer's eventual exile in hell as being "to the sides of the pit" (2 Ne. 24:15).

Turner, Rodney

Plain and precious things loss of and restoration of

Nephi 1 learned in vision that at one time the scriptural records that would eventually become the Bible "contained the fulness of the gospel of the Lord" and went forth
"from the Jews in purity unto the Gentiles." He saw, further, "the formation of [a] great and abominable church, which is most abominable above all other churches; for
behold, they have taken away from the gospel of the Lamb many parts which are plain and most precious; and also many covenants of the Lord have they taken
away" (1 Ne. 13:24-26). These excisions from the gospel of Jesus Christ were intentional and purposeful. The angel who appeared to Nephi explained, "All this have
they done that they might pervert the right ways of the Lord, that they might blind the eyes and harden the hearts of the children of men" (1 Ne. 13:27). This extraction
of gospel truth extended to the scriptural records. Nephi saw that "after the book [had] gone forth through the hands of the great and abominable church . . . there
[were] many plain and precious things taken away from the book" (1 Ne. 13:28).

The book that the angel described to Nephi is clearly the Bible, including the Old and New Testaments. The angel described it as a book that "proceeded forth from
the mouth of a Jew" (1 Ne. 13:24), consisting of "a record of the Jews, which contains the covenants of the Lord" and "many of the prophecies of the holy prophets . . .
like unto the engravings which are upon the plates of brass" (1 Ne. 13:23). In addition, "when it proceeded forth from the mouth of a Jew . . . [it] contained the fulness
of the gospel of the Lord, of whom the twelve apostles bear record" (1 Ne. 13:24). References to "the book" Nephi was shown are to both the Bible, with which
modern readers are familiar (1 Ne. 13:20, 29, 38), and to the early scriptural records from which the Bible would be compiled (1 Ne. 13:24-28). The book (biblical
source records) would suffer omissions at the hand of the great and abominable church "after they go forth by the hand of the twelve apostles of the Lamb" (first and
second century), and the resulting book (the Bible that Nephi saw centuries later among the Gentiles) would reflect those omissions.

In the light of the Restoration and with the help of modern biblical scholarship, it is possible to observe, describe, and discuss three different ways in which biblical
truths were lost as described in the Book of Mormon: (1) the removal of texts or portions of texts from biblical records, (2) the corruption of texts through translation
and transmission, and (3) the corruption of the meaning of biblical texts through faulty interpretation.

Plain and precious texts or portions of texts removed

It seems evident that the great and abominable church did its work in extracting precious truths from the scriptural records early in the New Testament era after the
coming of Christ. For it was after gospel truth went forth "by the hand of the twelve apostles" that Nephi saw the "formation of [the] great and abominable church" (1
Ne. 13:26; cf. 13:39-41), and it was before the scriptural records went "forth unto all the nations of the Gentiles" that the mishandling occurred (1 Ne. 13:29).

One evidence of plain and precious truth being taken from scripture is documented in the writings of Justin Martyr, an early Church apologist who lived during this
critical time in early Christian history (ca. a.d. 100-165). In his work, Dialogue with Trypho, Justin cited a document that he maintained had been deleted from the book
of Jeremiah but was still to be found in some synagogue copies of the text: "The Lord God remembered His dead people of Israel who lay in the graves; and He
descended to preach to them His own salvation" (-Ante- Nicene Fathers, 1:235). Thus, evidence suggests that the doctrine of salvation for the dead was known and
understood by the ancient Christian communities.

To what extent plain and precious things were taken from Old Testament records during this New Testament time is unclear. It is clear, however, from the Restoration
as well as biblical scholarship that much has been lost from the writings from the Old Testament period. For example, the Joseph Smith Translation of the early chapters
of Genesis (what is now the book of Moses in the Pearl of Great Price) shows that much has been lost from Genesis as originally recorded by Moses. The Lord
anciently informed Moses about such deletions but assured him that these sacred truths would be restored: "And in a day when the children of men shall esteem my
words as naught and take many of them from the book which thou shalt write, behold, I will raise up another like unto thee; and they shall be had again among the
children of men-among as many as shall believe" (Moses 1:41). These particular deletions must have happened anciently, because the oldest manuscripts of the Bible
do not reflect the doctrinal content of the present book of Moses. Likewise, the book of Abraham restores much important infor-mation about the life of Abraham and
the Abrahamic covenant (Abr. 1-2). Additionally, the Book of Mormon provides the names and writings of prophets from the Old Testament period-Zenos, Zenock,
Neum, and Ezias-that were part of the brass plates but not of the Old Testament (1 Ne. 19:10; Hel. 8:19-20), and the Bible includes lists of books from this period that
are no longer extant (Num. 21:14; Josh. 10:13; 1 Kgs. 11:41; 1 Chr. 29:29; 2 Chr. 20:34; 2 Chr. 33:19). That important matters had indeed been taken from scripture
before the time of Jesus is indicated by the Savior's chastisement of Jewish leaders: "Woe unto you, lawyers! For ye have taken away the key of knowledge, the fulness
of the scriptures; ye enter not in yourselves into the kingdom; and those who were entering in, ye hindered" (JST Luke 11:53). Again, it is not clear when these plain
and precious parts were lost or even if they were once part of the particular biblical records that Nephi saw going "forth from the Jews in purity unto the Gentiles" (1
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Concerning the New Testament, it is impossible to know what entire books are missing, but the New Testament does mention that Paul wrote an epistle to the
Corinthians that is unavailable (1 Cor. 5:9), as well as one to the Laodiceans (Col. 4:16). One example of apparent tampering with a portion of a New Testament text
are no longer extant (Num. 21:14; Josh. 10:13; 1 Kgs. 11:41; 1 Chr. 29:29; 2 Chr. 20:34; 2 Chr. 33:19). That important matters had indeed been taken from scripture
before the time of Jesus is indicated by the Savior's chastisement of Jewish leaders: "Woe unto you, lawyers! For ye have taken away the key of knowledge, the fulness
of the scriptures; ye enter not in yourselves into the kingdom; and those who were entering in, ye hindered" (JST Luke 11:53). Again, it is not clear when these plain
and precious parts were lost or even if they were once part of the particular biblical records that Nephi saw going "forth from the Jews in purity unto the Gentiles" (1
Ne. 13:25). Nevertheless, there is evidence that Old Testament period records have suffered in the loss of plain and precious truths.

Concerning the New Testament, it is impossible to know what entire books are missing, but the New Testament does mention that Paul wrote an epistle to the
Corinthians that is unavailable (1 Cor. 5:9), as well as one to the Laodiceans (Col. 4:16). One example of apparent tampering with a portion of a New Testament text
concerns Luke 22:43-44 wherein Luke wrote of Jesus' agony in Gethsemane: "And there appeared an angel unto him from heaven, strengthening him. And being in an
agony he prayed more earnestly: and his sweat was as it were great drops of blood falling down to the ground." The earliest manuscripts now available of the gospel of
Luke contain these two verses, but some later manuscripts omit them. Because of the later omissions some translations exclude the two verses (e.g., RSV), but they
note that other translations include them; others include the verses, but they note that some ancient manu-scripts omit them. While it is unclear why or how the two
questioned verses were omitted from Luke's Gospel in some manuscripts, it is clear that there were divergent beliefs about the nature of Christ and that some early
Christian groups such as the Docetists (ca. a.d. 70-?) and the Marcionites (ca. 150-?) opposed the concept of a mortal Messiah sweating blood, instead believing that
Christ only appeared to be human. Many scholars have argued that these verses were either added to, or excised from, the gospel of Luke in efforts to support or
discredit a particular theological bias (Ehrman and Plunkett).

In the Book of Mormon, king Benjamin, an earlier source than Luke, speaking the prophetic words he had received from an angel, confirmed in his address to his
people that as part of Jesus' infinite atonement for the sins of all people the Savior would bleed from every pore (Mosiah 3:7; cf. D&C 19:16-19; Isa. 63:1-3; ca. 124
b.c. ). King Benjamin's statement provides another witness of the historicity of the event and its sacred meaning.

Corruption of the Bible through translation and transmission

The removal of precious truths took place in the process of the translation of the biblical text, as well as through the process of transmission. Joseph Smith wrote to
John Wentworth, "We believe the Bible to be the word of God as far as it is translated correctly" (A of F 8). He further explained, "From sundry revelations which had
been received, it was apparent that many important points touching the salvation of men, had been taken from the Bible, or lost before it was compiled" (Smith, 9-10).

To be sure, translation, or the transition from one language to another, is a potentially serious barrier to the communication of sacred truths. In the words of Elder Bruce
R. McConkie, as the words of scripture "fell from seeric lips and flowed from prophetic pens," they made known the mind and will of God. "Since then there have been
additions and deletions, editorial and other changes, and translations into tongues that oftentimes have no equivalent words or phrases to convey the original and precise
meaning" of the Spirit- breathed word. He went on to explain that "aside from the sorry state of the text due to scholastic incompetence, there was a far more serious
problem, namely, the theological bias of the translators. This caused them to change the meaning or paraphrase texts that were either unclear or embarrassing to
them" ( New Witness, 401, 403). Thus the understanding of doctrines was influenced by the process of translation.

Elder Orson Pratt observed that many of the differences between New Testament manuscripts "are of no particular consequence, as they do not materially alter the
sense. But there are many thousands of differences wherein the sense is entirely altered. How are translators to know which of the manuscripts, if any, contain the true
sense? They have no original copies with which to compare them-no standard of correction. No one can tell whether even one verse of either the Old or New
Testament conveys the ideas of the original author" (7:28). The Prophet Joseph thus declared, "I believe the bible, as it ought to be, as it came from the pen of the
original writers" (Ehat and Cook, 256). That the prophet should be "appointed" by God (D&C 42:56; 76:15) and called to undertake a "new translation" of the Bible
implies of itself that the message of the Bible, though essentially true, needed clarification, correction, and supplementation at the hands of an inspired translator. Indeed,
the early Latter- day Saints exulted in the fact that the Bible was "undergoing the purifying touch by a revelation of Jesus Christ" ( Messenger and Advocate, 2:229).

It appears that from the angel's perspective, however, far more critical than translation was transmission, the movement of the texts through the hands of people. Most
biblical scholars acknowledge that scribal errors inevitably took place in the transmission of the Bible and even that thousands of errors were introduced purposefully by
scribes adding to or taking from the manuscripts (see, e.g., Metzger, 280-81). But because the Bible is all that many in the Christian world have, because it is the only
sacred scripture in their possession, they feel the need to make statements like the following from J. Harold Greenlee: "We must trust that the same Holy Spirit who
inspired the original text was able to protect it through the centuries of handwritten copying." Greenlee acknowledged that although the secular Greek classics, for
example, were generally copied by professional scribes "and checked against accepted copies or originals by professional proofreaders," the New Testament texts
were probably copied "mostly by ordinary Christians who were not professional scribes but who wanted a copy of a New Testament book or books for themselves or
for other Christians." These did not have "the same opportunity as the secular copyists to compare their manuscripts with other manuscripts." Greenlee observed that
"as scribes copied these copies, and other scribes copied their copies, they continued to make changes through the centuries. Most of these changes were insignificant;
those that were of importance . . . were introduced during the first two centuries after the New Testament was written. . . . The textual variants that concern us, of
course, are those that affect the meaning of the New Testament in some way. There are a few thousand of these," he stated, and then he hastened to add, "but we
should be clear on the fact that they affect only a small portion of the New Testament text" (35-38).

One New Testament scholar, Bart Ehrman, has suggested that the theological debates during the first few centuries of the Christian church impacted the biblical texts in
a major way: "The New Testament manuscripts were not produced impersonally by machines capable of flawless reproduction. They were copied by hand, by living,
breathing human beings who were deeply rooted in the conditions and controversies of their day. Did the scribes' polemical contexts influence the way they transcribed
their sacred Scriptures?" He contended that "they did, that theological disputes, specifically disputes over Christology, prompted Christian scribes to alter the words of
Scripture in order to make them more serviceable for the polemical task. Scribes modified their manuscripts to make them more patently `orthodox' and less
susceptible to `abuse' by the opponents of orthodoxy" (Ehrman, 3-4).

The loss or corruption of meaning through faulty interpretation

The third way in which plain and precious things were lost was through a tampering with meaning or interpretation. This usually results when things are taken from the
gospel, thus making what were once simple doctrines appear uncertain or unclear. For example, in the first few centuries of the Christian era there grew up, especially
among Hellenized Christians, what came to be known as the allegorical interpretation of scripture. Many who subscribed to this approach began to discount the literal
meaning of scripture or actual historical events and to stress instead a "deeper" or symbolic interpretation of the events. As a result many concluded that any scriptural
references to God having body, parts, and passions, or to God revealing himself to man were not to be taken literally. Fundamental truths were reduced to metaphor,
and sacred words no longer meant what they said. What does it mean, for example, to state that Jesus Christ was the "only begotten" of the Father? What does it mean
to say that God is the Father of man's spirit? Was the bodily resurrection of Jesus an actual historical event? Did it truly take place, or does it in reality symbolize
mankind's rise to higher and purer understanding? In the process, something very important, plain and most precious, was lost-namely, the nature of the Being to be
worshipped and how he may be approached.

A day of restoration

How, then, is it possible to know what was taken away or kept back? In general, the depth and breadth of the Restoration bear witness of the depth and breadth of the
Apostasy.
 CopyrightThe(c) Lord told Nephi,
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which shall be plain and precious" (1 Ne. 13:34). And because the angel explained that "when [the Bible] proceeded forth from the mouth of a Jew it contained the
fulness of the gospel of the Lord" (1 Ne. 13:24), it is possible to suggest what might have been taken away by comparing the gospel of the Restoration revealed by
modern prophets and latter- day scripture with prevailing Christian views.
A day of restoration

How, then, is it possible to know what was taken away or kept back? In general, the depth and breadth of the Restoration bear witness of the depth and breadth of the
Apostasy. The Lord told Nephi, "I will be merciful unto the Gentiles in that day, insomuch that I will bring forth unto them, in mine own power, much of my gospel,
which shall be plain and precious" (1 Ne. 13:34). And because the angel explained that "when [the Bible] proceeded forth from the mouth of a Jew it contained the
fulness of the gospel of the Lord" (1 Ne. 13:24), it is possible to suggest what might have been taken away by comparing the gospel of the Restoration revealed by
modern prophets and latter- day scripture with prevailing Christian views.

Examples of plain and precious truths that were lost through time-either through deletion from the biblical texts, faulty copying, deliberate alteration, or through incorrect
and uninspired interpretation-might include the following:

1. The nature of God the Father-that he is an exalted Man of Holiness, a corporeal being;

2. The truth that God the Father and Jesus Christ are two separate and distinct beings;

3. Christ's eternal gospel, the knowledge that Christian prophets have declared Christian doctrines and administered Christian ordinances since the days of Adam, and
that the ancient prophets in the Old Testament were acquainted with the plan of salvation and of the redemptive role of Jesus Christ;

4. The infinite and eternal nature of Christ's atonement;

5. The premortal existence of men and women;

6. The knowledge that all men and women are literally the children of God, spirit sons and daughters of the same Eternal Father;

7. The truth that men and women have within them the capacity, through the transforming powers of Jesus Christ and by the proper exercise of their moral agency, to
become even as God is;

8. The truth that God has a plan, a great plan of happiness, a system of salvation in place whereby his children may advance and progress in light and truth;

9. The postmortal spirit world;

10. The kingdoms of glory hereafter;

11. The necessity of priesthood authority and saving ordinances;

12. The importance of the Church of Jesus Christ, and so forth.

To be sure, many of these truths can be found in the Bible, but they are not amplified or explained there, and thus some of their meanings and doctrinal implications
remain unclear, especially without the aid of the light and knowledge that have come through the restoration of the gospel of Jesus Christ through the Prophet Joseph
Smith.

Another important consideration when discussing the loss of plain and precious truth is the insight from the Doctrine and Covenants that there are some truths that the
ancients never possessed but were reserved to be revealed in the last dispensation: The Lord promised that "things which never have been revealed from the foundation
of the world, but have been kept hid from the wise and prudent, shall be revealed unto babes and sucklings in this, the dispensation of the fulness of times" (D&C
128:18; cf. 121:26; 124:41).

Plain and precious gospel parts restored by the Book of Mormon

The visionary scene for Nephi was not, however, all bleak, for he also beheld a time of renewal, a time wherein many of the plain and precious truths that had been
taken away or kept back would be revealed anew. First of all, many of these truths would be restored through the Book of Mormon. The Lord explained, "I will
manifest myself unto thy seed, that they shall write many things which I shall minister unto them, which shall be plain and precious" (1 Ne. 13:35). Nephi saw that "other
books" would come forth by the power of the Lamb of God, "unto the convincing of the Gentiles and the remnant of the seed of my brethren, and also the Jews who
were scattered upon all the face of the earth, that the records of the prophets and of the twelve apostles of the Lamb are true." "These last records," Nephi added,
"shall establish the truth of the first," meaning the Bible. These "other books"-surely including the Book of Mormon itself, the Doctrine and Covenants, Pearl of Great
Price, Joseph Smith's translation of the Bible, and teachings of latter- day prophets-would "make known to all kindreds, tongues, and people, that the Lamb of God is
the Son of the Eternal Father, and the Savior of the world" (1 Ne. 13:39-40). In a future day, God will see fit to deliver to his people such scriptural records as the
brass plates (1 Ne. 5:17-19; Alma 37:4), the record of the ten tribes (2 Ne. 29:13), the sealed portion of the Book of Mormon containing the panoramic vision of the
brother of Jared (2 Ne. 27:10-11; Ether 4:7), and the remainder of the Book of Mormon, including many sacred truths delivered by the risen Lord to the Nephites (3
Ne. 26:6-12).

Consider, for example, what the Book of Mormon itself does to clarify, expand, and broaden the doctrinal base of understanding, in short, what it does to restore plain
and precious truths of the Lord. Of the hundreds of verities that might be brought forward as examples, the following are twelve central truths:

1. The gospel of Jesus Christ, including the doctrines of salvation, did not originate in the first century Christian church but rather were known from the beginning. Lehi 1
and Jacob 2 knew concerning the coming of the Messiah and his mortal ministry, suffering, death, atonement, and resurrection (1 Ne. 10:4-11; 2 Ne. 9:4).

2. The Lord God Omnipotent, the Lord Jehovah, the God of ancient Israel, would come to earth as Jesus of Nazareth, and that he would be scourged and crucified by
wicked men (1 Ne. 19:7-10).

3. Jesus Christ, though separate and distinct from God the Father, will serve in the role of both Father and Son (Mosiah 15:1-4).

4. The fall of Adam and Eve was as much a part of the foreordained plan of salvation as the atonement of Christ (2 Ne. 2:25). In addition, the Book of Mormon
teaches that had there been no fall, Adam and Eve would have remained in the Garden of Eden forever in their innocent, paradisiacal, childless, and nonprogressing
condition (2 Ne. 2:22-23).

5. Unless fallen men and women put off the natural man and put on Christ (Mosiah 3:19), they remain "without God in the world" and thus in "a state contrary to the
nature of happiness" (Alma 41:11). At the same time, men and women are not depraved creatures and therefore have the capacity, because of the Atonement, to
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6. The suffering of the Lord Jesus during the hours of Atonement caused blood to come from every pore (Mosiah 3:7; cf. Luke 22:44).
condition (2 Ne. 2:22-23).

5. Unless fallen men and women put off the natural man and put on Christ (Mosiah 3:19), they remain "without God in the world" and thus in "a state contrary to the
nature of happiness" (Alma 41:11). At the same time, men and women are not depraved creatures and therefore have the capacity, because of the Atonement, to
choose good or evil, captivity and death or liberty and eternal life (2 Ne. 2:27; 10:23; Hel. 14:30).

6. The suffering of the Lord Jesus during the hours of Atonement caused blood to come from every pore (Mosiah 3:7; cf. Luke 22:44).

7. The people of Israel are scattered whenever they reject the true Messiah and his gospel. They are gathered when they receive the Lord, his gospel, the "very points
of his doctrine," and come into his church. In addition, the Book of Mormon consistently affirms that the gathering process is first spiritual, to the Lord, and secondly
temporal, to the lands of their inheritance (1 Ne. 15:14; 10:14; 2 Ne. 6:8-11; 10:3-8).

8. The Lord has a plan for his chosen people, the house of Israel, and that his patience, love, and tender regard for them are endless and eternal (Jacob 5). Further, the
restoration of the gospel in the last days is in reality a restoration of the Abrahamic covenant and a significant part of the realization of God's promise to Abraham (1
Ne. 22:7-12).

9. All mortals lived before they came into mortality, and men are foreordained to receive the Holy Priesthood (2 Ne. 2:17-18; Alma 13).

10. One must have proper authority to officiate in the ordinances of the Church of Jesus Christ, and those ordinances are required for salvation (2 Ne. 31:5; Mosiah
18:13; Alma 5:3; 3 Ne. 27:19-20).

11. Jesus Christ visited his "other sheep" on the American continent and elsewhere after his resurrection from the dead (3 Ne. 15:16-24; 16:1-3; cf. John 10:14-16).

12. God is indeed the same yesterday, today, and forever, and he reveals himself through prophets to all nations, if they seek him earnestly (1 Ne. 10:17-19; 2 Ne.
29:1-14).

In a day when men and women have begun to doubt the historicity of scripture, to question what Jesus of Nazareth really said or did, the scriptures of the Restoration
stand as a second witness of the essential truthfulness of the Bible. Even with all that is known about the loss of plain and precious truths, "we cannot avoid the
conclusion," Elder McConkie stated, "that a divine providence is directing all things as they should be. This means that the Bible, as it now is, contains that portion of
the Lord's word" that the world is prepared to receive ( Doctrines, 280). President J. Reuben Clark testified that "not-withstanding the corruptions themselves, the
Good Old Book stands as a record of God's dealings with and commandments and promises to his children, in their days of righteousness and in their generations of
sin. It still, though corrupted, points out the way of righteousness to the man of faith seeking to serve God. It contains some of God's counsel to his children" (210).

Just as the angel told Nephi, "These last records [the `other books'], which thou hast seen among the Gentiles, shall establish the truth of the first [the Bible], which are
of the twelve apostles of the Lamb, and shall make known the plain and precious things which have been taken away from them; and shall make known to all kindreds,
tongues, and people, that the Lamb of God is the Son of the Eternal Father, and the Savior of the world; and that all men must come unto him, or they cannot be
saved" (1 Ne. 13:40).

See also Book of Mormon, what it says about the Bible.

Bibliography

The Ante- Nicene Fathers. Edited by the Rev. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1981.

Clark, J. Reuben. On the Way to Immortality and Eternal Life. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1961.

Ehat, Andrew F., and Lyndon W. Cook, eds. The Words of Joseph Smith. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1980.

Ehrman, Bart D. The Orthodox Corruption of Scripture. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Ehrman, Bart D., and Mark A. Plunkett. "The Angel and the Agony: The Textual Problem of Luke 22:43-44." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 45 ( 1983): 401- 16.

Greenlee, J. Harold. Scribes, Scrolls, and Scripture. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1985.

McConkie, Bruce R. Doctrines of the Restoration. Edited by Mark L. McConkie. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1989.

--- . A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Messenger and Advocate 2 (December 1835).

Metzger, Bruce M. The New Testament: Its Background, Growth, and Content. 2d ed. Nashville, Tenn.: Abing-don, 1983.

Pratt, Orson. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1851- 86.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Millet, Robert L.

Plainness

Unadulterated truth, purity, clarity, and simplicity; that which is free from complication, ornamentation, obstruction, or extraneous embellishment. The Book of Mormon
is full of plainness because many of the prophets (including Nephi 1 , Jacob 2 , Enos, and Alma 2 ) spoke or wrote in plainness. Nephi declared that he delighted in
plainness and felt the need to speak in plainness because the Lord does all things in plainness (2 Ne. 31:2-3; cf. 26:33). Jacob felt compelled to speak the truth
"according to the plainness of the word of God" (Jacob 2:11). Nephi also indicated that he spoke plainly so that his brethren could not err (2 Ne. 25:20). Likewise,
Enos said he wrote in plainness because there was nothing except plainness which would keep his people "from going down speedily to destruction" (Enos 1:23). King
Benjamin spoke plainly that his people might understand (Mosiah 2:40). Yet, Alma's experience in the wicked city of Ammonihah demonstrates that prophets
sometimes suffer at the hands of those they are called to serve for speaking the words of plainness (Alma 14:2-14).
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Plainness is also associated with the most basic, essential, and core doctrine of the gospel as taught in the Book of Mormon: Christ was sent by the Father to make an
atonement for all humankind (3 Ne. 27:13-14). Nephi related plainness and truth to Christ's redemption and gloried in all three (2 Ne. 33:5-6) because plainness and
"according to the plainness of the word of God" (Jacob 2:11). Nephi also indicated that he spoke plainly so that his brethren could not err (2 Ne. 25:20). Likewise,
Enos said he wrote in plainness because there was nothing except plainness which would keep his people "from going down speedily to destruction" (Enos 1:23). King
Benjamin spoke plainly that his people might understand (Mosiah 2:40). Yet, Alma's experience in the wicked city of Ammonihah demonstrates that prophets
sometimes suffer at the hands of those they are called to serve for speaking the words of plainness (Alma 14:2-14).

Plainness is also associated with the most basic, essential, and core doctrine of the gospel as taught in the Book of Mormon: Christ was sent by the Father to make an
atonement for all humankind (3 Ne. 27:13-14). Nephi related plainness and truth to Christ's redemption and gloried in all three (2 Ne. 33:5-6) because plainness and
truth are embodied in the Lamb of God (1 Ne. 13:29). Jacob spoke of the prophecies about Christ's atonement as "things [which] are manifested unto us
plainly" (Jacob 4:11-13). But, he continued, the Jews "despised the words of plainness, and killed the prophets." Therefore, God took "away his plainness from them"
and gave them many things which they could not understand (Jacob 4:14). Because the basic message of all the prophets from the beginning centered on the coming of
the Messiah (Jacob 4:4-5; Mosiah 13:33), Jewish rejection of the words of plainness was a rejection of the Messiah (Jacob 4:12-17). Those who are filled with the
spirit of prophecy understand words of plainness uttered by prophets (2 Ne. 25:4).

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Plan

Although there are a few references to the plans of men or of Satan in the Book of Mormon (e.g., 2 Ne. 9:28; Alma 12:4-5), most references are to God's "great and
eternal plan of redemption" (Alma 34:16), also called "the merciful plan of the great Creator" (2 Ne. 9:6), "the great and eternal plan of deliverance from death" (2 Ne.
11:5), "the great plan of redemption" (Jacob 6:8; cf. Alma 42:13), "the plan of restoration" (Alma 41:2), "the plan of salvation" (Alma 42:5), "the great plan of
happiness" (Alma 42:8), and "the plan of mercy" (Alma 42:15). The purpose of the plan, made possible through the atonement of Christ, is "to bring to pass the
immortality and eternal life of man" (Moses 1:39).

The Lord knows all things from the beginning and therefore, having anticipated humankind's situations and needs (Smith, Church , 4:597), has prepared a way to
accomplish all his saving works among the children of men (1 Ne. 10:18), having power to fulfill all his words (1 Ne. 9:6; Morm. 8:22; D&C 3:1, 3). This plan was
presented in the premortal world, in the great council of heaven, where all those to be born on the earth accepted it (Smith, Teachings, 181). The plan included the
begetting of the spirit children of God and their preparation to descend to a fallen world (Alma 13:3; D&C 138:56); to receive a physical body and to be tested (Smith,
Teachings, 181; 2 Ne. 2:21; Abr. 3:22-26); the creation and peopling of the world (1 Ne. 17:36); the fall of man (2 Ne. 2:15-26); the atonement of Jesus Christ (Alma
22:14); the teaching of the fulness of the plan which is the gospel of Jesus Christ with all its laws, ordinances, doctrines, and principles by which man could be
redeemed (Alma 12:32-33, 37); and the orchestration of events on the racial or national level (Morm. 5:23; Moses 6:32; D&C 117:6) as well as on a personal level
for the eternal benefit of all (2 Ne. 26:24). With one's repentance, the great plan begins to operate immediately (Alma 34:31). The purpose of missionary work is to
teach the great plan of redemption to the inhabitants of the earth (Alma 17:16; 29:2; 42:31).

See also Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Life, purpose of.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

--- . Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Thomas, M. Catherine

Plates of brass

The standard works or the basic scriptures of the Nephites. The plates of brass were like the Old Testament but more extensive (1 Ne. 13:23). They contained the
Law (the five books of Moses), a history of God's dealings with ancient Israel, and the prophecies of many of the prophets, down to and including many prophecies of
Jeremiah 1 (1 Ne. 5:10-14). The Nephites made repeated reference to Old World peoples and events, many of which they would have known through their study of
the brass plates.

Sometime after leaving Jerusalem, Nephi 1 and his brothers were commanded to return to the city to obtain the brass plates from Laban, a descendant of Joseph of old
(1 Ne. 5:14-16). The family of Lehi 1 were commanded to take the brass plates with them to America to maintain both scriptural and intellectual literacy (1 Ne. 3:2-4,
19-20; 4:13-16; cf. Omni 1:17; Mosiah 1:3).

It is uncertain how the brass plates came into Laban's possession. The discovery of a scriptural text in the days of king Josiah (ca. 620 b.c. ), the excitement with which
that discovery was received, and the reforms in society that resulted from Josiah's search of the holy word (2 Kgs. 22-23), suggest that scriptural records were not
accessible to all people at the time of Lehi and Laban. Prior to the Assyrian captivity in 722 b.c. , the brass plates may have been kept by the northern tribes, from
whom Lehi and Laban descended (Millet, 208-9). Perhaps the records were carried by Lehi and Laban's ancestors who escaped the Assyrian deportation and settled
in Jerusalem.

When and by whom the writing on the brass plates was begun is not stated in the Book of Mormon. The record does state, however, that they were written in Egyptian
(Mosiah 1:4), perhaps attesting to the influence of such notable prophets as Joseph and Moses, both of whom had spent many years in Egypt.

Some of the prophets from the brass plates who are quoted or cited (in addition to ones known already, such as Isaiah) include Zenos, Zenock, Neum, and Ezias.
Their oracles are gospel- centered and Christ- centered, straight-forward and specific as to the sufferings, death, and atoning work of the Messiah, as well as the
separate and distinct natures of God the Father and his beloved Son (1 Ne. 19:7-12; Alma 33:3-17; Hel. 8:18-20; 3 Ne. 10:15-16). Because the Nephite prophets
sought earnestly to point their people toward the coming of the Redeemer and the destiny of the house of Israel, they quoted extensively from the writings of Isaiah and
Zenos, as contained on the brass plates, and offered prophetic commentary upon those writings (1 Ne. 19:23; 2 Ne. 11-25; Jacob 5-6). The brass plates also
contained insights unknown to the readers of the present Bible, including prophecies of Joseph of old, of which there are not many greater (2 Ne. 3; 4:1-2). Perhaps
the best source for understanding the doctrines and central teachings of the brass plates, other than the Book of Mormon itself, is Joseph Smith's Translation of the
Bible. By revelation the Prophet Joseph Smith restored plain and precious truths that were once part of the biblical record, many of which were also contained in that
ancient collection known as the brass plates.

The brass plates served to enlarge the memory of a people, convince many of their errors, and lead them to the Father unto the salvation of their souls (Alma 37:8).
Lehi and Alma 2 rejoiced in the timeless teachings of the brass plates. They prophesied of a time when these records would "go forth unto every nation, kindred,
tongue, and people, that they shall know of the mysteries contained thereon" (Alma 37:4; 1 Ne. 5:18). To some degree, of course, this prophecy is fulfilled as
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missionaries     2005-2009,
              flood           Infobase
                    the earth with       Media
                                    the Book of Corp.                                                                                                   Page 805
                                                Mormon. Further, Elder Bruce R. McConkie suggested that in a future day "the Lord will raise up a prophet,         / 919
                                                                                                                                                               who will
also be a seer and a translator, to whom he will give the brass plates that they may be translated for the benefit and blessing of those in all nations" (16).
The brass plates served to enlarge the memory of a people, convince many of their errors, and lead them to the Father unto the salvation of their souls (Alma 37:8).
Lehi and Alma 2 rejoiced in the timeless teachings of the brass plates. They prophesied of a time when these records would "go forth unto every nation, kindred,
tongue, and people, that they shall know of the mysteries contained thereon" (Alma 37:4; 1 Ne. 5:18). To some degree, of course, this prophecy is fulfilled as
missionaries flood the earth with the Book of Mormon. Further, Elder Bruce R. McConkie suggested that in a future day "the Lord will raise up a prophet, who will
also be a seer and a translator, to whom he will give the brass plates that they may be translated for the benefit and blessing of those in all nations" (16).

See also Joseph Smith Translation and the Book of Mormon; Laban, slaying of; Moses, five books of.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. "The Doctrinal Restoration." The Joseph Smith Translation: The Restoration of Plain and Precious Things. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center,
Brigham Young University, 1985.

Millet, Robert L. "The Influence of the Brass Plates on the Teachings of Nephi." The Book of Mormon: Second Nephi, the Doctrinal Structure. Provo, Utah: Religious
Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1989.

Millet, Robert L.

Plates of Ether

-Twenty- four gold plates, inscribed by the prophet Ether, which contained a secular and religious history of the Jaredite civilization from their inception at the "great
tower" to their destruction (Mosiah 28:17). After witnessing the fulfillment of the prophecy concerning the destruction of his people, Ether finished his record and hid the
plates (Ether 15:33). These plates were later found by a group on an expedition sent by king Limhi to find Zarahemla (Mosiah 8:9-11; Ether 1:1-2; ca. 123 b.c. ). King
Mosiah 2 obtained the plates from Limhi's people and then translated them into the Nephite language (Mosiah 28:11-13). The plates of Ether were subsequently
passed down through the prophets with the plates of brass and the plates of Nephi until Moroni 2 received them and made an abridgment (Mosiah 28:20; Ether 1:1-2).
The plates of Ether contained a lengthy history of a mighty nation of which Moroni 2 noted, "the hundredth part I have not written" (Ether 15:33). The language of the
plates of Ether is unknown.

See also Ether, book of.

Largey, Dennis L.

Plates of Jacob

That part of the small plates of Nephi written by Jacob 2 . Jacob refers to these plates as the plates of Jacob but acknowledges that "they were made by the hand of
Nephi" (Jacob 3:13-14). Before his death Jacob passed them to his son Enos (Jacob 7:27).

Plates of Mormon

Commentators have described the plates of Mormon in at least two ways: (1) the plates of Mormon are specifically the plates made by Mormon with his "own
hands" (3 Ne. 5:10-11) upon which he inscribed his abridgment of the large plates of Nephi ; Mormon's son Moroni made some additions to the plates of Mormon,
which include Mormon 8 and 9, the books of Ether and Moroni, the title page, and the sealed portion of the plates; (2) the plates of Mormon comprise not only
Mormon's abridgment of the large plates of Nephi, and Moroni's additions but also, as part of his compilation, the small plates of Nephi. In speaking about the plates of
Mormon in this general way, the plates of Mormon include everything Joseph Smith received from the angel Moroni. This article will speak of the plates of Mormon in
the limited specific sense described first.

The principal Nephite record was kept on a collection of metal plates known as the large plates of Nephi. Mormon, at the age of twenty-four, received these plates and
began to record on them a detailed account of his people that he had observed during his own time (Morm. 1:1-3; 2:16-18). Mormon later made a new set of plates
(the plates of Mormon) and abridged the whole of the large plates onto them (3 Ne. 5:8-19). This abridgment included the books known today as the books of Lehi,
Mosiah, Alma, Helaman, 3 Nephi, 4 Nephi, and Mormon. He also included an abridgment of his own writings (Morm. 1-7) from the "full account" he had inscribed on
the large plates (Morm. 2:18; 5:9).

Mormon's inspired abridgment is shaped by his perspective of the whole of Nephite history. It includes commentaries in which he identified himself as the author (3 Ne.
5:8-26; 26:6-12; 28:24; 4 Ne. 1:23) and a series of anonymous interpolations introduced by such phrases as "and thus we see," all of which emphasize important
spiritual lessons to be drawn from the narrative (e.g., Alma 24:19, 27; 50:19-23; Hel. 3:27-30; 12:1-2).

The part of the gold plates Joseph Smith translated and published as the Book of Mormon consisted of Mormon's abridgement of the large plates of Nephi recorded
on the plates of Mormon (except the book of Lehi), Moroni's additions to the plates of Mormon (except the sealed portion of the plates), and the small plates of
Nephi.

When Joseph Smith translated the Book of Mormon, he started with the plates of Mormon, which began with the book of Lehi. This translation consisted of 116 pages
of handwritten manuscript. When these pages were lost by Martin Harris (D&C 3; 10), the Lord instructed Joseph Smith to translate the small plates "to the reign of
king Benjamin" and include it in place of the lost manuscript (D&C 10:38-42). Therefore, the Book of Mormon in its published form has no book of Lehi but begins
with the small plates (1 Nephi through Omni) and then after brief explanatory comments by Mormon (the Words of Mormon) continues with the plates of Mormon
(Mosiah through Mormon) followed by Moroni's additions.

See also The Structure of the Book of Mormon, 17; And thus we see; Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages); Lehi, book of; Sealed portion of the gold
plates.

Seely, David Rolph

Plates of Nephi

Nephi 1 made two sets of metal plates-the plates which have come to be known as the large plates of Nephi (Jacob 3:13) and the small plates of Nephi (Jacob 1:1)-on
which he kept two records of his people. It is not clear whether the designations "large" and "small" had to do with the actual size of the plates or with their length. Both
of these records are termed the plates of Nephi (1 Ne. 9:2; D&C 10:38-42), and both records were kept by Nephi's successors. Nephi first made the large plates and
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recorded on them the record of his father Lehi 1 and continued with a more full account of Nephite secular history. Because Nephi wrote on the large   Page     806
                                                                                                                                                            plates first/ he
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spoke of them as the "first plates" (1 Ne. 19:2). Later Nephi fashioned the small plates for the specific purpose of recording the ministry of his people (1 Ne. 9:2-6;
19:1-6; 2 Ne. 5:28-33; Jacob 1:2-4). Many generations later, by the time of Amaleki 1 , the small plates were full (Omni 1:30). Amaleki "deliver[ed] up" the small
Nephi 1 made two sets of metal plates-the plates which have come to be known as the large plates of Nephi (Jacob 3:13) and the small plates of Nephi (Jacob 1:1)-on
which he kept two records of his people. It is not clear whether the designations "large" and "small" had to do with the actual size of the plates or with their length. Both
of these records are termed the plates of Nephi (1 Ne. 9:2; D&C 10:38-42), and both records were kept by Nephi's successors. Nephi first made the large plates and
recorded on them the record of his father Lehi 1 and continued with a more full account of Nephite secular history. Because Nephi wrote on the large plates first he
spoke of them as the "first plates" (1 Ne. 19:2). Later Nephi fashioned the small plates for the specific purpose of recording the ministry of his people (1 Ne. 9:2-6;
19:1-6; 2 Ne. 5:28-33; Jacob 1:2-4). Many generations later, by the time of Amaleki 1 , the small plates were full (Omni 1:30). Amaleki "deliver[ed] up" the small
plates to king Benjamin (Omni 1:25), who thereafter recorded both spiritual and secular matters as one account on the large plates (W of M 1:10). The merged record
was continued on the large plates throughout Nephite history until Mormon received them (W of M 1:11).

Large plates

The large plates were to contain a "full account of the history" of the Nephites, including "an account of the reign of the kings, and the wars and contentions of [the]
people" (1 Ne. 9:2-6). The large plates were passed from king to king from Nephi until Mosiah 2 , who entrusted them to the prophet Alma 2 (Mosiah 28:20). From
that time they were kept by the prophets up to and including Mormon (Morm. 2:17-18). The large plates consisted of the books of Lehi, Mosiah, Alma, Helaman, 3
Nephi, 4 Nephi, and Mormon. Mormon wrote a history of his people in his day on the large plates and then, "according to the will of God," abridged the whole of the
large plates from the time of Lehi to his own (3 Ne. 5:8-19; 600 b.c.-a.d. 385). The plates of Mormon , made by Mormon, contained his complete abridgment of the
large plates of Nephi. Unfortunately, the portion of the translation of Mormon's abridgment of the large plates that covered the period from Lehi to the time of king
Benjamin (about 470 years) was lost by Martin Harris. As a result, the Book of Mormon today does not contain Mormon's abridgment of the large plates for that time
period. Fortunately, as the Lord foresaw (W of M 1:7), Nephi's record on the small plates helps to fill that gap.

When Nephi began the record on the large plates after his arrival in the promised land, he did not know that he would later be instructed to make a second set of plates
that would be reserved specifically for spiritual matters (1 Ne. 19:1-7). Thus he began his record on the large plates merging both spiritual and secular histories,
including his father Lehi's record, an account of his family's "journeyings in the wilderness," his father's prophecies, and his own prophecies (1 Ne. 19:1).

Small plates

Nephi was commanded by the Lord to begin a second record of his people thirty years after they left Jerusalem (2 Ne. 5:28-33; ca. 570 b.c. ). This record, the small
plates of Nephi, was to contain "the more sacred things" in Nephite history (1 Ne. 19:5), including the "ministry of my people" (1 Ne. 9:3) and accounts of preaching,
revelation, and prophesying (Jacob 1:2-4). Nephi stated his purpose for the small plates: "For the fulness of mine intent is that I may persuade men to come unto the
God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, and be saved" (1 Ne. 6:4). He also gave a command-ment to future record keepers: "Where-fore, I
shall give commandment unto my seed, that they shall not occupy these plates with things which are not of worth unto the children of men" (1 Ne. 6:6). Authors of the
small plates were Nephi, Jacob 2 , Enos, Jarom, Omni, Amaron, Chemish, Abinadom, and Amaleki (ca. 570-130 b.c.) , but only Nephi and his brother Jacob wrote
at any length. As the small plates were passed down, so was Nephi's commandment concerning them (e.g., Jacob 1:1-4; 7:27), thus their contents reflect careful
attention to their sacred purposes. Amaleki appropriately concluded the small plates when he admonished, "And now, my beloved brethren, I would that ye should
come unto Christ, who is the Holy One of Israel, and partake of his salvation, and the power of his redemption" (Omni 1:26).

The small plates consist of the books of 1 Nephi, 2 Nephi, Jacob, Enos, Jarom, and Omni. Following the book of Omni, Mormon added a short explanation (Words
of Mormon), that "the workings of the Spirit of the Lord" prompted him to include the small plates with the plates of Mormon (W of M 1:3-7; D&C 10:38-46). It was
after the loss of the 116 pages of translation of Mormon's abridgment of the book of Lehi that the Lord told Joseph Smith to translate the small plates of Nephi. Thus
the Book of Mormon contains the whole of the unabridged small plates-no part of them was lost.

See also The Structure of the Book of Mormon, 17; Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages); Lehi, book of; Gold plates.

Seely, David Rolph

Plates of Zeniff

The record of the people of Zeniff from the time they left Zarahemla until the time Ammon 1 discovered them. King Limhi brought the plates before Ammon to be read
(Mosiah 8:5). And later, when Limhi and his people returned to Zarahemla, Mosiah 2 received the plates (Mosiah 22:14).

Plural marriage

The practice of having more than one wife. The Book of Mormon prophet Jacob 2 condemned the unauthorized practice of plural marriage among his own people. He
stated that the Lord had specifically commanded that they were to "have save it were one wife, and concubines they should have none, and there should not be
whoredoms committed among them" (Jacob 3:5; cf. 2:34). In testifying against the immoral and wicked practices of many of his people, Jacob explained that these
wicked Nephites "understand not the scriptures, for they seek to excuse themselves in committing whoredoms , because of the things which were written concerning
David, and Solomon his son" (Jacob 2:23). Implicit in this passage is that plural marriage did exist, with God's approval, among the ancient patriarchs, such as Abraham
and Jacob 1 (e.g., Gen. 16:2-3; 29-30; D&C 132:37). If plural marriage was always viewed as an abomination in the sight of God, there would be no justification or
excuse for Nephites living it. The Book of Mormon, however, teaches that the Nephites were using David and Solomon as their justification for plural wives: "Behold,
David and Solomon truly had many wives and concubines, which thing was abominable before me, saith the Lord" (Jacob 2:24). Having more than one wife is not an
abomination unto the Lord in and of itself, as seen in the lives of the Old Testament patriarchs. What was abominable unto the Lord in the cases of David and Solomon
was that they, like the Nephites whom Jacob 2 was rebuking, took additional wives whom the Lord did not give unto them or authorize them to take (2 Sam. 11; 1
Kgs. 11:1-12). In modern revelation the Lord explained that he had authorized David and Solomon to take plural wives as many others had done before them, "and in
nothing did they sin save in those things which they received not of me" (D&C 132:38). The Nephites had been commanded not to live plural marriage but had taken it
upon themselves so they could commit adultery and whoredoms. They sought to justify their disobedience and immorality by using Old Testament precedent. It is this
that Jacob condemned. The Book of Mormon explains that monogamy is the rule; plural marriage, the exception: "For if I will, saith the Lord of Hosts, raise up seed
unto me, I will command my people; otherwise they shall hearken unto these things" (Jacob 2:30). When the commandment to live plural marriage was given in the
latter days, it came from the Lord through the established order and authority of the Church and kingdom of God on earth-through the prophets who held the keys of
such power (cf. D&C 132:40-48). "I hold the keys of this power in the last days"; the Prophet Joseph Smith taught, "for there is never but one on earth at a time on
whom the power and its keys are conferred; and I have constantly said no man shall have but one wife at a time, unless the Lord directs otherwise" (324; emphasis in
original). Today Latter- day Saints live the law of marriage as taught by Jacob in the Book of Mormon. Although there have been times in the past when plural marriage
was commanded and authorized of God, monogamy is the commandment and practice of today. Any practice contrary to this command, without explicit authorization
and commandment of God through the prophet- president of his Church today, is akin to the Nephite immorality, which Jacob condemned in no uncertain terms.

See also Chastity; Concubines.

Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Bibliography                                                                                                                                          Page 807 / 919

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.
and commandment of God through the prophet- president of his Church today, is akin to the Nephite immorality, which Jacob condemned in no uncertain terms.

See also Chastity; Concubines.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Top, Brent L.

Poetry

See Book of Mormon, poetry in.

Points of doctrine

Fundamental truths of the gospel of Christ that one must know and abide in order to obtain salvation. "Doctrine" is more than mere teaching or discourse; it is basic,
revealed, indispensable gospel law and principle. A "point of doctrine" is a precise, focused concept, as opposed to a vague approximation. If true points of doctrine
are known and followed, peace and harmony exist; if they are not, controversy and contentions arise. Because contention is of the devil (3 Ne. 11:29), he is opposed
to the true points of Christ's doctrine (2 Ne. 28:19-28; 33:5).

The term "points of doctrine" occurs in variation six times in the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 15:14; Alma 41:9; Hel. 11:22, 23; 3 Ne. 11:28; 21:6). The only other times it
appears in scripture are twice in the Doctrine and Cove-nants (D&C 10:62-63). Though the term "points of doctrine" does not occur in the Bible, Isaiah (Isa. 8:19-20)
and Paul (2 Tim. 3:15-16) taught that the scriptures (the word of God through the prophets and apostles) are the source of sound doctrine, which concept is in
harmony with how "points of doctrine" is used in the Book of Mormon and in the Doctrine and Covenants.

"Points of doctrine" is used in several contexts in the Book of Mormon:

1. An integral part of the restoration of the gospel in the latter days. The coming forth of the Book of Mormon would serve to bring the descendants of Lehi 1 and the
Gentiles to an understanding of the "very points," the "true points" of Christ's doctrine (1 Ne. 15:14; 3 Ne. 21:6; cf. D&C 10:62).

2. A standard to prevent justification for sin. Alma 2 warned his son Corianton, "And now behold, my son, do not risk one more offense against your God upon those
points of doctrine, which ye have hitherto risked to commit sin" (Alma 41:9). From Alma's instruction to his son, it seems clear that Corianton was struggling with,
rationalizing, and twisting the plain meaning of points of doctrine concerning sexual morality, the principle of restoration, and the justice of God (Alma 39-42).

3. A criterion to settle doctrinal disputations. Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 , who "knew concerning the true points of doctrine," were able to quell the strife created by "a few
contentions" over doctrinal issues (Hel. 11:22-23). Similarly, Jesus taught the Nephites the correct purpose and procedure for baptism, and said, "According as I have
commanded you thus shall ye baptize. And there shall be no disputations among you, as there have hitherto been; neither shall there be disputations among you
concerning the points of my doctrine, as there have hitherto been" (3 Ne. 11:28; cf. D&C 10:63).

All of the foregoing passages hold the Book of Mormon as a repository of the "true points" of the Savior's doctrine. There are, of course, additional true points of
doctrine in the other scriptures on topics not covered in the Book of Mormon.

Matthews, Robert J.

Polygamy

See Plural marriage.

Ponder

To think deeply, reflect, reason, contemplate, dwell upon, or meditate. Pondering, accompanied by sufficient desire, faith, sincerity, and earnest intent, is a prelude to
revelation and understanding (1 Ne. 11:1; Hel. 10:2-3; 3 Ne. 17:3; Moro. 10:3; D&C 138:1). Often "ponder" is used in connection with the study of scriptures. Nephi
1 professed that his soul delighted in the scriptures, and his heart "pondereth" them (2 Ne. 4:15). Pondering is an essential element in Moroni 2's formula for discovering
the truth of the Book of Mormon (Moro. 10:3).

Johnson, Stanley A.

Power

The possession and execution of authority, control, or influence over people, things, and circumstances. In this regard, the Book of Mormon reveals two predominant
motifs of power: the power of God and the power of the devil.

The power of God

The power of God is possessed, manifested, and exercised by each member of the Godhead . Thus the Book of Mormon speaks not only of "the power of God" or
the "Lord" in general terms (e.g., 1 Ne. 13:18-19; 2 Ne. 1:26; 3:15; Mosiah 27:20), but also of "the power of the Father" (e.g., 3 Ne. 27:15; Morm. 7:5 ), "the power
of Christ" (e.g., 2 Ne. 27:11; Mosiah 18:2; Alma 15:6; cf. 1 Ne. 11:31; 13:35; Hel. 5:11), and "the power of the Holy Ghost" (e.g., 1 Ne. 10:17, 19; 2 Ne. 26:13;
Jacob 7:17; cf. 2 Ne. 2:8).

The power of God is both "matchless" (1 Ne. 17:42; Mosiah 1:13; 4:6; Alma 9:11) and absolute (1 Ne. 9:6; Alma 7:8; 44:5; Morm. 5:23; Ether 3:4). By it God
created the earth (Jacob 4:9; Morm. 9:17) and controls the elements (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:46; 19:11; Hel. 12:10-12). It has dominion over all the inhabitants of the earth (1
Ne. 1:14). Through it God delivers his people (e.g., 1 Ne. 13:18-19; Mosiah 23:13; 25:10) and destroys their enemies (2 Ne. 6:14). By it he leads his children (1 Ne.
17:42; Jacob 2:25; Omni 1:13; Alma 36:28) and establishes nations (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:35; 2 Ne. 1:11; 3 Ne. 21:4). Prophets speak on behalf of God through this power
(e.g., 1 Ne. 3:20; Enos 1:26) and "every thing which inviteth to do good, and to persuade to believe in Christ, is sent forth" by this power (Moro. 7:16). The Book of
Mormon was brought forth and witnesses were established by this power (2 Ne. 26:16; 27:12; Ether 5:3-4; Morm. 8:16). Truth is learned and men are converted by
this power (2
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3:5), and will resurrect and redeem humankind (2 Ne. 2:8; 9:25; Jacob 4:11; 6:9; Omni 1:26; Mosiah 15:8; Alma 4:14; 7:13; Hel. 5:11; Morm. 9:13; Moro. 8:22).

Individuals may be allowed to exercise some of God's power. Ammon 1 testified, "a man may have a great power given him from God" (Mosiah 8:16; cf. Jacob 4:6-7;
Ne. 1:14). Through it God delivers his people (e.g., 1 Ne. 13:18-19; Mosiah 23:13; 25:10) and destroys their enemies (2 Ne. 6:14). By it he leads his children (1 Ne.
17:42; Jacob 2:25; Omni 1:13; Alma 36:28) and establishes nations (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:35; 2 Ne. 1:11; 3 Ne. 21:4). Prophets speak on behalf of God through this power
(e.g., 1 Ne. 3:20; Enos 1:26) and "every thing which inviteth to do good, and to persuade to believe in Christ, is sent forth" by this power (Moro. 7:16). The Book of
Mormon was brought forth and witnesses were established by this power (2 Ne. 26:16; 27:12; Ether 5:3-4; Morm. 8:16). Truth is learned and men are converted by
this power (2 Ne. 33:1; Alma 19:6; 3 Ne. 7:21; Moro. 10:4-6). It is the power through which Christ was conceived (Mosiah 15:3), ministered in mortality (Mosiah
3:5), and will resurrect and redeem humankind (2 Ne. 2:8; 9:25; Jacob 4:11; 6:9; Omni 1:26; Mosiah 15:8; Alma 4:14; 7:13; Hel. 5:11; Morm. 9:13; Moro. 8:22).

Individuals may be allowed to exercise some of God's power. Ammon 1 testified, "a man may have a great power given him from God" (Mosiah 8:16; cf. Jacob 4:6-7;
Alma 5:3; Hel. 8:13; 11:18). Thus God's power is a gift to the faithful. To be "armed . . . with the power of God" (1 Ne. 14:14), one must exercise faith (1 Ne. 1:20;
10:17; 2 Ne. 1:10; Alma 57:26) and "diligently seek [God]," striving to do his work in righteousness (1 Ne. 10:17, 19; 13:37; cf. Mosiah 18:26; Alma 17:3; Hel. 10:4-
7; Moro. 10:25).

The great promise that comes with such faith and diligence is that once one has the power of God, nothing is impossible. For example, Alma 2 and Amulek "could not
be confined in dungeons; neither was it possible that any man could slay them" (Alma 8:31; cf. 14:24-28; Hel. 10:16). Nor could the three remaining Nephite disciples
be harmed by flames and wild beasts or be held captive by walls and pits (3 Ne. 28:19-22; cf. 4 Ne. 1:30; Morm. 8:24). Those possessing God's power were able to
confound the wicked (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:14; 17:48, 55; Alma 12:7; 30:52) and control the elements (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:29; 2 Ne. 25:20; Hel. 8:11). They could interpret
engravings (Omni 1:20), bring men to the faith (e.g., Alma 53:10; 62:45; Hel. 6:5), perform ordinances (e.g., 3 Ne. 18:5; Moro. 3:4), and establish God's church
(Mosiah 21:30).

The power of the devil

Unlike the power of God which is evidenced in good works and light, the power of the devil is shown in evil works and darkness. Satan's power especially flourishes in
absence of gospel truths (e.g., 1 Ne. 13:29). The adversary's evil power deceives people (e.g., Jacob 7:18) and stirs them to iniquity, pride, greed, and world-liness
(e.g., 3 Ne. 6:15; cf. Jacob 7:4; Alma 30:42). Ultimately it leads them to captivity, death, damnation, and everlasting destruction (2 Ne. 2:27; Alma 9:28; 12:6-7).

Satan is able to exercise his power upon individuals and peoples when they "yield themselves unto" it (3 Ne. 7:5) by persisting in their "carnal nature" and the "ways of
sin and rebellion against God" (Mosiah 16:5). As they so "put off the Spirit of God"and harden their hearts, the devil's power takes over (Alma 30:42; 3 Ne. 2:1-2;
Ether 15:19). As agents of Satan's power they become self- oriented and motivated by the desire for personal gain and the praise of the world. Consequently they seek
to destroy others and use priestcraft, violence, deception, flattery, evil oaths, and secret combinations to accomplish their intent (e.g., Jacob 7:1-5; Mosiah 27:9; Alma
1:12, 16; 30:42-45; Hel. 2:3-4).

Unlike God's power, the devil's power is not absolute. Helaman 3 taught his sons that the devil would have "no power over" them if they would "build" their foundation
on Christ (Hel. 5:12). Likewise, Mormon testified that if all men were as righteous as Moroni 1 , "the devil would never have power over the hearts of the children of
men" (Alma 48:17). Indeed, during the millennial day, the righteousness of the people will render Satan powerless (1 Ne. 22:26; 2 Ne. 30:18; cf. 1 Ne. 22:15; Ether
8:26).

The Book of Mormon uses the term "power" in two other contexts as well: one to refer to military might (e.g., Jacob 7:24; Alma 25:5; 50:12; 52:13), and the other to
refer to the authority to rule and exercise law (e.g., Alma 1:17; 8:12; 14:19; 48:7; 51:8).

See also Priesthood among the Nephites; Sealing power.

Mouritsen, Maren M.

Prayer

The act through which mortals communicate with God. God commands his people to pray (Mosiah 26:39; D&C 19:28) and he is displeased when they fail to "call
upon [his] name." The brother of Jared 1 was chastised for three hours by the Lord for failing to pray, after which he "repented of the evil which he had done" (Ether
2:14-15; italics added).

The Book of Mormon repeatedly witnesses that God hears and answers prayers. Jesus issued an invitation with a promise: "Ask, and it shall be given unto you; seek,
and ye shall find; knock, and it shall be opened unto you" (3 Ne. 14:7). Then to build faith in prayer Jesus reasoned that if mortal fathers, notwithstanding their
imperfections, "know how to give good gifts unto [their] children, how much more shall your Father who is in heaven give good things to them that ask him?" (3 Ne.
14:11).

Many such truths concerning prayer can be gleaned from the Book of Mormon.

Proper prayer

In the course of his sermon to the multitude gathered at the temple in Bountiful 2 , Jesus gave the people an example of how to pray. He said, "After this manner
therefore pray ye" (3 Ne. 13:9). What followed was not a set prayer that should be repeated, but a pattern for acceptable and effective prayer, representing important
attitudes and acknowledgments by the one saying the prayer. Christ's prayer showed recognition and reverence for God's name (3 Ne. 13:9), acceptance of God's will
(3 Ne. 13:10), and a genuine sincerity, represented by a willingness to do for others as one would have God do for them (3 Ne. 13:11).

Furthermore, prayers are to be said to the Father in the name of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 18:19). In 3 Nephi 19 there is an occasion where the disciples prayed to Jesus.
This variation is a singular experience apparently allowed because, as Jesus explained to his Father, "they pray unto me because I am with them" (3 Ne. 19:22). The
practice taught by Christ and followed by the disciples was to pray to the Father in Christ's name (3 Ne. 18:19; 19:6-7).

Kneeling when praying is also an important part of prayer as it shows reverence to God. Christ exemplified this when he commanded the multitude to kneel down. He
then knelt and prayed (3 Ne. 17:15-17). Prayers, as in this instance, may be vocalized, but prayers may also be offered in the heart (Alma 34:21, 27; Mosiah 24:11-
12; D&C 19:28).

Where to pray

Alma 2 quoted Zenos to the poor among the Zoramites 2 to teach that worship should not be restricted to the synagogue. Prayer is acceptable and can be effective in
the wilderness, or in one's house, or closet, or field (Alma 33:3-9; cf. 34:20-26; 3 Ne. 13:6). Moreover, Jesus taught the Nephites to "pray in your families" (3 Ne.
18:21). The admonition to "let your hearts be . . . drawn out in prayer unto him continually" teaches that prayer is appropriate wherever one may be (Alma 34:27).

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Christ taught the challenging principle that "whatsoever ye shall ask the Father in my name, which is right, . . . shall be given unto you" (3 Ne. 18:20). Nephi 1 reflected
Alma 2 quoted Zenos to the poor among the Zoramites 2 to teach that worship should not be restricted to the synagogue. Prayer is acceptable and can be effective in
the wilderness, or in one's house, or closet, or field (Alma 33:3-9; cf. 34:20-26; 3 Ne. 13:6). Moreover, Jesus taught the Nephites to "pray in your families" (3 Ne.
18:21). The admonition to "let your hearts be . . . drawn out in prayer unto him continually" teaches that prayer is appropriate wherever one may be (Alma 34:27).

What to pray for

Christ taught the challenging principle that "whatsoever ye shall ask the Father in my name, which is right, . . . shall be given unto you" (3 Ne. 18:20). Nephi 1 reflected
an under-standing of this teaching when he testified, "I know that God will give liberally to him that asketh. Yea, my God will give me, if I ask not amiss" (2 Ne. 4:35;
cf. D&C 88:63-65). Latter- day revelation affirms that "he that asketh in the Spirit asketh according to the will of God; wherefore it is done even as he asketh" (D&C
46:30). The Nephite disciples enjoyed this type of inspired prayer. The record states that "they did not multiply many words, for it was given unto them what they
should pray" (3 Ne. 19:24). To Nephi 2 , the son of Helaman 3 , the Lord promised "all things shall be done unto thee according to thy word, for thou shalt not ask that
which is contrary to my will" (Hel. 10:5). In latter- day revelation the Lord has said that such a promise is given to those who are "purified and cleansed from all
sin" (D&C 50:28-29).

The Book of Mormon is instructive concerning what is "right" to pray about. Prayers are to be said for one's own personal welfare, "and also for the welfare of
[others]" (Alma 34:27). Alma the Elder prayed in faith for his wayward son (Mosiah 27:14). Alma the Younger prayed mightily that the hard-hearted in Ammonihah
might feel the Spirit, "that he might baptize them unto repentance" (Alma 8:10). The brother of Jared 1 petitioned the Lord not to confound the language of his people
(Ether 1:35, 37). The Lord taught the Nephites to pray for their enemies, and he taught the fathers in the Nephite multitude to pray for their wives and their children that
they might be blessed (3 Ne. 18:21). He also instructed his disciples to pray for the unconverted, or the unrepentant (3 Ne. 12:44; 18:23, 30).

Amulek recommended prayer for a variety of personal concerns: He taught that the Nephites should pray for their "crops," their "flocks," and their "household," as well
as for protection "against the power of [their] enemies" and "against the devil" (Alma 34:18-27; cf. 3 Ne. 18:18). Nephi 1 prayed for strength to bear his personal trials
(2 Ne. 4:30-35), and Alma 2 prayed for strength to be delivered from prison in Ammonihah (Alma 14:26).

Additionally, the Book of Mormon contains instances in which individuals sought in prayer to gain a personal testimony of some point of religious truth. For example,
Nephi 1 prayed that he might know the truth of his father's revelations (1 Ne. 2:16); Alma 2 recounted many days of prayer as he sought to know the truth of the
gospel for himself (Alma 5:45-46); and king Lamoni's father prostrated himself on the ground and cried to the Lord in prayer desiring that God would make himself
known unto him (Alma 22:17-18). The invitation to pray for religious understanding was given by Jesus himself. Perceiving that the people could not understand fully
the doctrines he had taught them, Jesus instructed the people to ponder his teachings and to pray unto the Father for understanding (3 Ne. 17:3). When questioned by
Laman 1 and Lemuel about the doctrines taught by their father Lehi 1 , Nephi 1 simply responded, "Have ye inquired of the Lord?" (1 Ne. 15:8). Moroni 2's closing
words contain a promise that if one reads the Book of Mormon and prays with faith in Christ, God "will manifest the truth of it unto [him], by the power of the Holy
Ghost" (Moro. 10:4).

Most important is the truth taught repeatedly concerning the role of prayer in personally applying the Atonement. Amulek exhorted, "Cry unto him for mercy; for he is
mighty to save" (Alma 34:18). Without exception throughout the Book of Mormon narrative the plea for mercy or forgiveness through Christ was granted by God.
Enos (Enos 1:4), king Benjamin's people (Mosiah 4:2-3), Zeezrom (Alma 15:10), Lamoni (Alma 18:41), and Alma 2 (Alma 36:16-21) all experienced the joy resulting
from true repentance and humble prayer that the Atonement would be applied to their lives.

In summary, the answer to the question of what to pray for, or what to pray about, was given by Alma: "Counsel with the Lord in all thy doings" (Alma 37:37; cf. 2 Ne.
32:9).

Frequency of prayer

As the Savior personally ministered to his people he told them to "watch and pray always lest ye enter into temptation" (3 Ne. 18:18; cf. Alma 13:28). Nephi 1 also
told his brethren to "pray always" (2 Ne. 32:8-9), a practice he exemplified in his own life. Laden with the responsibility to build a ship and lead his family to the
promised land, Nephi recorded, "And I, Nephi, did go into the mount oft, and I did pray oft unto the Lord; wherefore the Lord showed unto me great things" (1 Ne.
18:3).

Amulek taught the Zoramites 2 to pray morning, midday, and evening, and when one is not "cry[ing] unto the Lord, let your hearts be full, drawn out in prayer unto
[God] continually" (Alma 34:27; cf. 2 Ne. 9:52; D&C 19:28).

Nephi taught that diligence to or neglect of prayer is influenced by the spirit one hearkens to: "For if ye would hearken unto the Spirit which teacheth a man to pray ye
would know that ye must pray; for the evil spirit teacheth not a man to pray, but teacheth him that he must not pray" (2 Ne. 32:8).

Proper attitude and effort in prayer

Prayer must be sincere, from the heart, and offered with real intent. Enos wrote, "My soul hungered; . . . and I cried unto [God] in mighty prayer and
supplication" (Enos 1:4). Mormon admonished, "Pray unto the Father with all the energy of heart" (Moro. 7:48). And Moroni 2 stipulated that to know the truth of the
Book of Mormon one must "ask with a sincere heart, [and] with real intent" (Moro. 10:4).

The Lord promised serious consequences for those who do not pray with "real intent." He not only stated that the prayer "profiteth him nothing," but warned that it is
"counted evil unto a man, if he shall pray and not with real intent of heart" (Moro. 7:6, 9). Alma 2 lamented the case of the apostate Zoramites who had given
themselves over to repetitious and self- righteous prayers (Alma 31). His strong words, "Do not pray as the Zoramites do, for . . . they pray to be heard of men" (Alma
38:13) resemble closely the Savior's warning, "And when thou prayest thou shalt not do as the hypocrites, for they love to pray . . . that they may be seen of men" (3
Ne. 13:5).

Prayers are not to become vain (i.e., ineffectual) repetitions, for God already knows what one needs before one prays. Amulek taught the proud Zoramites another
way that prayers can become vain. He taught the principle that prayers are only effective if they are coupled with charitable works toward the needy. If not, he testified,
"your prayer is vain, and availeth you nothing, and ye are as hypocrites who do deny the faith" (Alma 34:28).

Prayers must be said with faith (Jacob 3:1); one must believe in God and that he hears and answers prayers (JST Mark 11:26). The Book of Mormon gives examples
of successful prayers offered by individuals who prayed with great faith, such as the brother of Jared (Ether 3:5, 9, 15), Enos (Enos 1:8), and Alma 1 (Mosiah 27:14).
Even a "particle of faith," or a "desire to believe" (Alma 32:27), is recognized by God and can bring answers to prayer, as was the case in the conversion of king
Lamoni's father (Alma 22:17-18).

Prayer is strengthened and deepened through fasting . Various Book of Mormon passages link prayer with fasting (Omni 1:26; Alma 17:3; 28:6; 3 Ne. 27:1; 4 Ne.
1:12). Of righteous Nephite church members during the time of Nephi 2 , Mormon recorded that "they did fast and pray oft, and did wax stronger and stronger in their
humility,
 Copyrightand(c)firmer and firmer
                  2005-2009,      in the faith
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                                                  Corp. . . . even to the purifying and the sanctification of their hearts" (Hel. 3:35).      Page 810 / 919
See also Revelation.
Lamoni's father (Alma 22:17-18).

Prayer is strengthened and deepened through fasting . Various Book of Mormon passages link prayer with fasting (Omni 1:26; Alma 17:3; 28:6; 3 Ne. 27:1; 4 Ne.
1:12). Of righteous Nephite church members during the time of Nephi 2 , Mormon recorded that "they did fast and pray oft, and did wax stronger and stronger in their
humility, and firmer and firmer in the faith of Christ, . . . even to the purifying and the sanctification of their hearts" (Hel. 3:35).

See also Revelation.

Wilson, Keith J.

Precept(s)

Commandments, principles, or orders prescribed as general rules for behavior. Divine precepts leading to exaltation are revealed as mortals become willing and
prepared to receive them. The Lord said that he "will give unto the children of men line upon line, precept upon precept, here a little and there a little; and blessed are
those who hearken unto my precepts, and lend an ear unto my counsel, for they shall learn wisdom." Those who accept will receive more; those who claim to "have
enough, from them shall be taken away even that which they have" (2 Ne. 28:30).

Worship of God must be by his precepts and not by the precepts of men (2 Ne. 27:25). Following the false precepts of men is a major stumbling block for humanity,
proud or humble (2 Ne. 28:14).

Bott, Randy L.

Premortal existence

Existence as spirit offspring of God prior to being born into mortality on earth. The Book of Mormon does not extensively discuss the doctrine of premortality, but two
important scriptural passages refer to it. Important implications may be drawn from those two passages. First, the appearance of the premortal Christ to the brother of
Jared 1 teaches that the Savior's earthly body would be in the likeness of his premortal spirit body (Ether 3:15-16). Being created "in the image of God" (Gen. 1:26-27;
Moses 6:8-9) applies both to premortal spirit bodies as well as earthly physical bodies. The First Presidency's statement entitled "The Origin of Man" reiterates this
truth: "`God created man in His own image.' This is just as true of the spirit as it is of the body, which is only the clothing of the spirit, its complement; the two together
constituting the soul. The spirit of man is in the form of man, and the spirits of all creatures are in the likeness of their bodies" ( Messages, 4:203).

Second, the premortal existence is alluded to in the words of Alma 2 concerning the Nephite priests who had been "called and prepared from the foundation of the
world according to the foreknowledge of God, on account of their exceeding faith and good works; in the first place being left to choose good or evil; therefore they
having chosen good, and exercising exceedingly great faith, are called with a holy calling" (Alma 13:3; cf. Jer. 1:5; 1 Pet. 1:19-20). Foreordination is the premortal
selection of individuals to fulfill predesignated responsibilities. Alma taught that the foreordination of these Nephite high priests was due to their great faith and righteous
works in the "first place" or the premortal world. Accordingly, the premortal existence was an environ-ment wherein agency was fully operative. Although "in the first
place they were on the same standing [at least in innocence, opportunity, and agency] with their brethren" (Alma 13:5), individuals progressed differently resulting in
varying levels of faithfulness and obedience. That some were called to holy callings on earth because of premortal faith and righteousness, would also imply that others
exercised less faith, were less righteous, and were thereby not foreordained to such priesthood callings (Abr. 3:22-23). The Prophet Joseph Smith taught that "every
man who has a calling to minister to the inhabitants of the world was ordained to that very purpose in the Grand Council of heaven before this world was" (Smith, 365).

See also Chosen; First place.

Bibliography

Messages of The First Presidency of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Compiled by James R. Clark. 6 vols. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1965- 75.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Top, Brent L.

Preparatory redemption

Redemption through Christ which was "prepared from the foundation of the world" for all mankind (Mosiah 4:6-7). The doctrine of salvation centers in the redemptive
role of Jesus Christ; he alone has the power to save mankind from the effects of Adam's fall. And this redemption "through the Atonement of Christ," made possible "by
obedience to the laws and ordinances of the Gospel," was prepared from the foundation of the world (A of F 3; Moses 4:1-4; Abr. 3:22-28; Rev. 12:7-11). Alma 2
affirmed that foreordinations and mortal callings exist in accordance with this pre- ordained gospel plan of redemption for such as will choose good and exercise great
faith and good works (Alma 13:3).

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Pride

"The central feature of pride is enmity-enmity toward God and enmity toward our fellowmen," declared President Ezra Taft Benson, and he characterized enmity as
"hatred toward, hostility to, or a state of opposition" and said, "it is the power by which Satan wishes to reign over us" ("Beware," 4).

The sin of pride has been called the Nephite disease. Mormon recorded, "Behold, the pride of this nation, or the people of the Nephites, hath proven their
destruction" (Moro. 8:27; cf. 1 Ne. 12:19; 2 Ne. 26:10). Then, to ensure that modern readers did not miss that momentous Book of Mormon message from "a fallen
people" (D&C 20:9), the Lord warned, "Beware of pride, lest ye become as the Nephites of old" (D&C 38:39).

Pride, the seedbed of all iniquity, is "the universal sin," the great vice (Benson, "Cleansing," 6). The "great and spacious building" (1 Ne. 8:26) which Lehi 1 saw in his
dream was "the pride of the world" (1 Ne. 11:35-36) and "great was the multitude that did enter" (1 Ne. 8:33).

C. S. Lewis wrote: "It is the comparison that makes you proud: the pleasure of being above the rest. Once the element of competition has gone, pride has gone" (110).
Hence, the proud turn every man into an adversary by competing and comparing. For example, an Amalekite demanded of Aaron 3 : "Why do not the angels appear
unto us? Behold are not this people as good as thy people?" (Alma 21:5). The wicked who opposed Nephi 3 , just prior to the coming of Christ, were angry with
Nephi  because they saw that "he had greater power than they" (3 Ne. 7:18). In the premortal council it was pride, the first sin, that felled "Lucifer, son of the
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
morning" (2 Ne. 24:12). Desiring to exalt his "throne above the stars of God" (2 Ne. 24:13), he placed his plan in competition with the Father's plan  Page
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was the "my will, not thy will" attitude of those who suffer from pride. Samuel the Lamanite challenged the wicked Nephites of his time for their support of false
prophets who would say, "Walk after the pride of your own hearts; yea, walk after the pride of your eyes, and do whatsoever your heart desireth" (Hel. 13:27; cf.
C. S. Lewis wrote: "It is the comparison that makes you proud: the pleasure of being above the rest. Once the element of competition has gone, pride has gone" (110).
Hence, the proud turn every man into an adversary by competing and comparing. For example, an Amalekite demanded of Aaron 3 : "Why do not the angels appear
unto us? Behold are not this people as good as thy people?" (Alma 21:5). The wicked who opposed Nephi 3 , just prior to the coming of Christ, were angry with
Nephi because they saw that "he had greater power than they" (3 Ne. 7:18). In the premortal council it was pride, the first sin, that felled "Lucifer, son of the
morning" (2 Ne. 24:12). Desiring to exalt his "throne above the stars of God" (2 Ne. 24:13), he placed his plan in competition with the Father's plan (Moses 4:1-3)-it
was the "my will, not thy will" attitude of those who suffer from pride. Samuel the Lamanite challenged the wicked Nephites of his time for their support of false
prophets who would say, "Walk after the pride of your own hearts; yea, walk after the pride of your eyes, and do whatsoever your heart desireth" (Hel. 13:27; cf.
D&C 1:16; italics added).

The enmity of the proud toward God and others is described numerous times in the Book of Mormon, in terms such as "-hard- hearted" (Alma 9:5), "high heads" (2
Ne. 28:14), "stiff necks" (Jacob 2:13), "deafness of . . . ears" (Jarom 1:3), "blindness of mind" (Ether 4:15), "puffed up" (Alma 5:53), and willful rebellion (3 Ne. 6:18).

Pride, if not repented of, can be the root cause and the first step to more grievous sin. Samuel the Lamanite condemned Nephites whose hearts swelled with "great
pride, unto boasting, and unto great swelling, envyings, strifes, malice, persecutions, and murders, and all manner of iniquities" (Hel. 13:22).

The proud, like Laman 1 and Lemuel, would have no one "rule over" them, not even God (2 Ne. 5:3). "Behold," Mormon observed, the proud "do not desire that the
Lord their God, who hath created them, should rule and reign over them; notwithstanding his great goodness and his mercy towards them, they do set at naught his
counsels, and they will not that he should be their guide" (Hel. 12:6). The proud are not easily taught (Hel. 12:5). Nephi 1 , for example, "truly spake many great things
unto [his brothers], which were hard to be understood, save a man should inquire of the Lord; and they being hard in their hearts, therefore they did not look unto the
Lord as they ought" (1 Ne. 15:3). Pride is a damning sin in that it limits or stops progression: "They that will harden their hearts, to them is given the lesser portion of the
word until they know nothing concerning his mysteries" (Alma 12:11). Jacob 2 warned that pride could destroy the soul (Jacob 2:16).

The proud fear the judgments of men more than the judgments of God. King Noah 3 is an example of this. Fearing "the judgments of God," he was about to release
Abinadi, but an appeal to Noah's pride that he had been "reviled" sent Abinadi to the flames (Mosiah 17:11-12). The proud king was more concerned about saving his
face than saving his soul.

The Nephites were taught "that every man should esteem his neighbor as himself" (Mosiah 27:4) and "not think himself above another" (Mosiah 23:7), yet their history
shows times of "great inequality among the people, some lifting themselves up with their pride" (Alma 4:12). Jacob spoke bluntly to the Nephites of his age about this
enmity of pride: "Because some of you have obtained more abundantly than that of your brethren ye are lifted up in the pride of your hearts . . . because ye suppose
that ye are better than they" (Jacob 2:13). A classic example of the enmity of the prideful is the prayer of the haughty Zoramites 2 at their Rameumptom: "Thou hast
elected us that we shall be saved, whilst all around us are elected to be cast by thy wrath down to hell" (Alma 31:17). Surely pride was the foundation of Nephite
prejudice against the Lamanites (Jacob 3:9; Hel. 14:10). Further, the "pride of those people who professed the blood of nobility" (Alma 51:21) had to be toppled by
captain Moroni (Alma 51:17) to preserve liberty among the Nephites of his day.

The Book of Mormon demonstrates that the rich and the learned, in whatever time or place, are particularly guilty of elevating themselves above others by making
prideful comparisons. In his study of the Nephite records, Mormon saw this destructive effect of pride repeated time and again. Blessed by the Lord "with the riches of
the world," the Nephites "began to set their hearts upon their riches; yea, they began to seek to get gain that they might be lifted up one above another" (Hel. 6:17).
"And the people began to be distinguished by ranks, according to their riches and their chances for learning" (3 Ne. 6:12).

Nephi 1 foresaw the affliction of pride manifesting itself in modern times, as he lamented the prevalence of "the wise, and the learned, and the rich, that are puffed up in
the pride of their hearts" (2 Ne. 28:15). Nephi also foresaw churches who, because of pride, would "grind upon the face of the poor" (2 Ne. 26:20) and rob them
because of "their fine sanctuaries" and their "fine clothing" (2 Ne. 28:12-13; Morm. 8:36-39; cf. Alma 4:12). The wearing of "fine" or "costly apparel," too, was a sign
of a proud people-"and in all these things were they lifted up in the pride of their eyes, for they began to wear very costly apparel" (Alma 4:6; 1:6; 5:53; 4 Ne. 1:24).

Although pride could easily be observed among the wealthy and learned, others of Nephite society were not immune to it by any means, suffering from such things as
coveting (Mosiah 4:25), envying (Alma 5:29), and murmuring (1 Ne. 2:11).

Even those "who professed to belong to the church of God" did not escape the plague of pride (Hel. 3:33-34). At one point, their pride even "exceed[ed] the pride of
those who did not belong to the church of God" (Alma 4:9). Alma 2 strove to "pull down, by the word of God, all the pride . . . [of] his people, seeing no way that he
might reclaim them save it were in bearing down in pure testimony against them" (Alma 4:19). Speaking to the members of the Church, he asked a crucial question:
"Behold, are ye stripped of pride? I say unto you, if ye are not ye are not prepared to meet God" (Alma 5:28). Those church members who did not repent, "who were
lifted up in the pride of their hearts-the same were rejected, and their names were blotted out" (Alma 6:3).

The consequences of pride were far- reaching and dire among the Nephites, and they were foreseen to be dire in modern times as well. The proud were easily lured
into secret combinations as Satan puffed "them up with pride, tempting them to seek for power, and authority" (3 Ne. 6:15). The objective of secret combinations was
"to help such as sought power to gain power" (Ether 8:16, 23). Pride, manifest through secret combinations, resulted in the downfall of the Jaredites and in "the
destruction of the people of Nephi" (Ether 8:21). During the Nephite Zion following the Savior's ministry, it was pride, too, that brought the law of consecration to an
end among the Nephites: "There began to be among them those who were lifted up in pride. . . . And from that time forth they did have their goods and their substance
no more common among them" (4 Ne. 1:24-25).

Nephi 1 , the first prophet- writer of the Book of Mormon, witnessing the present day, lamented, "And the Gentiles are lifted up in the pride of their eyes, and have
stumbled, . . . and preach up unto themselves their own wisdom and their own learning" (2 Ne. 26:20; 3 Ne. 16:10). Moroni 2 , the last prophet- writer, also viewing
the latter days, declared, "And I know that ye do walk in the pride of your hearts; and there are none save a few only who do not lift themselves up in the pride of their
hearts, unto the wearing of very fine apparel, unto envying, and strifes, and malice, and persecutions, and all manner of iniquities; and your churches, yea, even every
one, have become polluted because of the pride of your hearts" (Morm. 8:36).

It was the proud that were singled out for destruction in the last days: "The day cometh that shall burn as an oven; and all the proud, yea, and all that do wickedly, shall
be stubble" (3 Ne. 25:1).

The antidote for pride is to become "humble, meek, submissive, patient, full of love and all long- suffering" (Alma 13:28; 7:23; cf. Mosiah 11:19; Alma 39:2). To
overcome the sin of pride requires the new sacrifice of "a broken heart and a contrite spirit" (3 Ne. 9:20).

See also Broken heart and contrite spirit; Costly apparel; Hard-heartedness; Humility; Lowliness of heart; Meekness; Stiffnecked, stiffneckedness.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. "Cleansing the Inner Vessel." Ensign 16 (May 1986): 4- 7.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                            Page 812 / 919
---. "Beware of Pride." Ensign 19 (May 1989): 4- 7.

Lewis, C. S. Mere Christianity. New York: Macmillan, 1952.
Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. "Cleansing the Inner Vessel." Ensign 16 (May 1986): 4- 7.

---. "Beware of Pride." Ensign 19 (May 1989): 4- 7.

Lewis, C. S. Mere Christianity. New York: Macmillan, 1952.

Benson, Reed Amussen

Priestcraft

Preaching with the intent of setting oneself up to be a "light unto the world," in order to "get gain and praise" without concern for the welfare of Zion (2 Ne. 26:29; cf.
Alma 1:16; 3 Ne. 18:24). The Lord forbade priestcraft and commanded men to have charity and labor for the welfare of others, not for money (2 Ne. 26:30-31).
Priestcraft was first introduced among Alma's people by Nehor who taught flattering and false doctrine as he tried to convince the people that priests should be
"popular" and supported by the people rather than laboring with their hands (Alma 1:2-6, 12). Although Nehor was executed for murder, his practice of priestcraft was
perpetuated by "many who loved the vain things of the world" including the wicked leaders of Ammonihah, the Amalekites, and the Amulonites (Alma 1:16; 14:16;
21:4; 24:28-29). The motives and methods of priestcraft are contrary to true priesthood service (cf. Alma 1:19-20, 26-30).

Priestcraft is destructive (Alma 1:12). It contributed to wars among the people (e.g., Alma 24:28-29), the downfall of the Nephite Zion (4 Ne. 1:26), and the rejection
and crucifixion of Christ (2 Ne. 10:5; cf. John 11:47-53). Moroni 2 prophesied that priestcraft would be prevalent in the last days and condemned the practice (Morm.
8:31-40). Nephi 1 prophesied that those guilty of the practice would be "brought low in the dust" and consumed as stubble (1 Ne. 22:23; cf. 2 Ne. 26:20).

Ball, Terry B.

Priesthood among the Nephites

From Lehi 1 to the coming of Christ, the Nephite people had the Melchizedek Priesthood. During this period they did not hold the Aaronic Priesthood, inasmuch as
they were not descendants of Aaron 1 and there were no Levites among them. Nonetheless, the Nephites observed the law of Moses with all its rites, rituals, and
ordinances, looking "forward with steadfastness unto Christ, until the law [should] be fulfilled" (2 Ne. 25:24-25; 5:10). This was done by the authority of the
Melchizedek Priesthood, which embraces the right to do all that the Aaronic Priesthood can do (D&C 107:4-10). Attendant to his ministry among them, Christ
established the same system of Church government had by those in the New Testament Church. Joseph Smith testified that when the "Savior made His appearance
upon this continent after His resurrection . . . He planted the Gospel here in all its fulness, and richness, and power, and blessing; that they had Apostles, Prophets,
Pastors, Teachers, and Evangelists; the same order, the same priesthood, the same ordinances, gifts, powers, and blessings, as were enjoyed on the eastern
continent" (4:538; italics added). This evidently included the Aaronic or lesser priesthood. President Joseph Fielding Smith wrote that Christ "gave the Nephites all the
authority of the priesthood which we exercise today. Therefore we are justified in the belief that not only was the fulness of the Melchizedek Priesthood conferred, but
also the Aaronic, just as we have it in the Church today; and this Aaronic Priesthood remained with them from this time until, through wickedness, all priesthood
ceased. We may be assured that in the days of Moroni 2 the Nephites did ordain teachers and priests in the Aaronic Priesthood" (1:126; Moro. 3).

When the law of Moses was fulfilled in Christ, those duties associated with the carnal law were no longer performed. But the Aaronic Priesthood possesses keys to
more than the rites and rituals associated with the law of Moses. This lesser priesthood holds "the keys of the ministering of angels, and to administer in outward
ordinances, the letter of the gospel, the baptism of repentance for the remission of sins, agreeable to the covenants and commandments" (D&C 107:20).

The priesthood administers the gospel in all dispensations (D&C 84:17-19). It is only under the direction of the priesthood that the gospel can legally be taught. Thus,
Nephi 1 consecrated his brothers Jacob 2 and Joseph 2 "that they should be priests and teachers" (2 Ne. 5:26). In the days of king Benjamin "there were many holy
men in the land, and they did speak the word of God with power and with authority" (W of M 1:17). It was from king Mosiah 2 that Alma the Elder received "power
to ordain priests and teachers over every church" established throughout the land of Zarahemla (Mosiah 25:19). Alma the Younger testified that he was consecrated by
his father "to be a high priest over the church of God, he having power and authority from God to do these things" (Alma 5:3). Similarly, Aaron 3 and "his brethren went
forth from city to city, and from one house of worship to another, establishing churches, and consecrating priests and teachers throughout the land among the
Lamanites, to preach and to teach the word of God among them" (Alma 23:4). As to obtaining membership in the Church, the record states that "whosoever was
baptized by the power and authority of God was added to his church" (Mosiah 18:17). Alma 2 preached of an earlier people of God, including Melchizedek and his
city, who possessed "the high priesthood of the holy order of God" (Alma 13:6). Through the ordinances of this priesthood they were cleansed from sin and "entered
into the rest of the Lord their God" (Alma 13:12). He assured the people of Ammonihah that if they would humble themselves before God and "bring forth fruit meet for
repentance" (Alma 13:13), they could enjoy the same blessings (Alma 13:1-20).

When Christ introduced a new dispensation of the gospel as recorded in 3 Nephi, he called the twelve disciples and gave them "power and authority to baptize" (3 Ne.
12:1), to confer the Holy Ghost, to ordain others, and to do all else that they did in his name (3 Ne. 11:21-25; 18:37; 27:7; Moro. 2; 3). This was a re- conferral of
priesthood as "old things are done away, and all things have become new" (3 Ne. 12:47; 15:2-9).

Evidences of the priesthood or its fruits were present everywhere among the Nephites. They were seen in the manner in which the gospel was preached, scriptures
recorded, and ordinances performed, including all ritual associated with the temple and the law of Moses. People were baptized into the Church, and when necessary
cast out (Moro. 6:1-8). Fathers blessings were given (2 Ne. 1-4), the Holy Ghost conferred (Moro. 2), and the sick healed (4 Ne. 1:5). Nephi 1's confidence in the
power and authority that God had given him was such that he said, "If God had commanded me to do all things I could do them. If he should command me that I
should say unto this water, be thou earth, it should be earth; and if I should say it, it would be done" (1 Ne. 17:50; cf. Jacob 4:6). His namesake Nephi 3 , the son of
Nephi 2 , ministered "with power and with great authority" (3 Ne. 7:17). So great was the power with which he spoke that his enemies "could [not] disbelieve his
words" (3 Ne. 7:18). Angels ministered to him daily, and "in the name of Jesus did he cast out devils and unclean spirits; and even his brother did he raise from the
dead, after he had been stoned," and he worked "many more miracles, in the sight of the people, in the name of Jesus" (3 Ne. 7:19-20).

See also Chosen; Church of God (Christ) in ancient America; Elder(s); High priest(s); Holy order of God; Premortal existence; Priest(s); Sealing power; Teacher(s).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Answers to Gospel Questions. Compiled by Joseph Fielding Smith Jr. 5 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1957- 66.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                       Page 813 / 919
McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Priest(s)
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Answers to Gospel Questions. Compiled by Joseph Fielding Smith Jr. 5 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1957- 66.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Priest(s)

An ecclesiastical or priesthood office among the Nephites. Before the coming of Christ, the Nephites did not have the Aaronic Priesthood (Smith, 3:87), therefore it
should not be confused with the office of priest as found in the Church today. References to priests before Christ's coming are to high priests holding the Melchizedek
Priesthood. Because there were no Aaronic priests, they did not need to distinguish between the two different kinds of priests (McConkie, 599). Nephi 1 consecrated
his brothers Jacob 2 and Joseph 2 as priests and teachers (2 Ne. 5:26). That the priest was a Melchizedek Priesthood office is made clear by Jacob's stating that he
had been "ordained after the manner of his holy order" (2 Ne. 6:2). The term "high priest" is used explicitly in a few passages-for example, Helaman 2 and "his brethren"
are so designated (Alma 46:6). In the time of Helaman 3 the text mentions high priests and teachers together as Church leaders (Hel. 3:25). Alma 1 , as high priest of
the Church, ordained other priests (Mosiah 18:18; 25:19), as did his successors Alma 2 (Alma 4:7) and Helaman 2 (Alma 45:22). After the coming of Christ, the
disciples of Christ also ordained priests (Moro. 3:1-3). Whether these were high priests or priests of the Aaronic order is not explicitly stated.

See also Church of God (Christ) in ancient America; Elder(s); High priest(s); Priesthood among the Nephites; Teacher(s).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Priests of king Noah 3

See Noah 3 , priests of.

Printing and publication of the Book of Mormon

See Book of Mormon, printing and publication of.

Privily

See Appendix C.

Probation probationary

See Life, purpose of.

Profaned

See Appendix C.

Promised land land of promise

Land settled and inhabited by the Nephites, Lamanites, and Jaredites. This area was "a land which is choice above all other lands" (2 Ne. 1:5; Ether 1:42), a "holy
land" (Enos 1:10) that the Lord "had preserved for a righteous people" (Ether 2:7) ever since "the waters had receded from off the face" of it (Ether 13:2). In fulfillment
of his promise to Joseph of Egypt that he, Joseph, would be a "fruitful bough . . . whose branches run over the wall" (Gen. 49:22), the Lord covenanted with Lehi 1-
descendant of Joseph-that this land would be an everlasting land of inheritance for his seed, and also others "who should be led out of other countries by the hand of the
Lord" (2 Ne. 1:5). Having learned of the land's sacred nature and destiny, Lehi prophesied that "there shall none come into this land save they shall be brought by the
hand of the Lord" (2 Ne. 1:6). Moreover, the promised land would be "a land of liberty" and prosperity to those that "shall serve him according to the commandments
which he hath given" (2 Ne. 1:7; cf. Enos 1:10; Alma 36:1), and "whatsoever nation shall possess it shall be free from bondage, and from captivity, and from all other
nations under heaven, if they will but serve the God of the land, who is Jesus Christ" (Ether 2:12). Furthermore, those who would not serve him on such a blessed land
would be "swept off . . . when they are ripened in iniquity" (Ether 2:8-9), and "other nations" will "cause them to be scattered and smitten" (2 Ne. 1:10-11).

The Book of Mormon also speaks of the establishment of the latter- day Gentiles upon the promised land, and the role they would play in redeeming Israel in the last
days. In his vision of what the future held for the land of promise, Nephi 1 witnessed the eventual discovery and colonization of the Americas by explorers and settlers,
and their "deliver[ance] by the power of God out of the hands of all other nations" (1 Ne. 13:12-19). This would prepare the way, Nephi continued, for the Lord to
"raise up a mighty nation among the Gentiles, yea, even upon the face of this land" (1 Ne. 22:7). This promise of a mighty nation refers to the establishment of the
United States in North America. Furthermore, the Lord told Jacob 2 he would "fortify this land against all other nations" (2 Ne. 10:12), and that "this land shall be a
land of liberty unto the Gentiles, and there shall be no kings upon the land, who shall raise up unto the Gentiles" (2 Ne. 10:11). The Savior also taught the Nephites that
the Holy Ghost would be poured out "upon the Gentiles" living in the promised land, "which blessing upon the Gentiles shall make them mighty above all" (3 Ne. 20:27).

The founding of a mighty nation in the promised land was prerequisite to the fulfillment of the prophecy regarding the Gentiles' role in bringing the gospel to the latter-
day descendants of Lehi (1 Ne. 13:38-39; 15:13-14; 2 Ne. 30:3-5; 3 Ne. 21:3). Much had to be accomplished before this promise could be fulfilled, for although the
Gentiles would "humble themselves before the Lord" (1 Ne. 13:16), they would initially lack important gospel truths and covenants removed from the Bible by the great
and abominable church (1 Ne. 13:24-33). God intended to restore a knowledge of those truths and covenants to the Gentiles through the Book of Mormon (1 Ne.
13:34-35). It was only after the Gentiles were "established in this land, and . . . set up as a free people by the power of the Father" that the Book of Mormon could be
brought forth and carried to the Nephites and Lamanites-as well as the rest of Israel-in fulfillment of "the covenant of the Father . . . which he hath covenanted with his
people" (3 Ne. 21:4). Brigham Young taught: "There is not another nation under heaven but this, in whose midst the Book of Mormon could have been brought forth.
The Lord has been operating for centuries to prepare the way for the coming forth of the contents of that Book from the bowels of the earth. . . . It was the Lord who
directed the discovery of this land to the nations of the old world, and its settlement, and the war for independence, and the final victory of the colonies, and the
 Copyright (c) prosperity
unprecedented   2005-2009, ofInfobase   Media
                              the American      Corp.up to the calling of Joseph the Prophet. The Lord has dictated and directed the whole of this, forPage
                                             nation,                                                                                                            814 forth,
                                                                                                                                                         the bringing / 919
and establishing of his Kingdom in the last days" (11:17).
brought forth and carried to the Nephites and Lamanites-as well as the rest of Israel-in fulfillment of "the covenant of the Father . . . which he hath covenanted with his
people" (3 Ne. 21:4). Brigham Young taught: "There is not another nation under heaven but this, in whose midst the Book of Mormon could have been brought forth.
The Lord has been operating for centuries to prepare the way for the coming forth of the contents of that Book from the bowels of the earth. . . . It was the Lord who
directed the discovery of this land to the nations of the old world, and its settlement, and the war for independence, and the final victory of the colonies, and the
unprecedented prosperity of the American nation, up to the calling of Joseph the Prophet. The Lord has dictated and directed the whole of this, for the bringing forth,
and establishing of his Kingdom in the last days" (11:17).

In addition to receiving the fulness of the gospel through the Book of Mormon, the Gentiles in the promised land were assured that they too would be blessed in the
land (2 Ne. 10:10), "numbered among the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 10:18), and receive the land as an inheritance (2 Ne. 10:19), but only upon conditions of
righteousness (3 Ne. 16:13; 21:6). Righteous Gentiles would also be privileged to "assist . . . the remnant of Jacob, and also as many of the house of Israel as shall
come, that they may build a city, which shall be called the New Jerusalem," on this continent (3 Ne. 21:23; cf. Ether 13:3-10). Should the Gentiles not repent after
receiving the fulness of the gospel, however, the Lord promised to "bring the fulness of my gospel from among them" (3 Ne. 16:10). Moreover, he would "execute
vengeance and fury upon them, even as upon the heathen" (3 Ne. 21:21), by allowing the house of Israel to "go through among them, and . . . tread them down" (3 Ne.
16:15) like "a lion among the beasts of the forest, and as a young lion among the flocks of sheep" (3 Ne. 20:16).

See also Columbus, Christopher; Decrees of God.

Bibliography

Young, Brigham. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854- 86.

Hedges, Andrew H.

Prophecy in the Book of Mormon

Any inspired utterance, prediction, or foreshadowing of divine will. The title page of the Book of Mormon declares that it was "written . . . by the spirit of prophecy."
Thus, the essence of the Book of Mormon is prophecy and the prophets' witnesses of Jesus Christ, "for the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy" (Rev. 19:10).
Jacob 2 stated, "And we also had many revelations, and the spirit of much prophecy; wherefore, we knew of Christ and his kingdom, which should come" (Jacob 1:6).
Accordingly, much of Book of Mormon prophecy is centered in the life and mission of Jesus Christ. Nephi 1 said, "We prophesy of Christ, and we write according to
our prophecies, that our children may know to what source they may look for a remission of their sins" (2 Ne. 25:26). Through the teachings of their prophets Book of
Mormon people knew when and where Jesus would be born, the name of his mother (1 Ne. 10:4; Hel. 14:2; Alma 7:10), and what signs would be given to verify that
Christ had indeed come into the world (Hel. 14:2-5). They also knew details concerning his earthly ministry: the mighty miracles he would perform (Mosiah 3:5-6), his
tremendous suffering for the sins of the world (Mosiah 3:7; Alma 7:11-12), his death by crucifixion, and his resurrection on the third day (2 Ne. 10:5; Mosiah 3:10).
Moreover, the people would know of these culminating events in Christ's life through observance of the pro-phesied signs: darkness for three days, great thunderings,
lightnings, and mighty earthquakes (1 Ne. 19:10-13; Hel. 14:20-21). The ultimate verification of the prophetic utterances of Book of Mormon prophets concerning
Jesus Christ was the personal appearance of the resurrected Christ to their people some time after his ascension in the Old World (1 Ne. 12:6; 2 Ne. 26:9; 3 Ne. 11).

Although the main purpose of prophecy is to reveal Jesus Christ, prophecy also includes inspired descriptions of the past, present, or future events. Elder Bruce R.
McConkie explained, "In their most dramatic form [such prophecies] are declarations of things to come, things which no mortal power could have made
manifest" (602).

The Book of Mormon illustrates several ways prophecy can be received. Most prophecy comes through the promptings of the Spirit, "for by the Spirit are all things
made known unto the prophets" (1 Ne. 22:2). Jacob 2 explained that "the Spirit speaketh . . . of things as they really are, and of things as they really will be" (Jacob
4:13). Dreams are another important means whereby prophecy is received. For example, Lehi 1's prophetic dream showed that while part of his family would partake
of the tree of life, Laman 1 and Lemuel would not (1 Ne. 8:35), a truth verified through the later division of his family according to those who believed in "the revelations
of God" and those who did not (2 Ne. 5:6). Often divine messengers deliver prophetic knowledge. For example, an angel foretold that Laban would be delivered into
the hands of Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 3:29), and angels foretold the coming of Christ (Mosiah 3:2-23; Hel. 13:5-9).

Prophecies may be conditional or unconditional, and they may have more than one application, interpretation, or fulfillment. Conditional prophecies, for example, often
involve the foretelling of punishment and destruction for wickedness that can be averted through repentance, as in the case of the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem,
which was fulfilled in 586 b.c. (1 Ne. 1:4; 2:13; 10:3; 2 Ne. 1:4; Hel. 8:21). A recurring phrase in the Book of Mormon underscores the notion of conditional
prophecy: "Inasmuch as ye shall keep the commandments of God ye shall prosper in the land; and ye ought to know also, that inasmuch as ye will not keep the
commandments of God ye shall be cut off from his presence" (Alma 36:30; cf. 1 Ne. 2:20-24; Alma 9:13).

The prophet Abinadi first declared his prophecies to be conditional by using the phrase "except they repent" (Mosiah 11:20-25). Then, when he saw that his wicked
audience refused to repent, his prophecy became unconditional, promising, "It shall come to pass" (Mosiah 12:2-8). Other examples of unconditional prophecy include
Lehi 1's revelation that the brass plates will one day go forth to all nations (1 Ne. 5:18); the angel's words to Nephi 1 concerning the corruption of the Bible (1 Ne.
13:23-27), and his promise that other holy books would come forth to restore the plain and precious truths that had been taken or held back (1 Ne. 13:39-40); Joseph
1's description of a book (the Book of Mormon) that together with the Bible would confound false doctrine, lay down contention, and make known the covenants of
the Lord (2 Ne. 3:12); Mormon's foretelling that the Book of Mormon would go "unto the unbelieving of the Jews" to persuade them "that Jesus is the Christ" (Morm.
5:14); and Moroni 2's detailed description of the world at the time of the coming forth of the Book of Mormon (Morm. 8:26-41).

Prophecies may also have more than one application or fulfillment. A good example of this is Nephi 1's quoting Isaiah concerning the fate of the king of Babylon.
Isaiah's prophecy of the downfall of Babylon's powerful king also serves to foretell the downfall of Lucifer, the king of spiritual Babylon (2 Ne. 24).

Other important prophecies in the Book of Mormon include Nephi 1's vision of events that would serve as a prelude to the restoration of the gospel on the American
continent-Columbus , migrations to the promised land , and the Revolutionary War (1 Ne. 13:12-19; cf. 3 Ne. 21:4); prophecies that reveal the location of the New
Jerusalem and who will participate in its construction (2 Ne. 1:5-6; 3 Ne. 21:22-23; Ether 13:4-7); and prophecies foretelling blessings to Gentiles, Jews, Lamanites,
and all the house of Israel if they come unto Christ (1 Ne. 15:13-16; 2 Ne. 29:14; 30:2-7; 3 Ne. 20:29-37).

See also (for additional Book of Mormon pro-phecies) Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning; Jesus Christ, second coming of; Jews, Book of Mormon
message concerning; Laman-ites, Book of Mormon message concerning; Millennium, the.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966.

Copyright
Woods,    (c)E.2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
       Fred                                                                                                                                           Page 815 / 919

Prophetic speech forms
Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966.

Woods, Fred E.

Prophetic speech forms

Brief statements attached to revelations from God. The speech forms frequently contain the name of God, are often located at the beginning or end of a revelation, and
function in prophetic writings to indicate prophetic authority and prerogative. They belong to the world of prophets and prophecy and are well attested in the scriptures,
including the Book of Mormon. Individuals who are not prophets cannot use the forms with power and authority, for the power and authority attached to the forms
originate from God (Jer. 28:10-17).

The following five prophetic speech forms are found in the Book of Mormon:

1. Proclamation formula. "Hearken to the word of the Lord" (Jacob 2:27; cf. 2 Kgs. 7:1; Isa. 1:10); "Hear the words of Jesus Christ" (3 Ne. 30:1). This formula
frequently introduces prophetic language with the words "hearken" or "hear," serving as a summons to give heed to God's word as revealed through the prophet.

2. Messenger formula. "Thus saith the Lord of Hosts." This formula, well attested throughout the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 21:7-8, 22, 25; Jacob 2:25, 28-30, 32-33;
Mosiah 11:20, 25; Alma 8:17, 29; Hel. 10:11, 14; 3 Ne. 24:1; cf. Ex. 5:1; Josh. 24:2), introduces prophetic language and is therefore regularly located at the beginning
of a revelatory unit. God through his prophet is the ultimate source of the formula, hence its purpose is to set forth both the source as well as the divine authority of the
revelation.

3. Oath formula. "As the Lord liveth" (1 Ne. 3:15; 2 Ne. 9:16; 25:20; Omni 1:26; Alma 10:10; Hel. 13:26; 3 Ne. 3:15, 21; cf. Judg. 8:19; 1 Sam. 25:26). The
declaration is a solemn promise uttered by a prophet that serves to accentuate the revelation by calling upon the existence of the Lord. In another form of the oath
formula, God swears by his own name, "the Lord of Hosts hath sworn" (2 Ne. 24:24; 3 Ne. 29:8; cf. Judg. 2:15; Jer. 51:14). See Oaths.

4. Wo oracle. The wo oracle is an accusation form that features the term "wo" in the revelation, and is located within a judgment speech or a prophecy of judgment
against a person or people (1 Ne. 1:13; 2 Ne. 9:30-38; Morm. 8:31; Ether 8:24; Moro. 10:25-26; cf. Isa. 3:11; Ezek. 16:23). On occasion the wo is repeated twice
("wo, wo"; Jacob 3:3; Mosiah 3:12) or three times ("wo, wo, wo"; 2 Ne. 28:15; 3 Ne. 9:2) for emphasis.

5. Revelation formula. "The Lord spake unto me" (1 Ne. 2:19; 17:8; 2 Ne. 18:5, 11 // Isa. 8:5, 11; Ether 12:26; Ex. 7:8; Num. 13:1), and "the Spirit of the Lord . . .
spake unto me" (1 Ne. 11:11). The revelation formula emphasizes the fact that God is the source of the revelation, that he "speaks" to his prophets, and therefore they
have the authority to write or speak his words.

Bibliography

Aune, David E. Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1983. 88- 100.

Parry, Donald W.

Prophetic tense prophetic perfect

Using past tense verbs for future events in prophetic literature or, "speaking of things to come as though they had already come" (Mosiah 16:6; cf. Jarom 1:11; Mosiah
3:13). This past tense (prophetic perfect) is often employed in prophecy "to express facts which are undoubtedly imminent, and, therefore, in the imagination of the
speaker, already accomplished" (Gesenius, 312). For example, Isaiah 53 (cited by Abinadi in Mosiah 14) prophesied of Jesus' future atoning sacrifice using past tense
verbs: "He has borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows; . . . he was wounded for our trans-gressions, he was bruised for our iniquities. . . . for the trans-gressions of
my people was he stricken" (Mosiah 14:4-8; cf. 2 Ne. 31:6-8).

Bibliography

Gesenius, Wilhelm. Hebrew Grammar. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970. Quoted by Stephen D. Ricks in "I Have a Question." Ensign 18 (August 1988): 27- 28.

Parry, Donald W.

Prophets false

Preachers or teachers who claim to speak for God but have received neither authorization nor message from him. Under the law of Moses, false prophecy was a
capital offense (Deut. 18:20). The law specified a test: if a person prophesied a thing that did not come to pass, he was judged to have spoken presumptuously (Deut.
18:22). Even if a person's prophecy did come to pass, he was to be rejected and executed if he led the people after false gods (Deut. 13:1-11). When Jesus Christ
visited the Nephites and Lamanites, he warned of false prophets in sheep's clothing who inwardly are ravening wolves. The test was similar: "Ye shall know them by
their fruits" (3 Ne. 14:15-20). In a wider sense, a false prophet is anyone who promulgates false or deceptive teachings to lead people astray. Often they are learned
men who substitute their own wisdom for the counsel of God (2 Ne. 9:28). False prophets cycle through the entirety of Book of Mormon history. Some are named,
such as the anti-Christs Korihor, Nehor, and Sherem. Kishkumen and Gadianton counterfeited the prophetic role by administering signs, secret words, and covenants
obtained from Satan rather than from God (Hel. 6:22, 26). Zeezrom taught lying words and exemplified the pride and materialism of many false prophets (Alma 11:24-
25). Zoram 3 led his followers "to bow down to dumb idols" (Alma 31:1). Some false prophets are unnamed, such as the host of false prophets who undermined the
nearly two- hundred- year peace after Christ's visit (4 Ne. 1:34). Such righteous leaders as king Benjamin dealt with false prophets according to their crimes (W of M
1:16). Wicked people accused true prophets of false prophecy (Mosiah 12:9-15; Hel. 8:25-9:41). Samuel the Lamanite condemned the Nephites for rejecting true
prophets because they testified of their "sins and iniquities" while accepting and supporting false prophets, "blind guides," who justified them in their sins (Hel. 13:26-
29). Some of his listeners used the law of Moses test to declare Samuel a false prophet when his prophecies did not come to pass according to their reckoning (3 Ne.
1:5-9). Similarly, the wicked subjects of king Noah 3 accused Abinadi of being a false prophet to legitimize his trial and execution (Mosiah 12:14).

See also Churches, false.

Cloward, Robert A.

Prophets     records of the
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See Records of the prophets.
Cloward, Robert A.

Prophets records of the

See Records of the prophets.

Prophets rejection of

A major theme throughout the Book of Mormon, beginning with the rejection of Lehi 1's message and voice of warning (1 Ne. 1:18-20) and concluding with the
destruction of the Nephite people after ignoring Mormon's cry to repent (Morm. 2:2-3; 6:17-22). The people of Noah 3 killed Abinadi and consequently "brought
down the wrath of God upon them" (Mosiah 7:26-29). Samuel the Lamanite warned of a curse to come upon the Nephites and prophesied that they would eventually
lament because they mocked and stoned the prophets (Hel. 13:23-24; 32-33). In the great destruction before the coming of the resurrected Savior, only those
Nephites were spared "who received the prophets and stoned them not" (3 Ne. 10:12; 9:10; cf. 2 Ne. 26:3-5). During the rapid demise of the Nephite Zion, attempts
were made to kill the three translated Nephites who dwelt among them (4 Ne. 1:30-33), leading the Lord to "take away his beloved disciples" (Morm. 1:13). The
Jaredites exemplified the same proclivity to reject and mock their prophets (Ether 7:24; 9:29; 11:22), resulting in their total annihilation (Alma 37:30-31; Ether 13:20-
22; 15:29-33).

In testifying to a largely hostile Nephite audience, Samuel the Lamanite gave a fundamental reason for people's rejection of true prophets: "If a prophet come among
you and declareth unto you the word of the Lord, which testifieth of your sins and iniquities, ye are angry with him, and cast him out and seek all manner of ways to
destroy him; yea, you will say that he is a false prophet, and that he is a sinner, and of the devil, because he testifieth that your deeds are evil" (Hel. 13:26; cf. Mosiah
11:20-26; 12:1-8; 17:7- 13; Alma 8:9-13; Hel. 7:12-28; 8:1-; 16:2; 3 Ne. 6:20-23; 7:16-20).

This same warning regarding the consequences of rejecting the Lord's servants applies today. A latter- day apostle, Harold B. Lee, testified that "those who criticize the
leaders of this Church are showing signs of a spiritual sickness which, unless curbed, will bring about eventually spiritual death. . . . those who in public seek by their
criticism, to belittle our leaders or bring them into disrepute, will bring upon themselves more hurt than upon those whom they seek thus to malign" (Lee, 67; cf. 1 Ne.
11:35-36; Alma 30:27-31, 60; Mosiah 27:9-16; Jacob 7:1-20; D&C 1:14).

Conversely the Lord extends great blessings to those who receive his servants, such as the Anti- Nephi- Lehies (Alma 23-27; cf. Matt. 10:40-41; D&C 84:36-38).

Bibliography

Lee, Harold B. Conference Report, October 1947.

Fronk, Camille

Prophets role of

A prophet is a man called of God by revelation to be his servant, his mouthpiece, his messenger. The prophet may be called through a vision (1 Ne. 1), by a personal
appearance of the Lord (1 Ne. 2:16), or through another of God's servants (Jacob 1:18). His authority is given him through the laying on of hands (Alma 6:1; A of F 5).
Prophets possess the power of God-in some cases, power over the elements to cause famine, pestilence, and destruction, as well as the power to bring an end to such
conditions. They have power to seal and loose on earth and in heaven (Hel. 10:6-12; 11:4-17). God manifests his power through his servants in miraculous ways.
Nephi 1 was able to burst the bands on his hands and feet (1 Ne. 7:17-18). Alma 2 and Amulek broke the cords that bound them, and the prison walls fell to the earth,
slaying all but them (Alma 14:26-28). Nephi 2 , son of Helaman 3 , was protected and conveyed by the Spirit out of the midst of those who sought to cast him into
prison (Hel. 10:16). Nephi 3 , son of Nephi 2 , had "greater power" than his enemies and performed great miracles, even raising his brother from the dead (3 Ne. 7:15-
20). The Three Nephites were delivered from pits, furnaces, and wild beasts (3 Ne. 28:19-22; 4 Ne. 1:30-33).

Each prophet has been foreordained to a specific mission (Alma 13:1-6; Smith, 365) and will be protected by the Lord until his mission is completed (1 Ne. 1:20;
Mosiah 13:3; Alma 14:13).

Because the testimony of Jesus is in fact the spirit of prophecy (Rev. 19:10; Smith, 119), a prophet will always testify of the Savior (Jacob 4:4; 7:11; Mosiah 13:33-35;
Moro. 7:22-23, 29-32), and his oracles will be consistent with the thrust of other messianic prophecies (Hel. 8:13-20; Luke 24:27). The prophet's message will not be
his own but what the Lord wants him to say (Alma 5:44-46; 8:14-17; Hel. 7:29; 13:2-5). Prophets are sent to publish peace and settle disputations by setting forth the
true points of doctrine-to teach the gospel of Jesus Christ, which is the gospel of peace (W of M 1:12-18; Mosiah 15:13-14; Hel. 11:22-23; Ether 7:23-27).

Prophets are called of God to see things "afar off" (D&C 101:54), to envision the truth and to speak of the truth-"things as they really are, and of things as they really
will be" (Jacob 4:13; cf. D&C 93:24). The spirit of prophecy and revelation enables them, when needed and appropriate, to foresee and speak of coming events. Lehi
1 was shown the destruction of Jerusalem, the future of the Jews, and the coming of the Messiah in the meridian of time (1 Ne. 1:13; 10:2-14). Because of his desire to
understand the mysteries of God, Nephi 1 was shown the same vision (1 Ne. 2:16; 10:17-22; 11-14). Jacob 2 was also shown the future scattering and gathering of
the house of Israel (2 Ne. 6:8-13). Alma 2 foretold the destruction of the city of Ammonihah (Alma 10:23; 16:9-10).

A prophet can also function as a seer , revealing "secret" or "hidden" things "which are not known" (Mosiah 8:15-17). Ammon 2 "perceived the thoughts" of king
Lamoni (Alma 18:16) and knew by the voice of the Lord concerning his brethren being in prison in the land of Middoni (Alma 20:2). Jacob 2 was able to confound the
anti-Christ Sherem through the Spirit of the Lord (Jacob 7:8). Amulek exposed the evil intentions of Zeezrom (Alma 11:22-25; 12:3-4). Nephi 2 told of the murder of
the chief judge (Hel. 8:27-28) and gave the people a sign indicating the very words Seezoram's brother, the murderer, would use when accused (Hel. 9:25-37).

A basic role of a prophet is to declare repentance and invite all to come unto Christ and be saved (1 Ne. 16:35-39; Jacob 3:3-12; Mosiah 11:20-26; Alma 5:49; Hel.
7:17; 13:10-14). Because his message is from the Lord, the prophet will generally be unpopular with the wicked. People reject the prophets for many reasons but
usually because the prophets will not tolerate sin (Hel. 13:24-29). President Spencer W. Kimball pointed out that "so often the prophets have been rejected because
they first rejected the wrong ways of their own society" (116).

Because the prophet is the spokesman for God, what the prophet speaks is in fact the word of God. To reject the prophet is therefore to reject God (Hel. 13:21; D&C
1:38; 21:5). Thus those who follow the prophets will be blessed, while those who cast out or reject them will be damned (2 Ne. 26:3; 3 Ne. 9:10; 10:12).

See also Prophecy in the Book of Mormon; Prophetic speech forms; Prophetic tense, prophetic perfect; Prophets, false; Prophets, rejection of.

Bibliography
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Kimball, Spencer W. Conference Report, April 1978.
See also Prophecy in the Book of Mormon; Prophetic speech forms; Prophetic tense, prophetic perfect; Prophets, false; Prophets, rejection of.

Bibliography

Kimball, Spencer W. Conference Report, April 1978.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Prosper prosperity

Terms used in at least three ways in the Book of Mormon:

1. Temporal blessings generally referred to as riches (e.g., Mosiah 27:7; Alma 1:30-31; 9:22).

2. Spiritual blessings granted to the Church and its members, including growth (e.g., Mosiah 26:37; 27:9; Alma 49:30; Hel. 3:24-26).

3. Success in times of war (e.g., Jarom 1:9; Mosiah 2:31; Alma 48:14-16; 59:3).

4. Nonspecific references (the writer did not designate specific blessings). The Lord's promise to his covenant people that "inasmuch as ye shall keep my
commandments, ye shall prosper" is given throughout the Book of Mormon (1 Ne. 2:20; 4:14; Omni 1:6; Mosiah 1:7; 2:22; Alma 9:13; 48:25).

Mormon lamented that one of the great tragedies of human nature is that people generally begin to forget God as soon as he blesses or prospers them (Hel. 12:1-2; cf.
13:22).

See also All is well in Zion; Book of Mormon, selected themes of, obedience; Riches.

Bassett, K. Douglas

Provocation first and last

Transgression of law, which brings divine justice. The first provocation, which was the transgression of Adam and Eve in partaking of the forbidden fruit , resulted in
their being cut off from God's presence. The last provocation, which is willful, unrepentant disobedience of mankind, will result in their suffering an "everlasting
destruction"-being eternally cut off from God's presence (Alma 12:36).

Alma 2 taught that because Adam and Eve "transgressed the first commandments," they fell, bringing about the conditions of mortality (Alma 12:31). After their
expulsion from the Garden of Eden, God gave them additional command-ments. These "second commandments" included "that they should not do evil," and that they
must "repent, and harden not [their] hearts" (Alma 12:32-33, 37). Obedience would qualify them and their posterity to receive God's mercy through his Only Begotten
Son (Alma 12:33; cf. Moses 5:4-11); disobedience would bring a "second death" (Alma 12:32).

Just as Adam and Eve were cut off from God's presence through transgression (the "first provocation"), so likewise all who harden their hearts against God, persisting
in iniquity, receive a similar but eternal fate, a "last" or second death ("the last provocation"), the consequence for breaking the second commandment (Alma 12:35-37).

Another view is to consider the "first provocation" (Alma 12:36) as the rebellion of the children of Israel in the wilderness (Jacob 1:7; Heb. 3:8; D&C 84:24). In either
case, Alma's teaching about the first and last provocations bringing spiritual death applies.

Largey, Dennis L.

Puffed

See Appendix C.

Q
Quarters

See Appendix C.

Quetzalcoatl

Name of a prominent deity and king of ancient Mexico (Parkes, 16-17). It is derived from two words in the Nauhtl (Aztec) language, quetzal and coatl. Quetzal means
"feathers" and is the name of a beautiful Guatemalan bird with long tail feathers. Coatl means "serpent." The word kukulcan in the Maya Yucatec language has the same
meaning as Quetzalcoatl in Aztec (Parkes, 18). The symbolism of the quetzal bird and the serpent goes back to Olmec times (ca. 1000-500 b.c. ).

There are several variants and interpretations of Quetazalcoatl (Brown, 126-41). Many Latter- day Saints see evidence for the origin of one of the Quetzalcoatl
traditions in the visit of Jesus Christ to the Book of Mormon people. The name Quetzalcoatl seems to have originated in Mesoamerica (southern Mexico and northern
Central America) about the time of Christ's visit to the Nephites (Allen, 146, v. 43 of Ixtlilxochitl as translated by Allen). The sixteenth- century writer Don Fernando
de Alva de Ixtlilxochitl wrote: "Quetzalcoatl was a man of comely appearance and serious disposition. His countenance was white, and he wore a beard. His manner of
dress consisted of a long, flowing robe" (Allen, 147, v. 45). Such other sixteenth- century writers as Bernardino de Sahagun, Diego Duran, and Juan de Torquemada
also wrote of the white god Quetzalcoatl. Similarities between the Mexican tradition of Quetzalcoatl and Book of Mormon statements about Christ include the
following:

Both were recognized as the creator of all things (Mosiah 4:2; Saenz, 19, 40).

Both were born
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Both are described as being white or wearing a white robe (3 Ne. 11:8; 19:25; Torquemada, 48).
following:

Both were recognized as the creator of all things (Mosiah 4:2; Saenz, 19, 40).

Both were born of virgins (Alma 7:10; Gamiz, 95).

Both are described as being white or wearing a white robe (3 Ne. 11:8; 19:25; Torquemada, 48).

Both performed miracles (3 Ne. 26:15; Sejourne, 136-37).

Both taught the ordinance of baptism (3 Ne. 11:23-26; Irwin, 170).

Both prophesied of future events (3 Ne. 16; Allen, 146, v. 40).

Both were associated with the cross (3 Ne. 27:14; Irwin, 165).

Both sent out disciples to preach their word (3 Ne. 12:1; Wirth, 55) .

Both promised they would come a second time (2 Ne. 6:14; Sahagun, 1:40).

Both were associated with a new star (3 Ne. 1:21; Anales de Cauhtitlan, 7).

The children of both will become lords and heirs of the earth (3 Ne. 12:5; 4 Ne. 1:17; Allen 146, v. 40).

Quetzalcoatl "was representative of the wind, the whirlwind" (Sahagun, 4:101) and was called "the god of wind" because the great destruction that occurred in
Mesoamerica ca. a.d. 34 was attributed to him (Allen, 140, 146, v. 16, 42-43). Ixtlilxochitl wrote about this incident, saying, "It had been 166 years since they had
adjusted their calendar with the equinox and 270 years since the giants had been destroyed when the sun and the moon eclipsed and the earth quaked and rocks were
broken into pieces and many other signs that had been given came to pass, although man was not destroyed. This was in the year Ce Calli, which, adjusted to our
calendar, happened at the same time that Christ, our Lord, was crucified. And they say that this destruction occurred in the first few days of the year" (Allen, 140, v.
16; cf. Brown, 163). The Book of Mormon records the same date for the great destruction at the time of the crucifixion of Christ (3 Ne. 8:5).

The a.d. 300 Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Teotihuacan, Mexico, represents the white god as both a deity (by a serpent motif with quetzal feathers) and as the rain god,
Tlaloc. Teotihuacan was abandoned in the seventh century a.d. , and the Toltecs of Tula, located north of Mexico City, carried on the great tradition of the white god
Quetzalcoatl. Many people, including priests, took upon themselves the name or title of Quetzalcoatl. One such person was Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl, who was born ca.
a.d. 1040 and became a folk hero. Many historians suggest that when Cortez conquered Mexico, the people thought he was Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl returning (Parkes,
57-58 n. 1).

Today the legend of the white god Quetzalcoatl continues. Schoolchildren study the lives of the deity and of the men who took upon themselves the name of
Quetzalcoatl. Their lives and teachings are widely recognized for their high moral qualities and timeless character.

Bibliography

Allen, Joseph L. Exploring the Lands of the Book of Mormon. Orem, Utah: S. A. Publishers, 1989.

Anales de Cauhtitlan y Leyenda de los Soles en Codice Chimalpopoca. Edited and translated by Primo F. Velazquez. Mexico, D.F.: Institute of Historic Investigations,
National University, 1945.

Brown, Harold, Bruce W. Warren, and Blaine M. Yorgason. New Evidences of Christ in Ancient America. Arlington, Va.: Stratford Books, 1999.

Coe, Michael D. Mexico. 3d ed. London: Thames and Hudson, 1984.

Gamiz, Abel. Quetzalcoatl. Sociedad Folklorica de Mexico, 1941. 91- 107.

Irwin, Constance. Fair Gods and Stone Faces: Ancient Seafarers and the New World's Most Intriguing Riddle. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1963.

Parkes, Henry Bramford. A History of Mexico. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969.

Saenz, Caesar A. Quetzalcoatl. Mexico, D.F.: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, 1962.

Sahagun, Fray Bernardino de. Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva Espana: Florentine Codex. 12 vols. Edited and translated into English by Arthur J. O.
Anderson and Charles E. Dibble. Santa Fe, N.M.: The School of American Research and the University of Utah, 1950-82.

Sejourne, Laurette. El Universo de Quetzalcoatl. Mexico, D.F.: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1962.

Torquemada, Juan de. Monarchia Indiana. Vol. 1, as translated and condensed in Hubert Howe.

Bancroft, A. L. Myths and Languages. Vol. 3 of The Native Races. San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft, 1883.

Wirth, Diane E . A Challenge to the Critics: Scholarly Evidences of the Book of Mormon. Bountiful, Utah: Horizon Publishers, 1986.

Allen, Joseph L.

Quick

See Appendix C.

R
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Rabbanah
See Appendix C.

R
Rabbanah

Term of respect given to Ammon 2 by one of king Lamoni's servants after he defeated the Lamanites at the waters of Sebus. Mormon interpreted it as "powerful or
great king" (Alma 18:13). The title is related to ancient Near Eastern cognates designating "greatness," such as "Rabboni" (John 20:16) and Rabbi.

Strathearn, Gaye

Raca

A transliteration of reqa, an Aramaic word meaning "empty, void; worthless man" ( Dictionary, 1476). Consequently, it is a term of derision (3 Ne. 12:22). Jews in
Jesus' day typically spoke Aramaic.

Bibliography

A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature. II, 1476. Com-piled by Morris Jastrow. Brooklyn: P. Shalom, 1967.

Meservy, Keith H.

Rack

See Appendix C.

Railing

See Appendix C.

Ramah hill

Site where Coriantum r 2 gathered his people for four years in preparation for the final battles that ended the Jaredite civilization. Ramah was also where Mormon later
hid all the sacred records, except a few which he gave to Moroni 2 (Morm. 6:6; Ether 15:11-12). The hill Ramah was the same hill that the Nephites called Cumorah.

Rameumptom

Name given by the apostate Zoramites 2 to the "place built up in the center of their synagogue" (Alma 31:13) for worship. "Rameumptom" is interpreted as meaning
"holy stand" (Alma 31:21). The Semitic root word ram means "high" or "high place" (cf. Ramah in the Bible and Book of Mormon). The top of the Rameumptom
"would only admit one person" (Alma 31:13). From there, the Zoramites would vainly offer the "same prayers" to be heard and praised of men (Alma 31:20; 38:13).

Judd, Daniel K

Reap the chaff

To receive the evil or negative consequences of one's behavior. Chaff is the husk or thin outer covering of grain. It has little nutritional value and must be removed from
cereal grains by threshing and winnowing before consumption. The Lord warned that those who "sow filthiness" would "reap the chaff thereof" in a whirlwind (Mosiah
7:30). The metaphor suggests that wicked actions yield only fleeting and empty rewards.

Huntington, Ray Lynn

Reconciled unto Christ

Being brought back into a full and right relationship with Christ from a position of alienation or estrangement due to the effects of the Fall and personal sins. Nephi 1 ,
Jacob 2 , and the apostle Paul all taught that individuals are reconciled to God through the atonement of his Only Begotten Son (2 Ne. 25:23; Jacob 4:11; 2 Cor. 5:18,
20). Nephi implored both Jew and Gentile to be thus reconciled (2 Ne. 33:8-9). Because the Father and the Son are one God in purpose and attributes (Mosiah 15:4),
being reconciled to one is the same as being reconciled to the other.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Record of the Jews

Initially, Nephi 1 used this term to describe the brass plates of Laban (1 Ne. 3:3; 5:6). Later, an angel used this description for the book latter- day Gentiles would
possess. This record (the Bible) would be similar to the brass plates but not as complete (1 Ne. 13:23). Nephi also used this phrase to describe the more historical
parts of the brass plates, as compared to the books of Moses, the prophetic books, and the genealogies (1 Ne. 5:11-12; cf. Omni 1:14).

Ludlow, Victor L.

Records last

See Last records.

Records of the prophets

The writings of the prophets. Nephi 1 beheld in a vision that "other books" (i.e., the scriptures that came forth as part of the Restoration) would be brought forth in a
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future day to confirm the truth of the records of the prophets (e.g., Old Testament prophets) (1 Ne. 13:39).

See also Last records; Records of the Twelve Apostles.
Records of the prophets

The writings of the prophets. Nephi 1 beheld in a vision that "other books" (i.e., the scriptures that came forth as part of the Restoration) would be brought forth in a
future day to confirm the truth of the records of the prophets (e.g., Old Testament prophets) (1 Ne. 13:39).

See also Last records; Records of the Twelve Apostles.

Parker, Todd Brian

Records of the Twelve Apostles

The writings of Christ's New Testament apostles, from which plain and precious things have been taken. Nephi 1 learned in a vision that the Lord would bring forth
"other books" (i.e., the scriptures that came forth as part of the Restoration) to confirm the truth of the records of the Twelve Apostles and also to "make known the
plain and precious things which have been taken away from them" (1 Ne. 13:39-40). In the same vision an angel testified to Nephi that the words of Jesus Christ would
be manifest through both the records of his posterity (the Book of Mormon), and the records of the Twelve Apostles: "Wherefore they both shall be established in
one" (1 Ne. 13:41; cf. 2 Ne. 3:12).

See also Last records; Records of the prophets.

Parker, Todd Brian

Red Sea

The large sea, more than 1,000 miles in length, that divides Arabia from northeast Africa. The Book of Mormon confirms the historicity of Moses' parting the waters of
the sea, allowing the Israelites to pass on dry ground, and drowning Pharaoh's armies (1 Ne. 4:2; 17:26-27; Mosiah 7:19; Alma 36:28; Hel. 8:11). Nephi 1 referred to
a fertile wilderness near the shores of the Red Sea (1 Ne. 2:5; 16:14), and to a river emptying into it (1 Ne. 2:8-9). The reason for rendering the text of Isaiah 9:1 to
read "by the way of the Red Sea" is not known (2 Ne. 19:1; italics added; see map, page 412).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Redemption

"To redeem" is to repurchase something previously possessed and subsequently lost by paying all indemnities associated with its repossession. "Redemption" is thus
God's way of reclaiming his children from the fall of man by sacrificing Christ's redeeming blood as reparation for their repossession: "By Adam came the fall of man,"
accordingly, and "because of the fall of man came Jesus Christ," and "because of Jesus Christ came the redemption of man" (Morm. 9:12). All Book of Mormon terms
for redemption reflect ancient back grounds denoting "the return [of something] to a former state or condition" (Nibley, 581; cf. 558).

Redemption as repossession

Redemption as repossession is implicit in redemptio, the nominal derivative of redimo, a Latin verb combining re ("back, again") with emo ("buy, purchase") and
meaning "to buy back or repurchase something by paying what is owed." Thus, Lehi 1 knew that "all mankind were in a lost and in a fallen state, and ever would be
save they should rely on this Redeemer," who was the "Messiah, or . . . Savior of the world" (1 Ne. 10:4-6). He prophesied that "the Messiah cometh . . . [to] redeem
the children of men from the fall" (2 Ne. 2:26), and testified that "the Lord hath redeemed"-repossessed-"my soul from hell" (2 Ne. 1:15). The heart- cries of Nephi 1
were similar: "I glory in my Jesus, for he hath redeemed my soul from hell" (2 Ne. 33:6; cf. Mosiah 16:2, 4-5; Alma 21:9; Hel. 14:15-18; 3 Ne. 9:21-22; 20:38; Morm.
7:7).

Redemption as deliverance from bondage

The concept of redemption as deliverance from bondage may be seen in lytrosis ("the process of loosing or releasing something"), a Greek actional noun stressing the
deliverance of captives from imprisonment by someone who pays their lytron ("ransom"-everything they owe to anybody). Likewise, Nephi 1 yearned for deliverance
from sin: "O Lord, wilt thou redeem my soul? Wilt thou deliver me out of the hands of mine enemies? Wilt thou make me that I may shake at the appearance of sin? . . .
Wilt thou make a way for mine escape. . . . Wilt thou . . . clear my way before me, and hedge not up my way, but the ways of mine enemy" (2 Ne. 4:31, 33). Jacob 2
rejoiced in this deliverance: "O how great the goodness of our God, who prepareth a way for our escape from . . . death and hell" (2 Ne. 9:10). Others followed suit,
like Alma 2 who testified that he was delivered or "snatch[ed] . . . out of an everlasting burning" and "redeemed from the gall of bitterness and bonds of
iniquity" (Mosiah 27:24-29; cf. 2 Ne. 9:26; Mosiah 15:12; Alma 5:7, 9-10, 21, 27; 11:40-41; 12:6; 26:13-14, 17; 36:16-20; 41:7; Hel. 5:10-12; 13:36-37).

Redemption as protective coverings of atonement

A Hebrew correlate of redemptio and lytrosis is KPhRM ("atonement"), a plural noun referring to protective "coverings" (its literal meaning) for human lives. The major
symbols of protection are regal robes and royal embraces. Lehi 1 , when redeemed by Christ, was therefore "encircled about eternally in the arms of his love" (2 Ne.
1:15). "O Lord," implored Nephi 1 , "wilt thou encircle me around in the robe of thy righteousness!" (2 Ne. 4:33); and Jacob 2 envisioned the redeemed as "clothed
with purity . . . [in] the robe of righteousness" (2 Ne. 9:14). The Lord "sendeth an invitation unto all men, for the arms of mercy are extended towards them" (Alma
5:33), thus bringing sinners lost in darkness into "his everlasting light" to be embraced "with the matchless bounty of his love" (Alma 26:15). Mercy, according to
Amulek, enfolds repentant sinners "in the arms of safety," whereas the unrepentant are "exposed to the whole law of the demands of justice" (Alma 34:16). This Semitic
concept of redemption as protective coverings of atonement is also ritualized in the sacred garments of Adam and Eve. In their innocence before the Fall they were
naked, clothed only in light, and "were not ashamed" of their nakedness in the presence of God or of each other (Gen. 2:25). Shamed by their nakedness after the Fall,
they tried unsuccessfully to cover their shame with garments of their own devising, aprons made of fig leaves (Gen. 3:7). God made them "coats of skins," which
involved the sacrifice of life-something they could never forget-"and clothed them" with redemptive garments that covered their shame and allowed them to come into
his presence without fear (Gen. 3:21). Mormon, accordingly, warned the unrepentant that "when ye shall . . . see your nakedness before God" vis-à-vis "the glory of
God, and the holiness of Jesus Christ, it will kindle a flame of unquenchable fire upon you" (Morm. 9:5).

See also Atonement, the.

Bibliography

Nibley, Hugh W. Approaching Zion. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                         Page 821 / 919
Wright, Herbert C. "The Garment of Adam," chap. 8 of an unpublished master's thesis entitled "A Study of Certain Typological References to the Atonement found in
Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers." Brigham Young University, 1955.
Bibliography

Nibley, Hugh W. Approaching Zion. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989.

Wright, Herbert C. "The Garment of Adam," chap. 8 of an unpublished master's thesis entitled "A Study of Certain Typological References to the Atonement found in
Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers." Brigham Young University, 1955.

Wright, Herbert Curtis

Reformed Egyptian

Term used to describe the characters Mormon and Moroni 2 used to write their record on the gold plates (Morm. 9:32). Nephi 1 , the first record keeper, described
the language he used as a combination of elements from the Jews and from the Egyptians: "I make a record in the language of my father, which consists of the learning
of the Jews and the language of the Egyptians" (1 Ne. 1:2; cf. Mosiah 1:4). Moroni used the term "reformed Egyptian" when he said that he and his father wrote "this
record . . . in the characters which are called among us the reformed Egyptian" (Morm. 9:32). Moroni noted that the reformed Egyptian was "handed down and altered
by us, according to our manner of speech" (Morm. 9:32). Moroni also said that "if our plates had been sufficiently large we should have written in Hebrew; but the
Hebrew hath been altered by us also; and if we could have written in Hebrew, behold, ye would have had no imperfection in our record" (Morm. 9:33). Thus Mormon
and Moroni were conversant with some form of Hebrew, but they used a different system of writing, reformed Egyptian, because it occupied less space on the plates.
From this limited information it is not clear whether the language of the Book of Mormon plates was some form of Egyptian or simply a form of Hebrew written with
Egyptian- like characters.

See also Book of Mormon, language of the translated text of; Hebrew language.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Rely

To rely upon Christ is to depend upon him, to trust him, to exercise faith in him, to move forward on the gospel path because of confidence in who he is and what he
has done. Aaron 3 taught that "since man had fallen he could not merit anything of himself" (Alma 22:14). That is, one's own good works or merits are insufficient to
save one; one must, therefore, rely wholly upon the merits and mercy of the Holy Messiah (1 Ne. 10:6; 2 Ne. 2:3, 8; 4:19; 31:19; Moro. 6:4).

See also Merits of Christ.

Millet, Robert L.

Remnant

A piece or part of something. In the Book of Mormon the term is usually used to refer to that portion or part of a people that persist, especially through their
descendants, after the general populace has been smitten and/or scattered. It occurs in the following phrases:

1. "Remnant of the house of Israel," "remnant of Israel," and "remnant of Jacob." The title page of the Book of Mormon testifies that one purpose of the book is "to
show unto the remnant of the House of Israel what great things the Lord hath done for their fathers; and that they may know the covenants of the Lord." The Savior
explained that the faithful latter- day Gentiles would bring the gospel taught in the Book of Mormon to this remnant and thereby bring them to a knowledge of their
Redeemer (3 Ne. 16:4). This understanding and acceptance of the Lord and his covenants by the remnant of Jacob 1 constitutes an important part of the latter- day
gathering of Israel of which the prophets testified (2 Ne. 20:20-22; 21:11-12; 3 Ne. 5:24-26). Faithful Gentiles are to be numbered among the remnant of the house of
Israel and are to assist them in building the New Jerusalem (3 Ne. 21:6, 22-23). Unrighteous Gentiles were warned that if they did not accept the gospel, then the
remnant of Jacob would come among them like a "lion among the flocks of sheep" (3 Ne. 20:15-16; 21:12; see Micah).

2. "Remnant of the seed of Joseph," "remnant of the house of Joseph." The Joseph 1 spoken of in this context is the son of Jacob 1 , he who was sold into Egypt (Gen.
37:23-36). This remnant is therefore a part of the remnant of the house of Israel, and the prophecies concerning the house of Israel apply to them. In addition, some
specific promises have been made to the remnant of Joseph. Jacob received a promise that a remnant of his son Joseph would be preserved just as a remnant of
Joseph's coat of many colors was preserved (Alma 46:24). Ether prophesied that a remnant of Joseph would be brought to the Americas, that it would be a land of
inheritance for them, and that they would build the New Jerusalem (Ether 13:6-8, 10).

3. "Remnant of the seed of my brethren," and "remnant of our seed." These phrases refer to the descendants of Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 13:38-39; 15:13-14). This remnant is
also a remnant of the house of Israel and of Joseph 1 (Title Page; 1 Ne. 13:34; 2 Ne. 28:2; Alma 46:23-24; 3 Ne. 10:17; 15:12; 20:10; 21:2; Morm. 7:10), and as
such is included in the prophecies made to the remnant of the house of Israel and the remnant of Joseph. In addition, the remnant of Lehi is given some specific
promises. Lehi's descendants are told that although they will dwindle in unbelief (1 Ne. 15:13) and be smitten and scattered by the latter- day Gentiles (1 Ne. 13:33-
34; 3 Ne. 21:2), eventually through the ministry of the faithful Gentiles and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon they will arrive at a knowledge of their forefathers,
of the fulness of the gospel, of their redeemer, and of his covenants (1 Ne. 13:34-39; 15:13-14; 2 Ne. 30:3-4; 3 Ne. 21:4; Morm. 5:9). Mormon taught that this
remnant will "be judged by the twelve whom Jesus chose in this land [the Americas]" (Morm. 3:19).

4. Other remnants. Several other remnants of peoples are mentioned in the Book of Mormon, including the remnant of Babylon that will be cut off (2 Ne. 24:22), the
remnant of the Philistines that will be slain (2 Ne. 24:29-30), the remnant of the Jaredites who were destroyed (Mosiah 8:12) the remnant of the Amlicites pursued by
the spies of Alma 2 (Alma 2:21), and the remnant of the Amulonites pursued by the Lamanites (Alma 25:7-9).

In addition, Isaiah taught that the king of Babylon, like Lucifer, would be cast off in disgust like "the remnant [// Isa. 14:19 `raiment'] of those that are slain, thrust
through with a sword" (2 Ne. 24:19).

See also Israel, gathering of; Israel, house of; Israel, numbered among; Joseph 1 , covenants unto.

Nyman, Monte Stephen

Rend rent

To tear (rip); a tear or split. The rending of clothing-and, metaphorically, of one's heart-was usually associated with mourning, often because of a broken covenant
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breaking a covenant: "The people came running . . . rending their garments . . . as a covenant, that they would not forsake the Lord their God . . . [and] if they should
transgress . . . the Lord should rend them even as they had rent their garments" (Alma 46:13, 21). Mormon mourned, and his "soul was rent with anguish, because of
Rend rent

To tear (rip); a tear or split. The rending of clothing-and, metaphorically, of one's heart-was usually associated with mourning, often because of a broken covenant
(e.g., 1 Kgs. 11:11; 13:2-3; Joel 2:12-13; 1 Ne. 17:47). In the instance of Moroni 1's "title of liberty" (Alma 46:13), rending one's garment betokened the penalty for
breaking a covenant: "The people came running . . . rending their garments . . . as a covenant, that they would not forsake the Lord their God . . . [and] if they should
transgress . . . the Lord should rend them even as they had rent their garments" (Alma 46:13, 21). Mormon mourned, and his "soul was rent with anguish, because of
the slain of [his] people" (Morm. 6:16).

These terms appear likewise in descriptions of natural and spiritual disasters. Of the former, one reads of the disaster following the death of Jesus that among other
natural catastrophes, "the rocks were rent in twain . . . upon all the face of the land" (3 Ne. 8:18; cf. Hel. 14:22). In the case of spiritual reverses, Mormon recounted
the loss of spiritual and civil freedoms under the Gadianton robbers (ca. 24 b.c.) by observing that these people "did obtain the sole management of the government,
insomuch that they did . . . rend and turn their backs upon . . . the humble followers of God" (Hel. 6:39).

Brown, S. Kent

Repentance

A principal component of the gospel or "doctrine of Christ" that literally means to "change"-to turn away from sin by turning to Christ-a "mighty change" (Alma 5:14). A
central message of the Book of Mormon is that through the atonement of Christ, one can be forgiven, "cleansed" from sin, "washed white" and "purified" (Alma 5:21,
24, 27; 1 Ne. 12:10-11; Morm. 9:6). As an essential part of the plan of salvation (Alma 42:4-13) and a prerequisite to the ordinance of baptism (Moro. 6:2),
repentance is absolutely necessary in the process of being forgiven of sins (2 Ne. 2:21; 9:23; 30:2; 31:11-17; Mosiah 4:10; Alma 9:12; Hel. 5:11; 12:23; 3 Ne. 9:22;
27:16, 19-20). Inasmuch as "all mankind [are] in a lost" and in a "fallen state" (Mosiah 16:4; 1 Ne. 10:6; Alma 12:22; 22:14) and "no unclean thing can inherit the
kingdom of God" (Alma 40:26), all accountable individuals need to repent and be forgiven (Moro. 8:10-11). Through repentance, God's "mercy can satisfy the
demands of justice," which requires a punishment for broken law (Alma 34:16; 42:12-26; 2 Ne. 2:5-7). The primacy of this principle is shown in Alma 1's command to
"preach nothing save it were repentance and faith on the Lord" (Mosiah 18:18-20; 25:22; cf. D&C 6:9; 11:9) and in Amulek's warning concerning the severe
consequences of procrastinating repentance until it is "ever-lastingly too late" (Hel. 13:38; Alma 34:31-35). Without repentance, one's sins "stand as a testimony against
[one] at the last day" (Alma 39:8). The Book of Mormon narrative shows repeatedly that God blesses and prospers those persons or nations who repent (Alma 26:21-
22; Hel. 4:15; Ether 7:26). Moreover, bringing others to repentance through missionary labor brings great joy (Alma 29:9-10; D&C 18:10-16).

True repentance is a process requiring sincere faith , recognition of sin, "godly sorrow" (2 Cor. 7:10), confession, restitution for sin, and a forsaking or turning away
from evil.

Faith in the Lord Jesus Christ

Amulek taught that "faith unto repentance" leads to forgiveness through the cleansing power of the atonement of Jesus Christ (Alma 34:14-18). When Enos questioned
the Lord as to how it was possible for him to be forgiven of his sins and receive peace of conscience, the Lord explained, "Because of thy faith in Christ . . . thy faith
hath made thee whole" (Enos 1:4-8). Alma 2 experienced a "mighty change" of heart (Alma 5:12) through the mercy of Christ on account of his faith in the Savior's
redemptive power (Alma 36:17-20). Nephi 1 saw in vision the "twelve disciples of the Lamb," who, "because of their faith in the Lamb of God their garments are made
white in his blood. . . . These are made white in the blood of the Lamb, because of their faith in him" (1 Ne. 12:8-11).

Those who possess true faith in Christ will "bring forth works which are meet for repentance" (Alma 5:54; 12:15), meaning that their lives demonstrate that in both heart
and action they have eschewed evil and turned to God (Mosiah 28:3-8; Alma 5:11-15; 22:15-18; 23:5-18).

Recognition of sin and godly sorrow

True repentance requires acknowledgment of wrongdoing and "a broken heart and a contrite spirit" (2 Ne. 2:7; 3 Ne. 9:19-20; 12:19; Alma 42:18, 24; Ether 4:15;
15:3; Moro. 6:2)-a feeling of genuine sorrow for sins. This kind of sorrow is much more than remorse or regret over the consequences of sin, which Mormon called
"the sorrowing of the damned, because the Lord would not always suffer them to take happiness in sin" (Morm. 2:12-14). Rather, it is a "godly sorrow" that "worketh
repentance to salvation" (2 Cor. 7:10). The Anti- Nephi- Lehies became "convinced of [their] sins" through the preaching of the Nephites (Alma 24:9). Their sorrow
for their sins was an important component in their remarkable conversion and subsequent commitment not to sin (Alma 24:10-19). Alma 2 taught his son Corianton the
seriousness of the sin of immorality in an effort to help him feel the necessary contrition that would lead to sincere repentance (Alma 39:3-5): "I would to God that ye
had not been guilty of so great a crime. I would not dwell upon your crimes, to harrow up your soul, if it were not for your good" (Alma 39:7). A godly sorrow for past
sins brings one "down to the dust in humility," awakening a "sense of . . . nothingness" in a "fallen state." Such recognition of one's spiritual state leads to a stripping
away of all rationalization and self- justification and implants in the heart a yearning to be cleansed, to stand approved before the Lord (Alma 42:29-30; Mosiah 4:1-2,
5).

Recognition of sin and the accompanying sorrow produces mental and spiritual pain. When Alma the Younger recognized his sins, he experienced the "pains of hell,"
which pains drove him to plead for mercy (Alma 36:12-18; Mosiah 27:29-30). Similarly, Zeezrom experienced "great tribulations of his mind on account of his
wickedness" and was "scorched with a burning heat" in the process of his repentance (Alma 15:3; 14:6).

Confession of sin

The Lord instructed Alma 1 that "whosoever transgresseth against me, him shall ye judge according to the sins which he has committed; and if he confess his sins before
thee and me, and repenteth in the sincerity of his heart, him shall ye forgive, and I will forgive him also" (Mosiah 26:29-30, 35-36; italics added). Commenting on the
principle contained in these verses, Elder Bruce R. McConkie explained: "There are . . . two confessions and two sources of forgiveness. A sinner must always confess
all sins, great and small, to the Lord; in addition, any sins involving moral turpitude and any serious sins for which a person might be disfellowshipped or
excommunicated must also be confessed to the Lord's agent, who in most instances is the bishop. The bishop is empowered to forgive sins as far as the Church is
concerned, meaning that he can choose to retain the repentant person in full fellow-ship and not impose court [disciplinary council] penalties upon him. Ultimate
forgiveness in all instances and for all sins comes from the Lord and from the Lord only" (236).

By the power of their preaching, the four sons of Mosiah 2 brought many "before the altar of God, to call on his name and confess their sins before him" (Alma 17:4; cf.
Jacob 7:19; Hel. 5:17). Moroni 2 wrote that the Church in his day was "strict to observe that there should be no iniquity among them; and whoso was found to commit
iniquity . . . if they repented not, and confessed not, their names were blotted out, and they were not numbered among the people of Christ" (Moro. 6:7).

Restitution for sin

Acknowledgment,       sorrow, and
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following their conversions Alma 2 and the four sons of king Mosiah 2 "traveled throughout all the land of Zarahemla, and among all the people . . . zealously striving to
repair all the injuries which they had done to the church" (Mosiah 27:35). Similarly, Zeezrom acknowledged his lying words, sought to undo the damage he had done,
and pleaded for the lives of Alma 2 and Amulek (Alma 14:6-7). The powerful preaching of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 to Nephite dissenters caused the repentant dissenters to
iniquity . . . if they repented not, and confessed not, their names were blotted out, and they were not numbered among the people of Christ" (Moro. 6:7).

Restitution for sin

Acknowledgment, sorrow, and confession of sin leads an offender to make efforts to restore or make right, as far as possible, the wrongs committed. For example,
following their conversions Alma 2 and the four sons of king Mosiah 2 "traveled throughout all the land of Zarahemla, and among all the people . . . zealously striving to
repair all the injuries which they had done to the church" (Mosiah 27:35). Similarly, Zeezrom acknowledged his lying words, sought to undo the damage he had done,
and pleaded for the lives of Alma 2 and Amulek (Alma 14:6-7). The powerful preaching of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 to Nephite dissenters caused the repentant dissenters to
"immediately [return] to the Nephites to endeavor to repair unto them the wrongs which they had done" (Hel. 5:17), and their ministering to the Lamanites caused the
repentant Lamanites to "yield up unto the Nephites the lands of their possession" (Hel. 5:50-52).

Forsaking or turning away from evil

A sign of true repentance is abandonment of sin: To repent, one must "forsake" the sin (Mosiah 4:10; Alma 39:9; 3 Ne. 5:3; Ether 11:1; D&C 58:43). The Book of
Mormon gives numerous examples of how forsaking sin in the truest sense requires a comprehensive transformation of life, not merely the abandonment of a specified
sin. One who is born again demonstrates the fruits of true repentance in his or her continuing obedience, service , charity , and disposition (Enos 1:2-13; Mosiah 4:1-3;
5:2-7; 27:25, 32-37; 28:1-9; Alma 17:1-16; 27:27-28; 36:24).

See also Church discipline; Demands of justice; Faith unto repentance; Fruit meet for repentance; Justice, law of; Justification; Sin, transgression.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Top, Brent L.

Repentance fruit meet for

See Fruit meet for repentance.

Respecter of persons

An individual who gives special privilege to a person or group as a result of wealth, prestige, social position, or ethnic background. The scriptures declare categorically
that God is "no respecter of persons" (e.g., Acts 10:34; D&C 38:16), especially in terms of opportunities for salvation (2 Ne. 26:24-27, 33), because he "esteemeth all
flesh in one" (1 Ne. 17:35) and "all are alike unto God" (2 Ne. 26:33). He exhibits this attribute in three major ways:

1. The fruits of Christ's resurrection are available for all people (Alma 11:42-45).

2. The fruits of Christ's atoning sacrifice are available to all who take advantage of it through application of the gospel (3 Ne. 27:13-21) or who are not accountable
(Moro. 8:12).

3. Missionary work is extended to all, both Jew and Gentile (2 Ne. 26:33; 3 Ne. 18:25; cf. Matt. 28:19-20; Acts 10:34-48), and both the dead and living (D&C 138;
1 Pet. 3:18-20; 4:6).

The Book of Mormon teaches that God's righteous people should reflect a similar attitude in their relationships with others. They are to be no respecter of persons
when it comes either to sharing their prosperity (Alma 1:30) or to preaching the gospel (Alma 16:14).

Strathearn, Gaye

Rest of the Lord

The state of peace that comes with redemption; spiritual enjoyment resulting from the power or presence of the Lord. Ultimately, it is the fulness of God's glory (D&C
84:24). Prophets labor diligently to persuade their people to enter into this rest (Jacob 1:7; cf. Alma 13:6; D&C 84:23-24). The Book of Mormon refers to three
degrees of divine rest: the rest available in mortality, in paradise , and in the kingdom of God after resurrection.

1. Mortality. Divine rest in this life begins with humbling oneself, repenting (Alma 13:12-13), having one's garments washed in the Savior's blood through faith and
repentance (3 Ne. 27:19)-that is, obtaining the remission of sins (Alma 12:34; 13:16)-and coming unto Christ (Jacob 1:7; Alma 16:17). Personal revelation brings rest
to the soul (Enos 1:17). Those who are meek and lowly of heart find rest to their souls (Alma 37:34). Even in the midst of trials one can experience a degree of rest,
bearing one's afflictions with patience and a firm hope of rest one day from all affliction (Alma 34:41).

2. Paradise. At death righteous spirits enter this state of rest from all trouble, care, and sorrow (Alma 40:11). When the righteous die in battle or at the hands of the
wicked, they enter into the rest of the Lord (Alma 57:36; 60:13; cf. 14:11). Moroni bade farewell saying he was going to rest in the paradise of God until the
resurrection and the Judgment (Moro. 10:34).

3. Kingdom of God. Enos anticipated rest with and in his Redeemer in the mansions of the Father (Enos 1:27). Alma 2 listed the divine attributes people must have to
"be lifted up at the last day and enter into his rest" (Alma 13:27-29). The Savior promised the Three Nephites that they would have rest with him in his kingdom (3 Ne.
28:3).

At least one reference includes all three realms. Moroni wrote, "Wherefore, I would speak unto you . . . the peaceable followers of Christ . . . that have obtained a
sufficient hope by which ye can enter into the rest of the Lord, from this time henceforth until ye shall rest with him in heaven" (Moro. 7:3).

Thomas, M. Catherine

Restoration plan of

The plan of restoration is that "all things should be restored to their proper order" (Alma 41:2). Alma 2 speaks of the plan of restoration in two dimensions. First, "it is
requisite and just, according to the power and resurrection of Christ, that the soul of man should be restored to its body, and that every part of the body should be
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restored to itself."And second, "it is requisite with the justice of God that men should be judged according to their works; and if their works were good     824
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the desires of their hearts were good, that they should also, at the last day, be restored unto that which is good" (Alma 41:2-3). Alma 2 sought to impress this doctrine
upon his wayward son Corianton that he might humble himself and repent, and not "excuse" himself because of his sins, "by denying the justice of God" (Alma 42:30).
Restoration plan of

The plan of restoration is that "all things should be restored to their proper order" (Alma 41:2). Alma 2 speaks of the plan of restoration in two dimensions. First, "it is
requisite and just, according to the power and resurrection of Christ, that the soul of man should be restored to its body, and that every part of the body should be
restored to itself."And second, "it is requisite with the justice of God that men should be judged according to their works; and if their works were good in this life, and
the desires of their hearts were good, that they should also, at the last day, be restored unto that which is good" (Alma 41:2-3). Alma 2 sought to impress this doctrine
upon his wayward son Corianton that he might humble himself and repent, and not "excuse" himself because of his sins, "by denying the justice of God" (Alma 42:30).

Judgment Day will be the ultimate verification of the eternal law that "that which ye do send out shall return unto you again" (Alma 41:15). Accordingly, "the meaning of
the word restoration is to bring back again evil for evil, or carnal for carnal, or devilish for devilish-good for that which is good; righteous for that which is righteous; just
for that which is just; merciful for that which is merciful" (Alma 41:13; cf. Hel. 14:31). Thus, all of God's children are their "own judges," for to choose desires and
actions that are either good or evil is to choose also the commensurate rewards or consequences that follow (Alma 41:7). Inasmuch as "wickedness never was
happiness," one cannot be "restored from sin to happiness." Such a thing "is contrary to the nature of that righteousness which is in our great and Eternal Head" (Alma
41:10-11; Hel. 13:38). Sin and happiness are eternal opposites.

Being saved in sin would counter God's justice, but one can be saved from sin (Alma 11:34-37). If one has "repented of his sins, and desired righteousness until the end
of his days, even so he shall be rewarded unto righteousness" (Alma 41:6).

Although both Book of Mormon and biblical teachings affirm a judgment restoring people to rewards based upon works (Rev. 20:12-13), the Book of Mormon
illuminates with clarity the doctrinal truth that judgment will also be based on the desires of one's heart (Alma 41:3-6).

See also Desire(s); Judgment, the; Justice, law of; Resurrection, the.

Largey, Dennis L.

Resurrection the

Permanent reunion of the spirit and the physical body after separation by death, made possible only by the resurrection of Jesus Christ. The resurrection, a principal
doctrine of the gospel of Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 27:13-15)-God's "plan of redemption" (Alma 42:11-13; Hel. 14:15-19; Morm. 9:13)-is discussed in the Book of
Mormon in context with other essential gospel principles.

The plan of restoration

Book of Mormon prophets did not treat the resurrection as an isolated philosophical thesis. Rather, the Creation , the Fall, birth, death, the Atonement , the
resurrection, and the Judgment are interrelated, necessary components of God's plan of restoration. The prophets presented the doctrine of resurrection as the means
by which man overcomes the two types of death occasioned by the fall of Adam. As Adam's fall brought both a physical death of the body and a spiritual death that
cuts man off from the presence of the Lord, the "plan of restoration" through Christ will reunite the body and the spirit and return the resurrected person to the presence
of God for judgment (Alma 11:43-45; 41:2-4; 42:23). Just how the resurrection is accomplished has not been revealed. It remains one of the "many mysteries which
are kept, that no one knoweth . . . save God himself," and "no man knoweth of his ways save it be revealed unto him" (Alma 40:3; Jacob 4:8).

Alma 2 taught that resurrection is "the reuniting of the soul [spirit] with the body" (Alma 40:18). "The soul shall be restored to the body, and the body to the soul; . . .
every limb and joint . . . even a hair of the head shall not be lost; but all things shall be restored to their proper and perfect frame" (Alma 40:23; 41:2). Amulek affirmed
that after the resurrection "they can die no more; their spirits uniting with their bodies, never to be divided; thus the whole becoming spiritual and immortal, that they can
no more see corruption" (Alma 11:45).

An indisputable demonstration of bodily resurrection is Jesus Christ, who showed his resurrected body to a multitude and permitted each person individually to touch
the nail holes in his hands and feet and the wound in his side (3 Ne. 11:13-17). These scars were retained for a special purpose. The nail holes and wound in his side
left no doubt that this resurrected body before them was the same body Jesus inhabited while living on earth, the same body that was nailed to the cross. Though others
will not retain their mortal scars in the resurrection, every person will receive the same "fundamental parts," or "fundamental principle," of the body that was his or her
mortal body (Smith, Church, 5:339; Alma 11:45; Morm. 6:21; D&C 88:28). Otherwise, it would not be a "restoration" but a "replacement." The doctrine of the Book
of Mormon is not replacement but restoration.

All will be resurrected

Everyone who ever has lived or ever will live and die on earth will be resurrected. Amulek proclaimed, "The day cometh that all shall rise from the dead and stand
before God, and be judged" (Alma 11:41). "This restoration shall come to all," old, young; bond, free; male, female; wicked, righteous (Alma 11:44). Alma added his
witness: "There is a time appointed that all shall come forth from the dead" (Alma 40:4, 9-10).

Many other Book of Mormon prophets taught that all mortals who suffer death, which is all mankind, will be resurrected. Notable among these prophets were Lehi 1
(2 Ne. 2:8-10), Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 9:6, 13-16, 21-22), Abinadi (Mosiah 16:7-11), Samuel the Lamanite (Hel. 14:15-16), and Moroni 2 (Morm. 9:12-13).

If even one person were not to be resurrected, Christ's victory over death would not be complete. Victory over the grave must be as wide and as deep as is death. Just
as no one escapes death, no one will be denied resurrection. Even translated beings will eventually die and experience a change equal to resurrection (3 Ne. 28:36-40;
D&C 133:54-55).

The Book of Mormon deals specifically with the resurrection of mankind and not of other forms of life. Other forms of life are referred to in 2 Nephi 2:22, in connection
with the Creation and the Fall, but the concept of resurrection of animals is not developed; however, latter- day revelation explains that animals will be resurrected
(D&C 29:23-25; 77:2-3).

The Atonement makes the resurrection possible

The Book of Mormon makes it abundantly clear that by virtue of the atonement of Jesus Christ resurrection is made possible (Alma 42:23). "Since man had fallen he
could not merit anything of himself" (Alma 22:14; 1 Ne. 10:6; Mosiah 16:4). Therefore, Jesus did for all mankind what they could not do for themselves. He performed
an infinite atonement, assuring the resurrection of all (Mosiah 3:5-15; 13:33-35; Alma 34:9-12; 42:15; 3 Ne. 27:13-15). Abinadi declared, "If Christ had not risen from
the dead, or have broken the bands of death . . . there could have been no resurrection. But there is a resurrection, therefore the grave hath no victory, and the sting of
death is swallowed up in Christ" (Mosiah 16:7-8).

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Book of Mormon prophets proclaim that the resurrection began with Jesus, he being the first to rise, three days after his death (2 Ne. 2:8; 25:13; Mosiah 3:10; Hel.
an infinite atonement, assuring the resurrection of all (Mosiah 3:5-15; 13:33-35; Alma 34:9-12; 42:15; 3 Ne. 27:13-15). Abinadi declared, "If Christ had not risen from
the dead, or have broken the bands of death . . . there could have been no resurrection. But there is a resurrection, therefore the grave hath no victory, and the sting of
death is swallowed up in Christ" (Mosiah 16:7-8).

When mankind will be resurrected

Book of Mormon prophets proclaim that the resurrection began with Jesus, he being the first to rise, three days after his death (2 Ne. 2:8; 25:13; Mosiah 3:10; Hel.
14:20). Subsequently, came the "first resurrection," beginning with the righteous from Adam until Christ (Mosiah 15:21-25; Alma 40:16). Abinadi taught that "little
children" and those who die in ignorance, "not having salvation declared unto them," have part in the first resurrection (Mosiah 15:24-25). Because all will be
resurrected and the righteous are "first," the unrighteous will come forth at a later time (Mosiah 15:26; Alma 40:19-20). In either resurrection, the first resurrection or a
later one, all do not come forth at the same time. Alma explained that this doesn't matter because all do not die at the same time. He assured his readers that "there is a
time appointed" for all to rise and that "God knoweth all the times which are appointed unto man" (Alma 40:8-10).

-Latter- day revelation adds detail not found in the Book of Mormon concerning the resurrection, specifying that the first resurrection includes celestial and terrestrial
beings, whereas the later resurrection is for telestial beings and sons of perdition (D&C 88:21-24, 97-102; cf. D&C 76). Also, the Book of Mormon does not
distinguish between the "kind[s]" of resurrected bodies and the "glory" that attends them, as do both the Bible and the Doctrine and Covenants (1 Cor. 15:39-44; D&C
88:21-24).

Resurrection necessary for fulness of joy

Book of Mormon prophets insisted that the physical body is restored from the grave as part of the "plan of restoration," "the great plan of happiness" (Alma 41:2-11;
42:5, 8). Jacob 2 explained that without Christ's infinite atonement and the bodily resurrection, the spirits of all mankind, being stricken by the fall of Adam, would be
miserable forever, becoming "devils, angels to a devil, to be shut out from the presence of our God" (2 Ne. 9:5-10). Such "death and hell" are an "awful monster," from
which Jesus rescued all mankind (2 Ne. 9:26). Lehi 1 stated that "men are, that they might have joy" (2 Ne. 2:25). Without the resurrection there would be no eternal
joy, but everlasting misery.

-Latter- day revelation affirms the relationship between resurrection and receiving a fulness of joy: "Spirit and element [spirit and the physical body], inseparably
connected, receive a fulness of joy; and when separated, man cannot receive a fulness of joy" (D&C 93:33-34). The Prophet Joseph Smith elaborated, "We came to
this earth that we might have a body and present it pure before God in the celestial kingdom. The great principle of happiness consists in having a body. The devil has
no body, and herein is his punishment" (Smith, Teachings, 181).

The resurrection focuses on the body, but it is evident that it is also of special value to the happiness of the spirit. This realization gives added meaning to the words of
Adam and Eve (Moses 5:10-11), of Job (Job 19:26), and of Jacob 2 (2 Ne. 9:4).

These revealed truths indicate that neither man's spirit nor his body can be saved separately: They form a unit complementary to one another. Both are affected by the
fall of Adam; both are benefited by the atonement of Christ; both need the resurrection. The ultimate miracle of Jesus Christ is his triumph over physical and spiritual
death through the resurrection (Hunter, 18).

Conclusion

Book of Mormon prophets leave no doubt that the resurrection is real and that it is a gift from Jesus Christ to man, part of "the merciful plan of the great Creator" (2
Ne. 9:6). The writings of these prophets fulfill the Lord's promise to Enoch: "And righteousness will I send down out of heaven; and truth will I send forth out of the
earth, to bear testimony of mine Only Begotten; his resurrection from the dead; yea, and also the resurrection of all men" (Moses 7:62).

See also Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ; Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Firstfruits, first- fruits, first fruits; Life, purpose of; Restoration, plan of;
Spiritual; Translation.

Bibliography

Hunter, Howard W. Conference Report, April 1986.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

--- . Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Matthews, Robert J.

Revelation

Reveal, from the Latin, means "to draw back the veil." Because of the veil that covers the understanding of men, the things of God are hidden from view unless they are
revealed from heaven (Jacob 4:8). Book of Mormon prophets made clear what would be revealed, why such revelation is critical to gaining salvation, how such
revelations come, and principles and practices which govern and influence the receipt of revelation. They also exposed and warned readers against false doctrine that
would be taught in the latter days concerning revelation, as well as false revelation that would come from the devil.

What is to be revealed

The principal revelation of God to man is that "there is no flesh that can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits, and mercy, and grace of the Holy
Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:8). The Book of Mormon as a whole is a revelation concerning Christ and his role in the plan of salvation, as well as a record containing many other
revealed doctrines associated with this plan.

Concerning revelation in general, God reveals anything he deems necessary. The Book of Mor-mon narrative is replete with examples of individuals who were guided
by revelation. Revelation warned Lehi 1 to flee Jerusalem (1 Ne. 2:1-4), Nephi 1 to escape with his followers from his brothers Laman 1 and Lemuel (2 Ne. 5:5), and
Mosiah 1 to travel to Zarahemla (Omni 1:12-13). Revelation was also given to Amulek to discern the evil intents of Zeezrom (Alma 12:3-4), to Ammon 2 so he could
perceive the thoughts of king Lamoni (Alma 18:16-18; cf. Jacob 2:5; D&C 6:16), and to Alma 2 to know specifics concerning Lamanite battle plans (Alma 43:23-24).

Alma 2 taught that the mysteries of God will be revealed in full to the faithful (Alma 12:9-11). The mysteries of God may include important information about the future
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which had been, and also all that would be . . . even unto the ends of the earth" (Ether 3:25; cf. 2 Ne. 27:10).
perceive the thoughts of king Lamoni (Alma 18:16-18; cf. Jacob 2:5; D&C 6:16), and to Alma 2 to know specifics concerning Lamanite battle plans (Alma 43:23-24).

Alma 2 taught that the mysteries of God will be revealed in full to the faithful (Alma 12:9-11). The mysteries of God may include important information about the future
and the past. For instance, the sealed portion of the gold plates contains the revelation the brother of Jared 1 received when he beheld "all the inhabitants of the earth
which had been, and also all that would be . . . even unto the ends of the earth" (Ether 3:25; cf. 2 Ne. 27:10).

A preeminent revelation was the appearance of the Lord himself to the righteous Nephites and Lamanites in America (ca. a.d. 34). He showed them the prints of the
nails in his hands and feet and allowed them to thrust their hands into his side. Thus they "did know of a surety and did bear record, that it was he, of whom it was
written by the prophets, that should come" (3 Ne. 11:15). While Jesus was with them they saw and heard things which "cannot be written," but which they understood
in their hearts (3 Ne. 17:15-17; 19:32-34).

Revelation is critical to salvation

The Prophet Joseph Smith taught that "salvation cannot come without revelation" (160), and the apostle John taught that "the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of
prophecy" (Rev. 19:10; cf. Alma 6:8). This testimony of Christ, which comes through revelation, is essential because "there is no other name given whereby salvation
cometh" (Mosiah 5:8), and each individual must come unto Christ to be saved (3 Ne. 12:20). In addition, ministers of the gospel, whether they lived before or after the
time of the Christ, had to teach with the "spirit of revelation" to be able to convey the spirit and power of the gospel and build faith in things unseen, like the Creation,
the Fall, and the divine mission of Jesus Christ (e.g., Alma 17:3-4).

Revelations from God come in many forms

A universal source of personal revelation is the light or Spirit of Christ "given to every man, that he may know good from evil" (Moro. 7:16-19). Those who "enter in by
the way" (i.e., baptism) are promised the gift of the Holy Ghost through which they can know "all things what [they] should do" (2 Ne. 32:3, 5; cf. Moro. 10:5). The
Book of Mormon records instances of prophets and other holy men being "led on by the Spirit" to prophesy (e.g., Jacob 4:15), or to preach to select groups of people
(e.g., Alma 21:16). When Nephi set out alone to retrieve the brass plates from Laban he acknowledged that he "was led by the Spirit, not knowing beforehand the
things which [he] should do" (1 Ne. 4:6). This revelation comes by the Spirit's influencing one's feelings (Hel. 13:5; 3 Ne. 11:3; cf. D&C 8:2). Joseph Smith taught that
by noticing "sudden strokes of ideas" which are "presented unto your minds by the Spirit of God" and witnessing their fulfillment, a person "may grow into the principle
of revelation" (151).

Lehi was given another means of revelation: the Liahona , "a round ball of curious workmanship . . . of fine brass," having spindles which pointed the direction his family
was to travel in the wilderness. Upon the Liahona appeared writings which were "plain to be read, which did give [Lehi's family] understanding concerning the ways of
the Lord." These writings were "changed from time to time, according to the faith and diligence which [they] gave unto it" (1 Ne. 16:10, 25-29). The Book of Mormon
also illustrates revelation that comes through dreams (1 Ne. 8:2), visions (1 Ne. 11-14), the Lord's voice speaking words to the mind (Enos 1:10), and angels bringing
messages to faithful servants of the Lord (e.g., Jacob 7:5; Mosiah 3:2; Alma 8:14-17; 10:7-10).

Principles and practices that govern and influence the receipt of revelation

Alma 2 taught Zeezrom that the mysteries of God are revealed "in full" to anyone who "will not harden his heart" but will give "heed and diligence" unto God (Alma
12:9-11). Ammon 2 rejoiced in the truth that to those who repent, exercise faith, bring forth good works, and pray without ceasing, "it is given to know the mysteries of
God" and even "to reveal things which never have been revealed" (Alma 26:22; cf. Ether 4:13-15). Such knowledge, Nephi 1 taught, is imparted "line upon line,
precept upon precept, here a little and there a little." To those who receive what the Lord imparts, the Lord promises to "give more" (2 Ne. 28:30).

An incident in the life of Nephi 1 illustrates another principle concerning revelation: submitting oneself to the direction of those whom the Lord has placed in leadership
roles, even though those leaders may have some imperfections. Nephi sought and received direction about where to hunt for food through his murmuring father (1 Ne.
16:23-25). Joseph Smith similarly taught that God follows the order of the priesthood to reveal his will and thus will not reveal instructions to any member of the Church
for those in authority over that member (21).

Prayer is instrumental in receiving revelation. The Lord promised, "Ask, and it shall be given unto you; seek, and ye shall find; knock, and it shall be opened unto
you" (3 Ne. 14:7-8). The verification of the truthfulness of this promise is demonstrated throughout the Book of Mormon. Nephi inquired about the truth of his father's
words and received a revelatory confirmation (1 Ne. 2:16); Enos, after receiving forgiveness of his sins, wanted to know how his guilt was swept away, and he
received a revelation that it was because of his faith in Christ (Enos 1:8); Alma 1 prayed to know how to handle the problem of transgression in the Church, and the
Lord answered his prayer by giving him specific guidelines to implement (Mosiah 26:14-33). Mormon's doctrinal questions about the Three Nephites and the baptism
of little children brought forth important revelations concerning these subjects (3 Ne. 28:36-40; Moro. 8:7-23).

The story of the brother of Jared 1 illustrates how faith, repentance, obedience, and ingenuity relate to receiving revelation. He first repented of failing to call upon the
Lord and then sought to know his will (Ether 2:14-15). He followed the Lord's commandments precisely (Ether 2:20-21) and then, as the Lord instructed, he
formulated a plan to provide light for the vessels he had been commanded to build (Ether 2:25-3:1; cf. D&C 9:7-9). His humble proposal to the Lord, offered with
great faith, was met with divine approval and with further revelation that exceeded his expectations (Ether 3).

Other principles that influence receiving reve-lation include a sincere desire for spiritual knowledge, a belief that the Lord is able to impart that knowledge, and
pondering or thinking deeply about the particular subject or concern. Nephi 1 desired, believed, and "sat pondering in [his] heart" just prior to receiving the knowledge
he sought from the Lord (1 Ne. 11:1; cf. Moro. 10:3-5).

False doctrine and false revelation

Nephi 1 , Mormon, and Moroni 2 each denounced false teachings that deny revelation. Nephi foresaw that in the latter days some people would supplant the
revelations of God with the learning of men (2 Ne. 28:4). False teachers would say, "There is no God today, for the Lord . . . hath done his work" (2 Ne. 28:5). Nephi
issued a stern warning: "Wo be unto him that . . . denieth the power of God, and the gift of the Holy Ghost! Yea, wo be unto him that saith: We have received [i.e., the
revelations in the Bible], and we need no more! [i.e., the revelations in the Book of Mormon]" (2 Ne. 28:26-27). Concerning the reason for new revelation (the Book
of Mormon) being added to former revelation (the Bible), the Lord taught that his words are not restricted to just one nation. He "created all men," and his "work is not
yet finished" (2 Ne. 29:7-9). Mormon warned his latter- day audience, "Wo unto him that shall deny the revelations of the Lord, and that shall say the Lord no longer
worketh by revelation" (3 Ne. 29:6). Moroni contended that those who deny the revelations of God "knoweth not the gospel of Christ," or they are ignorant of the
scriptural teaching that God is an unchangeable being. If revelation ceases it is because of unbelief, not because God has altered his ways (Morm. 9:7-26).

Revelation can come not only from God but also from the devil. He appears to mortals, "transform[ing] himself nigh unto an angel of light, and stirreth up the children of
men unto secret combinations of murder and all manner of secret works of darkness" (2 Ne. 9:9; Alma 30:53). He prompts people to anger against that which is good,
pacifies them with feelings of carnal security, and flatters them with false doctrine (2 Ne. 28:20-22). He teaches men not to pray and inspires contention (2 Ne. 32:8; 3
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Ne. 11:29). When his teachings are removed from a society, he reveals them anew to those who are willing to follow him (Hel. 6:26).

Prayer and righteousness are critical safeguards against being deceived by the devil's false revelation (Alma 34:23, 39; 48:17; Hel. 5:12).
Revelation can come not only from God but also from the devil. He appears to mortals, "transform[ing] himself nigh unto an angel of light, and stirreth up the children of
men unto secret combinations of murder and all manner of secret works of darkness" (2 Ne. 9:9; Alma 30:53). He prompts people to anger against that which is good,
pacifies them with feelings of carnal security, and flatters them with false doctrine (2 Ne. 28:20-22). He teaches men not to pray and inspires contention (2 Ne. 32:8; 3
Ne. 11:29). When his teachings are removed from a society, he reveals them anew to those who are willing to follow him (Hel. 6:26).

Prayer and righteousness are critical safeguards against being deceived by the devil's false revelation (Alma 34:23, 39; 48:17; Hel. 5:12).

See also Angels, ministry of; Light of Christ; Past feeling; Ponder.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Wilkins, Alan L.

Revelation book of

The Apocalypse or last book in the New Testament. Since the second century a.d. , the Christian world has debated the authorship of Revelation; the Book of
Mormon confirms the ancient tradition that it was written by the apostle John. God opened a grand vision to Nephi 1 but commanded him not to record the latter
portion of it, explaining that "one of the twelve apostles of the Lamb" would do it and would include the events associated with the end of the world (1 Ne. 14:20-22;
cf. Rev. 1:11, 19). Nephi learned that "the name of the apostle of the Lamb was John" (1 Ne. 14:27).

Like Nephi and John, the brother of Jared 1 also saw a vision of "all that would be" (Ether 3:25). He was commanded to write and seal up the vision until the Lord's
"own due time" (Ether 3:27).

Christ invited the house of Israel and the Gentiles alike to come unto him, and he promised that when they did so they would understand the revelations written by John
and know that the "time is at hand" when they should be fulfilled (Ether 4:13-16).

Draper, Richard D.

Revelator

One who receives, makes known, or reveals the mind and will of God to the people (Mosiah 8:16). Revelators receive such knowledge through inspiration (e.g., 1 Ne.
4:6; 3 Ne. 6:20), dreams (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:1-2), the still small voice (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:45), an audible voice (e.g., Jacob 7:5), and visions (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:8; 3:29; 2 Ne. 11:2-
3; Alma 36:22; Ether 3:13).

See also Prophets, role of; Revelation; Seer.

Turner, Rodney

Revile

See Appendix C.

Reynolds George

Church leader and scripture scholar who provided some of the earliest helps and commentaries on the Book of Mormon. Born 1 January 1842 in Marylebone,
London, England, George Reynolds joined the Church on 14 May 1856 and traveled to Utah in 1865. He served on the Deseret Sunday School General Board, as
associate editor of the Deseret News and the Juvenile Instructor, and as a member of the First Seven Presidents of the Seventy (1890-1909). During the last decades
of the nineteenth century he became one of the most important Book of Mormon scholars in the Church. By 1886, he was considered a leading authority on the Book
of Mormon. In 1880 he began working on the Concordance to the Book of Mormon, which was eventually published in 1900. This comprehensive work listed nearly
every word found in the Book of Mormon, including adverbs, conjunctions, and articles. He noted: "Had I known the vast amount of labor, patience and care it would
take to prepare it I should, undoubtedly have hesitated before commencing so vast, so tedious and so costly a work" (Reynolds, 3).

In 1883 he published the Myth of the Manuscript Found, a discussion of the Spaulding manuscript and its relationship to the Book of Mormon ( see Spaulding theory).
In late October 1883 and throughout 1884, Reynolds published an important series in the Contributor, entitled "The History of the Book of Mormon" (vol. 5). A
second series, "Evidences of the Book of Mormon; Some External Proofs of Its Divinity" was also published in the Contributor several years later (vol. 17). In 1888 he
published The Story of the Book of Mormon, the first complete commentary on the Book of Mormon text. The volume also included the first illustrations depicting
events and personalities in the book. He published Chronological Chart of Nephite and Lamanite History in 1898. His chronology was later used by Elder James E.
Talmage to provide dates for the 1921 edition of the Book of Mormon. In another book, Dictionary of the Book of Mormon (1891), Reynolds identified and
commented upon every land, hill, river, city, and person mentioned in the book.

After his death, material from his lifelong study of the Book of Mormon was edited and arranged by one of his sons, Philip C. Reynolds, into the seven- volume
Commentary on the Book of Mormon (1955). The compiler also used material by his father- in- law, Janne M. Sjodahl, editor and associate editor of the Deseret
News (1890-1913).

Although major advances in Book of Mormon studies have occurred after his monumental works were completed in the late 1800s, George Reynolds laid a foundation
that students and scholars of the book have enlarged upon since his death in 1909.

Bibliography

Reynolds, George. "Preface." A Complete Concordance of the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1968.

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Riches
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The Book of Mormon teaches that riches can be either a blessing or a curse. The prophet Jacob 2 gave the most clear and complete view in scripture of the Lord's
position on obtaining and using wealth: "But before ye seek for riches, seek ye for the kingdom of God. And after ye have obtained a hope in Christ ye shall obtain
Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Riches

The Book of Mormon teaches that riches can be either a blessing or a curse. The prophet Jacob 2 gave the most clear and complete view in scripture of the Lord's
position on obtaining and using wealth: "But before ye seek for riches, seek ye for the kingdom of God. And after ye have obtained a hope in Christ ye shall obtain
riches, if ye seek them; and ye will seek them for the intent to do good-to clothe the naked, and to feed the hungry, and to liberate the captive, and administer relief to
the sick and the afflicted" (Jacob 2:18-19).

The Lord promised Lehi's family and their posterity that "inasmuch as ye shall keep my commandments, ye shall prosper" (1 Ne. 2:20; 4:14; 2 Ne. 1:20; Jarom 1:9;
Omni 1:6; Alma 9:13). Obedience brought spiritual blessings to Book of Mormon peoples and often material blessings as well. When they arrived in the promised land,
they found that their crops "did grow exceedingly" and that there was an abundance of animals, gold, silver, and copper (1 Ne. 18:24-25). During a particularly
peaceful time, characterized by humility and equality among the Nephites, "they did abound in the grace of God. . . . And the Lord did visit them and prosper them, and
they became a large and wealthy people" (Mosiah 27:5-7; cf. 2 Ne. 5:10-11; Alma 1:29; 62:48-49). During the zenith of righteousness, after the appearance of Jesus
Christ, Mormon observed "that [the people] had become exceedingly rich, because of their prosperity in Christ" (4 Ne. 1:23).

Conversely, riches also became a source of pride and wickedness and brought upon the Nephites the judgments of God (Hel. 12:1-3). Jacob denounced the behavior
and attitudes riches can engender: "But wo unto the rich, who are rich as to the things of the world. For because they are rich they despise the poor, and they persecute
the meek, and their hearts are upon their treasures; wherefore, their treasure is their god" (2 Ne. 9:30; cf. 3 Ne. 13:19-21). Jacob continued in this same vein in his
sermon at the temple to the Nephite rich: "And the hand of providence hath smiled upon you most pleasingly, that you have obtained many riches; and because some of
you have obtained more abundantly than that of your brethren ye are lifted up in the pride of your hearts, and wear stiff necks and high heads because of the costliness
of your apparel, and persecute your brethren because ye suppose that ye are better than they. . . . If ye persist in these things his judgments must speedily come unto
you" (Jacob 2:13-14). Similarly, Samuel the Lamanite cried from the walls of Zarahemla, "Ye are cursed because of your riches, and also are your riches cursed
because ye have set your hearts upon them, and have not hearkened unto the words of him who gave them unto you" (Hel. 13:21; cf. Alma 45:24). Furthermore,
Samuel taught that pride leads to other iniquities including boasting, swelling, envyings, strifes, malice, persecutions, and murders (Hel. 13:22), all of which can trace
their roots to improper attitudes and actions concerning the acquisition, possession, and use of wealth.

In addition to being a source of pride (2 Ne. 28:15; Alma 4:6; Hel. 3:36; 7:26; 3 Ne. 6:10, 12), riches are also used to support wickedness (Mosiah 11:13-14); they
are a motivation for priestcraft (Alma 1:16); they can divide societies into classes and ranks (3 Ne. 6:12; 4 Ne. 1:24-26); they are the foundation of materialism (Alma
31:24, 27-28; Hel. 7:21); and they lead to secret combinations (Hel. 6:17). The Book of Mormon attributes the temptation to seek riches for unrighteous purposes to
Satan (3 Ne. 6:15).

King Benjamin testified that the obedient "are blessed in all things, both temporal and spiritual" (Mosiah 2:41). Riches can be both a reward for righteousness and also a
test to see if those so blessed will remember the Lord and thank him for their success and continue in righteousness (Hel. 13:22). To those who have prospered
materially, the Book of Mormon admonition is to "think of your brethren like unto yourselves, and be familiar with all and free with your substance, that they may be
rich like unto you" (Jacob 2:17).

See also Prosper, prosperity.

Jr., Rex C. Reeve

Righteous the/righteousness

Those who believe in and follow Christ, the Holy One of Israel (2 Ne. 9:18; 31:6-10); love and hearken to the truth and are not shaken by it (1 Ne. 16:3; 2 Ne. 9:40);
endure the crosses of the world and despise the shame of it (2 Ne. 9:18); observe and keep the commandments and statutes of the Lord (Alma 25:14; Ether 10:2);
remain firm and steady in the faith (Hel. 6:1); hearken to the words of the prophets (2 Ne. 26:8; 3 Ne. 10:12); and serve God (3 Ne. 24:18). Significant blessings are
promised to the righteous. Among those blessings are promises that the righteous will be favored of God (1 Ne. 17:35), have their prayers remembered by the Lord
(Morm. 5:21), be justified by God (1 Ne. 16:2), and be spared at the second coming of Christ (3 Ne. 24:17-18; 25:2-3). The righteous "saints" will be "armed with
righteousness" (1 Ne. 14:14), protected from the wicked, and preserved by God. "Wherefore," Nephi 1 taught, "the righteous need not fear; for . . . they shall be
saved" (1 Ne. 22:16-19). Furthermore, upon death, the spirits of the righteous will rest in paradise (Alma 40:11-12), have a righteous judgment restored to them (Alma
41:13-15), come forth in the first resurrection (Alma 40:16-20; Mosiah 15:20-25), and have their names recorded in the book of life (Alma 5:58; 3 Ne. 24:16-17).

The Spirit of the Lord dwells in the hearts of the righteous and their garments are made white through Christ (Alma 34:36). The righteous will ultimately "shine forth" in
the kingdom of God (Alma 40:25), where they will experience a perfect knowledge of their enjoyment and righteousness (2 Ne. 9:14).

Because of the prayers of the righteous, the wicked are often spared from destruction (Alma 10:22; 62:40; Hel. 13:12-14). Conversely, there are times when the Lord
permits the righteous to be slain in order "that his justice and judgment may come upon the wicked" (Alma 60:13; 14:11). Moreover, when the wicked cast out the
righteous, then is the time the judgments are poured out upon the wicked (Alma 10:23).

In the Book of Mormon, "righteousness" generally pertains to a state of living characterized by faithfulness or obedience to God's eternal laws. Nephi 1 had great hopes
that his brethren would "walk in the paths of righteousness" (1 Ne. 16:5; cf. Alma 7:19). Various Book of Mormon kings reigned and executed "judgment in
righteousness" (Ether 7:11, 27; W of M 1:17). Jesus invited people to come unto him and "bring forth works of righteousness" (Alma 5:35-36), though nations would
turn away from righteousness (Hel. 6:31; 3 Ne. 7:8, 15). Alma 2 taught that being "born of God" is changing from a "carnal" state to "a state of righteousness" (Mosiah
27:25).

Righteousness refers to the things of God by which one can be nourished (Mosiah 23:18), instructed concerning (Alma 21:23; 35:16), or cut off from (1 Ne. 15:33;
Alma 5:42; 40:26). Jesus admonished his disciples to "seek ye first the kingdom of God and his righteousness" (3 Ne. 13:33), and promised the Holy Ghost to those
who "hunger and thirst after righteousness" (3 Ne. 12:6; cf. 2 Ne. 4:33; 9:49). Righteousness, which brings happiness, stands opposite wickedness, which brings misery
(2 Ne. 2:11-13). And if a man repents of his sins and desires "righteousness until the end of his days, even so he shall be rewarded unto righteousness" (Alma 41:6;
D&C 76:5).

Righteousness is spoken of as both a protection (2 Ne. 1:23) and a weapon (1 Ne. 14:14) against Satan, who is the "enemy to all righteousness" (Alma 34:23; Moro.
9:6). During the Millennium, one reason Satan will have "no power" is because of the "righteousness of [the Lord's] people" (1 Ne. 22:26).

Christ is the embodiment of all righteousness, the very "fountain of all righteousness" (Ether 8:26; 12:28; 1 Ne. 22:21; 2 Ne. 1:19; 8:8; 30:11; 31:5-9). Righteousness
may also be an appropriate title referring to God the Father inasmuch as Jesus is called the "Son of righteousness" (2 Ne. 26:9; 3 Ne. 25:2; Ether 9:22; McConkie,
 Copyright
654-55).     (c)righteousness
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                                 Jesus Christ,  Corp.         in his perfect obedience to his father's will, is not only the path his disciples must follow Page    829 / 919
                                                                                                                                                            (2 Ne. 31:5-21) but
is the very source of their salvation. Lehi 1 testified to Jacob 2 , "I know that thou art redeemed, because of the righteousness of thy Redeemer" (2 Ne. 2:3).
9:6). During the Millennium, one reason Satan will have "no power" is because of the "righteousness of [the Lord's] people" (1 Ne. 22:26).

Christ is the embodiment of all righteousness, the very "fountain of all righteousness" (Ether 8:26; 12:28; 1 Ne. 22:21; 2 Ne. 1:19; 8:8; 30:11; 31:5-9). Righteousness
may also be an appropriate title referring to God the Father inasmuch as Jesus is called the "Son of righteousness" (2 Ne. 26:9; 3 Ne. 25:2; Ether 9:22; McConkie,
654-55). The righteousness of Jesus Christ, demonstrated in his perfect obedience to his father's will, is not only the path his disciples must follow (2 Ne. 31:5-21) but
is the very source of their salvation. Lehi 1 testified to Jacob 2 , "I know that thou art redeemed, because of the righteousness of thy Redeemer" (2 Ne. 2:3).

See also Wicked, the/wickedness.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1979.

Huntington, Ray Lynn

Righteousness fulfill all

See Fulfill all righteousness.

Ripe

To become developed to the full extent necessary, either in goodness or in evil. For example, in Alma 26:5, "ripe" is used in the metaphor the "field was ripe" to indicate
that the people were ready to receive the gospel. It also expresses the level of iniquity in a society that leads to its destruction (2 Ne. 28:16; Mosiah 12:12; Alma
10:19; 45:16; Hel. 13:14; Ether 2:15).

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Riplah hill

A hill near the river Sidon and the land Manti (Alma 43:31, 32) which Moroni 1 used to conceal a part of his army during a battle with the Lamanites. As the Lamanites
passed the hill Riplah, Moroni brought his men out from the hill's south side and encircled the Lamanites (Alma 43:33-36). Ultimately, the victorious Moroni compelled
his foes to enter a covenant of peace (Alma 44:20).

Riplakish

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Ripliancum waters of

Waters by which the Jaredite armies of Coriantumr 2 and Shiz pitched tents in preparation for further battle. The interpretation of the term "Ripliancum" is given in the
text as "large, or to exceed all" (Ether 15:8).

River of water

"River of water" is an example of Semitic phraseology called a construct state, translated into English as a phrase consisting of two nouns joined by the word "of." Other
Book of Mormon examples include "mist of darkness," meaning "dark mist," and "words of plainness," meaning "plain words" ( see Hebraisms). "River of water" simply
means a riverbed that has water in it.

In the Book of Mormon the phrase is used in two contexts:

1. It is used by Nephi 1 to indicate a river flowing through a valley beside which Lehi 1 and his family camped after traveling three days from Jerusalem. Lehi named the
river Laman and the valley Lemuel (1 Ne. 2:5-10). Several LDS scholars have argued that this "river of water" was a streambed in the dry country where rivers run
primarily during the spring runoff, commonly referred to in Arabic as a "wadi." A spring runoff in the riverbed would indicate that the exodus of Lehi and his family
occurred during the late winter or spring rainy season (Nibley, 76, 78-80; Hilton and Hilton, 62-75). But there is another possibility. Lehi spoke to his son Laman 1
and admonished him to "be like unto this river, continually running into the fountain of all righteousness" (1 Ne. 2:9). This suggests that Lehi was comparing his son to a
"continually running" body of water. Such a river has been discovered in the desert of Saudi Arabia in the vicinity of the wilderness where Lehi likely sojourned that
apparently flows year round through a valley into the Red Sea (Potter).

2. Lehi saw a "river of water" in his vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8:13, 26; 12:16).

Nephi explained to his brothers that the river of water was a representation of the "awful hell . . . prepared for the wicked" (1 Ne. 15:26-29).

See also Gulf.

Bibliography

Hilton, Lynn M., and Hope A. Hilton. In Search of Lehi's Trail. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Nibley, Hugh. Lehi in the Desert; The World of the Jaredites; There Were Jaredites. Vol. 5 of The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley. Edited by John W. Welch,
Darrell L. Matthews, and Stephen R. Callister. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1988.

Potter, George D. "A New Candidate in Arabia for the Valley of Lemuel." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 8:1 (1999): 54- 63.

Hauglid, Brian Michael

Robe of righteousness
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See Righteous, the/ righteousness.
Hauglid, Brian Michael

Robe of righteousness

See Righteous, the/ righteousness.

Rock

A symbol implying the steadiness, strength, and sustaining power provided by the Lord and his gospel. Following are four ways the Book of Mormon uses "rock"
symbolically:

1. The fulness of the gospel. The Lord declared to Nephi 1 that in the latter days the Nephite writings would come forth containing the "plain and precious" truths of his
gospel that were "taken" from the Bible. These truths he called "my rock" (1 Ne. 13:28, 36; cf. D&C 11:24). The term refers to the spiritual safety afforded by the
completeness of the truth versus the hazards of relying on an incomplete canon (1 Ne. 13:29, 34; cf. 2 Ne. 28:28-29).

2. The Lord. This is the most frequent use in the Book of Mormon. Nephi, like the biblical psalmist, praised the Lord by calling him "my God, and the rock of my
salvation" (2 Ne. 4:30; cf. Ps. 18:46; cf. 1 Ne. 15:15; 2 Ne. 4:35; 9:45; Jacob 7:25; Hel. 5:12). This expresses the Savior's saving acts in sure and dependable terms.
On the other hand, the wicked cannot progress without the Lord. Instead, he becomes to them "a stone of stumbling, and . . . a rock of offense" (2 Ne. 18:14; cf.
4:33). Further, the Jews' rejection of Jesus is symbolized as the rejection of a building's cornerstone; ultimately, he is "the only sure foundation" upon which the Jews
must build (Jacob 4:15-17).

3. A secure foundation . Having rock for a foundation portrays the ultimate safety and stability that come to those who found their lives upon the gospel. The sermon on
the mount reference to this analogy clearly likens building on the rock to heeding Christ's teachings (Matt. 7:24-27). Yet, in the 3 Nephi account, the Savior also
connects ordinances to this analogy: baptism and confirmation (3 Ne. 11:33-40) and the sacrament (3 Ne. 18:5-13). Thus, securing oneself to the "rock of our
Redeemer" requires both following Jesus' teachings (Hel. 5:12; 2 Ne. 28:28; 3 Ne. 14:24-27) and participating in his ordinances (cf. 3 Ne. 27:13-22; D&C 33:11-13).

4. An object of a miracle during the biblical Exodus from Egypt. Several times Nephi rehearsed the incident when Moses struck a rock and it became the source of
water for the wandering Israelites. This water- giving rock is a symbol of the sustaining powers of the Lord (1 Ne. 17:29; 20:21; 2 Ne. 25:20; cf. 1 Cor. 10:4).

See also Jesus Christ, names of; Types.

Allred, Philip Andrew

Rod

A stick, staff, or pole usually cut from the stem or branch of a tree. In the Book of Mormon, "rod" is used 22 times in 1 and 2 Nephi, often as a tool of punishment or
correction. Thus, Laman 1 and Lemuel "smote" Nephi 1 and Sam "with a rod," precipitating the intervention of an angel (1 Ne. 3:28-29; cf. 2 Ne. 19:4), and figu-ra-
tively, the Lord "straitened" the children of Israel "in the wilderness with his rod" (1 Ne. 17:41; cf. 2 Ne. 20:5, 15, 24, 26; 21:4 ). In addition to being a tool of
chastisement and correction, the rod can also be a sign of divine authority and power. For example, Joseph 1 prophesied of "a Moses" to whom the Lord would "give
power . . . in a rod" (2 Ne. 3:17; cf. 20:26). In the Old Testament, the staff of Moses and Aaron 1 was used as a sign of divine investiture of authority to demonstrate
God's power to the king of Egypt (e.g., Ex. 4:2, 4, 17, 20; 7:9-10, 12, 15, 17, 19-20).

In Lehi 1's vision of the tree of life a "rod of iron" represented the "word of God" (1 Ne. 11:25; cf. 8:20, 24, 30; 15:23-24).

"Rod," meaning a branch or descendant, is also found in 2 Nephi 21:1 // Isaiah 11:1, "And there shall come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse" ( see Isaiah chapter
reviews, 2 Ne. 22 // Isa. 11, definitions, s.v. "rod").

Ricks, Stephen David

Rod of iron

See Lehi 1's dream.

Rooted

See Appendix C.

S
Sabbath

Blessed and hallowed day set apart to remember God's rest on the seventh day of creation (Ex. 20:10-11) and, later, to remember God's redemption of Israelites from
Egyptian bondage (Deut. 5:15). The commandment to keep the Sabbath day holy was perpetuated among descendants of Lehi 1 (Jarom 1:5; Mosiah 18:23). Two
specific instructions are inherent in this commandment: People should not do any work on the Sabbath, and they should do all of their work during the other six days
(Mosiah 13:16-19).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Sackcloth and ashes

Symbols that ancient Semitic cultures associated with penitence and mourning. Sackcloth translates Hebrew saq (cf. Akkadian s_ACCENTf9ACCENT_aqqu ), dark
fabric woven of thread spun from goat hair or camel hair. Haircloth was used for coarse items-tents, rugs, and sacks (Gen. 42:25; 2 Sam. 21:10; Isa. 58:5). Unrefined
and inexpensive, its use as clothing denoted abasement or abjection (2 Ne. 13:24 // Isa. 3:24; Jer. 6:26; 48:37). Even the color of sackcloth bespoke deprivation
(parallel with blackness in the dearth context of 2 Ne. 7:3 // Isa. 50:3). Stripping off accustomed clothing, girding the loins with sackcloth, and soiling oneself with ashes
or dust are also symbols of worthlessness and a ritual demonstration of utter humiliation and desire for mercy or reconciliation (2 Ne. 13:24; Mosiah 11:25). This
ancient clothing
 Copyright        ritual for repentance
             (c) 2005-2009,    Infobasecontrasts starkly with the wearing of costly apparel in times of prosperity and pride.
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Cloward, Robert A.
and inexpensive, its use as clothing denoted abasement or abjection (2 Ne. 13:24 // Isa. 3:24; Jer. 6:26; 48:37). Even the color of sackcloth bespoke deprivation
(parallel with blackness in the dearth context of 2 Ne. 7:3 // Isa. 50:3). Stripping off accustomed clothing, girding the loins with sackcloth, and soiling oneself with ashes
or dust are also symbols of worthlessness and a ritual demonstration of utter humiliation and desire for mercy or reconciliation (2 Ne. 13:24; Mosiah 11:25). This
ancient clothing ritual for repentance contrasts starkly with the wearing of costly apparel in times of prosperity and pride.

Cloward, Robert A.

Sacrament the

A sacred gospel ordinance and covenant that commemorates the atoning sacrifice of the Lord Jesus Christ. The sacrament was first instituted in the Book of Mormon
during the Savior's ministry among the Nephites. As recorded in 3 Nephi 18, Christ broke and blessed bread, a symbol of his broken body, and gave it to his disciples
with a commandment to eat (3 Ne. 18:3, 7; 20:8); he then commanded them to administer the bread to the multitude (3 Ne. 18:4). After they had eaten of the bread,
he commanded his disciples to drink of "the wine of the cup," which was a symbol of his blood which was shed for the sins of the world, and also to administer the wine
to the multitude (3 Ne. 18:8, 11; 20:8). This, the Lord said, "shall ye always observe to do, even as I have done" (3 Ne. 18:6, 11). Jesus further taught that the
sacrament must be administered by one ordained and given power to perform the ordinance and that it was to be given "unto the people of my church, unto all those
who shall believe and be baptized in my name" (3 Ne. 18:5). He stated, "This is fulfilling my command-ments, and this doth witness unto the Father that ye are willing to
do that which I have commanded you" (3 Ne. 18:10). In addition to giving commandments about the sacrament on the first day of his visit to the Nephites, Christ
miraculously provided the bread and wine for the multitude on his second day among them (3 Ne. 20:3-7). Subsequently, he "did show himself unto them oft, and did
break bread oft, and bless it, and give it unto them" (3 Ne. 26:13).

The partaking of the sacrament is a covenant renewal of the promises entered into at baptism: promises to keep all of the Lord's commandments and to always
remember the Savior (Mosiah 18:8-10; 3 Ne. 18:7-11). In turn, the Lord promises to bless Church members with his Spirit (3 Ne. 18:7, 11), a blessing the Nephite
multitude experienced in a marvelous way (3 Ne. 20:9).

Obedience to the commandment to "always do these things" (i.e., partake of the sacrament frequently) would bring blessings and the promise that one is then built on
the "rock," meaning that one's obedience has placed him or her on a firm gospel foundation that cannot be shaken (cf. Hel. 5:12). Doing " more or less" (i.e., adding to
or taking away) from Jesus' instructions regarding the sacrament would bring condemnation (3 Ne. 18:12-13).

Though the Nephites were told to partake of the sacrament often, they were instructed to partake of it only if they were worthy. Jesus turned to his leaders, the
disciples, and instructed them not to allow "any one knowingly to partake of my flesh and blood unworthily . . . ; for whoso eateth and drinketh my flesh and blood
unworthily eateth and drinketh damnation to his soul" (3 Ne. 18:28-29).

The sacrament was initially introduced by Christ to his Twelve Apostles in Jerusalem at the Last Supper, the Passover meal immediately before his death (Matt. 26:26-
28). For centuries, the Passover supper had celebrated the Lord's angel of death passing over the families of the ancient Israelites when he slew the firstborn of the
Egyptians prior to the Exodus under Moses. It also served as a type of the Savior's coming redemption. By introducing the sacrament at the Last Supper, the Lord
replaced the Passover meal with the new emblems of his universal atoning sacrifice, the bread and wine, emblematic of his body and blood. The Book of Mormon
clearly indicates that these sacramental emblems are received in "remembrance" of Christ (3 Ne. 18:7, 11), clarifying the biblical phrases "this is my body" or "this is my
blood" (Matt. 26:26, 28) which are interpreted by some Christians to mean that the emblems are his actual flesh and blood.

Centuries after the Lord's visit to the Nephites, Moroni 2 confirmed that the Nephite church members "did meet together oft to partake of bread and wine, in
remembrance of the Lord Jesus" (Moro. 6:6). He included in his final writings the specific sacramental prayers used for the bread and wine (Moro. 4; 5). He also
added a reminder of the Lord's warning against improper participation in the sacred ordinance in these words: "See that ye partake not of the sacrament of Christ
unworthily" (Morm. 9:29). This verse is the only place in the Book of Mormon where "sacrament" actually appears.

See also Sacrament prayers.

Merrill, Byron R.

Sacrament prayers

Two of only three public prayers (the other being for baptism) for which exact wording has been revealed. As part of his last writings, Moroni included information on
the manner in which the sacrament was administered unto the Church of Christ, and he included the sacrament prayers (Moro. 4-5; cf. D&C 20:76-79). The wording
of these prayers is closely linked with the covenants made at baptism (cf. 2 Ne. 31:7-9; Mosiah 18:8-10; D&C 20:37). Hence, in a very direct way Latter- day Saints
renew baptismal covenants when they thoughtfully and worthily partake of the sacrament.

Two of the Gospels quote the Savior at the Last Supper as saying "This is my body" and "This is my blood" as he blessed the bread and wine, respectively (Matt.
26:26, 28; Mark 14:22, 24). Therefore, some have come to believe in a doctrine of "transubstantiation," in which the sacramental emblems, when blessed, actually
become the Savior's body and blood. The Joseph Smith Translation of these verses, however, renders a different interpre-tation: "Take, eat; this is in remembrance of
my body" (JST Matt. 26:22, 24; JST Mark 14:21-22). Luke's account (22:19-20) and an epistle of Paul (1 Cor. 11:24-25) clearly teach t hat the emblems were to be
regarded as symbols. This interpretation is confirmed in the sacra-ment prayers' direction that one partakes "in remembrance" of the Savior's body and blood.

In 1830 the Lord warned the Saints not to buy wine from their enemies, explaining that "it mattereth not" what they should eat or drink as long as they did so "with an
eye single to my glory" (D&C 27:2-4). In time, water has replaced wine as the symbol of Christ's blood. Because clear water is a cleansing and life-giving element, it is
an appropriate symbol for the Savior's sanctifying blood.

See also Sacrament, the.

Cowan, Richard O.

Sacrifice great and last

See Great and last sacrifice.

Sacrifices

To sacrifice is to give up something as an offering or donation to God. Adam and Eve and their posterity were commanded to offer "the firstlings of their flocks, for an
offering unto(c)the2005-2009,
 Copyright          Lord" as a "similitude of the sacrifice
                               Infobase Media     Corp. of the Only Begotten of the Father" (Moses 5:5-7). Under the Mosaic law, the Israelites were     commanded to
                                                                                                                                                      Page 832 / 919
make a variety of complex sacrifices and offerings of agricultural produce or animals (Lev. 1-7). "Sacrifice" and "offering" are used in four different contexts within the
Book of Mormon: the sacrifices and offerings of the law of Moses, the sacrifice of the Son of God, the sacrifice of a broken heart and contrite spirit ; and the human
sacrifices of the wicked Lamanites.
Sacrifices

To sacrifice is to give up something as an offering or donation to God. Adam and Eve and their posterity were commanded to offer "the firstlings of their flocks, for an
offering unto the Lord" as a "similitude of the sacrifice of the Only Begotten of the Father" (Moses 5:5-7). Under the Mosaic law, the Israelites were commanded to
make a variety of complex sacrifices and offerings of agricultural produce or animals (Lev. 1-7). "Sacrifice" and "offering" are used in four different contexts within the
Book of Mormon: the sacrifices and offerings of the law of Moses, the sacrifice of the Son of God, the sacrifice of a broken heart and contrite spirit ; and the human
sacrifices of the wicked Lamanites.

Sacrifices and offerings of the Mosaic law

On at least three occasions Lehi 1 offered sacrifices on an altar near the Red Sea apparently after the manner of the Mosaic law (1 Ne. 2:7; 5:9; 7:22). Even though 1
Nephi and Mosiah 2:3 contain the only accounts of actual sacrifices being performed by Book of Mormon peoples, it is assumed the Nephites practiced the law of
sacrifice because, as Nephi 1 stated, they "did observe to keep the . . . commandments of the Lord in all things, according to the law of Moses" (2 Ne. 5:10; cf.
25:25). As a complement to keeping the Mosaic law and having a place to give their offerings, the Nephites constructed a temple "after the manner of the temple of
Solomon" (2 Ne. 5:16). This temple would have included an altar on which sacrifices could be performed. At the beginning of Jesus' ministry among the Nephites, he
commanded them to cease their blood sacrifices and burnt offerings, which instruction implies that they had continued until that time (3 Ne. 9:19).

The sacrifice of the Son of God

Lehi 1 , Jacob 2 , Abinadi (quoting Isaiah), and Amulek all spoke of the sacrifice or offering of the Son of God in reference to the Atonement . They taught that Christ's
sacrifice was necessary to satisfy the law of justice and to fulfill the law of Moses (2 Ne. 2:7; Jacob 4:5; Mosiah 14:10; Alma 34:10-15).

The sacrifice of a broken heart and a contrite spirit

In 3 Nephi 9:19-20, the resurrected Christ commanded the Nephites to "offer for a sacrifice unto me a broken heart and a contrite spirit." In this sacrifice one offers to
God a humble and repentant attitude, a necessary component of true repentance . This particular sacrifice is a prerequisite for baptism, reception of the Holy Ghost,
and forgiveness through the Atonement (Moro. 6:2-4; 3 Ne. 9:20; 2 Ne. 2:7). It involves a spirit of covenant and commitment. As a higher law, beyond giving fruits
and animals, one offers oneself to God. Amaleki 1 urged readers of the Book of Mormon to "offer your whole souls as an offering" unto Christ (Omni 1:26).

The human sacrifice of the Lamanites

The degenerate practice of human sacrifice was mentioned by Mormon as he recounted how the Lamanites offered their prisoners, including women and children, as
sacrifices to their idol gods (Morm. 4:14-15). Thus, in the Book of Mormon, the references to sacrifices and offerings range from heaven to hell-from the divine atoning
sacrifice of the Son of God to the devilish human sacrifices of the wicked.

See also Altar of stones; Temples.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Saint(s)

The Saints of God are those numbered with the church of the Lamb of God (1 Ne. 14:12); they are the righteous, "they who have believed in the Holy One of Israel,
they who have endured the crosses of the world, and despised the shame of it" (2 Ne. 9:18). People become Saints through the atonement of Christ. They put off the
natural man, they yield to the enticings of the Holy Spirit, and they become, "as a child, submissive, meek, humble, patient, full of love, willing to submit to all things
which the Lord seeth fit to inflict upon him, even as a child doth submit to his father" (Mosiah 3:19). Saints are baptized and receive a remission of sins. They are meek
and lowly of heart and are visited of the Holy Ghost, "which Comforter filleth with hope and perfect love" (Moro. 8:25-26). They are covenant people of the Lord,
armed with righteousness and the power of God (1 Ne. 14:14). God delivers "his saints from that awful monster the devil, and death, and hell, and that lake of fire and
brimstone, which is endless torment" (2 Ne. 9:19). "All the saints shall dwell with God" (Moro. 8:26) and "shall inherit the kingdom of God, which was prepared for
them from the foundation of the world, and their joy shall be full forever" (2 Ne. 9:18). Because of wickedness and abominations in the last days, the number of Saints
of the church of the Lamb of God will be comparatively few and their dominions small, although they will be upon all the face of the earth (1 Ne. 14:12).

Anderson, Ronald Dean

Salem

Melchizedek was king in a land called "Peace," or Salem (Hebrew), which is traditionally equated with Jerusalem (Gen. 14:18; Heb. 7:1-2; Alma 13:17-18). The
people of Salem were extremely wicked, but responding to Melchizedek's teaching and repenting of their abominations (Alma 13:17), they became righteous enough to
be taken up to join the translated City of Enoch (JST Gen. 14:32-34).

Ogden, D. Kelly

Sally

See Appendix C.

Salt

A healing, flavoring, and preserving agent used as a symbol for disciples of Jesus Christ and the covenants they make with God (3 Ne. 12:13; 16:15; D&C 101:39;
Num. 18:19; 2 Chr. 13:5). Covenant- keeping disciples provide healing savor when they "succor the weak, lift up the hands which hang down, and strengthen the
feeble knees" (D&C 81:5). They flavor and improve those around them when they share the gospel, set righteous examples, and act as a "light" unto the world (3 Ne.
12:14-16). They preserve the purity of the word of God when they stand as "witnesses of God at all times and in all things, and in all places" (Mosiah 18:9). If disciples
should "lose [their] savor" or dishonor their covenants, they are "cast out . . . to be trodden under foot of men" (3 Ne. 12:13).

Fronk, Camille

Salvation
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Everlasting or eternal life, redemption, the state of being saved in the highest kingdom of God (Mosiah 5:15; Alma 11:40; 32:41; 2 Ne. 2:3). As the Book of Mormon
authors use the term, there is no middle ground, consisting of varying levels of glory, between salvation and damnation. Such insight concerning kingdoms of glory is
found in Doctrine and Covenants 76 and 131. The only possibilities spoken of in the Book of Mormon include the following: "liberty and eternal life" or "captivity and
Fronk, Camille

Salvation

Everlasting or eternal life, redemption, the state of being saved in the highest kingdom of God (Mosiah 5:15; Alma 11:40; 32:41; 2 Ne. 2:3). As the Book of Mormon
authors use the term, there is no middle ground, consisting of varying levels of glory, between salvation and damnation. Such insight concerning kingdoms of glory is
found in Doctrine and Covenants 76 and 131. The only possibilities spoken of in the Book of Mormon include the following: "liberty and eternal life" or "captivity and
death" (2 Ne. 2:27-29), "the way of everlasting death or the way of eternal life" (2 Ne. 10:23), "salvation" or "endless torment" (Mosiah 28:3), "salvation" or the "chains
of hell" (Alma 5:10), "the kingdom of God" or being "cast out, and consigned to . . . drink the dregs of a bitter cup" (Alma 40:25-26), "salvation" or "destruction" (Alma
29:4), "everlasting life" or "everlasting damnation" (Hel. 12:26; cf. Alma 9:28).

Book of Mormon prophets discuss three categories of people who will receive salvation or eternal life:

1. Those who "trust in the Lord," are "diligent in keeping his commandments," and "continue in the faith even unto the end" of their lives (Mosiah 4:6-8). Faith,
repentance, baptism, and remission of sins through the "baptism of fire and of the Holy Ghost" are necessary to enter the "gate" to "the strait and narrow path which
leads to eternal life" (2 Ne. 31:13-18; 9:23-24; Mosiah 3:12; Alma 26:35). Thereafter, one must "press forward with a steadfastness in Christ, having a perfect
brightness of hope, and a love of God and of all men," and "endure to the end," in order to receive the Father's promise, "Ye shall have eternal life" (2 Ne. 31:19-20).
Further, Alma 2 taught that to receive salvation, or to inherit the kingdom of God, one must be "born of God," (Mosiah 27:25). By contrast, those "that rebel against
him and die in their sins," who "have known the commandments of God, and would not keep them" will be denied salvation (Mosiah 15:26-27).

2. Those who die "without the law" or "in their ignorance, not having salvation declared unto them" (Moro. 8:22; Mosiah 15:24). Some in this category are spoken of
by Abinadi as "they that have died before Christ came" (Mosiah 15:24), but modern revelation makes it clear that the principle extends to all who have lived or will yet
live on the earth "who have died without a knowledge of this gospel," and "who would have received it with all their hearts" had they been given the opportunity to hear
it. Such are heirs of the celestial kingdom of God (D&C 137:1-9). They will hear and accept the gospel in the postmortal spirit world and become heirs of all its
blessings (D&C 138).

3. Little children who die before they become accountable before God (Moro. 8:11-12; Mosiah 15:25; cf. D&C 29:46-47; 137:10). Salvation is dependent on Christ
through his atoning blood: "No flesh . . . can dwell in the presence of God, save it be through the merits, and mercy, and grace of the Holy Messiah" (2 Ne. 2:8; 31:21;
Mosiah 3:17-18; 4:7; 5:15; 13:28; Alma 11:40). Christ is therefore spoken of as the rock of salvation (2 Ne. 4:30; 9:45; Jacob 7:25; cf. 1 Ne. 15:15). He is "a sure
foundation, a foundation whereon if men build they cannot fall" (Hel. 5:12). And the salvation he offers is "free"; it cannot be purchased with money (2 Ne. 2:4; 9:50;
26:25; 3 Ne. 20:38).

The "plan of salvation" is a manifestation of God's love (Alma 24:14) and the way to "-never- ending happiness" (Mosiah 2:41); thus "the Lord worketh in many ways
to the salvation of his people" (Alma 24:27).

See also Atonement, the; Born again; Children, salvation of little; Jesus Christ; Salvation is free.

Fronk, Camille

Salvation is free

Salvation is free (2 Ne. 2:4). It cannot be purchased with money (2 Ne. 9:50-51) nor, strictly speaking, can it be earned. It is the greatest of all the gifts of God (D&C
6:13; 14:7). The aspect of salvation known as resurrection from the dead is a free gift to all who have received a mortal body (2 Ne. 9:7, 10-11; Alma 11:41).
Salvation, meaning exaltation or eternal life, is freely available to those who come unto Christ, deny themselves of ungodliness, repent, and thereby partake of the
powers of the Atonement (2 Ne. 2:4; 26:25-28; Moro. 10:32).

Millet, Robert L.

Sam

Third son of Lehi 1 and older brother of Nephi 1 , Sam is an example of a successful follower. Sam had two important qualities of any righteous follower: faith and
humility. The Book of Mormon does not say that Sam experienced visions comparable to those of Nephi, but rather that when Nephi told Sam what the Spirit had
made known unto him, Sam believed in his words (1 Ne. 2:17). Though Sam was older, he humbly followed his younger brother Nephi instead of murmuring and
rebelling, as did Laman 1 and Lemuel. In this regard Sam seems to have resembled Hyrum Smith, who was faithful to his younger brother Joseph to the end. The lives
of Sam and Hyrum illustrate the Lord's pattern of declaring the word of Christ to chosen vessels (Nephi, Joseph Smith) who testify to "the residue of men" (Sam,
Hyrum) that they "may have faith in Christ" (Moro. 7:31-32).

Sam married one of Ishmael's daughters (1 Ne. 16:7) and reared a family (2 Ne. 5:6). Not surprisingly, when the great division of the family occurred at Lehi's death,
Sam and his family followed Nephi (2 Ne. 5:6). Most certainly, Sam was greatly blessed for his faithfulness and righteousness. In Lehi's dream of the tree of life, Sam,
along with Sariah and Nephi, partook of the fruit of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8:14-16). When Lehi blessed his children before his death, he promised Sam that his seed,
like the seed of his brother Nephi, would inherit the land and that he would be blessed all the days of his life (2 Ne. 4:11).

Szink, Terrence L.

Samuel 1

Last of the judges in ancient Israel. Samuel was also the prophet who, at the people's instigation and with the Lord's approbation, instituted the Israelite monarchy and
anointed its first two kings, Saul and David (1 Sam. 1-16). During his ministry in the western hemisphere, Christ affirmed that "all the prophets from Samuel . . . have
testified of me" (3 Ne. 20:24; cf. Acts 3:24).

Samuel 2 the Lamanite

Courageous Lamanite prophet sent among the Nephites to preach repentance and the coming of the Lord shortly before Christ's birth (6 b.c. ). Chapters 13 through
15 of the book of Helaman contain a partial account of Samuel's preaching to the Nephites (Hel. 14:1), some of which was given to Samuel by an angel (Hel 13:7;
14:9, 26, 28). Samuel is one of the most colorful figures in the Book of Mormon, and few readers can forget the image of this fearless servant of God announcing the
dramatic signs of Christ's birth and death, crying repentance from the walls of Zarahemla. The proud, wicked, and prejudiced Nephites were offended by the presence
of a Lamanite
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                                         sins (Hel. 14:10). Historically, that was a Nephite prerogative, but now the roles were reversed.
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The Book of Mormon is silent as to Samuel's background, but perhaps he was one of the 8000 Lamanites converted by the powerful preaching of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4
"in the land of Zarahemla and round about" (Hel. 5:19), or one of the 300 Lamanites who were converted after witnessing the miraculous intervention of God in saving
Courageous Lamanite prophet sent among the Nephites to preach repentance and the coming of the Lord shortly before Christ's birth (6 b.c. ). Chapters 13 through
15 of the book of Helaman contain a partial account of Samuel's preaching to the Nephites (Hel. 14:1), some of which was given to Samuel by an angel (Hel 13:7;
14:9, 26, 28). Samuel is one of the most colorful figures in the Book of Mormon, and few readers can forget the image of this fearless servant of God announcing the
dramatic signs of Christ's birth and death, crying repentance from the walls of Zarahemla. The proud, wicked, and prejudiced Nephites were offended by the presence
of a Lamanite reproving them for their sins (Hel. 14:10). Historically, that was a Nephite prerogative, but now the roles were reversed.

The Book of Mormon is silent as to Samuel's background, but perhaps he was one of the 8000 Lamanites converted by the powerful preaching of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4
"in the land of Zarahemla and round about" (Hel. 5:19), or one of the 300 Lamanites who were converted after witnessing the miraculous intervention of God in saving
Nephi and Lehi in the Lamanite prison (Hel. 5:21-49). He could have been one of the many Lamanites converted by the 300 as they declared "throughout all the
regions round about all the things which they had heard and seen" (Hel. 5:50). Nevertheless, he lived at a time when the Lamanites "did observe strictly to keep the
commandments of God," while the Nephites "remain[ed] in wickedness, yea, in great wickedness" (Hel. 13:1).

Notwithstanding that Samuel was divinely commissioned to declare to the Nephites the "glad tidings" that he had personally received from an angel (Hel. 13:7), and that
he preached earnestly for "many days," he was soundly rejected (Hel. 13:2; 14:10). About to return to his own land, he was stopped by "the voice of the Lord," which
instructed him to return and prophesy "whatsoever things should come into his heart" (Hel. 13:3). Barred from entering the city of Zarahemla, the resourceful Samuel
climbed upon the city's wall and began to prophesy from there (Hel. 13:4). He boldly announced the four- fold purpose of his message: "For this intent have I come up
upon the walls of this city, that ye might [1] hear and know of the judgments of God which do await you because of your iniquities, and also that ye might [2] know the
conditions of repentance; and also that ye might [3] know of the coming of Jesus Christ . . . and that ye might [4] know of the signs of his coming, to the intent that ye
might believe on his name" (Hel. 14:11-12).

The judgments of God

Samuel was blunt and forthright in his prophetic announcement of Nephite doom, declaring that God's judgments would bring "heavy destruction" (Hel. 13:6). He said
that the Nephites had become a hard-hearted and stiffnecked people, rejecting God's prophets (Hel. 13:26), following "foolish and blind guides," and choosing
"darkness rather than light" (Hel. 13:29). In four hundred years, Samuel warned, the "sword of justice" would fall: The Lord would "suffer them no longer"-that is, he
would take away his word, withdraw his Spirit, "turn the hearts of their brethren against them," and visit them with sword, famine, pestilence, and "utter
destruction" (Hel. 13:5, 8-10). Yet, this generation of Nephites would not have to wait four centuries before reaping the harvest of their wickedness. Samuel
announced: "Yea, behold, the anger of the Lord is already kindled against you; behold, he hath cursed the land because of your iniquity" (Hel. 13:30). He foretold that
this curse would cause their riches to "become slippery" that they could not hold them (Hel. 13:17, 35-36). Speaking by revelation, Samuel told why the Nephites were
cursed in this manner: "Ye are cursed because of your riches, and also are your riches cursed because ye have set your hearts upon them" (Hel. 13:21). Further
denouncing Nephite wickedness, the Lord informed the Nephites through Samuel that it was only because there were still righteous people in the city of Zara-hemla
that he refrained from sending fire to destroy it (Hel. 13:13).

The conditions of repentance

Samuel's message was initially intended to be one of "glad tidings," but the Nephites rejected and expelled him (Hel. 13:7). Upon his return he prophesied dire
consequences if the people persisted in their wickedness. All of these consequences could be averted if the people would repent. "Nothing," Samuel testified, could
"save this people save it be repentance and faith on the Lord Jesus Christ" (Hel. 13:6, 13). The Lord promised to "turn away" his anger if they would "repent and turn
unto" him (Hel. 13:11; cf. 14:13); otherwise, he would "utterly destroy them" (Hel. 15:17).

Samuel taught that Adam's fall brought spiritual death to all mankind and that redemption, conditional upon repentance, was made possible because of the death of
Christ: "For behold, he surely must die that salvation may come. . . . Yea, and it [Christ's death] bringeth to pass the condition of repentance, that whosoever repenteth
the same is not hewn down and cast into the fire; but whosoever repenteth not is hewn down and cast into the fire; and there cometh upon them again a spiritual death,
yea, a second death, for they are cut off again as to things pertaining to righteousness" (Hel. 14:15, 18). Thus Samuel's teachings on repentance gave the Nephites
instructions not only for escaping temporal destruction but also for avoiding spiritual death. "And if ye believe on his name," Samuel taught, "ye will repent of all your
sins, that thereby ye may have a remission of them through his merits" (Hel. 14:13).

The coming of Jesus Christ

As other New World prophets before him had done (Mosiah 3:3-11; Alma 13:21-25), Samuel announced the glad tidings of Christ's coming: "The Lord Jesus Christ .
. . surely shall come into the world, and shall suffer many things and shall be slain for his people" (Hel. 13:6). Like John the Baptist, Samuel was sent to cry, "Repent
and prepare the way of the Lord" (Hel. 14:9; cf. Matt. 3:1-2). Moreover, he declared, "Five years more cometh, and behold, then cometh the Son of God to redeem
all those who shall believe on his name" (Hel. 14:2). This precise date of the Savior's coming should not have been new information to the Nephites. From the beginning
of Nephite history, prophecy held that the Messiah would come 600 years from the time Lehi 1 left Jerusalem (1 Ne. 10:4; 19:8; 2 Ne. 25:19).

The signs of Christ's coming

After prophesying of God's impending judgments, warning that only sincere repentance could avert those judgments, and then declaring the coming of Christ, Samuel
revealed specific signs that would occur at the birth and the death of the Savior. At the birth of Christ there would be "one day and a night and a day, as if it were one
day and there were no night"; a "new star" would arise, and there would also be "many signs and wonders in heaven." These cosmic phenomena would cause the
people to "be amazed" and to "fall to the earth" (Hel. 14:3-7). At Christ's death, the signs would be of a different sort. There would be "no light upon the face of [the]
land" for three days until his resurrection (Hel. 14:20), and "thunderings and lightnings" would shake the heavens. Earthquakes would destroy highways and cities,
changing the face of the land (Hel. 14:21-24). Also, "many graves" would yield up their dead, and resurrected Saints would "appear unto many" (Hel. 14:25; 3 Ne.
23:9-11).

Samuel declared that the angel told him that these signs would be given "to the intent that there should be no cause for unbelief among the children of men-and this to
the intent that whosoever will believe might be saved, and that whosoever will not believe, a righteous judgment might come upon them; and also if they are condemned
they bring upon themselves their own condemnation" (Hel. 14:28-29).

Samuel concluded his address from the wall by explaining that because of the great faith-fulness of the Lamanite people following their conversion (Hel. 15:4-16), the
Lord would "prolong their days . . . even if they should dwindle in unbelief" until they would be restored "again to the knowledge of the truth" (Hel. 15:10-11; cf. 1 Ne.
15:13-16). The Nephites' failure to repent, however, would bring destruction "because of their unbelief notwithstanding the many mighty works . . . done among
them" (Hel. 15:17).

After Samuel finished his message, those who believed sought out Nephi 2 and were baptized (Hel. 16:1). Others were angered and threw stones or shot arrows at
him. When they saw that they could not hit Samuel because he was divinely protected, many more believed and sought out Nephi for baptism (Hel. 16:2-3). But the
"more part" of the Nephites did not believe, attributing his protection to the "power of the devil" (Hel. 16:6). Samuel's violent rejection and expulsion from the Nephite
society  proved
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testifieth of your sins and iniquities, ye are angry with him, and cast him out and seek all manner of ways to destroy him; yea, you will say that he is a false prophet, and
that he is a sinner, and of the devil, because he testifieth that your deeds are evil" (Hel. 13:26).
After Samuel finished his message, those who believed sought out Nephi 2 and were baptized (Hel. 16:1). Others were angered and threw stones or shot arrows at
him. When they saw that they could not hit Samuel because he was divinely protected, many more believed and sought out Nephi for baptism (Hel. 16:2-3). But the
"more part" of the Nephites did not believe, attributing his protection to the "power of the devil" (Hel. 16:6). Samuel's violent rejection and expulsion from the Nephite
society proved prophetic, for he had told the Nephites earlier, "As the Lord liveth, if a prophet come among you and declareth unto you the word of the Lord, which
testifieth of your sins and iniquities, ye are angry with him, and cast him out and seek all manner of ways to destroy him; yea, you will say that he is a false prophet, and
that he is a sinner, and of the devil, because he testifieth that your deeds are evil" (Hel. 13:26).

Samuel was pursued but he escaped, fleeing back to his own country where he continued his ministry among his own people. Samuel was "never heard of more among
the Nephites" (Hel. 16:1-8).

Summary of Major Teachings

1. The judgments of God which would come upon wicked Nephites if they failed to repent (Hel. 13:5, 9-10).

2. The conditions of repentance and the necessity of belief in Christ (Hel. 14:8, 13, 15-19).

3. The redemption of all mankind from the fall of Adam through the atonement of Jesus Christ (Hel. 14:15-18).

4. The coming of Jesus Christ (Hel. 13:6; 14:2).

5. The signs in the New World that would attend the birth and death of Jesus Christ (Hel. 14:2-7; 14:20-27), and the purpose of these signs (Hel. 14:28-31).

6. The casting out of the righteous from among a people makes them "ripe for destruction" (Hel. 13:14; cf. Alma 10:20-23).

7. The freedom to choose "life or death" (Hel. 14:30-31).

8. The restoration of the Lamanites to the truth in the "latter times" (Hel. 15:11-13, 16; cf. Alma 9:16-17).

9. The propensity of the wicked to accept false prophets who justify them in their iniquity (Hel. 13:27-28).

10. The truth that happiness cannot be obtained in doing iniquity (Hel. 13:38; cf. Alma 41:10).

11. Accountability for sinning against knowledge (Hel. 15:14-15, 17; cf. Alma 9:18-24).

See also Lamanites, Book of Mormon message concerning; Signs.

Largey, Dennis L.

Sanctification

Becoming pure, holy, free of sin. Sanctification occurs by the power of the Holy Ghost and is only possible through the atonement of Jesus Christ (Alma 13:11-12;
Moro. 10:33; Moses 6:60). Obedience to the first principles and ordinances of the gospel is an integral part of the process of sanctification. Jesus said, "Now this is the
commandment: Repent, all ye ends of the earth, and come unto me and be baptized in my name, that ye may be sanctified by the reception of the Holy Ghost, that ye
may stand spotless before me at the last day" (3 Ne. 27:20; cf. A of F 4). Mormon included fasting, praying, and yielding one's heart to God as factors leading to
sanctification (Hel. 3:35). Alma 2 taught that individuals who are sanctified cannot "look upon sin save it were with abhorrence" (Alma 13:11-12). The Lord promised
those who exercise great faith in him and become sanctified the privilege of spiritual manifestations, even seeing those things which the brother of Jared 1 saw (Ether
4:7; 3:25). In the case of the Three Nephites who were "sanctified in the flesh, that they were holy," the Lord "wrought [a change] upon them, insomuch that Satan
could have no power over them, . . . that the powers of the earth could not hold them" (3 Ne. 28:39).

"Sanctify" is applied differently in two Isaiah passages. The phrases "sanctify the Lord of Hosts" and "sanctify my name" express the idea of perceiving the Lord as holy,
and they are used in context with both trusting the Lord (2 Ne. 18:13) and revering his name (2 Ne. 27:34). Sanctify is also used in the sacrament prayers recorded in
Moroni 4 and 5. In these prayers the congregation asks God to bless and sanctify the bread or wine (water). To sanctify means the making of these sacramental
emblems holy or sacred. The emblems of the sacrament remind one of the Savior and his atonement, and by partaking of the sanctified emblems of the sacrament, a
person covenants to do those things that will further his own process of sanctification.

See also Forgiveness; Justification; Sanctified in the flesh.

Hall, Randall L.

Sanctified in the flesh

To be made holy through the blood of Christ and by the power of the Holy Ghost (Alma 5:54; 13:11-12; 3 Ne. 27:19-20; Moses 6:60), to be freed from the pulls of
Satan and the buffetings of this fallen world. Mormon explained that the Three Nephite disciples who desired to remain on earth and continue their ministry were
"sanctified in the flesh" (3 Ne. 28:6-9, 39). At Christ's coming in glory they will be transformed from their translated or terrestrial (yet mortal) state to resurrected,
celestialized immortality (3 Ne. 28:8-9, 37-40; Smith, 170-71, 191).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Millet, Robert L.

Sanctuary

Term used in the Book of Mormon with at least two meanings.
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1. A physical structure used for religious worship (e.g., 2 Ne. 28:13; Alma 15:17; 16:13; 21:6; Hel. 3:9,14).

2. A place usually made holy by the presence of God. The word sanctuary in Hebrew means "holy place." In 2 Nephi 18:14 // Isaiah 8:14 the word is a metaphor used
Sanctuary

Term used in the Book of Mormon with at least two meanings.

1. A physical structure used for religious worship (e.g., 2 Ne. 28:13; Alma 15:17; 16:13; 21:6; Hel. 3:9,14).

2. A place usually made holy by the presence of God. The word sanctuary in Hebrew means "holy place." In 2 Nephi 18:14 // Isaiah 8:14 the word is a metaphor used
by Isaiah to indicate that the Lord is the protector of his people: "And he shall be for a sanctuary."

Moroni 2 , reflecting the teachings of Ether, wrote that "this land" (the Americas) would be "the place of the New Jerusalem, which should come down out of heaven,
and the holy sanc-tuary of the Lord" (Ether 13:2-4). In this context, "sanctuary" may refer to both the protection of the Lord and a physical structure, such as a temple.

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Sarah

Wife of Abraham. Isaiah is quoted as ascribing to her the role of mother of those who "follow after righteousness" (2 Ne. 8:1-2). Her name means "princess."

Sariah

Wife of Lehi 1 and matriarch of the Nephite and Lamanite civilizations. Sariah resided in Jerusalem for many years before the Lord directed Lehi in a dream to take his
family into the wilderness (1 Ne. 2:2). As the family journeyed, Sariah faced challenges that included the birth of two sons, perils inherent to isolated desert travel, and
family strife.

Perhaps her greatest wilderness challenge was the delayed return of her sons from their errand to acquire the brass plates from Laban 1 . Sariah mourned their
prolonged absence and imagined that they had perished (1 Ne. 5:2), blaming her husband for exposing them to danger. Lehi's assurances failed to ease her concerns,
and only after her sons' safe return did Sariah speak with conviction of Lehi's prophetic calling (1 Ne. 5:8).

This conviction was portrayed later in Lehi's revelatory dream of the tree of life. In the dream, Sariah willingly responded to her husband's call to come to the tree and
partake, thus enjoying the blessings of the love of God (1 Ne. 8:14-16). On the long voyage to the New World, an aging Sariah was brought near death because of the
cruel mistreatment of Nephi 1 at the hands of Laman 1 and Lemuel (1 Ne. 18:17-18). Her death is not mentioned in the record.

Black, Susan Easton

Satan

Also known as Lucifer (meaning "shining one" or "lightbringer"). Satan was a "son of the morning," among the early born spirit children of God the Father (2 Ne.
24:12 // Isa. 14:12; D&C 76:26-27; McConkie, 461), who was an angel "in authority in the presence of God" (D&C 76:25), who "fell" (2 Ne. 9:8) and was thrust out
of the Father's presence for rebellion (2 Ne. 2:17). He became the devil (2 Ne. 9:8); he was perdition being lost forever (D&C 76:26). The devil is commonly referred
to as Satan, a Hebrew term meaning adversary or slanderer. In order of frequency in the Book of Mormon, he is referred to as the devil (e.g., 1 Ne. 22:22-23; 2 Ne.
2:17; 9:8-9; Alma 12:4), Satan (e.g., 1 Ne. 22:15, 26; Alma 8:9), evil one (e.g., 2 Ne. 9:28; Hel. 16:21), enemy (e.g., Mosiah 4:14; Alma 34:23; Moro. 7:12), evil
spirit (e.g., Mosiah 2:32; 4:14), father of lies (e.g., 2 Ne. 9:9; Ether 8:25), adversary (e.g., Alma 12:5), old serpent (e.g., 2 Ne. 2:18), awful monster (e.g., 2 Ne. 9:19),
master of sin (Mosiah 4:14), author of all sin (Hel. 6:30), Lucifer (2 Ne. 24:12), father of contention (3 Ne. 11:29), and cunning one (2 Ne. 9:39).

Among the plain and precious truths that the Book of Mormon restores is a clearer understanding of Satan, his role in premortality, and his efforts to make mankind
share in his misery. By reading only the Old Testament, one is left with a very limited and incomplete view of Satan. In the Old Testament the word devil is never used
and yet it is found nearly 100 times in the Book of Mormon. As one non- LDS scholar wrote, "Nowhere in the [Old Testament] does Satan appear as a distinctive
demonic figure, opposed to God and responsible for all evil" (Gaster, 4:224). Yet another scholar after discussing the depiction of Satan in the Old Testament
acknowledged, "Admittedly we have not yet the fully developed doctrine" concerning Satan (Morris, 1074). Part of Satan's plan has been to use flattery and whisper
that there is no devil (2 Ne. 28:22). The knowledge of Satan and his plan was originally had among Old World prophets, for Lehi 1 likely learned from the plates of
brass much of what he knew about the fall of Lucifer in premortality and his subsequent design for all mankind (2 Ne. 2:17-18). In the words of President Ezra Taft
Benson, "The Book of Mormon exposes the enemies of Christ. . . . It fortifies the humble followers of Christ against the evil designs, strategies, and doctrines of the
devil in our day" (94).

Satan's objectives are expressly stated in the Book of Mormon. He desires "that all men might be miserable like unto himself," being permanently cut off from the
presence of God (2 Ne. 2:27). He strives continually to have mankind subjected to him rather than submitting to God (2 Ne. 2:18; 3 Ne. 18:15, 18; 9:46; Alma
34:35). And he endeavors to destroy the souls of men (Hel. 8:28; 13:37; D&C 10:27).

The Book of Mormon details many of the tactics that Satan uses to obtain the above objectives. Anything evil ultimately comes from or is promoted by the devil (Omni
1:25; Alma 5:40). He entices and invites mankind to do evil, "for he persuadeth no man to do good, no, not one" (Moro. 7:12, 17). Satan uses his "cunning plans" to
"ensnare the hearts of men" (Alma 28:13). He continually tempts people to "do great wickedness" (3 Ne. 2:3; 6:16-17; Hel. 16:22). He promotes the pursuit of pride,
power, riches (3 Ne. 6:15), idolatry (2 Ne. 9:37), immorality, murder, lying (Ether 8:16), sorceries, witchcraft, and magic (Morm. 1:19). Another powerful tactic Satan
uses is to "stir [people] up to anger against that which is good" (2 Ne. 28:20; cf. Alma 27:12). He fosters anger against the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 33:5). He teaches
men they "must not pray" (2 Ne. 32:8). By sending forth lies and false doctrine, Satan strives to deceive and mislead mankind (Jacob 7:18; Alma 12:4-5; 3 Ne. 1:22;
2:2). Furthermore, he tempts people to sin in order that he might blind the eyes and harden the hearts of the children of men (1 Ne. 12:17; Alma 10:25). Satan can use
man's ability to acquire learning and wisdom to his advantage, causing some to "think they are wise, and they hearken not unto the counsel of God" (2 Ne. 9:28). A
very subtle technique of Satan is to "pacify" or "lull" people into "carnal security," causing them to feel that "all is well in Zion," when indeed, it is not (2 Ne. 28:21).
Associated with this apathetic attitude is Satan's promotion of procrastinating one's day of repentance, which ultimately leaves one "subjected" to him (Alma 34:34-35).

The Book of Mormon explains how Satan introduces evil oaths and covenants to form secret combinations , their ultimate purpose being to "combine against all
righteousness" (3 Ne. 6:28-29; 2 Ne. 26:22; Hel. 6:26). As the "founder" of the "great and abominable church," Satan will gather "multitudes" to "fight against the Lamb
of God" (1 Ne. 13:6; 14:9, 13, 17). On some occasions Satan appears "in the form of an angel" to deceive and mislead those who are unrighteous (Alma 30:53; 2 Ne.
9:9; D&C 129:8). He has the ability to enhance the capacities of the wicked in their efforts to promote his plans (Jacob 7:4; Alma 11:21). The Book of Mormon
confirms Joseph Smith's assertion that "the devil has no power over us only as we permit him. The moment we revolt at anything which comes from God, the devil
takes power" (Smith, 181; 2 Ne. 2:28-29; Alma 37:15). Satan gains power as individuals "yield" themselves to him (2 Ne. 4:27; 3 Ne. 7:5). He leads people by a
"flaxen cord, until he bindeth them with his strong cords forever" (2 Ne. 26:22). When the Spirit of the Lord departs because people have hardened their hearts, Satan
has full power over them (Alma 34:35; Ether 15:19).
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Mormon recorded that Satan "will not support his children at the last day, but doth speedily drag them down to hell" (Alma 30:60). The Book of Mormon shows that
the consequences of following Satan are tragic: famine, physical and spiritual captivity, and utter destruction all follow in his wake (1 Ne. 14:3-4, 7; 2 Ne. 1:18; Alma
confirms Joseph Smith's assertion that "the devil has no power over us only as we permit him. The moment we revolt at anything which comes from God, the devil
takes power" (Smith, 181; 2 Ne. 2:28-29; Alma 37:15). Satan gains power as individuals "yield" themselves to him (2 Ne. 4:27; 3 Ne. 7:5). He leads people by a
"flaxen cord, until he bindeth them with his strong cords forever" (2 Ne. 26:22). When the Spirit of the Lord departs because people have hardened their hearts, Satan
has full power over them (Alma 34:35; Ether 15:19).

Mormon recorded that Satan "will not support his children at the last day, but doth speedily drag them down to hell" (Alma 30:60). The Book of Mormon shows that
the consequences of following Satan are tragic: famine, physical and spiritual captivity, and utter destruction all follow in his wake (1 Ne. 14:3-4, 7; 2 Ne. 1:18; Alma
12:11, 17; 30:42). Satan rejoices with his angels and laughs at those who have fallen victim to his cunning plan (3 Ne. 9:2; Moses 7:26).

In addition to exposing the tactics and plans of Satan, the Book of Mormon gives clear and direct counsel on how to overcome him. First and foremost, it is through the
atonement of Christ that one can escape from Satan and the spiritual death he promotes (2 Ne. 9:7-10, 19, 26). By building a sure foundation on Christ one can
withstand the temptations of the devil and overcome his mighty winds, so "they cannot fall" (Hel. 5:12; Alma 37:33). The Book of Mormon emphasizes the importance
of holding to the word of God in overcoming "all the cunning and the snares and the wiles of the devil" (Hel. 3:29; 1 Ne. 15:24). The resurrected Savior admonished his
people in the New World to "watch and pray always, lest ye be tempted by the devil" (3 Ne. 18:15, 18; cf. Alma 13:28; 15:17; 34:39). King Benjamin taught that
righteous parents would "not suffer" their children to "transgress the laws of God, and fight and quarrel one with another, and serve the devil, who is the master of
sin" (Mosiah 4:14). Nephi 1 declared that it would be the righteousness of the people that would leave Satan with no power as the Millennium is ushered in, during
which time Satan will not be loosed for "many years" (1 Ne. 22:26; cf. 22:15). Afterwards, his ultimate fate is to suffer the second death, which torment is "as a lake of
fire . . . whose flame ascendeth up forever and ever" (2 Ne. 9:16; Jacob 3:11; Mosiah 26:27; Rev. 20:10). Lehi 1 summarily declared the ultimate decision facing
mankind: "[Men] are free to choose liberty and eternal life, through the great Mediator of all men, or to choose captivity and death, according to the captivity and
power of the devil" ( 2 Ne. 2:27). Christ is the great preparer of mansions for the faithful in the kingdom of his Father (Ether 12:32-34), and Satan is the "preparator" of
a place for the wicked in that awful hell , the kingdom of the devil (1 Ne. 15:35; 2 Ne. 2:29; Alma 41:4).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to reveal the enemies of Christ; Flaxen cord; Great and abominable church.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. Conference Report, April 1975.

Gaster, Theodor H. Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by George A. Buttrick. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1990.

Largey, Dennis L. "Enemies of Righteousness." Ensign 19 (December 1989): 6- 11.

McConkie, Bruce R. Mormon Doctrine. 2d ed. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1966.

Morris, L. L. "Satan." New Bible Dictionary. Edited by J. D. Douglas. 2d ed. Wheaton, Ill.: Tyndale House Publishers, 1982.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Williams, Clyde James

Satisfy

To answer, meet, fulfill, appease , or comply with. Amulek used this term in explaining the relationship between God's mercy and justice to the Zoramites 2 . Because
of the Atone-ment, mercy can satisfy the demands or requirements of broken law, if one repents (Alma 34:15-16; cf. 2 Ne. 2: 5-7; Alma 42:15).

See also Demands of justice; Justice, law of; Law, answer the ends of.

Largey, Dennis L.

Saved

See Salvation.

Scourge

A form of corporal punishment. The term is used metaphorically to describe afflictions and punishments placed upon the wicked and rebellious by the hand of God or
his agents (1 Ne. 2:24; 19:13; 2 Ne. 5:25; 20:26; Jacob 3:3; 3 Ne. 20:28), or the harassment of an individual or people (Alma 52:10). Prophets foretold of Christ's
scourging prior to his crucifixion (1 Ne. 19:9; Mosiah 3:9; 14:4-5; 15:5). The prophet Abinadi was scourged unto death by fire (Mosiah 17:12-13).

In the Mosaic law scourging is specifically prescribed for sexual offenses (Lev. 19:20). The law limited the number of lashes to forty (Deut. 25:2-3), but by New
Testament times that number was reduced to thirty- nine in case of any miscalculation (2 Cor. 11:24). The historian Livy reported that in Roman times scourging was a
precursor to crucifixion (22:13:9; 28:37:3), hence Jesus' experience at the hands of Pilate (Matt. 27:26).

See also Crucify, crucified.

Bibliography

Livy. History of Rome. 14 vols. Loeb Classical Library. Translated by B. O. Foster. New York: G. P. Putnam, 1919-59.

Strathearn, Gaye

Scriptures additional to come forth

Throughout the ages, it has been the divine trust and obligation of prophets to record revelations from God (3 Ne. 23:6, 11, 13; Amos 3:7; 2 Pet. 1:20-21). Extant
records thus represent only a small portion of scripture which has and will be given over the history of mankind (2 Ne. 29:11-14; A of F 9). There are numerous
references in the Book of Mormon to sacred records which would come forth over time. These include the following:
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1. The sealed portion of the Book of Mormon record which the Prophet Joseph Smith received but did not translate (2 Ne. 27:7-11, 21; Ether 5:1)        which838  / 919
                                                                                                                                                             contain the
magnificent visions of the brother of Jared 1 when the Lord showed him "all things" regarding past and future inhabitants of the earth (Ether 3:25-27; 4:4-5).
Throughout the ages, it has been the divine trust and obligation of prophets to record revelations from God (3 Ne. 23:6, 11, 13; Amos 3:7; 2 Pet. 1:20-21). Extant
records thus represent only a small portion of scripture which has and will be given over the history of mankind (2 Ne. 29:11-14; A of F 9). There are numerous
references in the Book of Mormon to sacred records which would come forth over time. These include the following:

1. The sealed portion of the Book of Mormon record which the Prophet Joseph Smith received but did not translate (2 Ne. 27:7-11, 21; Ether 5:1) which contain the
magnificent visions of the brother of Jared 1 when the Lord showed him "all things" regarding past and future inhabitants of the earth (Ether 3:25-27; 4:4-5).

2. The writings of "others," similar to the brother of Jared 1 , Nephi 1 and John the Revelator, who saw "all things." In Nephi's vision he learned that these writings are
"sealed up to come forth in their purity . . . in the own due time of the Lord, unto the house of Israel" (1 Ne. 14:26).

3. Records of the lost tribes of Israel and "all nations" to whom the Lord has spoken (2 Ne. 29:12-13).

4. A more complete record of the Savior's teachings to the Nephites after his resurrection (3 Ne. 26:6-11).

5. "Other books" that would come forth after the Bible (1 Ne. 13:39). Such books would certainly include the Book of Mormon, Doctrine and Covenants, Pearl of
Great Price, and Joseph Smith's translation of the Bible.

These additional scriptures will help establish the truthfulness of the Bible, restore plain and precious parts of the gospel lost from the Bible (1 Ne. 13:34-40), and be
part of the books out of which mankind will be judged (2 Ne. 29:11; 3 Ne. 27:25-26; 28:33-34).

6. The plates of brass (Alma 37:3-5), which include the Christ- centered prophecies of Old World prophets such as Zenos, Zenock, and Neum which are not found in
the Bible (1 Ne. 19:10-12; 3 Ne. 10:15-17), as well as prophetic writings of Joseph who was sold into Egypt (2 Ne. 3:4-18). Alma 2 told his son Helaman 2 that "our
fathers" prophesied that the plates of brass would "go forth unto every nation, kindred, tongue, and people, that they shall know the mysteries contained thereon" (Alma
37:4; cf. 1 Ne. 5:18). This prophecy is fulfilled, in part, by the going forth of the Book of Mormon to the peoples of the world.

The advent of additional scripture will be based on divine timing (2 Ne. 27:7-11, 21; Ether 3:21-24), and people's faith and repentance (Ether 4:5-7). The Lord invited,
"Come unto me, O ye Gentiles, and I will show unto you the greater things, the knowledge which is hid up because of unbelief. Come unto me, O ye house of Israel,
and it shall be manifest unto you how great things the Father hath laid up for you, from the foundation of the world" (Ether 4:13-14).

The Lord declared it expedient for his children to receive the Book of Mormon record first to try their faith, and if it "so be that they shall believe these things then shall
the greater things be made manifest unto them. And if it so be that they will not believe these things, then shall the greater things be withheld from them, unto their
condemnation" (3 Ne. 26:9-11).

See also Last records.

Sherry, Thomas E.

Scriptures Book of Mormon message concerning

The Book of Mormon affirms that God reveals his words to men and that he commands them to write his words, "notwithstanding [their] weakness" (2 Ne. 33:11; cf.
Mosiah 26:14-33). It teaches the purposes of scripture, testifies to the truth of ancient and modern scripture, and combats false ideas regarding scripture.

The title page of the Book of Mormon declares that the book was written by divine command and "by the spirit of prophecy and of revelation," to reveal to the remnant
of Israel "the covenants of the Lord" and "what great things" God did for their forefathers, and to convince "Jew and Gentile that Jesus is the Christ , the Eternal God ,
manifesting himself unto all nations" (cf. 2 Ne. 26:12-13; Jacob 7:10-11, 19; Alma 33:14). Book of Mormon prophets identified additional purposes for scripture, both
ancient and modern:

1. To teach that all people must believe in Christ and come unto him to be saved (1 Ne. 6:4; 13:40; 19:23; 3 Ne. 27:5-6; Morm. 7:5-7; Ether 12:41).

2. To show people how to come unto Christ (2 Ne. 31:10-21; Enos 1:2-8; Alma 22:15-18; 3 Ne. 9:20; 27:16-20; Morm. 7:8).

3. To "preserve the commandments of the Lord" for future generations (1 Ne. 5:21; 4:13-16; Mosiah 1:3-5).

4. To remind people of the "marvelous works . . . wrought by the power of God" among his people in the past (Morm. 7:9), as well as the "doings of the Lord in other
lands" (1 Ne. 19:22).

5. To "show forth [God's] power" (Alma 37:19; cf. Ether 5:4).

6. To serve as a standard against which nations and individuals are judged (2 Ne. 25:18; 29:11; 33:14-15; 3 Ne. 27:23-26; Moro. 8:21).

7. To enlarge a people's memory and convince them of the "error of their ways" (Alma 37:8).

8. To confound "false doctrines," overcome "incorrect tradition," and replace "contentions" with peace (2 Ne. 3:12; Alma 37:9).

9. To test people's willingness to receive divine "counsel," whereby the faithful receive greater knowledge while the proud lose knowledge (2 Ne. 28:28-30; Alma
12:9-11; Morm. 8:12; cf. 3 Ne. 26:8-11).

10. To signal and aid the gathering of Israel (3 Ne. 16:4-5; 21:2-7; Morm. 5:12-15).

Nephi 1 foresaw that in the latter days "other books" with "convincing" power would help "establish the truth" of the Bible (1 Ne. 13:39-40; cf. 2 Ne. 3:11). Mormon
said the Book of Mormon was intended to build belief in the Bible (Morm. 7:9). The Book of Mormon and modern scripture quote, explain, and show the fulfillment of
biblical prophecy (e.g., 2 Ne. 11:2-3; 25:7-8; Alma 12:21-22; 15:15-24). They also restore "plain and precious things which have been taken away" from the Bible (1
Ne. 13:40). Important examples of the Book of Mormon's restorative roles include the following:

1. Its emphasis on the "great plan of . . . God" (Alma 34:9).

2. Its plain recitation of the "doctrine of Christ" or gospel of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 31:1-21; 3 Ne. 11:32-39; 27:13-22).
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3. Its teaching that the law of Moses "and all things which have been given of God from the beginning of the world, unto man" point to Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 11:4; cf.
Mosiah 13:31-33; Alma 34:6-7; Hel. 8:13-22).
1. Its emphasis on the "great plan of . . . God" (Alma 34:9).

2. Its plain recitation of the "doctrine of Christ" or gospel of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 31:1-21; 3 Ne. 11:32-39; 27:13-22).

3. Its teaching that the law of Moses "and all things which have been given of God from the beginning of the world, unto man" point to Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 11:4; cf.
Mosiah 13:31-33; Alma 34:6-7; Hel. 8:13-22).

Just as the Bible and the Book of Mormon were destined to "grow together" (2 Ne. 3:12), other scriptural records, written by divine command as God "[brought] forth
[his] word unto the children of men" in many nations and times, will yet be made available when God's "word . . . shall be gathered in one" (2 Ne. 29:7-8, 11-14).

The Book of Mormon warns against those who "wrest" the scriptures (Alma 13:20), and it combats false ideas regarding the scriptures. It plainly refutes the
widespread notion that the Bible contains all revealed truth (2 Ne. 29:3-10) by demonstrating that the writings of some ancient prophets were not included in the Bible
(1 Ne. 13:23; cf. 1 Ne. 19:10-21; 2 Ne. 3; Alma 33); teaching that apostates excised many of the Bible's "plain and most precious" things, causing "an exceedingly
great many [to] stumble" (1 Ne. 13:24-29); and attesting that revelation continues as long as God's work continues (2 Ne. 29:9).

See also Plain and precious things, loss of and restoration of; Scriptures, use of, by Book of Mormon peoples.

Thomas, John C.

Scriptures use of by Book of Mormon peoples

Book of Mormon prophets prized "holy writ" (Alma 37:5, 8). God commanded Lehi 1 to retrieve a "record of the Jews" on plates of brass , which contained the books
of Moses and "the prophecies of the holy prophets, from the beginning" to the day of Jeremiah 1 , along with historical and genealogical writings (1 Ne. 3:1-4; 5:10-
16). Lehi and his successors searched and pondered the record (1 Ne. 5:10, 21; 2 Ne. 4:15), and quoted or "read" from it when teaching (1 Ne. 19:23-24; 2 Ne. 3:5-
22; 4:1-2; 6:4; Mosiah 1:3-4). When Nephi 1 was commanded to make a set of "small plates" (Jacob 1:1; 1 Ne. 9:2-5; 2 Ne. 5:29-32) to preserve "plain and
precious" prophecies and "the more sacred things . . . for the knowledge of [his] people" (1 Ne. 19:3-5), he included several selections from "the scriptures which are
engraven upon the plates of brass," most notably some of Isaiah's prophecies (2 Ne. 4:15; 11:2, 8; 12-24).

Lehi, Nephi, and subsequent Book of Mormon prophets also wrote their own prophecies, inspired teachings, and sacred history (1 Ne. 1:16; 19:1-6; 2 Ne. 25:26;
Mosiah 1:2-7; 26:14-33; Alma 37:1-2). Although Nephites kept "many books and many records of every kind" (Hel. 3:13-15), a select line of Nephite men
safeguarded the "sacred records" (4 Ne. 1:48) to preserve their religious and linguistic heritage (1 Ne. 3:19-20; 5:21; 19:4-6; Jacob 4:1-4; Mosiah 1:1-7; 28:11-12,
20; Alma 37:1-2; 63:1, 13; cf. Omni 1:14-19). Belief in the words of the brass plates and in other records of their forefathers distinguished the Nephites from the
Lamanites (Alma 3:11-12; Hel. 3:15-16), as did their commitment to preserving the records (Enos 1:12-14; Morm. 6:6).

In addition to the repository of engraved records, other copies of scripture circulated widely. At least as early as the time of Jacob 2 , teachers referred their listeners to
specific writings available for their study (Jacob 5:1; Mosiah 12:20-25; 14; Alma 33:2-3; Hel. 5:6-13; 8:11; 3 Ne. 20:11; 27:3-5). After the anti-Christ Sherem
confessed his lies and died, former followers "searched the scriptures" (Jacob 7:23), and king Benjamin's prophetic discourse was "written and sent forth" to those
beyond earshot at the time he delivered it (Mosiah 2:8). These writings were evidently copied on a different material subject to "perish and vanish away" (Jacob 4:2).
Thus, in Ammoni-hah, both believers and their "records which contained the holy scriptures . . . [were] burned and destroyed by fire" (Alma 14:8).

Some time after 145 b.c. , the language of the Nephites was taught "among all the people of the Lamanites" (Mosiah 24:3-6). This eventually enabled missionaries to
read scriptures with them, resulting in unprecedented numbers of Lamanite converts (Alma 18:36, 38; 22:12-13; 23:4-; 37:8-9, 18-19). A generation later, copies of
the engraved records "were written and sent forth . . . throughout all the land," perhaps facilitating the widespread conversions that soon followed (Alma 63:12; Hel.
3:24-32). On the other hand, dissenters and some believers- misunderstood or misused ("wrested") the scriptures to which they had access (Alma 41:1; 21:11; Jacob
7:6-11; 3 Ne. 1:24-25). Wicked Jaredites also drew upon written records to establish and justify secret combinations, a danger Alma 2 tried to avert among the
Nephites (Ether 8:9; Alma 37:27; Hel. 6:25-27).

When Christ visited the people after his resurrection, he told the disciples to record his words (3 Ne. 16:4; 23:4), which included his quotations of Isaiah (3 Ne. 16:17-
20; 20:36-45; 22). He told the people to "search . . . diligently" the words of Isaiah and other prophets (3 Ne. 23:1, 5), and he "expounded all the scriptures . . . which
they had received" (3 Ne. 23:6). He also revealed "other scriptures" not included in their records (3 Ne. 23:6). He asked Nephi 3 to add to the account of events at the
Resurrection (3 Ne. 23:9-13), and he quoted revelations of the prophet Malachi, "expounded them," then told his disciples to write the words for the benefit of "future
generations" (3 Ne. 26:1-2; 24-25). Then the Savior "expound[ed] all things, even from the beginning until the time that he should come in his glory" (3 Ne. 26:3).
Mormon was forbidden from including much of Christ's teaching in his abridged record (3 Ne. 26:7-11). When Christ later appeared to his disciples, he again
commanded them to write down things they had "seen and heard, save it be those which are forbidden" (3 Ne. 27:23).

When the Nephites sank into their final state of apostasy, Ammaron was inspired to "hide up . . . all the sacred records" (4 Ne. 1:48). Mormon retrieved these records
and abridged them on metal plates which he had made (Morm. 1:2-4; 2:17-18; 3 Ne. 5:8-18; W of M 1:3-9). Except for a few instances (e.g., Moro. 8, 9), his
writings were directed to latter- day readers rather than to his contemporaries (3 Ne. 29-30; Morm. 3:16-22; 5:8-15; 7). Moroni 2 , who also wrote for a latter- day
audience, then hid the record "unto the Lord," to come "out of the earth . . . by the hand of the Lord" (Morm. 8:14-16, 26).

See also Scriptures, Book of Mormon message concerning.

Thomas, John C.

Scriptures in one expounded all the

See Expounded all the scriptures in one.

Sealed portion of the gold plates

The portion of the gold plates that Joseph Smith was not allowed to translate. While Joseph Smith left an accurate description of the plates as a whole, he did not
indicate the size or percentage that composed the sealed portion, only to say that "a part of which was sealed" (Smith, "History," 707; Smith, Papers, 1:431). On one
occasion David Whitmer, one of the three witnesses, stated that about half the plates were sealed, while on another occasion he said that "one- third . . . appeared to
be loose," or in other words, two- thirds were sealed (Cook, 21, 75). In 1856, Orson Pratt stated that "about two- thirds were sealed up" (3:347). Although Pratt was
not an eyewitness concerning the plates, he was a contemporary and close associate of Joseph Smith and also the Whitmers and likely learned many things about the
plates and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon from them.
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The sealed portion of the plates contains "a revelation from God, from the beginning of the world to the ending thereof" (2 Ne. 27:7). This was the marvelous revelation
the Lord gave to the brother of Jared 1 wherein he saw "all the inhabitants of the earth which had been, and also all that would be . . . even unto the ends of the
earth" (Ether 3:25). The brother of Jared wrote "the things which he had seen," but "they were forbidden to come unto the children of men until after [Christ] should be
occasion David Whitmer, one of the three witnesses, stated that about half the plates were sealed, while on another occasion he said that "one- third . . . appeared to
be loose," or in other words, two- thirds were sealed (Cook, 21, 75). In 1856, Orson Pratt stated that "about two- thirds were sealed up" (3:347). Although Pratt was
not an eyewitness concerning the plates, he was a contemporary and close associate of Joseph Smith and also the Whitmers and likely learned many things about the
plates and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon from them.

The sealed portion of the plates contains "a revelation from God, from the beginning of the world to the ending thereof" (2 Ne. 27:7). This was the marvelous revelation
the Lord gave to the brother of Jared 1 wherein he saw "all the inhabitants of the earth which had been, and also all that would be . . . even unto the ends of the
earth" (Ether 3:25). The brother of Jared wrote "the things which he had seen," but "they were forbidden to come unto the children of men until after [Christ] should be
lifted up upon the cross." Therefore, the record of this sacred vision was not made available to the Nephites until the Savior's appearance and ministry as a resurrected
being among them, at which time he instructed that it "should be made manifest" (Ether 4:1-2; 3 Ne. 26:1-6). After nearly two centuries of peace, the people "dwindled
in unbelief," and eventually Moroni 2 was commanded to "hide" up the records containing the vision of the brother of Jared "again in the earth" (Ether 4:3). Before doing
so, however, he was to transcribe onto other plates the things which the brother of Jared had seen and to "seal them up"with the interpreters (Ether 4:4-5). Moroni
instructed the future translator of the plates (Joseph Smith) that he was not to translate the sealed portion "except by and by it shall be wisdom in God" (Ether 5:1).

The sealed portion of the plates will yet be revealed but not "until the own due time of the Lord" (2 Ne. 27:10). The Lord told Moroni that the sealed record would be
revealed when the people repented of their iniquity, became clean, and exercised faith in the Lord like unto that of the brother of Jared (Ether 4:6-7). The manner in
which these plates were sealed is not made clear in the text of the Book of Mormon or in the accounts of those who were privileged to view the plates.

See also Scriptures, additional, to come forth.

Bibliography

Cook, Lyndon W., ed. David Whitmer Interviews: A Restoration Witness. Orem, Utah: Grandin Book Company, 1991.

Pratt, Orson. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854- 86.

Smith, Joseph. Papers of Joseph Smith. Vol. 1, Auto-bio-graphical and Historical Writings. Edited by Dean C. Jessee. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989.

--- . "Church History." Times and Seasons 3 (1 March 1842).

Baugh, Alexander L.

Sealing power

The power to seal or bind on earth and have such action be valid in eternity. To Nephi 2 , the Lord said, "Whatsoever ye shall seal on earth shall be sealed in heaven;
and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven" (Hel. 10:7). The wording is similar to when Jesus promised Peter the "keys of the kingdom" and the
accompanying power to "bind" and "loose" (Matt. 16:19; cf. D&C 50:26-29). Elder Bruce R. McConkie taught: "Christ, some twenty or more years before his birth
into mortality, conferred these same keys upon Nephi the son of Helaman" (1:383).

There are no references in the Book of Mormon to the use of sealing power to perform marriages, but the description of the Nephites marrying and being blessed
"according to the multitude of the promises which the Lord had made" may allude to it (4 Ne. 1:11).

Other references to sealing refer to the aspect of recording a permanent witness. For instance, Nephi 1 declared, "What I seal on earth, shall be brought against you at
the judgment bar" (2 Ne. 33:15; cf. D&C 1:8-10; 133:72).

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Doctrinal New Testament Commentary. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1965- 73.

Merrill, Byron R.

Seantum

Member of a secret combination who murdered his brother Seezoram, chief judge in Zarahemla (Hel. 8:27-28; ca. 23 b.c. ). After Nephi 2 proclaimed the death of
Seezoram and corrupt Nephite judges accused him of conspiring in the crime (Hel. 9:16), Nephi instructed his accusers to go to the house of Seantum and inquire
concerning the murder. He prophesied that Seantum would first proclaim his innocence but eventually confess the crime after those sent to investigate would find blood
on his cloak and fear in his countenance (Hel. 9:25-37).

Sebus waters of

Area in the land of Ishmael where Lamanites watered their flocks (Alma 17:26). King Lamoni had previously executed shepherds who lost his flocks to Lamanite
marauders at Sebus (Alma 17:28; ca. 90 b.c. ). When troublemakers again scattered Lamoni's flocks, Ammon 2 , a son of the Nephite king Mosiah 2 and servant to
Lamoni, encouraged his fellow shepherds to retrieve the flocks to avoid the king's punishment. The animals were returned to "the place of water," but the marauders
also returned to again scatter the flocks. Ammon routed them single- handedly (Alma 17:27-39; 19:21).

Second coming

See Jesus Christ, second coming of.

Second death

See Spiritual death.

Second time

Refers to the second gathering and restoration of Israel in the last days. The first occurred when the Lord brought Israel out of Egypt, re- established his covenant with
them, and led
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                                               Corp.years later the Israelites were taken by Assyrians, and later Babylonians, from their homelands and Pagescattered
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the nations. Nephi, referring to a prophecy of Isaiah, taught that "the Lord will set his hand again the second time to restore his people from their lost and fallen state"(2
Ne. 25:17; cf. 2 Ne. 21:11). To make this possible, "he shall set up an ensign for the nations, and shall assemble the outcasts of Israel, and gather together the
dispersed of Judah from the four corners of the earth" (2 Ne. 21:12 // Isa. 11:12; 6:14; 25:17; 29:1; Jacob 6:2; D&C 137:6). This ensign that all people would gather
Second time

Refers to the second gathering and restoration of Israel in the last days. The first occurred when the Lord brought Israel out of Egypt, re- established his covenant with
them, and led them into the promised land. Many years later the Israelites were taken by Assyrians, and later Babylonians, from their homelands and scattered among
the nations. Nephi, referring to a prophecy of Isaiah, taught that "the Lord will set his hand again the second time to restore his people from their lost and fallen state"(2
Ne. 25:17; cf. 2 Ne. 21:11). To make this possible, "he shall set up an ensign for the nations, and shall assemble the outcasts of Israel, and gather together the
dispersed of Judah from the four corners of the earth" (2 Ne. 21:12 // Isa. 11:12; 6:14; 25:17; 29:1; Jacob 6:2; D&C 137:6). This ensign that all people would gather
to is the restored gospel of Jesus Christ.

As with the first, the second gathering would be two- fold in nature-back to the Lord and back to their lands of inheritance. The Book of Mormon-"his words" (2 Ne.
25:18)-would be the means he would use to "restore his people" (2 Ne. 25:17). It would "hiss forth unto the ends of the earth, for a standard unto . . . the house of
Israel" (2 Ne. 29:2). It would accomplish a "marvelous work" in restoring the Jews "from their lost and fallen state" by "convincing them of the true Messiah" (2 Ne.
25:17-18; cf. 26-27), helping persuade them "to believe in Christ, the Son of God, and the atonement" (2 Ne. 25:16; cf. Morm. 5:12-14). And its appearance would
herald the arrival of this second time when the Lord would "gather in, from their long dispersion [his] people" and "establish again" Zion among them (3 Ne. 21:1-7).
Moreover, Mormon taught that when the Book of Mormon "shall come unto the Gentiles . . . then ye may know that the covenant which the Father hath made with the
children of Israel, concerning their restoration to the lands of their inheritance, is already beginning to be fulfilled" (3 Ne. 29:1).

Moses, who held the keys of the first gathering, bestowed on Joseph Smith "the keys of the [second] gathering of Israel from the four parts of the earth" (D&C
110:11).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to be a sign of the Father's work; Israel, gathering of.

Meservy, Keith H.

Second trump

As used in the Book of Mormon, the second trump has reference to those who on the Day of Judgment will be found on the left hand of the Lord (Mosiah 26:25-28;
5:10). The sounding of a trumpet represents a summons to an event of great importance. Michael the archangel will sound the trumpet that will call forth all who are in
the grave to the judgment of God. The righteous will stand on the right hand of God, the wicked on his left (D&C 29:26-27). Modern revelation makes it clear that the
second trump will call forth those who will inherit the terrestrial kingdom, the third trump those who are telestial, and the fourth those who are sons of perdition (D&C
88:99-102).

See also I never knew them; Judgment, the.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Secret combinations

-Oath- bound conspiracies of a quasireligious character. The earliest mention of secret combinations, chronologically, occurs in the book of Ether, in the account of a
prince, Jared 2 , who sought to murder his father and seize the throne. His daughter, reminding him of the secret conspiracies and plots mentioned in the records their
ancestors had brought with them from the Old World, suggested that he use the same techniques (Ether 8:9-10). Thus was born a conspiracy that successfully placed
Jared in the kingship. Strikingly, its oath of secrecy and mutual protection, transmitted from Cain, was not secular-participants swore "by the God of heaven, and also
by the heavens, and also by the earth, and by their heads" (Ether 8:14-15, 18; cf. Moses 5:29-31, 49-55).

Subsequent Jaredite leaders frequently resorted to the ancient principles of secret conspiratorial oaths and covenants, leading to rebellions, wars, thefts, murders, social
and economic breakdown, and the rejection and killing of the Lord's prophets (e.g., Ether 9:26, 29; 10:3, 33; 11:7, 15, 22; 13:15, 18, 25-26; 14:8-10; Alma 37:30).
Indeed, secret combinations were the primary factor leading to the extinction of the Jaredites (Alma 37:22, 25-27, 29-31; Ether 8:21).

The prophet Alma 2 encouraged his son Helaman 2 to warn the Nephites about the sins, evils, and sufferings that attended secret combinations among their Jaredite
predecessors, and to emphasize their destructiveness. But he urged him to withhold any specific data about their oaths, covenants, and plans, evidently fearing their
seductive power (Alma 37:21-27, 29-32; cf. Ether 8:17). Helaman obeyed (Alma 63:12). Moroni 2 , the abridger of the Jaredite record, also declined to detail
precisely "the manner of their oaths and combinations," but for a different reason: "For," he wrote, "it hath been made known unto me that they are had among all
people, and they are had among the Lamanites" (Ether 8:20).

Nephite secret combinations arose in their classic form about 50 b.c., once again involving a political crisis within the ruling family and an assassination. When a later
attempt failed, the conspirators were obliged to flee (Hel. 1:1-12; 2:1-11). They reemerged periodically, however, to carry out other assassinations and revolutionary
acts (Hel. 3:23; 6:15). By this time, the Nephite secret combination had begun to be known-at least, among those who disliked them-as "Gadianton's robbers and
murderers" (Hel. 6:18-19).

Mormon explained that secret combinations took root among both Lamanites and Nephites at this period because, amidst peace and prosperity, they began to be
consumed by greed and ambition, and saw such conspiracies as an effective means to wealth (Hel. 6:17; cf. 7:21, 25). He ascribed their popularity to Satan (Hel. 6:20-
21).

By the latter part of the first century b.c. , most Nephites had embraced the Gadianton program and the government itself came under Gadianton control (Hel. 6:38-41;
10:3). Although they were gradually induced to repent and to eliminate the Gadianton movement from among them (Hel. 11:1-10), within only a few years a group of
Nephite dissenters resurrected it and launched a destructive series of guerrilla wars from their mountain bases (Hel. 11:25-33; 3 Ne. 1:27-29; 2:11-13, 17-19). After
great difficulty, they were defeated (3 Ne. 3:11, 13-14, 20-21; 4:1-7, 12-14, 16-28; 5:4-6; 6:3). Less than a decade later, though, ambitious lawyers and judges
resuscitated the principles of the Gadiantons anew, hoping thereby both to silence the prophets and to establish a monarchy. But they only managed to plunge the
Nephite nation into bloody and destructive tribal anarchy (3 Ne. 6:20-30; 7:1-3, 6-7, 9-13). Gadiantonism again played a major role in the final collapse of the Nephite
civilization (4 Ne. 1:42, 46; Hel. 2:13-14; cf. Ether 8:21).

The fundamentals of Gadiantonism involved unspecified covenants and oaths of mutual protection, as well as secret signs and passwords to facilitate acts of criminal
conspiracy. The strict secrecy of the movement was ensured by the Gadiantons' willingness to punish anybody guilty of breaching it (Hel. 6:21-24).

But this picture is probably, and not surprisingly, an oversimplification. The Nephite proph-ets themselves expressly told readers that they withheld important data about
secret combinations. It seems apparent that Gadiantonism was an ideological movement, and not, or not merely, a criminal conspiracy. The letter sent to the Nephite
governor   Lachoneus 1 by Giddianhi, the leader of the Gadianton organization at the time, is highly instructive in this context. Politically, it refers to alleged "wrongs"
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inflicted upon the Gadiantons by the Nephite state, and asserts their right to rule, although it acknowledges the Nephites' perspective (3 Ne. 3:2-11).      Page    842 / 919
                                                                                                                                                                Furthermore,
Giddianhi testified to the goodness and venerability of "the secret society of Gadi-anton" (3 Ne. 3:9), having already, by implication, indicated his skepticism about
traditional Nephite religion (3 Ne. 3:2). Finally, the epistle invites the Nephites to "yield yourselves up unto us, and unite with us and become acquainted with our secret
But this picture is probably, and not surprisingly, an oversimplification. The Nephite proph-ets themselves expressly told readers that they withheld important data about
secret combinations. It seems apparent that Gadiantonism was an ideological movement, and not, or not merely, a criminal conspiracy. The letter sent to the Nephite
governor Lachoneus 1 by Giddianhi, the leader of the Gadianton organization at the time, is highly instructive in this context. Politically, it refers to alleged "wrongs"
inflicted upon the Gadiantons by the Nephite state, and asserts their right to rule, although it acknowledges the Nephites' perspective (3 Ne. 3:2-11). Furthermore,
Giddianhi testified to the goodness and venerability of "the secret society of Gadi-anton" (3 Ne. 3:9), having already, by implication, indicated his skepticism about
traditional Nephite religion (3 Ne. 3:2). Finally, the epistle invites the Nephites to "yield yourselves up unto us, and unite with us and become acquainted with our secret
works, and become our brethren that ye may be like unto us-not our slaves, but our brethren and partners of all our substance" (3 Ne. 3:7)-an invitation that, because
thieves need victims, makes sense only if the Gadian-tons were more than simple criminals.

What one sees in the Gadianton movement and, by extension, in the secret combinations among the Jaredites with their theologically laden oaths, is an evil distortion, a
mirror image, of true religion and its sacred covenants. For example, when at one point they were under military pressure, the last remnants of the Gadianton
organization sealed their records up in the earth in a striking parallel to the story of the Book of Mormon itself, presumably to come forth at some later, more favorable
time (Hel. 11:10).

And there was, unquestionably, something spiritual, though certainly not divine, about the secret combinations depicted in the Book of Mormon. The prophet Mormon
stressed that the Gadianton robbers did not obtain their oaths and practices from the record of the Jaredites, but by direct inspiration from Satan (Hel. 6:25-30; cf.
8:28; Moses 5:29-31, 49-55), the ultimate author of secret combinations (2 Ne. 9:9; 26:22; 3 Ne. 6:28; Ether 8:16, 25). The Lord has expressly condemned such
evils (2 Ne. 10:15; 26:23; cf. 3 Ne. 9:9; Ether 8:18-19, 22-23), and Moroni and his prophet- colleagues, aware that secret combinations would exist in the latter days,
"even as in times of old," warned strictly against them (2 Ne. 26:22; Morm. 8:27, 40; Ether 8:22-25). Indeed, the Book of Mormon says that the New World ought to
be particularly free of them (Alma 37:31; cf. 37:27-28). "Wherefore, O ye Gentiles," wrote Moroni, "it is wisdom in God that these things should be shown unto you,
that thereby ye may repent of your sins, and suffer not that these murderous combinations shall get above you, which are built up to get power and gain-and the work,
yea, even the work of destruction come upon you, yea, even the sword of the justice of the Eternal God shall fall upon you, to your overthrow and destruction if ye
shall suffer these things to be" (Ether 8:23).

See also Gadianton robbers.

Peterson, Daniel C.

Secreted

See Appendix C.

Seed

Term used in the Book of Mormon with at least four meanings, as follows:

1. Posterity or descendants. Prophets frequently spoke of future events concerning their lineal descendants in terms such as "the seed of my brethren did contend
against my seed" (1 Ne. 12:19). In this sense, seed is equated with "the fruit of the loins" (2 Ne. 3:12).

2. The righteous, symbolically called the seed of Christ (Mosiah 15:10-13).

3. That from which plants may be produced. For instance, the family of Lehi and the Jaredites carried seeds with them to the promised land (1 Ne. 18:24; Ether 2:3).

4. The word of God (Alma 32:28); belief in the Son of God; the gospel (Alma 33:22-23).

Merrill, Byron R.

Seed of Christ

All the faithful Saints of every gospel dispensation. In his last powerful discourse, as he stood before king Noah 3 and his wicked priests, Abinadi invoked the testimony
of the prophet Isaiah to teach about the nature and ministry of the Messiah, and to identify the seed of Christ (Mosiah 14-15; cf. Isa. 53). Abinadi provided inspired
commentary on the symbols, allusions, and images used by Isaiah centuries earlier, explaining that the seed of Christ are "all the holy prophets ever since the world
began," as well as "all those who have hearkened unto their words, and believed that the Lord would redeem his people, and have looked forward to that day for a
remission of their sins," thus becoming "heirs of the kingdom of God" (Mosiah 15:10-18).

The seed of Christ look to the Redeemer as the father of their salvation. They become his "children" by being "born of him," born into a new realm or kingdom, the
kingdom of God, by commitment to Christ's atonement through the covenant and ordinance of baptism. This rebirth involves the same elements which made birth into
this mortal realm possible. Thus, Adam was instructed to teach his children that "inasmuch as ye were born into the world by water, and blood, and the spirit . . . even
so ye must be born again into the kingdom of heaven, of water, and of the Spirit, and be cleansed by blood, even the blood of mine Only Begotten" (Moses 6:59; cf.
Mosiah 5:7; 27:24-26). Because there is "no other name given whereby salvation cometh," all who are to enjoy eternal life must take upon them the name of Christ, and
become his seed (Mosiah 5:8-11).

See also Born again; Children of Christ; Isaiah chapter reviews (Mosiah 14 // Isa. 53); Seed.

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Seer

"A seer is a revelator and a prophet also; and a gift which is greater can no man have, except he should possess the power of God" (Mosiah 8:16; cf. Moses 6:35-36).
Thus a seer is the most inspired of men, having visual revelations of things past, present, and future pertaining to both heaven and earth. These visions are not mere
dreams; they may be experienced while in a waking state. Lehi 1 , Nephi 1 , and the brother of Jared 1 are notable seers in the Book of Mormon.

Lehi "was carried away in a vision" and beheld God and angels, including Christ and "twelve others" (1 Ne. 1:8-10; cf. Alma 36:22). Nephi was also "caught away in
the Spirit of the Lord" (1 Ne. 11:1) and beheld a series of remarkable visions of the future pertaining to Israel and the Gentiles spanning some two thousand years (1
Ne. 11-14). In doing so, he wrote of another seer, John the Revelator (1 Ne. 14:18-25). The brother of Jared's seeric revelations, first revealed to the Nephites
following   Christ's resurrection, and not translated by Joseph Smith, are yet to come forth (Ether 3:21; 4:1-7).
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The translation of ancient records is another aspect of seership (Mosiah 8:13). In that connection ancient Joseph 1 foretold the scriptural labors of Joseph Smith (2 Ne.
3:6-9, 11-15). Mosiah 2 had "two stones" which were "handed down from generation to generation, for the purpose of interpreting languages" (Mosiah 28:13-15).
Lehi "was carried away in a vision" and beheld God and angels, including Christ and "twelve others" (1 Ne. 1:8-10; cf. Alma 36:22). Nephi was also "caught away in
the Spirit of the Lord" (1 Ne. 11:1) and beheld a series of remarkable visions of the future pertaining to Israel and the Gentiles spanning some two thousand years (1
Ne. 11-14). In doing so, he wrote of another seer, John the Revelator (1 Ne. 14:18-25). The brother of Jared's seeric revelations, first revealed to the Nephites
following Christ's resurrection, and not translated by Joseph Smith, are yet to come forth (Ether 3:21; 4:1-7).

The translation of ancient records is another aspect of seership (Mosiah 8:13). In that connection ancient Joseph 1 foretold the scriptural labors of Joseph Smith (2 Ne.
3:6-9, 11-15). Mosiah 2 had "two stones" which were "handed down from generation to generation, for the purpose of interpreting languages" (Mosiah 28:13-15).
One possessing them "is called seer" (Mosiah 28:16). They also constituted the Urim and Thummim Joseph Smith used to translate the Book of Mormon, a product of
the greatest manifestation of the power of God granted unto men (D&C 17:1).

See also Choice seer; Prophets, role of; Revelator; Seer stone.

Turner, Rodney

Seer choice

See Choice seer.

Seer stone

Statements by a number of Joseph Smith's associates indicate that the Prophet had in his possession a stone, later referred to as a seer stone. That it was called a seer
stone denotes that it was a medium that could be used to help in receiving revelation. According to Willard Chase, a resident of the Palmyra area, Joseph Smith found
the stone in 1822 while digging a well on the Chase property (Howe, 241-42; Tiffany, 163).

Some contemporaries of Joseph Smith claimed that he used the seer stone to translate portions of the Book of Mormon (Cook, 3, 12, 53-54, 55-56, 72, 156, 157,
200, 230; Bidamon, letter). Such claims have received varied responses (Roberts, 1:129-30; Smith, Doctrines, 3:225-26). Neither Joseph Smith nor his principal
scribe, Oliver Cowdery, mentioned a "seer stone" in their translation work, but they did repeatedly indicate the use of the Urim and Thummim. Joseph Smith declared
that he translated the Book of Mormon the medium of the Urim and Thummim . . . by the gift and power of God" (Smith, Church, 4:537). Oliver Cowdery wrote, "Day
after day I continued, uninterrupted, to write from his mouth, as he translated, with the Urim and Thummim, or, as the Nephites whould [ sic ] have said, `Interpreters,'
the history, or record, called `The book of Mormon'" ( Messenger and Advocate, 14). When asked to explain the details of the translation process, the Prophet Joseph
Smith told the Saints at a conference in Ohio in 1831, "that it was not intended to tell the world all the particulars of the coming forth of the book of Mormon, & also
said that it was not expedient for him to relate these things" (Cannon and Cook, 23).

Joseph Smith gave the seer stone to Oliver Cowdery (Whitmer, 32). David Whitmer stated that following Oliver's death in 1848, Phineas Young, brother to Brigham
Young, visited Cowdery's widow in Missouri and from her received the seer stone. He returned to Salt Lake City and presented the stone to President Young (Cook,
200). The stone has remained in the possession of the Church since that time. On 18 May 1888, following a private dedication of the Manti Temple, President Wilford
Woodruff wrote that he "Consecrated upon the Altar the seers [ sic ] Stone that Joseph Smith found by Revela-tion some 30 feet under the Earth" (Woodruff, 8:500).
Former Assistant Church Historian Andrew Jenson described the stone as an "ovalshaped, chocolate colored stone, about the size of an egg but more flat" (Jenson,
3:623; cf. Van Wagoner and Walker, 59).

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Book of Mormon, translation of; Seer.

Bibliography

Bidamon, Emma H. Smith, to Mrs. Pilgrim, 27 March 1876, manuscript, Community of Christ Archives, Independence, Missouri.

Cannon, Donald Q., and Lyndon W. Cook, eds. Far West Record: Minutes of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1830-1844. Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book, 1983.

Cook, Lyndon W. ed., David Whitmer Interviews: A Restoration Witness. Orem, Utah: Grandin Book, 1991.

Howe, E. D. Mormonism Unvailed. Painesville, Ohio: Eber D. Howe, 1834.

Jenson, Andrew. Historical Record. 5 vols. Salt Lake City: Andrew Jenson, 1888.

Messenger and Advocate, 1 (October 1834).

Roberts, B. H. A Comprehensive History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, Century One. 6 vols. Provo, Utah: Corporation of the President, The
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1965.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Tiffany, Joel. "Mormonism-II." Tiffany's Monthly 5 (May 1859).

Van Wagoner, Richard, and Steven C. Walker. "Joseph Smith: `The Gift of Seeing.'" Dialogue 15 (Summer 1982).

Whitmer, David. An Address to All Believers in Christ. Richmond, Mo.: N.p., 1887.

Woodruff, Wilford. Wilford Woodruff's Journal, 1833-1898. Edited by Scott G. Kenney. 9 vols. Midvale, Utah: Signature Books, 1983- 84.

Baugh, Alexander L.

Seezoram
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
A chief judge of the Nephites and a member of the Gadianton band (Hel. 8:28; ca. 26 b.c. ). Nothing is known of Seezoram's activities during his Page   844
                                                                                                                                                 judgeship, but/ he
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esteemed as "great" by the people (Hel. 9:10). Nephi 2 prophesied Seezoram's murder by his brother Seantum as a sign to the rebellious Nephites (Hel. 8:27; ca. 23-
20 b.c. ). When Nephi was himself accused of confederacy in the deed, he again demonstrated his prophetic gifts by revealing specifics as to how his accusers could
Baugh, Alexander L.

Seezoram

A chief judge of the Nephites and a member of the Gadianton band (Hel. 8:28; ca. 26 b.c. ). Nothing is known of Seezoram's activities during his judgeship, but he was
esteemed as "great" by the people (Hel. 9:10). Nephi 2 prophesied Seezoram's murder by his brother Seantum as a sign to the rebellious Nephites (Hel. 8:27; ca. 23-
20 b.c. ). When Nephi was himself accused of confederacy in the deed, he again demonstrated his prophetic gifts by revealing specifics as to how his accusers could
determine Seantum's guilt (Hel. 9:23-36).

Selfsame

See Appendix C.

Senine

See Nephite weights and measures.

Sensual

See Carnal, sensual, and devilish.

Senum

See Nephite weights and measures.

Seon

See Nephite weights and measures.

Sermon at Bountiful and Sermon on the Mount

During the first day of the resurrected Lord's visit to the Nephites at the temple in Bountiful 2 , he taught a sermon (3 Ne. 12-14; these chapters are part of a larger
sermon reported in 3 Ne. 11-18) that parallels the biblical sermon known as the sermon on the mount (Matt. 5-7). Jesus may have taught variations of this sermon
more than once in the Holy Land before the Nephites heard it (3 Ne. 15:1; Matt. 5-7; Luke 6). The central message of the sermon identifies what is essential to be a
true disciple of Christ in any society or age. Worthy of comparison are the few yet meaningful differences between the sermon at Bountiful and the sermon on the
mount. Most variations and modifications in the two sermons can be understood by recognizing differences in audience, culture, and time.

1. Audience. The biblical sermon addressed a small number of disciples, primarily the Twelve Apostles, who had separated themselves from the multitudes to come
"up" to Jesus (Matt. 5:1). Furthermore, Jesus "was set down" when he gave the sermon, suggesting a smaller, more intimate setting (JST Matt. 5:1). Consequently, one
important purpose of the sermon on the mount appears to be missionary- oriented, to prepare the Twelve to be sent forth to preach the gospel to the house of Israel.
The Joseph Smith Translation (JST) further establishes this missionary- preparation theme in the biblical sermon with instructions to the disciples when going "house to
house," a caution to keep "the mysteries of the kingdom . . . within yourselves," and an appropriate response when self- righteous Pharisees opposed them (JST Matt.
6:25-27; 7:10-11; 14-17).

The sermon to the Nephites, on the other hand, was given to a multitude of the righteous, including the Twelve disciples chosen by the Lord, because the more wicked
descendants of Lehi 1 were killed in the destruction that preceded Christ's arrival in America. That multitude consisted of at least 2,500 persons (3 Ne. 17:25). Only a
portion of the Nephite sermon addressed the Twelve specifically, reassuring them that the Lord would care for their daily needs (3 Ne. 13:25-34). In brief, the biblical
sermon presupposes a minority of righteous individuals living in a predominantly wicked world while the Nephite audience represented a "more righteous" population
prepared to receive his teachings as a covenant people.

Therefore, when Jesus taught the cluster of missionaries in Galilee about doing alms, he said, "Do not sound a trumpet before thee, as the hypocrites do in the
synagogues and in the streets" (Matt. 6:2; italics added), but to the Nephite Saints he said, " as will hypocrites do in the synagogues" (3 Ne. 13:2; italics added).
Religious hypocrisy was a current condition in Galilee and Jerusalem; it was temporarily eliminated from the Nephite nation with the destruction of the most wicked but
would reemerge nearly two- hundred years later to contribute to their eventual downfall.

Similarly, when Jesus instructed his disciples on the mount concerning prayer, the prayer included a petition to the Father to "give us this day our daily bread" (Matt.
6:11). This phrase was omitted when teaching the Nephites. While most annotated translations of this phrase suggest it is a plea for "tomorrow's" bread today, there is
confusion among scholars as to whether the plea has reference to receiving continual phys-ical sustenance or, eschatologically speaking, the heavenly blessings of the
future. If the prayer has reference to physical sustenance, the omission in the Book of Mormon may be explained by different audiences. Because the Twelve in Galilee
were soon to depart on missions and discontinue their normal livelihoods, they needed the Lord to supply them with daily physical nourishment. Conversely, the
Nephite multitude was not called, as were the Twelve, to full- time missionary service, but they were expected to live the gospel while earning a temporal living to
satisfy daily physical needs (Matthews, 116).

Difference in audience would also explain why Jesus told the New Testament disciples that they were the "light of the world" (Matt. 5:14) while telling the Nephites they
were to be "the light of this people" (3 Ne. 12:14). The biblical sermon prepared the Twelve to be "sent forth," to take his gospel first to the house of Israel, and after
Christ's resurrection, to "the uttermost part of the earth" (Acts 1:8). The Nephite audience was to spread their witness to their own people who had been spared during
the destruction.

2. Culture. Lehi 1 and his family departed from Jerusalem 600 years before Jesus was born in Bethlehem. Although some elements of Old Testament Jewish culture
were evidenced in Nephite culture, later cultural developments in Jerusalem were naturally absent in ancient America. In other words, the cultural milieu in New
Testament times was significantly different from Nephite society at the time of Christ's ministry. These differences are apparent when comparing the two sermons. For
example, there is no mention of Pharisees, scribes, or publicans in the Book of Mormon sermon, as is found in the sermon on the mount (Matt. 5:20, 46-47; 7:28-29).
This should be expected because such designations within Jewish society likely began after the Babylonian captivity, decades after Lehi left that society. The Nephites
knew the term Gentiles from their world before they left Jerusalem and from the words of the prophets; however, it was not used to describe any faction of the Nephite
population, because all were identified as a "remnant of the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 28:2). This may explain why the Savior did not refer to Gentiles in his sermon among
the Nephites but did use the term in speaking to his disciples in Galilee (Matt. 6:32). Likewise, reference to swearing by Jerusalem is not included in the Savior's
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of society for those hearing the biblical sermon (Matt. 5:35; 3 Ne. 12:35).

The Lord directed the Nephites to pay the "uttermost senine" (3 Ne. 12:26; cf. Alma 11:3); however, the disciples on the mount were told to pay "the uttermost
This should be expected because such designations within Jewish society likely began after the Babylonian captivity, decades after Lehi left that society. The Nephites
knew the term Gentiles from their world before they left Jerusalem and from the words of the prophets; however, it was not used to describe any faction of the Nephite
population, because all were identified as a "remnant of the house of Israel" (2 Ne. 28:2). This may explain why the Savior did not refer to Gentiles in his sermon among
the Nephites but did use the term in speaking to his disciples in Galilee (Matt. 6:32). Likewise, reference to swearing by Jerusalem is not included in the Savior's
sermon to the Nephites as is found in the biblical sermon, likely because the holy city of Jerusalem was only a historical memory for the Nephites, but it was the center
of society for those hearing the biblical sermon (Matt. 5:35; 3 Ne. 12:35).

The Lord directed the Nephites to pay the "uttermost senine" (3 Ne. 12:26; cf. Alma 11:3); however, the disciples on the mount were told to pay "the uttermost
farthing" (Matt. 5:26), reflecting two different monetary systems. A more elaborate legal process, including a judge and an officer, is described in the biblical account to
sentence an offender to prison than is depicted in the Nephite sermon, suggesting a simpler judicial system among the Nephites (Matt. 5:25; 3 Ne. 12:25). Again, the
Lord reminded the Nephites and the New Testament disciples that it is "your Father who is in heaven [who] maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good" (3 Ne.
12:45; Matt. 5:45), but only in the biblical sermon did he add "and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust" (Matt. 5:45). Perhaps this had reference to the Jews'
concern for rainfall in the deserts of the Holy Land in contrast to the land of the Nephites where rain may have been plentiful.

3. Time. Jesus taught the Sermon on the Mount before his atonement and the fulfillment of the law of Moses ; the sermon at Bountiful was delivered after his atonement
when the law of Moses had been fulfilled. Therefore, in the Matthew account, he taught that the law of Moses would be fulfilled in him but that time was not yet come,
adding strict charges to observe the law of Moses until that time came (Matt. 5:18-19); however, the Savior told the Nephites that the law of Moses had already been
fulfilled in him (3 Ne. 12:18, 46-47). In addition, he reminded the Nephites of "the law and the commandments of my Father" given them "at this time" (3 Ne. 12:19-
20), referring to new commandments that make up the gospel of Christ, or higher law, taught earlier that same day to preempt the law of Moses (3 Ne. 11:31-40). It
was to the Nephites, not to his New Testament disciples, that he specified coming to him "with a broken heart and a contrite spirit" (3 Ne. 12:19), and "with full
purpose of heart" (3 Ne. 12:24), reinforcing the focus for sacrifice required of his disciples after the Mosaic law was fulfilled. Similarly, bringing a gift to the altar is only
mentioned in the biblical account (Matt. 5:23-24) because such sacrifices were no longer required after the law of Moses was fulfilled.

In the biblical sermon, Jesus explained that "the kingdom of heaven has come nigh unto you" (JST Matt. 7:9) and consequently taught his disciples in Galilee to pray that
"thy kingdom come" (Matt. 6:10). That phrase was omitted when instructing the Nephites (3 Ne. 13:9-10), perhaps because Christ, their King, had come and they
submitted themselves to him as a willing and obedient people.

Finally, before his resurrection, Jesus commanded his disciples on the mount to be perfect, "even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect" (Matt. 5:48). After his
resurrection, he taught the Nephites to be perfect "even as I, or your Father who is in heaven is perfect" (3 Ne. 12:48), evidencing that the full measure of perfection
comes through resurrection even for the morally perfect Jesus who never committed sin (2 Cor. 5:21; 1 Pet. 2:22).

In addition to considering audience, culture, and time, differences between the two sermons may be explained by modern revelation. There are instances in which the
JST and the Nephite sermons are alike, but the King James Version (KJV) is different. Such agreement is not surprising when it is recognized that the JST is a
restoration of the sermon, whether it be a restoration of the text, or a restoration of interpretation and meaning. Specific cases include the following:

It is immediately obvious that the Nephite sermon began with beatitudes not mentioned in the KJV that deal with the first principles and ordinances of the gospel, the
need for the multitude to heed the words of the Twelve chosen to minister among them, and the need for others to heed the words of the multitude (3 Ne. 12:1-2). The
JST adds two verses at the beginning of the biblical sermon which confirm the first principles and ordinances of the gospel and recognize the blessings of those who
heed the words of the Twelve Apostles to whom Christ spoke: "Blessed are they who shall believe on me; and again, more blessed are they who shall believe on your
words, when ye shall testify that ye have seen me and that I am. Yea, blessed are they who shall believe on your words, and come down into the depth of humility, and
be baptized in my name; for they shall be visited with fire and the Holy Ghost, and shall receive a remission of their sins" (JST Matt. 5:3-4). Similarly, additions to the
eight commonly known beatitudes found in the Nephite sermon are also included in the JST account of the Sermon on the Mount (in each case italics are added to
indicate text not found in the KJV but found in both the JST and the Book of Mormon). Both accounts read: "Blessed are the poor in spirit who come unto me" (3 Ne.
12:3; JST Matt. 5:5), and "blessed are all they who do hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall be filled with the Holy Ghost" (3 Ne. 12:6; JST Matt. 5:8).
Furthermore, like in the Book of Mormon sermon, "in the JST the word and occurs at the beginning of each of the beatitudes, giving the impression they are in a series
rather than simply a collection of separate unrelated statements" (Matthews, 117). Finally, both the Nephite account and the JST account include " all they who do
hunger and thirst after righteousness," " all the pure in heart," " all the peacemakers," and " all they who are persecuted for my name's sake" (3 Ne. 12: 6, 8, 9, 10; JST
Matt. 5:8, 10, 11, 12). Both versions end the account of the beatitudes the same way: " For ye shall have great joy and be exceeding ly glad, for great shall be your
reward in heaven" (3 Ne. 12:12; JST Matt. 5:14).

Additional similarities between the JST account of the biblical sermon and the Nephite sermon are found in verses that follow the beatitudes: " Verily, verily, I say unto
you, I give unto you to be the salt of the earth; but if the salt shall lose its savor wherewith shall the earth be salted? The salt shall be thenceforth good for nothing" (3
Ne. 12:13; JST Matt. 5:15); "and whosoever shall kill shall be in danger of the judgment of God" (3 Ne. 12:21; JST Matt. 5:23); "therefore, if ye shall come unto me,
or shall desire to come unto me" (3 Ne. 12:23; JST Matt. 5:25).

In the context of Christ's teaching to neither commit adultery nor look "on a woman, to lust after her" (3 Ne. 12:28), two entire verses are found in both the JST and the
Book of Mormon but not in the KJV: "Behold, I give unto you a commandment, that ye suffer none of these things to enter into your heart; For it is better that ye
should deny yourselves of these things, wherein ye will take up your cross, than that ye should be cast into hell" (3 Ne. 12:29-30; JST Matt. 5:31). The KJV records
Jesus' words to be "O ye of little faith" (Matt. 6:30) while both the JST and the Book of Mormon record him to say, "if ye are not of little faith" (3 Ne. 13:30; JST
Matt. 6:34).

Another insight from the JST, which parallels the Book of Mormon account, is the identi-fication of the audience for whom Christ taught the final portion of his sermon
(3 Ne. 14; Matt. 7). In both sermons, Christ made a point that his concluding message was intended for a general audience of believers. In the Book of Mormon
account, Jesus turned from the Twelve and again addressed the multitude (3 Ne. 14:1). In the JST account, Jesus instructed his missionary- disciples concerning what
they should "say unto the people" (JST Matt. 7:1).

Finally, Jesus referred to the law as it had been heard in times of old all six times in the K JV of the biblical sermon (Matt. 5:21, 27, 33, 38, 43), but in his sermon at
Bountiful, he used "written" to describe the law's form five of those times (3 Ne. 12:27, 31, 33, 38, 43). In the JST, "heard" is used three times (JST Matt. 5:23, 40,
45) and " three times (JST Matt. 5:29, 35, 37). While this example indicates additional cases where the Nephite sermon and the JST version of the biblical sermon
agree, more importantly, it underscores the fact that Joseph Smith did not simply copy the Book of Mormon writings in preparing the JST.

A meaningful observation is found in Jesus' teachings concerning those who are angry with their brother. The earliest Greek manuscripts of Matthew 5 do not contain
the words "without a cause" (Matt. 5:22), exactly as the Nephite and JST sermons read (3 Ne. 12:22; JST Matt. 5:24). Removing all justification for anger coincides
with other unequivocal statements the Savior made in the sermon, such as committing adultery in one's heart and loving one's enemy (Welch, 161-63).

When thoughtfully considered, differences and similarities between the Savior's teachings to the Nephites at the temple in Bountiful and his sermon on the mount, as
recorded in Matthew, reveal teachings that are culturally appropriate and personally applicable to each audience. A careful comparison validates not only the universal
power of Christ's
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Nephite multitude at Bountiful, or among the small corps of missionaries on the mount.

See also Joseph Smith Translation and the Book of Mormon.
with other unequivocal statements the Savior made in the sermon, such as committing adultery in one's heart and loving one's enemy (Welch, 161-63).

When thoughtfully considered, differences and similarities between the Savior's teachings to the Nephites at the temple in Bountiful and his sermon on the mount, as
recorded in Matthew, reveal teachings that are culturally appropriate and personally applicable to each audience. A careful comparison validates not only the universal
power of Christ's teachings to all nations in all eras, but also his care and concern for each individual. In the eyes of the Savior, there were no nameless faces in the
Nephite multitude at Bountiful, or among the small corps of missionaries on the mount.

See also Joseph Smith Translation and the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Matthews, Robert J. Behold the Messiah: New Testament Insights from Latter- day Revelation. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1994.

Welch, John W. The Sermon at the Temple and the Sermon on the Mount. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1990.

Fronk, Camille

Serpent brazen

See Brazen serpent.

Serpents fiery flying

See Fiery flying serpents.

Service

As used in the Book of Mormon, "service" is broadly associated with active devotion both to God (2 Ne. 2:3) and to one's fellow beings. It can also refer to
employment, as in the case of Ammon 2's faithful service to king Lamoni (Alma 17:25-26; 18:8-10), which led to the conversion of many. Most often, the term is used
positively, with reference to righteous duty, obedience, and usefulness. But the Book of Mormon also makes it clear that an unrighteous person serves Satan, and that a
follower of Christ "cannot be a servant of the devil" (Moro. 7:11); the two are mutually exclusive (3 Ne. 13:24 // Matt. 6:24). As Mormon testified, whatever
persuades mortals to "serve not God . . . is of the devil" (Moro. 7:16-17). Conversely, the Spirit of Christ invites one "to do good continually" and to serve God (Moro.
7:13).

King Benjamin spoke of his people's need to serve each other. Preliminary to making his main point, Benjamin modestly alluded to himself as an example of such
service (Mosiah 2:10-16). He then emphasized that "when ye are in the service of your fellow beings ye are only in the service of your God" (Mosiah 2:17). Even so,
Benjamin reminded his listeners of their great debt: "If ye should serve him with all your whole souls yet ye would be unprofitable servants" (Mosiah 2:21).

One of the important blessings of serving God promised in the Book of Mormon is liberty (2 Ne. 1:7; Mosiah 7:33). But the Lord also said concerning the promised
land that failure to serve him can bring about destruction when a society becomes "ripened in iniquity" (Ether 2:8-12). Moreover, Ammon 2 extolled the great joy of
missionary service (Alma 26).

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Seth

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Sexual immorality

See Chastity.

Shadow

This term is used in the Book of Mormon in at least three ways.

1. An image of some future event. A shadow may use elements of a particular event, person, ordinance, or ritual to reflect an image of a specific future reality. For
example, Abinadi admonished the priests of king Noah 3 to teach the law of Moses as a shadow of those things which were to come (Mosiah 16:14). In other words,
the elements of the law of Moses were designed to point to the future reality of the great and last sacrifice of Christ (Alma 34:14). In the scriptures, shadow, type,
similitude , likeness, and figure may be used interchangeably.

2. God's absolute consistency. Mormon explained that with God "there is no variableness neither shadow of changing" (Morm. 9:9). Therefore, the ways of God are
consistent and are in pure light and cast no shadows by moving off course.

3. A form of protection: "In the shadow of his hand hath he hid me" (1 Ne. 21:2).

See also Types.

Norman, Robert James

Shakespeare and the Book of Mormon

In his address to his sons, the aging Lehi 1 called upon them to "awake! and arise from the dust, and hear the words of a trembling parent, whose limbs ye must soon
lay down in the cold and silent grave, from whence no traveler can return" (2 Ne. 1:14). From the time of Alexander Campbell to the present, critics of the Book of
Mormon have pointed out the similarity in the language and imagery between Lehi's statement and the lines in Shakespeare's Hamlet: "But that the dread of something
after death, / The undiscover'd country, from whose bourn / no traveller returns" (III.i.78-80). While there is some similarity of phrasing between 2 Nephi and the
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the background for this tradition. In fact there are a number of passages in Job that Lehi and Shakespeare seem to echo. For example, Job 7:9-10 states, "He that
goeth down to the grave shall come up no more. He shall return no more to his house, neither shall his place know him any more." Similarly, Job 10:21 reads, "Before I
go whence I shall not return," and Job 16:22 says, "When a few years are come, then I shall go the way whence I shall not return." Ancient Mesopotamian literature
In his address to his sons, the aging Lehi 1 called upon them to "awake! and arise from the dust, and hear the words of a trembling parent, whose limbs ye must soon
lay down in the cold and silent grave, from whence no traveler can return" (2 Ne. 1:14). From the time of Alexander Campbell to the present, critics of the Book of
Mormon have pointed out the similarity in the language and imagery between Lehi's statement and the lines in Shakespeare's Hamlet: "But that the dread of something
after death, / The undiscover'd country, from whose bourn / no traveller returns" (III.i.78-80). While there is some similarity of phrasing between 2 Nephi and the
passage from Shakespeare, there are Near Eastern sources, including the Old Testa-ment, that articulate the same idea with the same imagery and may have provided
the background for this tradition. In fact there are a number of passages in Job that Lehi and Shakespeare seem to echo. For example, Job 7:9-10 states, "He that
goeth down to the grave shall come up no more. He shall return no more to his house, neither shall his place know him any more." Similarly, Job 10:21 reads, "Before I
go whence I shall not return," and Job 16:22 says, "When a few years are come, then I shall go the way whence I shall not return." Ancient Mesopotamian literature
also speaks of death with imagery resembling that of Lehi's address as a "land without return," a land "where dust is their nourishment and mud their food" (Zandee, 7).
In the Sumerian Inanna's Descent, the gatekeeper of the Under-world asks Inanna, "Why pray hast thou come to the land of no return? / On the road whose traveler
returns not, / how hath thy heart led thee?" ( Inanna's Descent, 82-83, in Pritchard, 54). Similar imagery appears in the Semitic version of the same story: "To the house
which none leave who have entered it, / To the road from which there is no way back" ( Descent of Ishtar, 5-6, in Pritchard , 107). Ancient Egyptian literature presents
similar images of the irretrievability from death. A passage from the Pyramid Texts, hieroglyphic funerary inscriptions dating to the third millennium b.c. , states, "Do not
travel [on] those western waterways, for those who travel thereon do not return" (Utterance 698, in Faulkner, 305). According to an Egyptian song from the fourteenth
century b.c. , "There is none who comes back from (over) there. . . . Behold, there is not one who departs who comes back again!" ( Song of the Harper, in Pritchard,
467). Still, the Egyptians had a decidedly positive outlook on life after death, as expressed in the Pyramid Texts: "Raise yourself, . . . throw off the earth from your
flesh" (Utterance 373 in Faulkner, 123) and, "Raise yourself, throw off your dust, . . . loosen your bonds" (Utterance 553 in Faulkner, 213). These phrases present the
same imagery as Lehi's exhortation, "Awake! and arise from the dust" (2 Ne. 1:14), although in different contexts. The Egyptian phrases refer to rising from the dead
while Lehi was beseeching his sons to rise up and "shake off the chains" (i.e., of unbelief and sin) that bound them (2 Ne. 1:23).

In summary, contrary to Book of Mormon criticisms, it is questionable whether Shakes-peare (himself an assiduous borrower) was the source of the ideas or imagery
employed in 2 Nephi 1:14. Rather, Lehi's sentiments (and perhaps Shakespeare's) are found similarly expressed in the Old Testament and other writings of the ancient
Near East, including Mesopotamian and Egyptian literature.

Bibliography

Faulkner, R. O. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969.

Pritchard, James B. Ancient Near Eastern Texts. 3d ed. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1969.

Shakespeare, William. Hamlet.

Zandee, J. Death as an Enemy: According to Ancient Egyptian Conceptions. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960.

Ricks, Stephen David

Shared

Jaredite who arose in a time of wickedness and warfare to defeat and imprison Coriantumr 2 . In turn, Coriantumr's sons defeated Shared and restored the kingdom to
their father. Coriantumr's anger at Shared compelled him to battle, and after three days of intense fighting in the valley of Gilgal, Coriantumr's troops beat Shared's army
and chased them to the plains of Heshlon. There Shared's men defeated Coriantumr's army and drove them back to the valley of Gilgal. In the ensuing battle
Coriantumr killed Shared. Some two years later Shared's brother Gilead continued the conflict (Ether 13:22-14:3).

Shazer

Place in the Arabian wilderness where Lehi 1 and his family stopped during their journey. The travelers used Shazer as a base camp for a hunting expedition to
replenish their food supply (1 Ne. 16:13-14). It was a four- day journey south- southeast from the valley of Lemuel.

See also Lehi 1 , journey to the promised land.

Szink, Terrence L.

Sheaves

Cut stalks of ripened grain bound together into bundles for transport to garners and threshing floors. Sheaves are used as a metaphor for souls converted to the gospel
(Alma 26:5; 3 Ne. 20:18).

Baugh, Alexander L.

Sheep other

See Other sheep.

Shelem mount

Old World mountain called Shelem "because of its exceeding height" (Ether 3:1). Here Christ touched the sixteen stones that would light the Jaredite vessels, revealed
himself to the brother of Jared 1 , and showed him a vision of all things (Ether 3:4-6, 13, 25).

Shem

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Shem land of and city of
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many Nephites as possible to save them from destruction. Rallying his faithless countrymen to fight for their families and homes, Mormon motivated them to stand
against the Lamanites and defeat them (Morm. 2:20-26).
See also Cumorah, battle of.

Shem land of and city of

Nephite land north of Jashon and Antum to which Mormon and his people fled from the Lamanites ( a.d. 345). Mormon and others fortified the city and gathered as
many Nephites as possible to save them from destruction. Rallying his faithless countrymen to fight for their families and homes, Mormon motivated them to stand
against the Lamanites and defeat them (Morm. 2:20-26).

Shemlon land of

Area bordering the land of Lehi- Nephi, not mentioned before that land came under Lamanite control. Because the land of Shemlon bordered the cities Lehi- Nephi
and Shilom, given by the Lamanites to king Zeniff's colony (ca. 200 b.c.) , references to Shemlon are intermingled with the narrative concerning these people and their
descendants. For example, Zeniff sent "spies out round about the land of Shemlon" to observe Lamanite military preparations (Mosiah 10:7). Much later, king Noah 3
saw from his tower in Shilom the Lamanite army approaching from Shemlon (Mosiah 19:6; ca. 145 b.c. ). Still later, the priests of Noah abducted several Lamanite
daughters from "a place in Shemlon" where they habitually gathered to enjoy themselves (Mosiah 20:1-5). Pacified by Amulon, leader of these priests, the Lamanite
king eventually appointed them teachers in Shemlon and throughout his lands. (Mosiah 24:1).

The Lamanites in the land of Shemlon were among those converted by Ammon 2 and his brethren (Alma 23:8, 12).

Shemnon

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Sherem

An anti-Christ who confronted Jacob 2 , the brother of Nephi 1 , and accused him of blasphemy for transforming the law of Moses into a worship of Christ (Jacob 7:1,
7). His principal objective was to "overthrow the doctrine of Christ" and to shake Jacob and others from their faith in Christ and his prophesied coming (Jacob 7:2). He
was learned and expert in the language of the Nephites and used his rhetorical skills to lead away many (Jacob 7:4). Sherem made specific charges from the law of
Moses against Jacob, accusing him of blasphemy, false prophecy, and causing public apostasy (Welch). All three crimes were punishable by death under the law of
Moses (Lev. 24:10-16; Deut. 18:20-22; 13:1-18). There were two separate and distinct ways to view the law of Moses. One way was to see Christ as the central
focus of the law, which Jacob taught (Jacob 4:5). The other way was to see the law entirely without Christ as Sherem did. According to Sherem, no one could know
the future, so no one could know that there would be a Christ (Jacob 7:7; cf. Alma 30:13). He contradicted his own premise, however, in contending that "there is no
Christ, neither has been, nor ever will be" (Jacob 7:9). It becomes obvious that Sherem himself was guilty of the three charges that he had made against Jacob.

In the course of his confrontation with Jacob, Sherem mockingly asked Jacob to show him a sign. For this request Sherem was smitten by the Lord. He then admitted
that he was deceived by the devil, that he had lied, that he knew the scriptures testified of Christ, and that he feared he had committed the unpardonable sin . After
confessing his efforts of deception and testifying to the power of the Holy Ghost and the ministering of angels, Sherem died (Jacob 7:13-20). Perhaps insight into
Sherem's character can be drawn from Jesus' words to those who tempted him desiring "that he would shew them a sign from heaven" (Matt. 16:1). He said, "a wicked
and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign" (Matt. 16:4).

Several important truths concerning Christ and the scriptures are substantiated in Jacob's confrontation with Sherem:

1. Satan makes every effort to strip Christ out of the lives of God's children, including removing Christ from the very types, shadows, and likenesses that are designed
to draw God's children to him.

2. The Lord gave the law of Moses as a type to cause the children of Israel to look forward to the redemption of Christ.

3. The existence of Christ, the power of the Holy Ghost, and the ministering of angels are confirmed to be true (Jacob 7:5, 17).

4. The scriptures and all the holy prophets have taught of Christ (Jacob 7:10-11, 19).

5. Sherem was able to deceive the people because their love of God and understanding of the scriptures was seriously deficient (Jacob 7:10-11, 23; Alma 33:14).

Bibliography

Welch, John W. "Sherem's Accusation against Jacob." FARMS Update 74 (January 1991).

Norman, Robert James

Sherrizah

During the final hostilities between the Nephite and Lamanite nations, the Lamanites are said to have taken men, women, and children prisoner from the tower of
Sherrizah (Moro. 9:7). The record does not say whether the tower was an architectural structure or a feature of the landscape. In an epistle to Moroni 2 , Mormon
described the grisly horrors to which the prisoners were subjected. The men, he wrote, were killed, and the women and children were fed the flesh of their husbands
and fathers (Moro. 9:8). Many widows and their daughters "remain[ed] in Sherrizah" and were forced to scavenge for food, because what provisions the Lamanites
left, Zenephi's Nephite army took (Moro. 9:16). Mormon indicated that the Lamanite armies were positioned between his weakened army and Sherrizah (Moro. 9:17).

Sheum

See Agriculture in the Book of Mormon.

Shez 1

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Shez 2
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See Jared 1 , posterity of.
See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Shez 2

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Shiblom 1 or Shiblon

See Jared 1 , posterity of.

Shiblom 2

Nephite military leader killed with his ten thousand troops in the last battle between the Nephites and Lamanites (Morm. 6:14; a.d. 385).

See also Cumorah, battle of.

Shiblon

Second son of Alma the Younger, first mentioned when he accompanied his father and others on a mission to the Zoramites 2 in about 74 b.c. (Alma 31:7). In
individual counsel to his sons, Alma commended Shiblon's steadiness, faithfulness, patience, diligence, and long- suffering. Shiblon had not faltered even though he had
been imprisoned and stoned by the apostate Zoramites (Alma 38:2-4). Alma promised his son, who had been faithful since his youth (Alma 38:2), that if he would
continue trusting in God, he would "be delivered out of [his] trials" and "be lifted up at the last day" (Alma 38:5). Alma bore testimony to Shiblon that only "in and
through Christ" can one "be saved," that is, saved from spiritual bondage (Alma 38:9). These words to Shiblon echo Alma's words to another son, Helaman 2 , whom
he reminded of the physical "bondage" of their "fathers" (Alma 36:2). Alma cautioned Shiblon against pride and boasting, against "overbearance" and "idleness," and
against public display of religiosity (Alma 38:10-14). Alma also admonished this son to "bridle all [his] passions, that [he] may be filled with love" (Alma 38:12).

The record does not mention any political or military responsibility, but Shiblon was to continue teaching the word of God (Alma 38:10, 15). A subsequent reference
indicates that in 72 b.c. he was preaching successfully to the Church (Alma 49:30). His valor in the faith was confirmed when in 56 b.c. he was given custody of the
sacred Nephite records (Alma 63:1). Three years later, after turning the records over to his nephew Helaman 3 , Shiblon died (Alma 63:10-11).

Cowan, Richard O.

Shiblon

See Nephite weights and measures.

Shiblum

See Nephite weights and measures.

Shilom land of and city of

Locale in the land of Nephi, near Lehi- Nephi and Shemlon. Shilom was peacefully ceded by the Lamanite king Laman 2 to Zeniff, who repaired the walls of the city
and began to till the land (Mosiah 9:6-9; ca. 200 b.c. ). Laman's ulterior motive was to bring Zeniff's people into bondage so that Laman's people might "glut
themselves with the labors of [their] hands" (Mosiah 9:12). Thirteen years later the Lamanites attacked the southern part of Shilom, but were repulsed by Zeniff, as
were they again nine years later when they attacked in the north (Mosiah 9:14-19; 10:8-10, 20; ca. 178 b.c. ). After Zeniff's death his corrupt and vain son Noah 3
became king and constructed many buildings in Shilom. But another attack by the Lamanites led to the demise of his kingdom, and Shilom fell under Lamanite rule with
Noah's son Limhi as the puppet king (Mosiah 11:13; 19:6-28; ca. 145 b.c. ). After the escape of Limhi's people to Zarahemla, Shilom reverted to the Lamanites.
Later, the king of the Lamanites appointed the wicked Amulon and his fellow priests as teachers in Shilom (Mosiah 24:1-2). The Lamanites in the land of Shilom were
eventually converted by Ammon 2 and his brethren (Alma 23:8, 12).

Shim hill

Nephite locale, in the land of Antum (Morm. 1:3). In a.d. 321 Ammaron deposited all of the sacred records of the Nephites in the hill Shim (4 Ne. 1:48). He instructed
young Mor-mon that when he turned twenty- four he should take from these records the plates of Nephi and continue the record (Morm. 1:2-4). This Mor-mon did
(Morm. 2:17-18), but about a.d. 375 he was forced by Lamanite advances to remove all the records from Shim (Morm. 4:23).

A "hill of Shim" is mentioned once in the Jaredite abridgment by Moroni 2 . Omer passed by the hill after the overthrow of his kingdom (Ether 9:3).

Shimnilom city of

One of the Lamanite cities whose inhabitants were converted to Christ by Ammon 2 and his fellow missionaries. The people of Shimnilom were among those who
adopted the name Anti- Nephi- Lehies (Alma 23:8-17).

Shiz

Commander of a large Jaredite army during the last battle of that people. He assumed command of the army at the death of his brother Lib 2 who was slain in battle
against the army of Coriantumr 2 . Shiz pursued Coriantumr and his army slaying both women and children, and burning cities (Ether 14:16-17). The reason for his
obsessive pursuit of Coriantumr was to avenge the blood of his brother and to disprove the prophecy that Coriantumr would not be slain by the sword (Ether 14:24).
He met in battle against Coriantumr several times in which millions of people were slaughtered. Consequently, the Jaredites were facing annihilation. On two separate
occasions Coriantumr wrote Shiz an epistle offering the rule of the kingdom to him, if he would spare the lives of the people. Shiz refused these offers, demanding that
Coriantumr give himself up that Shiz "might slay him with his own sword" (Ether 15:4-5, 18). Only upon those conditions would Shiz spare the people. Shiz "swore in
his wrath that he would slay Coriantumr or he would perish by the sword" (Ether 15:28). Shiz and his army pursued Coriantumr and his army in battle until only the two
commanders remained alive. A most graphic passage in scripture is recorded regarding the death of Shiz by decapitation (see Hadfield, 324-25, for the medical
implications of Shiz's rising up on his hands after decapi-tation). The death of Shiz fulfilled the word of the Lord through the prophet Ether that if Coriantumr and his
household
 Copyrightdid(c) not repent, allInfobase
                 2005-2009,      of his household, save it were himself, would be destroyed (Ether 13:20-21). The story of Shiz highlights the truth taught
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Book of Mormon that God's words to his prophets will all be fulfilled.

Bibliography
Coriantumr give himself up that Shiz "might slay him with his own sword" (Ether 15:4-5, 18). Only upon those conditions would Shiz spare the people. Shiz "swore in
his wrath that he would slay Coriantumr or he would perish by the sword" (Ether 15:28). Shiz and his army pursued Coriantumr and his army in battle until only the two
commanders remained alive. A most graphic passage in scripture is recorded regarding the death of Shiz by decapitation (see Hadfield, 324-25, for the medical
implications of Shiz's rising up on his hands after decapi-tation). The death of Shiz fulfilled the word of the Lord through the prophet Ether that if Coriantumr and his
household did not repent, all of his household, save it were himself, would be destroyed (Ether 13:20-21). The story of Shiz highlights the truth taught throughout the
Book of Mormon that God's words to his prophets will all be fulfilled.

Bibliography

Hadfield, M. Gary. "Neuropathology and the Scriptures." Brigham Young University Studies 33:2 (1993): 313- 28.

Ostler, Craig James

Shule

Early Jaredite king and great- grandson of Jared 1 (Ether 1:31-32). Born while his elderly father, Kib, was living "in captivity . . . under Corihor his son" (Ether 7:7),
Shule grew to be a "mighty" man in physical strength and "in judgment" (Ether 7:8). Full of righteous purpose, he forged steel swords and, arming himself and his
followers, defeated his brother Corihor 1 and restored the kingdom to his father (Ether 7:9). For this, Kib passed the kingdom on to him (Ether 7:10), and he ruled
justly. But eventually, Noah 2 , son of the repentant Corihor, in turn started another insurrection, captured Shule, and cast him into prison (Ether 7:15-17). When Shule
was about to be executed, his sons came by night, killed Noah, released their father, and restored him to his throne (Ether 7:18). Conflict between the two rival
kingdoms of Shule and Cohor, the son of Noah, continued for much of Shule's reign. After Cohor's death in battle, his son Nimrod voluntarily relinquished the kingdom
to Shule, thereby winning Shule's favor (Ether 7:21-22). Also during Shule's reign, the Lord sent prophets to warn the people to repent or "be destroyed" for their
"wickedness and idolatry" (Ether 7:23). Shule punished those who persecuted the prophets and passed a law allowing the prophets to preach freely (Ether 7:24-25).
Thus, the people were brought to repentance. Shule was a righteous king, a wise lawgiver, and a mighty warrior. By the end of his reign, Shule had established peace
and righteousness among his people (Ether 7:27).

See also Jared 1 , posterity of.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Shum

See Nephite weights and measures.

Shurr valley of

Jaredite valley where Coriantumr 2 and his armies pitched their tents before proceeding to the hill Comnor to resume battle with the armies of Shiz (Ether 14:28).

Sidom land of

Nephite region to which Alma 2 and Amulek journeyed after being rejected at Ammonihah. Here they discovered the believers who had been driven out of the land of
Ammoni-hah and had found refuge in Sidom. They also found Zeezrom, a former adversary, on his sickbed, wracked with guilt for his sins and for his opposition to
Alma and Amulek. The repentant Zeezrom was healed and then baptized. In Sidom Alma preached the gospel, established a church, and consecrated priests and
teachers to baptize (Alma 15:1-14; ca. 81 b.c. ).

Sidon river

A prominent river in Nephite territory originating in the vicinity of the south wilderness and the land of Manti (Alma 16:6; 22:27). The Sidon apparently flowed north to
the sea, passing just east of the city of Zarahemla (Alma 3:3; 6:7; 44:22). The river is mentioned most frequently as a landmark and strategic site in military
confrontations among Nephites, Amlicites, and Lamanites (e.g., Alma 2-3; 16; 43-44). The "waters of Sidon" are mentioned at least once in a more peaceful context as
the site of many baptisms (Alma 4:4).

Cowan, Richard O.

Siege

A military blockade of a city or other fortification with the intent of forcing it to surrender. In ancient times, capture of a stronghold or fortified position (outpost, town,
or city) was usually accomplished by encircling it with a powerful armed force and preventing either escape or importation of supplies. This often hastened disease,
starvation, or social disintegration. Examples of siege warfare in the ancient Near East are numerous. In Israelite territory they include Jericho (Josh. 6), Samaria (2
Kgs. 17:5), Lachish (2 Chr. 32:9), and Jerusalem (2 Kgs. 24:10). Patterns of warfare in the Book of Mormon fit perfectly within this authentic milieu, especially the
great Gadianton siege of Nephite lands, including Zarahemla (3 Ne. 4:16-17, 23). This siege, led by Zemnarihah, failed because of Nephite counter measures, for "it
was impossible for the robbers to lay siege sufficiently long to have any effect upon the Nephites, because of their much provision which they had laid up in store" (3
Ne. 4:18).

Skinner, Andrew Charles

Signs

Observable manifestations, something perceived or seen. The Book of Mormon records several reasons for the use of signs. Signs mark the timing of prophesied
events (e.g., 1 Ne. 19:10), providing evidence of God's existence, and serving to encourage people to repent and turn to the Lord (e.g., Hel. 14:12-13; 15:1-3; 16:4-
5). After prophesying of the signs that would accompany the birth and death of Jesus Christ (Hel. 14:1-27), Samuel the Lamanite taught that God gives signs "to the
intent that there should be no cause for unbelief among the children of men-and this to the intent that whosoever will believe might be saved, and that whosoever will not
believe, a righteous judgment might come upon them; and also if they are condemned they bring upon themselves their own condemnation. . . . for behold, ye are free;
ye are permitted to act for yourselves" (Hel. 14:28-30). Thus, signs afford an opportunity to exercise personal agency (Hel. 14:30).

To a believer signs confirm and elicit faith in God the Father and Jesus Christ (e.g., 1 Ne. 11:6-7; Hel. 14:12; 16:4; 3 Ne. 5:1-2; 7:22). On the other hand, unbelievers
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often reject (c) 2005-2009,
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                                            (Mosiah 3:15; Hel. 9:24-25; 16:13-15; 3 Ne. 1:4-22), bringing serious consequences (1 Ne. 19:13). Sometimes
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signs because they lack faith. Such persons say they will believe if they see a sign (Alma 32:16-18). In reality, however, the opposite is true-"faith cometh not by signs,
but signs follow those that believe" (D&C 63:9). Sign- seeking angers God: "Wherefore, unto such he showeth no signs, only in wrath unto their condemnation" (D&C
63:11). The stories of Sherem and Korihor provide classic examples of what happens to those who seek after signs (Jacob 7:1-20; Alma 30:12-21, 30-60). Alma 2 ,
ye are permitted to act for yourselves" (Hel. 14:28-30). Thus, signs afford an opportunity to exercise personal agency (Hel. 14:30).

To a believer signs confirm and elicit faith in God the Father and Jesus Christ (e.g., 1 Ne. 11:6-7; Hel. 14:12; 16:4; 3 Ne. 5:1-2; 7:22). On the other hand, unbelievers
often reject signs and harden their hearts (Mosiah 3:15; Hel. 9:24-25; 16:13-15; 3 Ne. 1:4-22), bringing serious consequences (1 Ne. 19:13). Sometimes people seek
signs because they lack faith. Such persons say they will believe if they see a sign (Alma 32:16-18). In reality, however, the opposite is true-"faith cometh not by signs,
but signs follow those that believe" (D&C 63:9). Sign- seeking angers God: "Wherefore, unto such he showeth no signs, only in wrath unto their condemnation" (D&C
63:11). The stories of Sherem and Korihor provide classic examples of what happens to those who seek after signs (Jacob 7:1-20; Alma 30:12-21, 30-60). Alma 2 ,
in responding to Korihor's request for a sign, replied by identifying signs that were already available. Such signs included God's creations, the earth, its motion, and the
movement of the planets throughout the solar system (Alma 30:43-44; cf. Gen. 1:14).

Among numerous other signs mentioned in the Book of Mormon, the night before Jesus' birth, there appeared "one day and a night and a day, as if it were one day" as
a sign that the Savior of the world had been born into mortality (Hel. 14:2-4; 3 Ne. 1:13-; Moro. 10:1); according to the prophet Zechariah, a similar sign will occur
when Christ comes again (Zech. 14:6-7). Another sign of Jesus' birth included a new star and "signs and wonders in heaven" (Hel. 14:5-6). Signs accompanying the
Savior's death included thunderings, lightnings, earthquakes, destructions (Hel. 14:14, 20-24), and three days of darkness "to the time that he shall rise again from the
dead" (Hel. 14:20). "And many graves shall be opened, and shall yield up many of their dead; and many saints shall appear unto many" (Hel. 14:25).

The Book of Mormon, New Testament, and Doctrine and Covenants all teach that signs follow belief. Christ instructed his disciples in the New World, "And these
signs shall follow them that believe-in my name shall they cast out devils; they shall speak with new tongues; they shall take up serpents; and if they drink any deadly
thing it shall not hurt them; they shall lay hands on the sick and they shall recover" (Morm. 9:24; cf. 3 Ne. 7:22; D&C 84:65-73; Mark 16:17-18). The sign of the
Savior's birth in the Americas-"one day and a night and a day" of light (Hel. 14:4)-was so profound that it became a focal point for generations to come (3 Ne. 2:7-8).

In the New World, Christ announced a sign that would mark the time when the gathering of Israel and the establishment of Zion would "be about to take place" (3 Ne.
21:1): the coming forth of the Book of Mormon. When the Book of Mormon would come forth to the Gentiles and the Gentiles would take the Book of Mormon to the
latter- day descendants of Lehi 1 , "it shall be a sign unto them, that they may know that the work of the Father hath already commenced unto the fulfilling of the
covenant which he hath made unto the people who are of the house of Israel" (3 Ne. 21:7, 2-6; cf. 29:1-4).

Signs are frequently mentioned in con-junction with wonders (e.g., 1 Ne. 19:13; Mosiah 3:15; Hel. 14:28). Satan, in his efforts to dissuade people from accepting the
truth, seeks to diminish the importance of signs (3 Ne. 1:22; 2:1-3; cf. Hel. 16:23; 3 Ne. 8:3-4). In his attempts to deceive, he may even manifest his own signs (e.g.,
Alma 30:53; cf. Mark 13:22; JST 2 Thes. 2:7-9).

Another type of sign identified in the Book of Mormon are those associated with secret combinations (Alma 37:27; Hel. 2:7; 6:22).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to be a sign of the Father's work.

Whitchurch, David M.

Silk

A fine, lustrous cloth. The word "silk" or "silks" occurs six times in the Book of Mormon, always together with "fine" or "-fine- twined linen." Among the Nephites and
Jaredites silk was a sign of prosperity (Alma 1:29; Ether 9:17; 10:24), and along with Nephite costly apparel , a symbol of pride and worldliness (Alma 4:6; cf. Jacob
2:13; Alma 5:53; 4 Ne. 1:24). Silk is also listed as one of the lustful desires of the great and abominable church (1 Ne. 13:7, 8).

Usually "silk" refers to fabric woven in East Asia from fibers spun by worms fed on mulberry leaves. Scholars believe this kind of silk was brought from East Asia to
Europe by Marco Polo in the thirteenth century a.d. There is currently no evidence that this specific kind of silk was known in the Americas before the Europeans
came. The term may be used to describe a number of different cloths known in the New World. It is likely that "silk" in the Book of Mormon refers to a fine cloth made
from materials native to the New World. For example, early Spanish explorers recorded that the natives in Mexico gathered fibers from wild cocoons, a fiber from the
pod of a tree (kapok), and a fiber of a wild pineapple plant, all of which were spun into fabrics described by the Spaniards as "silk" or "silk like."

The word silk is used twice in the King James Version of the Old Testament, once to translate the Hebrew word sheshee, which was likely a fine linen (Prov. 31:22),
and the other to translate the Hebrew word meshee, which likely refers to traditional silk (Ezek. 16:10).

Bibliography

Sorenson, John L. "Possible `Silk' and `Linen' in the Book of Mormon." Reexploring the Book of Mormon. Edited by John W. Welch. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book
and FARMS, 1992.

Seely, David Rolph

Similitude

A visual likeness, representing something that is similar to something else. In the scriptures, similitude, likeness, type, figure, and shadow may be used interchangeably.
In Jacob 4:5, Jacob 2 referred to the offering of Isaac by Abraham, as a similitude of God's offering of his Only Begotten Son.

See also Types.

Norman, Robert James

Sin transgression

Terms used in the Book of Mormon to designate the breaking of the commandments of God; they seem to be used synonymously. For example, "sin" is used in Moroni
8:10 to refer to "those who are accountable and capable of committing sin" (cf. Mosiah 2:33; 3:11; 3 Ne. 6:18). "Transgression" is used in reference to those who
knowingly break the commandments (2 Ne. 9:27; Mosiah 2:36), those who act "contrary to the light and knowledge which they do have" (Alma 9:23), or those who
"believeth" or have "cause to believe" and then fail to keep the commandments (Alma 32:19). In several places "sin" and "transgression" form a parallel pair to describe
those who "have been once enlightened by the Spirit of God, and have had great knowledge of things pertaining to righteousness, and then have fallen away" (Alma
24:30; cf. 9:19; 28:13).

The  Book of(c)Mormon
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                2005-2009,    a distinction
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                                               regards to culpability for sin or transgression based upon the knowledge one has. For example, the discourse
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on the Atonement in 2 Nephi 9 makes the distinction between the accountability of "those who have not the law given to them" and "him that has the law given, yea, that
has all the commandments of God. . . and that transgresseth them" (2 Ne. 9:26-27; cf. 2:22-23; Mosiah 15:24-26; Alma 32:19; Moro. 8:22). Contemporary LDS
thought distinguishes between "sin" and "transgression" in regard to the fall of Adam and Eve (Smith, Words, 63; Smith, Doctrines, 1:114; Packer, 49). Adam and Eve
"believeth" or have "cause to believe" and then fail to keep the commandments (Alma 32:19). In several places "sin" and "transgression" form a parallel pair to describe
those who "have been once enlightened by the Spirit of God, and have had great knowledge of things pertaining to righteousness, and then have fallen away" (Alma
24:30; cf. 9:19; 28:13).

The Book of Mormon makes a distinction in regards to culpability for sin or transgression based upon the knowledge one has. For example, the discourse of Jacob 2
on the Atonement in 2 Nephi 9 makes the distinction between the accountability of "those who have not the law given to them" and "him that has the law given, yea, that
has all the commandments of God. . . and that transgresseth them" (2 Ne. 9:26-27; cf. 2:22-23; Mosiah 15:24-26; Alma 32:19; Moro. 8:22). Contemporary LDS
thought distinguishes between "sin" and "transgression" in regard to the fall of Adam and Eve (Smith, Words, 63; Smith, Doctrines, 1:114; Packer, 49). Adam and Eve
did not sin. By partaking of the forbidden fruit , they transgressed the conditions, or the law God gave them for remaining in the Garden of Eden, and were thus cast
out. Interestingly, in light of this distinction, the Book of Mormon itself never refers to the cause of the fall of Adam as a "sin," but consistently uses the term "trans-
gression" (2 Ne. 2:22; 9:6; Alma 12:31; Mosiah 3:11), which is consonant with other latter- day scripture (e.g., D&C 20:20; 29:40-41; Moses 5:11; 6:53, 59; A of F
2).

The Book of Mormon clarifies many issues regarding sin. For example, the Lord cannot look on sin with the least degree of allowance (Alma 45:16). Sin that is not
repented of inevitably leads to a loss of hope (Moro. 7:41) and ensuing despair (Moro. 10:22). The devil is the author of sin (Hel. 6:30). He invites and entices to sin
(Moro. 7:12). He and his angels rejoice when they succeed in tempting people to succumb to sin (3 Ne. 9:2). The Book of Mormon provides many examples of the
devastating consequences of sin when it is allowed to flourish unchecked in society. Two entire Book of Mormon civili-zations were destroyed because the people
refused to repent of their iniquities. Also specifically pointed out are the evils that result when a sinful person is allowed to rule over the people (Mosiah 11:2; 29:17-
18). The Book of Mormon makes the point that sin is the cause of the inequality seen among the people of the earth (Alma 28:13).

All individuals born on this earth are taught sufficiently to recognize some good from some evil (2 Ne. 2:5). It is because of this knowledge of good and evil that mortals
can act in compliance with or contrary to the laws and will of God, that is, to perform good works or to sin (2 Ne. 2:23). Perhaps that is why, as the Book of Mormon
teaches, little children and others who have not reached the age of accountability, and thus cannot have been taught sufficiently, cannot sin (Mosiah 3:16; Moro. 8:8).
They are, rather, redeemed by the atonement of Christ without the need of repentance or baptism (Moro. 8:8-11).

All others who have reached the age of accountability and have been taught sufficiently have need of repentance (Mosiah 3:12) and the saving ordinances. When they
have repented of their sins, they are cleansed by the atonement of Christ (Mosiah 3:21), who offered himself as a sacrifice for sin (2 Ne. 2:7; Mosiah 15:10). On the
other hand, those who continue in willful sin against God and, in rebellion against the knowledge they have received here on earth, refuse to repent, will in the end not
enjoy the full fruits of the Atonement but will become as if there had been no redemption made for them (Mosiah 16:5). Individuals who deny the Holy Ghost and know
it have committed the unpardonable sin (Alma 39:6).

See also Forgiveness.

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd K. The Things of the Soul. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1996.

Smith, Joseph. The Words of Joseph Smith. Edited by Andrew F. Ehat and Lyndon W. Cook. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1980.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Sinai mount

The mount where the Lord delivered unto Moses the commandments of God (Mosiah 12:33). Moses' face shone with exceeding luster while speaking with the Lord
on the mount, because the Spirit of the Lord was upon him (Mosiah 13:5). Though its location is disputed, it is commonly thought to be in the southern part of the Sinai
peninsula between the gulfs of Suez and Aqaba. Tradition marks the site with one of the peaks of Jebel Musa. Another name for Mt. Sinai is Mt. Horeb (cf. 3 Ne.
25:4; Bible Map 2).

Anderson, Ronald Dean

Siron land of

Mentioned only once in the Book of Mormon, this land was located near the "borders of the Lamanites" (Alma 39:3). Alma 2 chastised his son Corianton for going to
the land of Siron "after the harlot Isabel" (Alma 39:3). Elder George Reynolds described Siron as "the land of the deserters, or apostates." He described how typical it
is for the unrighteous "to draw off to remote corners, where they fancy the reproofs of the priesthood are the least likely to be heard" (298).

Bibliography

Reynolds, George. The Story of the Book of Mormon. 3d ed. Chicago: Henry C. Etten & Co., 1888.

Judd, Daniel K

Slippery

Term used by Samuel the Lamanite to describe the consequences of a curse that would come upon Nephite lands and riches because of iniquity. To humble, encourage
to repentance, and remind the materialistic Nephites of the source of their blessings, the curse would cause their treasures, tools, and weapons to become "slippery," so
they could not "hold them," or keep them from being lost or stolen (Hel. 13:31-36). Mormon recorded a fulfillment of this prophecy in his time (Morm. 1:18; 2:10). The
Jaredites experienced a similar curse (Ether 14:1).

Ball, Terry B.

Small plates of Nephi

See Plates of Nephi.
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                          Page 853 / 919
Smith Hyrum

Book of Mormon witness and martyr, Hyrum Smith was born on 9 February 1800 at Tunbridge, Orange County, Vermont, second child of Joseph Sr. and Lucy
Small plates of Nephi

See Plates of Nephi.

Smith Hyrum

Book of Mormon witness and martyr, Hyrum Smith was born on 9 February 1800 at Tunbridge, Orange County, Vermont, second child of Joseph Sr. and Lucy
Mack Smith. His younger brother Joseph was called by God to obtain, protect, translate, and publish the Book of Mormon. Sometime in May 1829 Hyrum went to
visit Joseph who was living in Harmony, Pennsylvania. While he was there, Hyrum received a revelation through his brother which included the phrase: "Behold thou art
Hyrum, my son; seek the kingdom of God, and all things shall be added according to that which is just. Build upon my rock, which is my gospel" (D&C 11:23-24).
After this revelation, Hyrum became increasingly involved in his brother's mission and was baptized in early June 1829. Later in the month he was chosen to be one of
the Eight Witnesses. Along with his father and his brother Samuel, Hyrum saw the plates and provided his testimony, which is published in the Book of Mormon.

Hyrum was intimately involved in the publication of the Book of Mormon in March 1830, and in the organization of the Church in April 1830. He moved to Ohio in
1831 and helped establish the Church in Kirtland. He participated in the building of the Kirtland Temple as a member of the temple building committee and worker.
Hyrum served as an Assistant Counselor to the First Presidency beginning on 3 September 1837; and in November of that same year, was appointed Second
Counselor in the First Presidency. After the death of his wife, Jerusha Barden, Hyrum married Mary Fielding on 24 December 1837. He and his family moved to
Missouri when the Church was forced from Kirtland in 1838. Their stay in Missouri was not long, as the Saints were again driven from their homes during the winter of
1838-39. This time, Hyrum, as well as other Church leaders, was unable to help his family seek a new place of asylum. He remained in Missouri and was eventually
incarcerated in Liberty Jail. State officials later allowed Hyrum and those with him to escape on 16 April 1839. They traveled to Illinois, where their families and Church
members had found refuge from the persecution in Missouri.

In January 1841 Hyrum was called to be the Church Patriarch, succeeding his father, who had died. Additionally, he was called as Assistant President of the Church,
replacing Oliver Cowdery, who had left the Church (D&C 124:91-95). During this period, Hyrum pronounced hundreds of patriarchal blessings upon the Saints in
Nauvoo, acted as chairman of the Nauvoo Temple building committee, and served as one of Joseph's closest advisors. Hyrum also held various city government and
social positions in Nauvoo.

Continued misunderstandings and suspicions, political and economic competition in the region, and religious intolerance brought the Saints and their neighbors once
again into conflict. Often this hostility was focused on Joseph and Hyrum as leaders of the Church. By June 1844, a conspiracy of the leading citizens in Hancock
County and dissidents from the Church had planned to murder Joseph and Hyrum. Enemies of the Smith brothers used legal and extralegal means to place Joseph and
Hyrum in a vulnerable position, beyond the protecting hands of friends and supporters. These enemies found an opportunity when the city council, which included
Joseph and Hyrum, decided to suppress a Nauvoo dissident newspaper, the Nauvoo Expositor, which they believed encouraged increased violence against the Latter-
day Saints.

Joseph and Hyrum, as well as other city officials, were charged with riot and ordered to appear at the Hancock County seat in Carthage. A few days before their
murders, Hyrum read an excerpt from the Book of Mormon and turned down the leaf upon it: "And it came to pass that I prayed unto the Lord that he would give unto
the Gentiles grace, that they might have charity. And it came to pass that the Lord said unto me: If they have not charity it mattereth not unto thee, thou hast been
faithful; wherefore thy garments shall be made clean. And because thou hast seen thy weakness, thou shalt be made strong, even unto the sitting down in the place
which I have prepared in the mansions of my Father. And now I . . . bid farewell unto the Gentiles; yea, and also unto my brethren whom I love, until we shall meet
before the judgment- seat of Christ, where all men shall know that my garments are not spotted with your blood" (D&C 135:5; italics in original; // Ether 12:36-38).

As ordered by the Illinois state governor, Thomas Ford, Joseph and Hyrum traveled to Carthage to submit to arrest. After their arrival on 24 June 1844, the mood of
the prisoners remained sober and foreboding. During the evening before their deaths, Hyrum, presumably trying to buoy up the feelings of the group, "read and
commented upon extracts from the Book of Mormon, on the imprisonments and deliverance of the servants of God for the Gospel's sake" (Smith, 6:600).

On 27 June, "Hyrum bore a faithful testimony to the Latter- day work, and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon" (Smith, 6:610). It proved to be his last, as an
armed mob rushed the jail and within a few minutes Joseph and Hyrum lay dead in Carthage, both men martyred for their testimonies and religious beliefs.

John Taylor wrote: "To seal the testimony of [the Doctrine and Covenants] and the Book of Mormon, we announce the martyrdom of Joseph Smith the Prophet, and
Hyrum Smith the Patriarch" (D&C 135:1). He added: "Like most of the Lord's anointed in ancient times, [Joseph] has sealed his mission and his works with his own
blood; and so has his brother Hyrum." John Taylor concluded: "The testators are now dead, and their testament is in force" (D&C 135:3, 5).

See also Book of Mormon, printing and publication of; Smith, Joseph, Jr.; Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Smith Joseph Jr.

The translator of the Book of Mormon into English and the first prophet- president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. He was foreordained to be the
Lord's instrument in bringing forth the restoration of the fulness of the gospel of Jesus Christ-the full and final establishment of the kingdom of God on earth before the
second coming of Jesus Christ. Cardinal events pertaining to the restoration of the ancient Church of Jesus Christ and its doctrines in their purity include the many
revelations given to the Prophet Joseph Smith, the restoration of the priesthood, and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon.

Joseph Smith was born on 23 December 1805 in Sharon, Windsor County, Vermont, the son of Joseph Sr. and Lucy Mack Smith. After several financial setbacks in
New England, the Smith family moved from Norwich, Vermont, to western New York in 1816 in search of a new beginning. In the Palmyra- Manchester area, many
of the important founding events of the Restoration occurred as Joseph grew to maturity. The visitation of the Father and the Son to Joseph Smith in the early spring of
1820, known as the First Vision, was the first of many spiritual experiences that eventually led to the publication of the Book of Mormon in March 1830 and to the
establishment of the Church in April 1830. After the First Vision in 1820, Joseph received no heavenly manifestation until the fall of 1823. The angel Moroni appeared
to him in the family's log house in Palmyra Township on the night of 21 September 1823 and informed him that there was a book "written upon gold plates" (JS-H
1:34), deposited in a nearby hill, containing the fulness of the gospel. When he visited the hill on 22 September, he was informed by Moroni that it was not yet time for
him to receive the plates. Joseph visited the hill on the same date each year for the next four years (1824-27), where he was instructed by the same heavenly
messenger.
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On 18 January 1827 Joseph married Emma Hale of Harmony, Pennsylvania, at South Bainbridge, New York, and the couple took up residence in Manchester with
Joseph's parents. Eight months later, on 22 September 1827, he received the plates from Moroni. Because of mounting persecution, Joseph and Emma moved from
to him in the family's log house in Palmyra Township on the night of 21 September 1823 and informed him that there was a book "written upon gold plates" (JS-H
1:34), deposited in a nearby hill, containing the fulness of the gospel. When he visited the hill on 22 September, he was informed by Moroni that it was not yet time for
him to receive the plates. Joseph visited the hill on the same date each year for the next four years (1824-27), where he was instructed by the same heavenly
messenger.

On 18 January 1827 Joseph married Emma Hale of Harmony, Pennsylvania, at South Bainbridge, New York, and the couple took up residence in Manchester with
Joseph's parents. Eight months later, on 22 September 1827, he received the plates from Moroni. Because of mounting persecution, Joseph and Emma moved from
Manchester to Harmony, Pennsylvania, in December 1827. With divine assistance, Joseph began translating the Book of Mormon on 12 April 1828, Martin Harris
acting as his scribe ( see Book of Mormon, translation of). In the course of three months, 116 manuscript pages were produced, but they were subsequently lost or
stolen ( see Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of [116 pages]). Eventually, after a period of repentance because of the loss of the manuscript, Joseph began translating
the plates with Oliver Cowdery as his scribe on 7 April 1829.

A necessary part of the restoration of the gospel was the restoration of the ancient priesthood with its authority to direct the affairs of the Church of Jesus Christ and to
perform the necessary ordinances of salvation. On 15 May 1829 Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery "went into the woods" near Joseph's home in Har-mony,
Pennsylvania, "to pray and inquire of the Lord respecting baptism for the remission of sins, that [they] found mentioned in the translation of the plates" (JS-H 1:68). In
answer to their prayer, John the Baptist appeared and conferred upon them the Aaronic Priesthood and instructed Joseph and Oliver to baptize each other and to
confer upon each other the "same Priesthood" (JS-H 1:70-71). Within a short period after their reception of the Aaronic Priesthood and baptism they received the
Melchize-dek Priesthood by angelic admini-stration from Peter, James, and John along the banks of the Susquehanna River between Harmony, Pennsylvania, and
Colesville, New York.

Joseph and Oliver moved to Peter and Mary Whitmer's farm in Fayette, New York, by 1 June 1829 because of increased persecution in the Harmony region. In
Fayette, Joseph and Oliver completed the translation of the Book of Mormon in June 1829. During the next few months, Joseph made arrangements for E. B. Grandin
to print the Book of Mormon with Martin Harris's guarantee of financial security. Oliver Cowdery and Hyrum Smith were eventually given supervisory capacity for the
publication of the Book of Mormon during the late fall and winter of 1829-1830. Meanwhile, the Prophet returned to his home in Harmony ( see Book of Mormon,
printing and publication of).

The Book of Mormon was published on 26 March 1830 in Palmyra, New York, and the Church was organized on 6 April 1830 in Fayette, New York. Joseph began
working on the inspired translation of the Bible (Joseph Smith Translation, or JST) in June 1830. Six months later, in December 1830, the Lord commanded the Saints
to gather in Ohio (D&C 37:1; 38:31-32). Joseph and Emma were among the first members of the Church to move to the Kirtland, Ohio, area in early 1831.

As the Church continued to grow in Ohio, Joseph Smith and other leading elders traveled to Independence, Missouri, in June and July 1831. The Lord identified this
area as the site of the New Jerusalem and the spot for a temple (D&C 57:1-5). New converts began to make their way to Missouri; others continued to build up the
Church center in Kirtland, Ohio, where a temple was built under Joseph's direction (1833-1836).

Persecution eventually forced the Saints from Jackson County, Missouri, in 1833, but work continued in Ohio, where a second edition of the Book of Mormon was
published, along with other LDS scriptures (e.g., the Doctrine and Covenants, which contains many of the revelations given to Joseph Smith). On 27 March 1836,
Joseph Smith presided at the dedication of the Kirtland Temple (D&C 109). While in the temple on 3 April 1836, one week after the dedi-cation, the Lord appeared
to Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery, accepting "this house" as his own. Moses, Elias, and Elijah also appeared in succession, conferring priesthood keys (D&C 110).

Joseph and the Saints enjoyed this temple only briefly. They were driven by persecution from Kirtland (1838) and moved to north-western Missouri, where they joined
the Saints who had been driven earlier from Jackson County, Missouri. In Far West, Missouri, Joseph settled with his family and continued to lead the Saints who were
gathering to the region in large numbers. After only a brief respite from persecution, the Saints were again driven from their homes in the fall of 1838. Joseph Smith and
other Church leaders were left behind, arrested, and imprisoned. While the Saints made their way to Iowa and Illinois to escape the "extermination order" issued by
Missouri governor Lilburn W. Boggs, Joseph was imprisoned, first at Richmond and then finally in Liberty Jail from 1 December 1838 to 6 April 1839. During a
change of venue, guards permitted Joseph and other Church leaders to escape on 16 April, allowing them to reunite with their families and other Church members who
had found refuge in western Illinois by 22 April 1839.

Joseph moved his family to Commerce, Illinois, a small village on a bend of the Mississippi River in Hancock County on 10 May 1839. By June, he was organizing and
super-vising the gathering of the Saints to their new home, which was later called Nauvoo.

Joseph was busily engaged in almost every aspect of life in Nauvoo: social, political, economic, and religious. During the building of the Nauvoo House, he placed the
original manuscript of the Book of Mormon in the corner-stone on 2 October 1841. His activities during this period included correcting proofs for the third edition of
the Book of Mormon in January 1842, organizing the Relief Society on 17 March 1842, and introducing the temple ordinances on 4 May 1842. Additionally, he was
elected the mayor of Nauvoo on 19 May 1842.

During the last years of his life (1840-44), Joseph found numerous opportunities to teach the Saints and to reveal the word of the Lord to an ever- increasing number of
members of the Church, including the doctrine of eternal marriage (D&C 131:1-3).

Intolerance by some local citizens of Hancock County and dissent from some within the Church led to increasing confrontations between the Saints and their neighbors.
This hostility generally focused on Joseph Smith, and in April 1844 his life was threatened by Church dissenters, who, with enemies outside the Church, became
increasingly concerned about his growing influence and the distinctive religious beliefs he was teaching in Nauvoo. After the suppression of a libelous paper, the Nauvoo
Expositor, which the city council believed would inflame the already tense situation, Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum and other city officers were charged with riot
for destroying the press. Eventually, they surrendered at the county seat in Carthage, at the behest of the Illinois governor, Thomas Ford. Though they answered the
arrest warrant on the charge of riot and posted bail, they were rearrested on a false mittimus charging them with treason; they were remanded to jail. Some of the
leading citizens of Hancock County conspired to place Joseph and Hyrum in a relatively unprotected situation in order to kill them.

The evening before his murder, "Joseph bore a powerful testimony to the guards of the divine authenticity of the Book of Mormon" (Smith, 6:600). On the following
day, 27 June 1844, Joseph and Hyrum Smith, along with fellow Church leaders John Taylor and Willard Richards, remained in the Carthage jail. About 10:00 a.m. ,
"both Joseph and Hyrum bore a faithful testimony to the latter- day work, and the coming forth of the Book of Mormon" (Smith, 6:610). Later in the afternoon, around
5:00 p.m. , an armed mob of about two hundred persons rushed the county jail, and in "a few short minutes of scuffling, shouts, and shots the deed was done": Joseph
and Hyrum were dead (Bitton, xvi).

An eyewitness to the events of that hot, muggy, overcast day on the western Illinois frontier, Elder John Taylor wrote: "To seal the testimony of [the Doctrine and
Covenants] and the Book of Mormon, we announce the martyrdom of Joseph Smith the Prophet, and Hyrum Smith the Patriarch" (D&C 135:1). He added: "Like
most of the Lord's anointed in ancient times, [Joseph] has sealed his mission and his works with his own blood; and so has his brother Hyrum." He concluded: "The
testators are now dead, and their testament is in force" (D&C 135:3, 5).

Later, Brigham
 Copyright       Young, second
             (c) 2005-2009,    president
                            Infobase     of the
                                       Media    Church, received a revelation explaining Joseph's death and reinforcing John Taylor's earlier statement:
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marveled because of his death; but it was needful that he should seal his testimony with his blood, that he might be honored and the wicked might be condemned. Have
I not delivered you from your enemies, only in that I have left a witness of my name?" (D&C 136:39-40).
Covenants] and the Book of Mormon, we announce the martyrdom of Joseph Smith the Prophet, and Hyrum Smith the Patriarch" (D&C 135:1). He added: "Like
most of the Lord's anointed in ancient times, [Joseph] has sealed his mission and his works with his own blood; and so has his brother Hyrum." He concluded: "The
testators are now dead, and their testament is in force" (D&C 135:3, 5).

Later, Brigham Young, second president of the Church, received a revelation explaining Joseph's death and reinforcing John Taylor's earlier statement: "Many have
marveled because of his death; but it was needful that he should seal his testimony with his blood, that he might be honored and the wicked might be condemned. Have
I not delivered you from your enemies, only in that I have left a witness of my name?" (D&C 136:39-40).

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Smith, Hyrum; Choice seer; Smith, Joseph, Jr., Book of Mormon prophecies of.

Bibliography

Bitton, Davis. The Martyrdom Remembered: A One- Hundred- Fifty- Year Perspective on the Assassination of Joseph Smith. Salt Lake City: Aspen Books, 1994.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Smith Joseph Jr. Book of Mormon prophecies of

From the days of Joseph of Egypt it was known that a prophet bearing his name would come forth in the last days to restore the covenants God made with Abraham.
This prophecy, restored to the Old Testament in the Joseph Smith Translation (JST Gen. 50:24-38), was brought to the New World by Lehi 1 and his family on the
brass plates. Father Lehi quoted much of it in a blessing given to his youngest son Joseph 2 , recorded in 2 Nephi 3. In this prophecy, which likens the latter- day
Joseph to his ancient namesake, it is made known that the Lord appeared to Joseph of Egypt and gave him the promise of a righteous posterity in the last days. Before
that day came he was told that his father's family would be taken into bondage in Egypt, but that they would be delivered by a prophet bearing the name Moses.
Thereafter he was told that they would be scattered throughout the nations of the earth and that a branch of his own family would be "carried into a far country" (JST
Gen. 50:25). Nevertheless, he was assured that the Messiah would manifest himself to his seed in great power in the last days to bring them out of darkness into light
and out of captivity unto freedom. This great latter- day gathering was to be accomplished under the direction of one of Joseph's descendants, who was to bear his
name and, like him, be "a choice seer" (2 Ne. 3:7).

This prophecy also foreshadows the coming forth of the Book of Mormon at the hands of Joseph Smith. The Lord told Joseph of Egypt that "a seer will I raise up out
of the fruit of thy loins; and unto him will I give power to bring forth my word unto the seed of thy loins" (2 Ne. 3:11-12). It is a companion prophecy to that of Isaiah
who foretold the coming forth of a book at the hands of an unlearned man, which book was to be sealed to the learned (Isa. 29 // 2 Ne. 27). A more complete account
of Isaiah's prophecy was found on the brass plates, foreshadowing the role of the Three Witnesses and the Eight Witnesses to the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 27:12-13).
And, as with Isaiah 29, the account on the brass plates contained some of the words that would yet be spoken to Joseph Smith by the Savior in the first vision (2 Ne.
27:25 // Isa. 29:13; JS-H 1:19).

Second Nephi 21 also includes a prophetic reference to Joseph Smith. In this prophecy Isaiah described the Messiah as both the "stem of Jesse" (mortal Messiah; 2
Ne. 21:1) and the righteous judge (millennial Messiah; 2 Ne. 21:4). He further spoke of a rod and root of Jesse (Joseph Smith), "a servant in the hands of Christ, who
is partly a descendant of Jesse as well as of Ephraim, or of the house of Joseph, on whom there is laid much power," a man "unto whom rightly belongs the priesthood,
and the keys of the kingdom, for an ensign, and for the gathering of [the Lord's] people in the last days" (D&C 113:1-2, 4-6; cf. 86:8-10). Para-dox-ically, Joseph
Smith is also identified as a Gentile. It is clear that the Book of Mormon was to come forth "by way of the Gentile" (Title Page). Nephi 1 wrote, "They [the Gentiles]
shall carry them [the words of the book] forth unto the remnant of our seed" (2 Ne. 30:3; Morm. 5:12-15). The Book of Mormon came forth at the hand of the
Gentiles in that Joseph Smith and those who labored with him were citizens of a Gentile nation, as is the army of missionaries who are destined to go forth to testify of it.
Thus, in a cultural/political context Joseph Smith could be considered a Gentile, even though he was of Israelite ancestry (cf. 2 Ne. 33:8; D&C 109:60).

In his visit to the Nephites, the Savior also foreshadowed Joseph Smith's ministry. Isaiah had spoken of a servant of the Lord who would be exalted and extolled, yet
whose "visage" would be more marred than that of any man. This prophecy, which applied to Christ and the manner in which he would be sustained and exalted by his
Father, on the one hand, and maligned and disparaged, "marred, more than any man," on the other, was applied anew by the Savior to Joseph Smith (3 Ne. 20:43-
45 // Isa. 52:13-15). Similarly, Moroni 2 told the youthful Joseph that his name would be had for good and evil among every nation, kindred, tongue, and people (JS-H
1:33). And again, while a captive in the Liberty Jail, the Lord told him, "The ends of the earth shall inquire after thy name, and fools shall have thee in derision, and hell
shall rage against thee; while the pure in heart, and the wise, and the noble, and the virtuous, shall seek counsel, and authority, and blessings constantly from under thy
hand" (D&C 122:1-2). The Savior also quoted some text from the book of Habakkuk that speaks of Israel scattered among the heathen and of a servant of the Lord
who would "work a work, which shall be a great and a marvelous work among them; and there shall be among them those who will not believe it, although a man shall
declare it unto them" (3 Ne. 21:9; Hab. 1:5). The man, or servant of the Lord, as he is called, is to enjoy the protection of heaven and though he would be "marred,"
the Lord said he would "heal him." The Lord further said, "Whosoever will not believe in my words, who am Jesus Christ, which the Father shall cause him to bring
forth unto the Gentiles . . . shall be cut off from among my people who are of the covenant" (3 Ne. 21:9-11).

In addition to these prophecies, the Book of Mormon contains Moroni 2's testimony of Joseph Smith and his work. Moroni wrote that the coming forth of the Book of
Mormon could only be "done by the power of God" and, he declared, "blessed be he that shall bring this thing to light" (Morm. 8:14-16). Moroni also explained that
the prayers of the faithful Saints among Book of Mormon peoples "were also in behalf of him that the Lord should suffer to bring these things forth" (Morm. 8:23-25).
Further, he gave instructions directly to Joseph Smith regarding the sealed portion of the record and the three special witnesses to whom he would be permitted to
show the plates (Ether 5).

Clearly, Joseph Smith and his work as the prophet of the Restoration was known, prophesied of, and prayed for by prophets and faithful Saints in Book of Mormon
times.

See also Bible, what it says about the Book of Mormon; Choice seer; Isaiah chapter reviews (2 Ne. 21 // Isa. 11; 2 Ne. 26:6, 15-18; 27 // Isa. 29); Smith, Joseph, Jr.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Snare

See Appendix C.

Snatch
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See Appendix C.
See Appendix C.

Snatch

See Appendix C.

Sojourn

See Appendix C.

Solomon

Son and successor of the biblical king David (1 Kgs. 1:30). Solomon was born to Bathsheba after the death of the child of David's adultery with her (2 Sam. 12:24).
Solomon reigned over united Israel (ca. 971-931 b.c. ). The military campaigns of David allowed Solomon to rule in relative peace, and his reign became legendary as
a golden age in Israel's history (3 Ne. 13:29). When the Lord appeared to Solomon in a dream and offered to bless him with whatever he asked, Solomon requested
"an understanding heart to judge thy people" (1 Kgs. 3:9). The Lord granted him an understanding heart plus riches and honor (1 Kgs. 3:12-13). The Lord also granted
Solomon the privilege of building the temple in Jerusalem (2 Sam. 7:12-; 1 Kgs. 5:5). Solomon's temple was sumptuous in every respect: formed of cut stone with
cedar walls, all overlaid with gold (1 Kgs. 6; the temple of Nephi 1 was "after the manner of the temple of Solomon save it were not built of so many precious things"; 2
Ne. 5:16; see model of Solomon's temple, page 753). The Lord accepted Solomon's temple and promised Solomon a long posterity on the throne if he lived uprightly.
If he abandoned the commandments and served other gods, his kingdom would be cut off (1 Kgs. 9:1-9). Solomon had a royal harem with seven hundred wives and
three hundred concubines , following the custom of his time (1 Kgs. 11:3). The Lord approved of the plural marriages of Solomon and others "from the beginning of
creation," except when they received wives not given by him (D&C 132:38). Solomon "loved many strange women," including the daughter of Pharaoh and women of
other nations forbidden to Israelites for marriage: Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Zidonians, and Hittites. The Lord had warned that "surely they will turn away your
heart after their gods" (1 Kgs. 11:1-2). These wives brought their idolatries into Solomon's household and turned his heart from the Lord. Undoubtedly, the Lord
referred to such when he said that the marriages of David and Solomon were abominable before him (Jacob 2:24). For the Book of Mormon peoples, monogamy was
the Lord's law given through Lehi 1 (Jacob 2:34), but certain wicked Nephites justified whoredoms by recalling the many wives and concubines of David and Solomon
(Jacob 1:15; 2:23). The prophet Jacob 2 told them that they had "broken the hearts of [their] tender wives, and lost the confidence of [their] children" (Jacob 2:35).

See also Plural marriage; Temples.

rac

Son of perdition There are two references to "the son of perdition": one, pointing to Judas Iscariot (3 Ne. 27:32; Matt. 26:14-16; John 17:12); the other, a more vague
reference indicating that those who, "to get gain," claim "there can be no miracle wrought by Jesus Christ" will "become like unto the son of perdition, for whom there
was no mercy" (3 Ne. 29:7). In this instance "the son of perdition" could again refer to Judas, or it may refer to the devil himself (2 Thes. 2:3; D&C 76:25-35).

Although the phrase "sons of perdition" is not used in the Book of Mormon, the concept that there are "children of the devil" who choose to follow him completely and
permanently, and who will suffer the same ultimate fate, is well represented (e.g., 1 Ne. 14:3; 2 Ne. 9:15-16; 28:22-23; Mosiah 2:36-38; 3:23-27; Alma 12:12-18;
40:13-14; Hel. 14:17-18; cf. D&C 76:31-48).

Dahl, Larry Evans

Song of redeeming love

Phrase used to describe the joy of redemption through Christ. Singing is such a natural expression of inner feeling that often it bursts forth spontaneously. Thus Alma 2
asked his hearers if they "have felt to sing the song of redeeming love" (Alma 5:26).

Singing is an effective form of communicating gratitude, praise, worship, and adoration of man for God. The Lord said his "soul delighteth in the song of the heart; yea,
the song of the righteous is a prayer unto me, and it shall be answered with a blessing" (D&C 25:12). Because of their repentance, Ammon 2's converts, by the
thousands, were "loosed from the pains of hell" and were "brought to sing redeeming love" (Alma 26:13). After defeating the Gadian-ton robbers, a multitude of
Nephites "did break forth, all as one, in singing, and praising their God for the great thing which he had done for them" (3 Ne. 4:31; cf. 1 Ne. 1:8; 21:13; 2 Ne. 8:11;
Mosiah 2:28; Alma 26:8; Ether 6:9; Rev. 5:9; D&C 84:98-102; 133:56).

Matthews, Robert J.

Sorcery witchcraft magic

Methods to gain supernatural powers or knowledge, to know the future or gain control over events, from sources other than the Lord, particularly from Satan. In the
Book of Mormon "sorceries, and witchcrafts, and magics" are used to describe these practices (Morm. 1:19). The Bible describes many categories of those who
pursue these activities, including one "that useth divination," "observer of times," "enchanter," "witch," "charmer," "consulter with familiar spirits," "wizard," and
"necromancer." The law of Moses condemned such as an "abomination unto the Lord" (Deut. 18:9-14) and defined witchcraft as a capital offense (Ex. 22:18).

There are three references to sorcery in the Book of Mormon: nonmembers of the Church who practiced sorcery in the days of Alma the Younger (Alma 1:32); the
sorcerers in the last days against whom God will be a swift witness (3 Ne. 24:5 // Mal. 3:5); and the sorceries, witchcrafts, and magics in Mormon's day that manifested
"the power of the evil one" (Morm. 1:19). There are many examples of sorcery in the Bible, such as Pharaoh's sorcerers who turned rods into snakes (Ex. 7:11-12)
and the sorcerers Nebuchadnezzar called on to interpret his dream (Dan. 2:2). The Canaanites were destroyed for fostering certain kinds of sorcery (Deut. 18:9-12),
and Isaiah prophesied that abundant sorceries would contribute to Babylon's fall (Isa. 47:9, 12-14). At the Second Coming sorcerers will be destroyed (3 Ne. 24:5 //
Mal. 3:5), will be cast into hell (D&C 63:17), and will eventually inherit the telestial kingdom (D&C 76:103).

There are two references to witchcraft in the Book of Mormon. Jesus foretold of a latter- day destruction of wickedness including "witchcrafts" (3 Ne. 21:16 // Micah
5:12-13), and Mormon said that in his day "sorceries, and witchcrafts, and magics; and the power of the evil one was wrought upon all the face of the land" (Morm.
1:19). Witchcraft is also attested in the Old Testament. Saul visited the witch of Endor, a woman that had a "familiar spirit" (1 Sam. 28:7-25); Jehu slew Joram for
perpetuating the witchcrafts of his mother Jezebel (2 Kgs. 9:22-24); and king Manasseh was condemned for using witchcraft (2 Chr. 33:6). In the New Testament,
witchcraft is included as one of the "works of the flesh" (Gal. 5:19-20).

Magic  is specifically mentioned in the Book of Mormon in two passages in the writings of Mormon. He recorded that in his time "there were sorceries, and witchcrafts,
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witchcraft which was in the land" (Morm. 2:10-11). Mormon noted that the people of his day experienced the fulfillment of the prophecy of Samuel the Lamanite
(Morm. 2:10) that they would hide up their treasures in the earth and not be able to find them again (Hel. 13:17-23; cf. 12:18-20). In the Old Testament, Pharaoh
perpetuating the witchcrafts of his mother Jezebel (2 Kgs. 9:22-24); and king Manasseh was condemned for using witchcraft (2 Chr. 33:6). In the New Testament,
witchcraft is included as one of the "works of the flesh" (Gal. 5:19-20).

Magic is specifically mentioned in the Book of Mormon in two passages in the writings of Mormon. He recorded that in his time "there were sorceries, and witchcrafts,
and magics" (Morm. 1:19) and that "no man could keep that which was his own, for the thieves, and the robbers, and the murderers, and the magic art, and the
witchcraft which was in the land" (Morm. 2:10-11). Mormon noted that the people of his day experienced the fulfillment of the prophecy of Samuel the Lamanite
(Morm. 2:10) that they would hide up their treasures in the earth and not be able to find them again (Hel. 13:17-23; cf. 12:18-20). In the Old Testament, Pharaoh
summoned his magicians at the time of Joseph 1 (Gen. 41:8, 24), Pharaoh and his magicians contested against Moses (Ex. 7:11, 22; 8:7, 18-19; 9:11), and
Nebuchadnezzar called for his magicians to interpret his dream (Dan. 2:2, 27; 4:7, 9).

See also Familiar spirit.

Meservy, Keith H.

Soul

Used in several contexts in the Book of Mormon, soul in general refers to an individual person, as in "every soul had cause to mourn" (Alma 4:3), or "there had not one
soul of them fallen to the earth" (Alma 56:56). Soul also appears to refer to one's innermost self or the very center of one's being, as in "my soul will rejoice in thee, my
God" (2 Ne. 4:30), "my soul grieveth because of mine iniquities" (2 Ne. 4:17), "my soul hungered" (Enos 1:4), or "I did pour out my whole soul unto God" (Enos 1:9).
Both Nephi 1 and Alma 2 in some instances used the words soul and spirit synonymously, as in "for the things which some men esteem to be of great worth, both to the
body and soul" (1 Ne. 19:7; 15:31; cf. 2 Ne. 20:18), or, "I admit it may be termed a resurrection, the raising of the spirit or the soul and their consignation to happiness
or misery" (Alma 40:15, 18, 21, 23; 41:2; 29:16).

In a more technical sense, the Lord revealed through the Prophet Joseph Smith that "the spirit and the body are the soul of man" (D&C 88:15). In Book of Mormon
references that do not specify otherwise, the word soul can be understood in light of this truth.

Wright, Dennis A.

Spaulding theory

A belief promoted by some critics of Joseph Smith that an early nineteenth- century unpublished novel, "Manuscript Found," by Solomon Spaulding, is a source for the
Book of Mormon.

Solomon Spaulding of Connecticut (1761-1816) was a Revolutionary War veteran, a graduate of Dartmouth College, and a former minister. In 1812 he drafted a story
about a group of Romans who arrived in North America in the fourth century a.d. The story tells that in an attempt to sail from Italy to England they were blown off
course to the shores of the New World. Their first encounters with Native Americans are described, as are their early efforts to organize themselves and settle into their
new life with no hope of ever returning home. The story soon shifts its emphasis from the Roman colony to the natives, discussing many of their institutions and customs
and giving an overview of their history. It tells of two friendly nations whose peace was shattered by the (voluntary) abduction of a beautiful princess by a foreign prince
and the efforts of her father and villainous fiance to bring her home. At the end of the manuscript, the villain is dead and the heroes are vindicated.

Spaulding's manuscript is a first and only draft that was not published in his lifetime. While it has some charm and wit, it has never been considered to have much literary
merit. Its claim to fame comes solely from the fact that in 1834 a disaffected and excommunicated Latter- day Saint, Philastus Hurlbut, invented the "Spaulding theory,"
the idea that Joseph Smith obtained the story line of the Book of Mormon from Spaulding's novel. Hurlbut's theory was published that year in Mormonism Unvailed, by
E. D. Howe.

The manuscript was lost from public view in the 1830s when Howe's papers were purchased by L. L. Rice. For the next fifty years, the Spaulding theory was a
common anti- Mormon idea. Its popularity waned, however, when the manuscript resurfaced in 1884 in Honolulu, and readers were able to observe that Spaulding's
novel had nothing in common with the Book of Mormon. It has almost no religious content, the language is utterly unlike that of the Book of Mormon, the story lines
bear no resemblance, and no historical connection can be established between Joseph Smith and the manuscript. Today, the Spaulding theory has been all but
abandoned, and very few critics of the Latter- day Saint faith view it as a plausible explanation for the origin of the Book of Mormon.

The manuscript is housed in the archives at Oberlin College in Oberlin, Ohio. It was published in 1885 by the RLDS Church (now known as Community of Christ) and
in 1886 by The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. An unedited facsimile transcription was published in 1996 by the Religious Studies Center at Brigham
Young University.

Bibliography

Spaulding, Solomon. Manuscript Found: The Complete Original "Spaulding Manuscript." Edited by Kent P. Jackson. Provo, Utah: BYU Religious Studies Center,
1997.

Jackson, Kent P.

Spirit body of my

See Body of my spirit.

Spirit of Christ

See Light of Christ.

Spirit of prophecy and the spirit of revelation

The Spirit of God bearing witness of the truth and inspiring one's thoughts, feelings, words, and actions. The terms "spirit of revelation" and "spirit of prophecy" are
often linked, primarily as an affirmation that the revelatory gifts of God rest upon his servants and his work (e.g., Alma 4:20; 8:24; 9:21; 23:6; 43:2). The title page of
the Book of Mormon declares that the book was written "by the spirit of prophecy and of revelation." The Lord's servants taught "according to the spirit of revelation
and prophecy" and righteous military leaders led according to that same spirit (Alma 8:24; 23:6; 43:2; 3 Ne. 3:19). Through prayer and fasting, the four sons of Mosiah
2Copyright
  obtained "the  spirit of prophecy,
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Nephites as a people enjoyed "the spirit of prophecy, and the spirit of revelation," but when their hearts became set on riches, pride and wickedness caused them to
"disbelieve" and deny these gifts (Alma 9:21; Hel. 4:12; 4:23).
The Spirit of God bearing witness of the truth and inspiring one's thoughts, feelings, words, and actions. The terms "spirit of revelation" and "spirit of prophecy" are
often linked, primarily as an affirmation that the revelatory gifts of God rest upon his servants and his work (e.g., Alma 4:20; 8:24; 9:21; 23:6; 43:2). The title page of
the Book of Mormon declares that the book was written "by the spirit of prophecy and of revelation." The Lord's servants taught "according to the spirit of revelation
and prophecy" and righteous military leaders led according to that same spirit (Alma 8:24; 23:6; 43:2; 3 Ne. 3:19). Through prayer and fasting, the four sons of Mosiah
2 obtained "the spirit of prophecy, and the spirit of revelation," which they exercised by teaching "with power and authority of God" (Alma 17:3). When righteous, the
Nephites as a people enjoyed "the spirit of prophecy, and the spirit of revelation," but when their hearts became set on riches, pride and wickedness caused them to
"disbelieve" and deny these gifts (Alma 9:21; Hel. 4:12; 4:23).

Although at times referred to individually, the "spirit of revelation" and the "spirit of prophecy" are inseparably linked, as prophecy is one of the manifestations of
revelation . It was by the "spirit of revelation" that Alma 2 prophesied the Nephites' eventual apostasy four hundred years after the appearance of Christ (Alma 45:10).
He attributed his own conviction of the gospel's truth to the "spirit of revelation," and his testimony concerning the words spoken "by our fathers concerning the things
which are to come" (i.e., the coming of Christ) to the "spirit of prophecy" (Alma 5:44-48; cf. 13:26). Through "the spirit of prophecy," the gospel was taught (Alma
6:8), testimonies were strengthened (Jacob 4:6), and future events were foretold-including the coming of Christ (Jacob 1:6; Alma 4:13; 13:26; 25:16), the restoration of
Israel (2 Ne. 25:4), the movements of Lamanite armies (Alma 16:5-6), and the consequences awaiting the obedient and disobedient (Alma 3:26-27; 37:15-17). It also
enabled Alma and Amulek to discern the thoughts and intents of Zeezrom's heart (Alma 12:7).

Book of Mormon teachings are in harmony with those of John the Revelator and Joseph Smith, who asserted that "the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of
prophecy" (Rev. 19:10; Smith, 119, 160, 265, 269, 300, 312, 315). They also illustrate the Lord's definition of the spirit of revelation: "Yea, behold, I will tell you in
your mind and in your heart, by the Holy Ghost, which shall come upon you and which shall dwell in your heart. Now, behold, this is the spirit of revelation" (D&C 8:2-
3).

See also Prophecy in the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Orden, Bruce A. Van

Spirit of the Lord

Term used in reference to (1) the power of God and (2) the Holy Ghost as a personage of spirit. Other terms that mean essentially the same as "Spirit of the Lord"
include "the Spirit" (1 Ne. 1:7-8; 22:2; Jacob 4:13, 15, 18; Alma 22:1; He1.10:16-17; Moro. 6:9; 8:28); "the Holy Spirit" (2 Ne. 33:2; Jacob 6:8; Mosiah 3:19; Alma
7:16; 11:44); "the Spirit of God" (1 Ne. 13:12-13; 17:47, 52; 19:12; Alma 5:47; 24:30; 38:6; 3 Ne. 7:21-22); "his Spirit" (1 Ne. 20:16; Jacob 7:8; Mosiah 4:20; 5:3;
18:10; Alma 8:10; 12:3; 16:16; Hel. 6:36; Moro. 4:3; 5:2); "his Holy Spirit" (1 Ne. 2:17; 2 Ne. 2:28; Alma 5:46; Moro. 8:23); "Holy Spirit of God" (Alma 5:46; Hel.
5:45); "my Spirit" (Hel. 13:8; 3 Ne. 18:7, 11; Ether 2:15; 4:11); "the spirit of revelation," "the spirit of prophecy" (e.g., Alma 9:21; 17:3); "light of Christ" (Moro. 7:18-
19); and "the Spirit of Christ" (Moro. 7:16; 10:17).

The power of God

Generally, "the Spirit of the Lord" and the other terms meaning the same thing refer to the "power of God" that "proceedeth forth from the presence of God to fill the
immensity of space" by which God brings about his eternal purposes-the power by which he creates, governs, gives light and life, and enlightens minds (D&C 88:6-13).
It is the power used by the Holy Ghost in carrying out his role of testifying of the Father and the Son and dispensing the gifts of the Spirit (2 Ne. 31:18; Moro. 10:17;
Smith, 1:50-54; Talmage, 159-63; McConkie, 69-70). The Spirit of the Lord is manifested in many ways and at many levels to mankind on the earth: a measure of the
Spirit of the Lord is given to all men to help them discern good from evil and draw them toward God (Moro. 7:12-19). Those who seek, ponder, and pray will receive
a testimony of Christ and his gospel by this power (Moro. 10:3-5). Those who repent and are baptized will be forgiven of their sins, spiritually quickened, and receive
the right to the companionship of the Holy Ghost and the gifts of the Spirit on a regular basis (2 Ne. 31:12-17; 3 Ne. 27:20; Morm. 9:7-8, 23-24). The Spirit of the
Lord gives God's servants power to see visions (1 Ne. 1:8), preach the truth (Alma 43:2), know the thoughts of others (Alma 12:3), and be protected from their
enemies (Hel. 16:2).

The Holy Ghost as a personage of spirit

In at least one instance, the "Spirit of the Lord" refers to a spirit personage. Nephi 1 told of seeing the Spirit of the Lord and conversing with him: "For I spake unto him
as a man speaketh; for I beheld that he was in the form of a man; yet nevertheless, I knew that it was the Spirit of the Lord; and he spake unto me as a man speaketh
with another" (1 Ne. 11:11). After explaining that "the Spirit of the Lord" and "the Holy Ghost" are synonyms, Elder James E. Talmage wrote of Nephi's experience:
"That the Spirit of the Lord is capable of manifesting Himself in the form and figure of man, is indicated by the wonderful interview between the Spirit and Nephi, in
which He revealed Himself to the prophet, questioned him concerning his desires and belief, instructed him in the things of God, speaking face to face with the man. . . .
However, the Holy Ghost does not possess a body of flesh and bones, as do both the Father and the Son, but is a personage of spirit" (159-60; cf. Romney, 131).

See also Light of Christ; Spirit of prophecy and the spirit of revelation.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Romney, Marion G. Conference Report, April 1974.

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Talmage, James E. Articles of Faith. London: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1924.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Spirit world

Although the term "spirit world" is not used in the Book of Mormon, the concept of spirits living in some state between death and resurrection is contained therein (2
Ne. 9:12-13; Moro. 10:34). Alma 2 affirmed that at death "the spirits of all men, whether they be good or evil, are taken home to that God who gave them life" (Alma
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                                                                                                                                                                    the world
spirits" (2:85), or the postearth spirit world to which all go at death. Alma said the righteous spirits are received into a "state of happiness" called "paradise," whereas
the spirits of the wicked are cast into "outer darkness," in which states they remain "until the time of their resurrection" (Alma 40:12-14). According to Alma's record, at
Spirit world

Although the term "spirit world" is not used in the Book of Mormon, the concept of spirits living in some state between death and resurrection is contained therein (2
Ne. 9:12-13; Moro. 10:34). Alma 2 affirmed that at death "the spirits of all men, whether they be good or evil, are taken home to that God who gave them life" (Alma
40:11). Joseph Fielding Smith explained that "`taken home to God,' simply means that their mortal existence has come to an end, and they have returned to the world of
spirits" (2:85), or the postearth spirit world to which all go at death. Alma said the righteous spirits are received into a "state of happiness" called "paradise," whereas
the spirits of the wicked are cast into "outer darkness," in which states they remain "until the time of their resurrection" (Alma 40:12-14). According to Alma's record, at
the resurrection the righteous will "shine forth in the kingdom of God," and the wicked will be "cast out . . . and they drink the dregs of a bitter cup" (Alma 40:25-26).
The Book of Mormon does not speak of degrees of peace and happiness in paradise before the resurrection or in the kingdom of God after the resurrection, nor does
it speak of degrees of suffering in hell , or outer darkness , in the spirit world or after the resurrection. The Book of Mormon consistently speaks of just two options:
Christ or Satan; freedom or captivity; paradise or outer darkness; saved or damned. With the restoration of the gospel through the Prophet Joseph Smith, the Lord has
given added light on these matters. Though the wicked will indeed be consigned to hell between death and the resurrection, the light of the gospel of Jesus Christ will be
available to them there: "The dead who repent will be redeemed, through obedience to the ordinances of the house of God, and after they have paid the penalty of their
transgressions, and are washed clean, shall receive a reward according to their works, for they are heirs of salvation" (D&C 138:58-59). All except the sons of
perdition will be delivered from hell and darkness and received into a kingdom of glory-telestial, terrestrial, or celestial, depending upon what law they have proven
willing and able to abide (D&C 76; 88:22-32; 138).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Answers to Gospel Questions. Compiled by Joseph Fielding Smith Jr. 5 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1957- 66.

Dahl, Larry Evans

Spiritual

Term used in several contexts in the Book of Mormon, all referring to a realm or condition distinct from temporal , or worldly, or natural. Several references point to
this general distinction (1 Ne. 6:3-6; 15:32-33; 22:3; Jacob 4:8; Alma 26:21-22; Hel. 14:16).

A most significant use of the term "spiritual" has to do with the nature of the resurrected physical body in contrast to that of the mortal body. After stating that the
physical body will rise from the dead with every limb and joint, without so much as the loss of one hair of the head (Alma 11:43-44), Amulek explained the resurrected
state: "This mortal body is raised to an immortal body, that is from death, even from the first death unto life, that they can die no more; their spirits uniting with their
bodies, never to be divided; thus the whole becoming spiritual and immortal" (Alma 11:45). Latter- day revelation affirms that resurrected personages have "bodies of
flesh and bones" (D&C 129:1) and that those bodies are "as tangible as man's" (D&C 130:22). Joseph Smith explained, however, that resurrected bodies are
"quickened by the Spirit" and that "there will be no blood" in them (Smith, 367). Resurrected, immortal bodies quickened by spirit rather than by blood are therefore
said to be "spiritual." This specialized usage is confirmed in Doctrine and Covenants 88:27-28 and clarifies Paul's use of "spiritual" when he wrote of the resurrection (1
Cor. 15:42-45). It also clarifies Paul's statement that "flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God" (1 Cor. 15:50). Without the help of the Book of Mormon and
Doctrine and Covenants, Paul's words might be mistaken to mean that a resurrected body lacks physical properties.

"Spiritual" is also used to designate a change from "natural man" status to becoming sons and daughters of Jesus Christ, being spiritually born of him because of their
faith, repentance, and baptism (Mosiah 3:19; 5:7; 27:25-28; Alma 5:14). This spiritual birth overcomes a sinful condition designated as "spiritual death," meaning being
dead "as to things pertaining unto righteousness" (Alma 12:16, 32; 40:26). One who is spiritually dead is in a condition of sinful-ness, "cut off from the presence of the
Lord" (2 Ne. 9:6; Alma 42:9), in a "state of nature, . . . without God in the world," having "gone contrary to the nature of God" (Alma 41:11). This condition is also
spoken of as "hell" (2 Ne. 9:12), and as the "chains of hell" (Alma 5:7, 9-10). That part of mankind's spiritual death that resulted from the Fall is covered fully by the
Atonement. That part of spiritual death brought about by man's own disobedience can also be overcome through the Atonement, "by obedience to the laws and
ordinances of the Gospel" (A of F 3). Those who ultimately refuse to repent, rejecting the cleansing power of the Atonement, will suffer a permanent spiritual death,
sometimes called a "second death," having "suffered themselves through the power of the devil to be overcome" (Hel. 14:18; D&C 76:31; 2 Ne. 9:10-19, 22-26;
Mosiah 2:36-41; Alma 11:40-41; 12:12-18; 40:26; 42:7-24; Hel. 14:16-19; Morm. 9:12-14; cf. D&C 29:41-45; 76:30-49). They are known as "sons of
perdition" (D&C 76:32).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Matthews, Robert J.

Spiritual death

To die as to "things pertaining unto righteousness," to be "cut off from the presence of the Lord," to experience hell (Alma 12:12-18; 40:26; 2 Ne. 9:6-12; cf. D&C
29:41).

By virtue of Adam's fall, all his posterity are subject to spiritual death-"the first death" (Hel. 14:16), being separated from their divine Father. This spiritual death would
have been endless were it not for Christ and his atoning sacrifice. Jacob 2 explained, "Because man became fallen they were cut off from the presence of the Lord.
Wherefore, it must needs be an infinite atonement-save it should be an infinite atonement . . . our spirits must become subject to that angel who fell from before the
presence of the Eternal God. . . . And our spirits must have become like unto him, and we become devils, angels to a devil, to be shut out from the presence of our
God, and to remain with the father of lies, in misery, like unto himself" (2 Ne. 9:6-9). Because of Christ's atonement, however, "hell must deliver up its captive spirits,
and the grave must deliver up its captive bodies, and the bodies and the spirits of men will be restored one to the other" (2 Ne. 9:12). Jacob, Alma 2 , Samuel the
Lamanite, and Moroni 2 all taught that "the resurrection of the dead bringeth back men into the presence of God; and thus they are restored into his presence, to be
judged according to their works" (Alma 42:23; cf. 2 Ne. 2:10; 9:15, 26; Alma 40:21; Hel. 14:15-17; Morm. 9:13). Hence, the atonement of Christ overcomes the
spiritual death which came as a result of the Fall, leaving mankind responsible for whatever measure of spiritual death they brought upon themselves through their own
sins (A of F 2). At the time of final judgment, those who are free from sin, by virtue of the atonement of Christ and compliance with the laws of God, will be rewarded
according to their works. Those who are "filthy still," those who utterly refuse to submit to Christ, and insist on being a law unto themselves, will suffer "again a spiritual
death, yea, a second death, for they are cut off again as to things pertaining to righteousness" (Hel. 14:18-19). They will be cast out of the presence of the Lord to
dwell with the devil and his angels, "chained down to an everlasting destruction" (Alma 12:12-18, 32; 2 Ne. 9:16; Jacob 3:11; Alma 13:30; 40:26; D&C 88:34-35). In
the vision of the degrees of glory, Joseph Smith learned, "These are they who shall go away into the lake of fire and brimstone, with the devil and his angels," for they
are "the only ones on whom the second death shall have any power" (D&C 76:36-38).

See also Cut off; Damnation; Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Judgment, the; Lake of fire and brimstone; Night of darkness.
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McConkie, Joseph Fielding
are "the only ones on whom the second death shall have any power" (D&C 76:36-38).

See also Cut off; Damnation; Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Judgment, the; Lake of fire and brimstone; Night of darkness.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding

Spiritual gifts

Spiritual abilities, powers, or qualities given by the grace of God to receptive individuals for the blessing and benefit of all humanity. The gifts of the Spirit include, but
are not limited to, the gifts of teaching wisdom and knowledge, great faith , healings, miracles , prophecy, beholding of angels and ministering spirits , tongues,
interpretation of tongues, and charity (Moro. 10:8-21; 7:48; cf. D&C 46:12-16; 1 Cor. 12:4-10). In a broader application "fruit of the Spirit" as listed by Paul in his
letter to the Galatians (Gal. 5:22-23), as well as the many spiritual blessings evident in the lives of those who have been born again, may also be considered gifts of the
Spirit (Mosiah 4:2-3; 5:2-5; Alma 5:12-14, 26; 58:11; Moro. 10:20-23).

The Book of Mormon teaches about spiritual gifts through a discourse by Moroni 2 (Moro. 10:8-25) and through numerous examples of individuals who possessed
and used these gifts in their ministries. Moroni's teachings parallel both the apostle Paul's writings in 1 Corinthians 12:4-12 and the revelation in Doctrine and Covenants
46:8-. Moroni taught that spiritual gifts are conveyed by "the Spirit of God unto men, to profit them" (Moro. 10:8), that "there are different ways that these gifts are
administered" to various individuals according to the will of God (Moro. 10:8-17; cf. D&C 46:11-25), that individuals should "deny not the gifts of God" (Moro. 10:8),
that those who do deny these gifts know "not the gospel of Christ" (Morm. 9:8; cf. 3 Ne. 29:6), and that one should "lay hold upon every good gift, and touch not the
evil gift, nor the unclean thing"-a warning against accepting the offerings or enticements of Satan and his followers (Moro. 10:30; cf. Alma 5:57; 3 Ne. 20:41). Paul
taught similar truths and further exhorted all to seek "earnestly the best gifts" (1 Cor. 12:31). It was revealed to Joseph Smith that as one asks for spiritual gifts
according to the will of God, he will receive them, and that "unto some it may be given to have all those gifts, that there may be a head" (D&C 46:26-30).

Moroni chose to emphasize the importance of the gift of charity, which he defined as "the pure love of Christ" (Moro. 7:47; cf. 1 Cor. 13), a gift without which, "ye can
in nowise be saved in the kingdom of God" (Moro. 10:21). The gift of "the beholding of angels and ministering spirits" (Moro. 10:14)-a gift exhibited abundantly in the
dramatic unfolding events of the Restoration (e.g., D&C 13; 27; 110; Rev. 14:6)-is unique to the Book of Mormon list of spiritual gifts.

Examples of the manifestation of spiritual gifts can be seen throughout the Book of Mormon narrative. For example, Ammon 2 , being "wise, yet harmless,"
demonstrated the gift of wisdom as he instructed king Lamoni (Alma 18:22; cf. 1 Kgs. 3:9, 15); the brother of Jared 1 had the gift of great faith as he saw first the finger
of the Lord and then the Lord himself (Ether 3:9, 15; cf. Alma 14:26-27); Alma 2 exhibited the gift of healing as he raised Zeezrom from a burning fever and restored
him to health (Alma 15:10; cf. Acts 3:1-7); Nephi 2 used the gift of prophecy as he foretold the murder of the chief judge and the sequence of events that would follow
(Hel. 8:27; cf. Acts 11:27-30; D&C 87:1-2); the Nephite faithful at the temple in Bountiful 2 had the gift of the beholding of angels as their children received heavenly
visitors during Christ's ministry (3 Ne. 17; cf. John 20:11-13; Morm. 8:11); and Mormon illustrated the gift of charity as he loved his people so deeply that he pleaded
for them before the Lord, even though they themselves refused to repent (Morm. 3:12; cf. 1 Ne. 7:21; Mosiah 28:3).

Wilson, Keith J.

Spokesman

One who would assist in proclaiming God's word in the latter days. The Lord told Joseph 1 who was sold into Egypt that he would raise up a " choice seer" from
among his descendants, and that he would provide a "spokesman" to assist him (2 Ne. 3:6, 18). Latter- day Saints traditionally have identified Joseph Smith as this
choice seer and either of two of his close associates as the prophesied spokesman: Sidney Rigdon, whom the Lord called as "a spokesman unto this people" (D&C
100:9-11), or perhaps Oliver Cowdery (D&C 21:12; 28:3). Elder Bruce R. McConkie taught that the Prophet Joseph Smith functioned as a latter- day spokesman
(425-26).

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. A New Witness for the Articles of Faith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Cowan, Richard O.

Spurn

See Appendix C.

Standard

See Ensign.

Steadfastness

See Appendix C.

Steel

See Metals of the Book of Mormon.

Stela 5

Carved stone monument (stela) containing one of the most complex depictions of the tree of life/world tree ever discovered and one of the earliest in Mesoamerica.
Stela 5 is one of 164 sculptures discovered at Izapa, an ancient temple center located near the Pacific coast on the southern tip of Mexico. It was first reported in 1943
following a Smithsonian- National Geographic expedition in 1941. Stela 5 belongs to a new culture that emerged in the Guatemala highlands and nearby Pacific coast
during the Late Formative era between about 300 b.c. and the time of Christ, after the Olmec civilization. Izapa is the only temple center of the time with most of its
monuments still intact. Thus it assumes great importance for research in Izapan culture. Stela 5 (fig. 1) is the optimum achievement of some 34 related Izapan style
carvings at this site, composed in a sophisticated narrative style with a wealth of ideographic symbols in complex relations, comparable to ancient Egyptian art. Latter-
day  Saint interest
 Copyright          in Stela 5 began
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                                           Media   when Brigham Young University archaeology professor M. Wells Jakeman ("Unusual"; "Stela 5") compared it to Lehi
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1's vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8).

From 1961 to 1982 the BYU New World Archaeological Foundation's Izapa project produced photos and drawings of thirty-five major sculptures. Full analytical
following a Smithsonian- National Geographic expedition in 1941. Stela 5 belongs to a new culture that emerged in the Guatemala highlands and nearby Pacific coast
during the Late Formative era between about 300 b.c. and the time of Christ, after the Olmec civilization. Izapa is the only temple center of the time with most of its
monuments still intact. Thus it assumes great importance for research in Izapan culture. Stela 5 (fig. 1) is the optimum achievement of some 34 related Izapan style
carvings at this site, composed in a sophisticated narrative style with a wealth of ideographic symbols in complex relations, comparable to ancient Egyptian art. Latter-
day Saint interest in Stela 5 began in the 1950s when Brigham Young University archaeology professor M. Wells Jakeman ("Unusual"; "Stela 5") compared it to Lehi
1's vision of the tree of life (1 Ne. 8).

From 1961 to 1982 the BYU New World Archaeological Foundation's Izapa project produced photos and drawings of thirty-five major sculptures. Full analytical
descriptions and interpretive reports were completed about the ruins and related antiquities (Norman, "Izapa, Part 1"; "Izapa, Part 2"; "Astronomical"; Lowe et al.).
From these studies scholars have concluded that Izapa was one of the earliest Mesoamerican ceremonial centers with a recognizable priesthood and a formalized
religion (Bernal, 34) and that the Izapa priesthood served the philosophical and religious needs of the region that included calendrical ritual and lunar worship for
productivity (Adams, 88-93).

Stela 5 was set up along with other stelae and altars at the base of earthen mounds in plaza arrangements for temple instruction and worship. The plazas, mounds, and
sculptures were oriented astronomically on sun, moon, and Venus cycles for symbolic and calendric functions. Each monument is dedicated to a different lunar month in
the yearly life cycle, with the full cycle recreated on Stela 5 in the twelfth month. The annual calendar cycle can be compared to the human life cycle on the monuments,
expressing man's creation origin, mortal road of life, and immortal destiny-themes similar to those taught in Lehi's vision of the tree of life.

An inventory of Stela 5 reveals the complex quality and quantity of narrative relationships in this masterwork. There are more than a hundred items, including gods,
humans, animals, plants, tools, and compound ideographic symbols. The chiastic composition on Stela 5 centers on the great tree of life/world tree with twenty- two
figures, including thirteen humans composed in parallel fashion on opposite sides of the tree. Six humans seated on the ground panel compare to the ancestral family of
Izapan civilization as related in the Popol Vuh, sacred book of the Quiche Maya, and have been compared to Lehi's family in the Book of Mormon account. They are
engaged in worshipful instruction. A sacrifice and burnt offering on the left is presided over by a high priest (a figure which has been compared to Lehi) who instructs an
initiate over an incense burner. The parallel priest- king on the right (a figure which has been compared to Nephi) similarly instructs an initiate.

The subjects of instruction are found in the complicated highly symbolic and imaginative scenes above that center on two floating gods or angels with bird masks. These
appear to be guardian spirits of the tree of life-a theme common in the ancient Near East that was perpetuated in Mayan sculpture at Palenque and in Mayan and
Mixtec codices. Like Stela 5, at least six other Izapa stelae are oriented northward and show winged gods symbolically descending from and ascending to the imposing
Tacana mountain top that symbolizes the heavenly realm of the gods in Mesoamerican tradition. The ultimate focus of the creation, road- of- life story on Stela 5 is the
man brought to the tree center (fig. 2, no. 13) by two gods. Here he partakes of the fruit and appears to be figuratively reborn from the tree of life like a human branch
(cf. Alma 32).

In a broader sense, the Izapa temple appears to be a cosmological model of the universe, also characteristic of ancient temples in the Old World. Stela 5 is set at the
center of the universe, so to speak, oriented with Stela 23 to sunrise on the horizon zenith date of August 13 (related to the base date of the Mesoamerican calendar),
and also set on a line of sculptures between the winter solstice sunrise (December 21) and summer solstice sunset (June 21). Accordingly, the seed of life planted at
new year (autumn equinox, September 21) germinates and progresses through the yearly life cycle to reach its ultimate maturity through the tree of life bearing fruit on
Stela 5, starting the last month of the year on the zenith date. This symbolized the ultimate destiny of the human spirit reborn from the tree of life as man (no. 13)
partakes of the divine fruit and ascends up the tree of life into the heavenly Tamoanchan- Tulan paradise of Mesoamerican tradition signified by the upper break of the
tree trunk.

The accompanying table lists possible cog-nates between Stela 5 and Lehi's vision of the tree of life from the author's studies. The main features (tree, river, path, and
rod) along with Lehi's family were first analyzed by Jakeman ("Unusual"; "Stela 5"). Although such tentative parallels between the vision of the tree of life and Stela 5
are interesting, as yet published data have been inconclusive and will continue to be until researchers gain a more complete picture of Izapan culture. Since Jakeman,
other studies have been made, some supportive of the tree of life/Lehi's dream thesis (e.g., Wirth, 65-75), and others divergent (e.g., Clark, 22-33).

See also Archaeology; Quetzalcoatl; Transoceanic crossings, pre- Columbian.

Bibliography

Adams, Richard E. W. Prehistoric Mesoamerica. Rev. ed. Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991.

Clark, John E. "A New Artistic Rendering of Izapa Stela 5." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 8:1 (1999): 22- 33.

Bernal, Ignacio. The Mexican National Museum of Anthropology. Translated by Carolyn B. Czitrom. Mexico: Panorama Editorial, S.A., 1984.

Jakeman, M. Wells. "Stela 5, Izapa Chiapas, Mexico; A Major Archaeological Discovery of the New World." In University Archaeological Society Special
Publications, no. 2. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1958.

--- . "An Unusual Tree- of- Life Sculpture from Ancient Central America." Bulletin of the University Archaeological Society, no. 4. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young
University, 1953.

Lowe, Gareth W., Thomas A. Lee Jr., and Eduardo Martinez E. "Izapa: An Introduction to the Ruins and Monuments." Papers of the New World Archaeological
Foundation, no. 31. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1982.

Norman, V. Garth. "Critical Review of the Clark- Moreno Drawing of Izapa Stela 5." Papers of the Ancient America Foundation, No. 00-1. Orem, Utah, 2000.

--- . "Izapa Sculpture, Part 1: Album." Papers of the New World Archaeological Foundation, no. 30. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1973.

--- . "Izapa Sculpture, Part 2: Text." Papers of the New World Archaeological Foundation, no. 30. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1976.

--- . "Astronomical Orientations of Izapa Sculptures." Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1980.

--- . "What Is the Current Status of Research concerning the `Tree of Life' Carving from Chiapas, Mexico?" Ensign 15 (June 1985): 55- 56.

Parrish, Alan K. "Stela 5, Izapa: A Layman's Consider-ation of the Tree of Life Stone." The Book of Mormon: First Nephi-The Doctrinal Foundation. Provo, Utah:
Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1988.

Wirth, Diane(c)E.2005-2009,
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                              to the Critics.
                                       Media  Bountiful,
                                               Corp. Utah: Horizon Publishers, 1986.                                                                 Page 862 / 919
Norman, V. Garth
Parrish, Alan K. "Stela 5, Izapa: A Layman's Consider-ation of the Tree of Life Stone." The Book of Mormon: First Nephi-The Doctrinal Foundation. Provo, Utah:
Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1988.

Wirth, Diane E. A Challenge to the Critics. Bountiful, Utah: Horizon Publishers, 1986.

Norman, V. Garth

Stick of Ephraim

See Ephraim, stick of/ Joseph, stick of.

Stick of Joseph

See Ephraim, stick of/Joseph, stick of.

Stiffnecked stiffneckedness

Term describing the stubbornness, pride, rebellion, and disobedience of persons or nations (1 Ne. 2:11; Jacob 4:14; Omni 1:28; Alma 15:15; Hel. 4:21; 5:3; 9:21).
The prophet Isaiah described Israel's stubborn disobedience with the image of a neck like "an iron sinew" (1 Ne. 20:4). This image perhaps comes from agricultural
animals such as oxen or donkeys, whose necks are so stiff and strong that they will not respond to the master's prodding and turning. In addition, the term is employed
to describe a heart or spirit that, because of wickedness, has difficulty understanding the plainness of God's word (2 Ne. 32:7; Jacob 4:14) or responding to the
promptings of the Holy Ghost (Jarom 1:3-4; 1 Ne. 17:45). The law of Moses was given to ancient Israel on account of their stiffneckedness, which was manifest by
their slowness to obey God but quickness to sin (Mosiah 13:29-30). Such stubbornness is antithetical to true discipleship which requires a heart and a will that yield to
the mind and will of the Lord (Mosiah 3:19; Hel. 3:35).

See also Hard-heartedness.

Top, Brent L.

Still small voice

Generally refers to one of the ways that God communicates with his children. The expression "still small" carries the conno-tation of quiet and calm. Although the voice
is a "voice of perfect mildness" (Hel. 5:30-31) and a "pleasant voice, as if it were a whisper" (Hel. 5:46), it is also associated with great power insomuch that it can
shake the earth, cause walls to tremble, pierce souls, and cause hearts to burn (3 Ne. 11:3). Joseph Smith declared, "Often times it maketh my bones to quake" (D&C
85:6). Moreover, this peaceful voice evidenced the presence of God to Elijah on Mt. Horeb (1 Kgs. 19:12-13). Despite the power of this form of revelation, the
brethren of Nephi 1 were unable to feel an angel's words spoken in a still small voice. Being "swift to do iniquity but slow to remember the Lord," they were "past
feeling" (1 Ne. 17:45).

See also Past feeling; Revelation.

Merrill, Byron R.

Stone boxes burial of documents in

The plates of the Book of Mormon were retrieved from a stone box like those commonly found in the ancient world. Containers of ancient buried documents include a
bronze sphere bearing inscribed Semitic plates (ca. 625-600 b.c.) , sarcophagi, mummies, incantation bowls, door pivot boxes, plaster boxes, brick boxes, brick
chambers, false bricks, chests, coffers, earthen vessels (pots, jars, etc.), foundation holes, recesses in walls, cavities in wells, and the "mouths and `other cavities'" of
crocodiles. Stone boxes, associated with ancient writing for at least three millennia, include a granite library- box from Alexandria, stone chests and writing on bronze
and silver tablets attested from ca. 1400 b.c. to a.d. 68, a stone box discovered twenty feet underground whose book roll was lost in a manure pile, three golden plates
from Pyrgi concealed in a stone niche between two temples, a Roman legal agreement on bronze tablets discovered in a box made of roofing tiles, and the golden
"Torah" of Pali Buddhism concealed in a bricked rock chamber. Numerous exemplars are also attested by foundation deposits from three Neo- Sumerian kings (ca.
2100-2000 b.c.) , eight post-Sumerian kings (nineteenth to seventh centuries b.c.) , and five Persian kings (seventh to fourth centuries b.c.; Wright, 273-332;
Encyclopedia, 359; Evans, 106-10; Marinatos, 223).

Stone boxes were often covered with top stones for protection against burial damage. The earliest stone box known (ca. 3100-2900 b.c.) was constructed from pre-
cut stone slabs "riveted together and stuck with white lime mortar" (Wright, 315). The Book of Mormon plates were "deposited in a stone box" and buried "under a
stone of considerable size" that was "thick and rounding in the middle on the upper side, and thinner towards the edges," said Joseph Smith, "so that the middle part of it
was visible above the ground" whereas "the edge all around was covered with earth" (JS-H 1:51). This top stone resembles the convex torus covering a limestone box
interred with gold and silver plates beneath the Persepolis palace in the sixth century b.c.

A Greek invention used by Persians for securing an Ionic column to its base, this torus protected a stone box and its plates against the weight of a building. Although "a
roughly squared stone lay on top of . . . [another] foundation box" (Schmidt, 79) containing identical gold and silver plates, its lid and sides were broken by the weight
of the same building ( see photo, page 538), just as Sargon's stone box, which also contained metal documents, was crushed by the weight of a wall 26 feet thick
(Wright, 293-94). Thus, only the stone box "covered with a . . . limestone torus" was retrieved intact (Schmidt, 79). This torus, designed to underlie a "small" column
several feet in diameter, and the topstone described by Joseph Smith, although assigned dissimilar protective functions, both did exactly what they were intended to do.

On viewing the Book of Mormon plates, Joseph noted that "the box in which they lay was formed by laying stones together in some kind of cement" (JS-H 1:52). This
box was not hollowed out of stone but assembled from components made of rock by a stonecutter and stuck together with an adhesive sealant. Adhesion techniques
are extremely ancient, for in addition to various mortars, brick boxes which were "laid flat in bitumen" (Wright, 286)-an asphaltic putty used by Noah to waterproof the
ark-were also "coated inside with bitumen" (ca. 3500-3400 b.c.) ; a clay box containing a temple endowment was hidden under a bitumen floor to protect it against
moisture, and a late Neo- Babylonian inscription (555-539 b.c.) was built into a wall "in a box of burnt bricks lined with bitumen" (Wright, 326). Mortars, bitumen,
ductile metals, and similar adhesives for constructing and protecting containers of buried documents are thus fully compatible with stone boxes, earthenware vessels,
waxed cords, linen wrappings, cedar and citrus oils, lead seals, and sealed lids in classical and Egypto- Mesopotamian cultures.

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Metals, ancient writing on.
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Bibliography

Evans, Sir Arthur. Scripta Minoa: The Written Documents of Minoan Crete with Special Reference to the Archives of Knossos. Vol. 1. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
waxed cords, linen wrappings, cedar and citrus oils, lead seals, and sealed lids in classical and Egypto- Mesopotamian cultures.

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Metals, ancient writing on.

Bibliography

Evans, Sir Arthur. Scripta Minoa: The Written Documents of Minoan Crete with Special Reference to the Archives of Knossos. Vol. 1. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1909.

Marinatos, Spyridon. "Verlust einer Handschrift in Messenien." Gnomon 33 (1961): 223.

Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East. Vol. 5. Edited by Eric M. Meyers. New York: Oxford Univer-sity Press, 1997.

Schmidt, Erich F. Persepolis. Vol. 1. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970.

Wright, H. Curtis. "Ancient Burials of Metal Documents in Stone Boxes." Chapter 10 in By Study and Also by Faith, vol. 2. Edited by John M. Lundquist and Stephen
D. Ricks. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1990. Consult this chapter for sources.

Wright, Herbert Curtis

Stout

See Appendix C.

Straight make his paths

See Make his paths straight.

Strait straight

Strait, meaning narrow; straight, meaning not crooked. In contemporary English, straight means "not crooked." The main meaning of the somewhat archaic word strait
is narrow, as in the Straits of Gibraltar. Thus, the "strait gate" is a narrow gate. Jesus clearly contrasts the narrow gate with its opposite, the broad gate and large and
spacious way (3 Ne. 14:13-14; Matt. 7:13-14). It is not always obvious which meaning is intended in certain scriptural passages.

In the 1829 printer's manuscript of the Book of Mormon, the word "straight" was never used. When Joseph Smith said the word "strai[gh]t," Oliver Cowdery
apparently always preferred to spell it "-s- t- r- a- i- t," which was, in the early nineteenth century, an acceptable spelling for either meaning. Indeed, spellings varied
from one early edition of the Book of Mormon to the next; thus, one must consider the word in context to determine its meaning. Based on dictionary definitions and
scriptural usage, the word strai[gh]t may have any of the following meanings when used in the phrase "strai[gh]t and narrow":

1. "Narrow," being an emphatic redundancy or parallelism typical of Hebrew literary style (that is, "narrow and narrow," meaning "very narrow").

2. "Not crooked," affirming that God does not walk in crooked paths (Alma 7:20).

3. "Difficult or stressful," indicating that the path of righteousness is not easy (2 Ne. 31:19-20), and is full of tribulation (Matt. 7:13-14; also "straiten" in 1 Ne. 17:41).

4. "Rigorous," "tight" or "crowded" (1 Ne. 8:21).

5. "Upright," "righteous," or "morally straight," admonishing people to walk "uprightly" before the Lord (1 Ne. 16:3).

Jesus Christ and a number of prophets used the terms strait and straight, all with the ultimate end of portraying the strict path that leads back to God's presence. Nephi
1 pointed out that the gate to the straight and narrow path consists of repentance and baptism, "and then cometh a remission of . . . sins by fire and by the Holy
Ghost" (2 Ne. 31:17-18). The gospel announces the good news that such a path exists, which one can follow to eternal life by "press[ing] forward, feasting upon the
word of Christ, and endur[ing] to the end" (2 Ne. 31:17-20).

Welch, John W.

Strait and narrow path

See Lehi 1's dream.

Strait gate

See Gate(s).

Stripes

See Appendix C.

Stripling

See Appendix C.

Stripling warriors

Two thousand, plus an additional sixty, sons of the people of Ammon (-Anti- Nephi- Lehies ) who were initially called "two thousand stripling soldiers" (Alma 53:22;
57:6, 19-20, 25), or the "sons" of Helaman 2 (Alma 56:10, 17; ca. 64 b.c. ). Because of their great faith and obedience, they were all delivered from death on the
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battlefield (Alma 53, 56-58).

The parents of these young men were Lamanites who, upon their conversion to Christ, had settled among the Nephites and had entered into a covenant never again to
Stripling warriors

Two thousand, plus an additional sixty, sons of the people of Ammon (-Anti- Nephi- Lehies ) who were initially called "two thousand stripling soldiers" (Alma 53:22;
57:6, 19-20, 25), or the "sons" of Helaman 2 (Alma 56:10, 17; ca. 64 b.c. ). Because of their great faith and obedience, they were all delivered from death on the
battlefield (Alma 53, 56-58).

The parents of these young men were Lamanites who, upon their conversion to Christ, had settled among the Nephites and had entered into a covenant never again to
participate in bloodshed (Alma 24-27). When they were threatened by renewed Lamanite aggression, their sons, who had not taken that vow, entered into a covenant
to fight for liberty. They armed themselves under the leadership of Helaman to defend their own people and their Nephite neighbors, thereby enabling their parents to
keep their sacred oath (Alma 53:10-22).

In the twenty- sixth year of the reign of the judges (66 b.c.) these youthful soldiers reinforced the Nephite army led by Antipus in the city of Judea. In the following year
they, with the forces of Antipus, engaged a Lamanite army in a fierce battle in which they fought with such miraculous strength that the Lamanites surrendered (Alma
56:20-56). Helaman recorded, "To my great joy, there had not one soul of them fallen to the earth; yea, and they had fought as if with the strength of God" (Alma
56:56). The stripling warriors showed themselves to be "exceedingly valiant" and courageous men who were "true at all times in whatsoever thing they were entrusted.
Yea, they were men of truth and soberness, for they had been taught to keep the commandments of God and to walk uprightly before him" (Alma 53:20-21). They
exhibited remarkable faith in that, although "they never had fought, yet they did not fear death," for "they had been taught by their mothers, that if they did not doubt,
God would deliver them." They were more concerned for "the liberty of their fathers" than for their own lives (Alma 56:47).

In the twenty- ninth year of the reign of the judges (63 b.c.) , when the additional sixty sons of the Ammonites joined them, the young warriors took the city of Cumeni
(Alma 57:12). Afterward there was an intense battle to retain their position (Alma 57:17-23). Although there were heavy losses among the Lamanites and every one of
the 2060 stripling warriors was wounded, including two hundred that fainted from loss of blood, "there was not one soul of them who did perish" (Alma 57:25).
Helaman and his "sons" also took control of the city of Manti by strategy (Alma 58).

The success of these valiant young men was attributed to the fact that "they did obey and observe to perform every word of command with exactness" (Alma 57:21)
and to their main-taining "exceeding faith in that which they had been taught to believe," for "their minds [were] firm, and they [did] put their trust in God
continually" (Alma 57:26-27). The stripling warriors of Helaman are a prime example of the blessings of strength and courage that are visited upon those who have
unwavering faith in the Lord and whose lives are characterized by strict obedience and self- sacrificing service. They are also a witness to the powerful influence of
diligent teaching by righteous mothers.

Seely, Jo Ann H.

Stubble

See Appendix C.

Stumble

Term that refers primarily to one who trips or falters doctrinally or spiritually because of ignorance, spiritual blindness, or sin. For example, Nephi 1 was shown that the
latter- day Gentiles would stumble because of the "plain and precious" truths that would be lost or "kept back" from the biblical record (1 Ne. 13:29, 34; 2 Ne. 26:20).
The ancient Jews "sought for things that they could not understand," which caused them to stumble (Jacob 4:14). This stumbling would eventually lead them to reject
Christ, the "stone" of Israel (Jacob 4:15-16). He would become to them as a "stone of stumbling" (2 Ne. 18:14-15). In Alma 2's day, the wickedness of Church
members "was a great stumbling- block to those who did not belong to the church; and thus the church began to fail in its progress" (Alma 4:10).

Additionally, the word stumble is used to refer to physically stumbling (2 Ne. 15:26; i.e., to falter in advancing swiftly), to one stumbling in his communication or words
(Ether 12:25; i.e., having a difficult time writing), and to fail to achieve a desired goal ( Jacob 4:18; i.e., to falter).

Robinson, Stephen E.

Stupor

See Appendix C.

Succor

See Appendix C.

Suffer

See Appendix C.

Suffer his cross

Undertaking the Lord's will in spite of the shame, opposition, and travails of the world. Suffering his cross is one of the requirements for coming unto him, partaking of
his goodness, entering into his rest (Jacob 1:7-8), and becoming his disciple (Luke 14:26-27), or one of the "saints of the Holy One of Israel" (2 Nephi 9:18). This
"fellowship of his sufferings" (Philip. 3:10), which may constitute the loss of all things, makes possible the "excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus" (Philip. 3:8). In
the context of losing one's life to save it, the Lord taught that one must take up his cross daily (Luke 9:23-24). He explained, "For a man to take up his cross, is to deny
himself all ungodliness, and every worldly lust, and keep my commandments" (JST Matt. 16:26; cf. Alma 39:9; 3 Ne. 12:30).

Thomas, M. Catherine

Sway

See Appendix C.

Sword of Laban
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One of the sacred objects passed down among the Nephites, first mentioned in connection with Lehi 1's departure from Jerusalem in about 600 b.c. (1 Ne. 4:9).
Laban had in his possession the brass plates, which contained a record similar to the Old Testament. After Laban refused to give up these records and other attempts
See Appendix C.

Sword of Laban

One of the sacred objects passed down among the Nephites, first mentioned in connection with Lehi 1's departure from Jerusalem in about 600 b.c. (1 Ne. 4:9).
Laban had in his possession the brass plates, which contained a record similar to the Old Testament. After Laban refused to give up these records and other attempts
to secure them had failed, Nephi 1 was "constrained by the Spirit" to slay him (1 Ne. 4:10). Nephi instinctively shrank from carrying out this directive, but after the
Spirit instructed him about why he must slay Laban and obtain this vital scriptural record, he took Laban's sword and killed him (1 Ne. 4:10-18). Nephi, who retained
the sword, wrote, "I drew it forth from the sheath thereof; and the hilt . . . was of pure gold, and the workman-ship . . . was exceedingly fine, and I saw that the blade .
. . was of the most precious steel" (1 Ne. 4:9).

After arriving in the New World, Nephi used the sword of Laban as a pattern to produce other swords for the defense of his people, and he used Laban's sword itself
for that purpose (2 Ne. 5:14; Jacob 1:10). King Benjamin also used the sword of Laban in battle (W of M 1:13). He subsequently gave the sword, together with the
Liahona and the sacred records, to his son Mosiah 2 (Mosiah 1:16). This sword must have served as a continual reminder of the Lord's deliverance of his people
(Jacob 1:10).

In modern times the Lord promised the Three Witnesses that they would see the sword of Laban together with other sacred objects (D&C 17:1). In June of 1829, the
Three Witnesses saw the plates, the sword of Laban, and the Liahona (D&C 17:1; Roberts, 1:143).

Brigham Young stated that on another occasion Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery saw the sword of Laban when they entered a large room full of plates in the interior
of the Hill Cumorah: "The first time they went there the sword of Laban hung upon the wall; but when they went again it had been taken down and laid upon the table
across the gold plates; it was unsheathed, and on it was written these words: `This sword will never be sheathed again until the kingdoms of this world become the
kingdom of our God and his Christ'" (19:38).

Bibliography

Roberts, Brigham H. A Comprehensive History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. 6 vols. Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1965.

Young, Brigham. Journal of Discourses. 26 vols. London: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854- 86.

Cowan, Richard O.

Synagogue(s)

The word synagogue is of Greek origin ( synag_ACCENTf8ACCENT_ og_ACCENTf8ACCENT_ e ) meaning "assembly" or "gathering." In early Jewish tradition,
the building where one worshipped, prayed, and studied in a communal gathering was usually identified in Hebrew as a "house of assembly" (-beth- knesset ). One
could go to the house of assembly or synagogue to hear the word of God and to discuss its meaning in open dialogue. For example, Jesus and Paul taught openly in
synagogues (e.g., Matt. 13:54; Luke 4:16-21; John 6:59; Acts 13:14-16; 17:1-2). Nephi 1's use of the phrase "houses of worship" as a synonym for synagogues
seems appropriate (2 Ne. 26:26).

Scholars are uncertain exactly when formal places of regular or weekly assembly developed in Jewish worship. Some Jewish traditions point to temple worship and the
public assemblies of the early prophets as prototypes (e.g., Deut. 1:1-5; Josh. 24:1; 1 Sam. 7:5-7). Others see the communal practices beginning with the religious
reforms of Jeremiah 1 (627-585 b.c.) and king Josiah (640-609 b.c.) as a time when groups of Jews outside Jerusalem would gather for study, prayer, and worship.
Some scholars believe the reference to the "houses of the people" in Jeremiah 39:8 to be a form of synagogue. There is an early reference in Psalms to an enemy
burning "all the synagogues of God in the land" (Ps. 74:8).

Although some types of communal worship in buildings other than the temple may have been practiced while Lehi lived near Jerusalem, most scholars suggest that the
use of synagogues became institutionalized in the Jewish community during and after the Babylonian captivity. This was about the same time that early Nephite
synagogues are first mentioned (2 Ne. 26:26). Perhaps the appearance of synagogue worship among these two widely divided peoples, the people of Lehi and the
Jews of the Babylonian captivity, suggests that some types of assembly buildings were in use among the Jews before they both left Jerusalem.

The term "synagogue" (or "synagogues") is found throughout the Book of Mormon, with 26 references ranging from 2 Nephi 26:26 to Moroni 7:1, although most are in
chapters 16-33 of Alma. Synagogues are often mentioned alongside temples and sanctuaries. It is not clear what distinctions existed between the buildings, either in use
or design. It is clear that the temple was used as a place of instruction from as early as Jacob 2 (Jacob 1:17) and at least down to Christ (3 Ne. 11:1-10), but how this
use differed from that of a synagogue or a sanctuary is not specified. Perhaps the synagogues were used more for regular study and worship (e.g., 2 Ne. 26:26; Alma
16:13; 21:20), whereas temples were used for larger gatherings on special occasions (e.g., Jacob 1:17; Mosiah 1:18; 2:5-7; 3 Ne. 11:1-10).

Synagogues were used both among the faithful Nephites and their Lamanite converts, as well as among the apostate Amalekites and Zoramites 2 , but their purposes
appear to have been very different. Some Nephite synagogues were apparently built "after the manner of the Jews" (Alma 16:13) and used for similar purposes, such as
reading the scriptures, praying, and giving sermons. Thus, the Nephites did "humble themselves before God, and began to assemble themselves together at their
sanctuaries to worship God" (Alma 15:17). Alma 2 reminded the poor and humble of the Zoramites that such worship was not limited to a physical structure (Alma
32:10). Aaron 3 and his brethren preached their gospel message in the Lamanite synagogues (Alma 21:4-6). That Nephites were allowed to speak in Amalekite and
Lamanite assemblies suggests that the custom of open dialogue was a part of synagogue practice in the Book of Mormon (Welch, 193-95).

As a contrast, the Amalekites and Zoramites assembled in synagogues as places of vain public worship and social prominence (Alma 21; 31; 32). Their apostate
practices followed the order of Nehor, and they rejected the study of the scriptures (Alma 14:8; 21:4, 12). They adapted the synagogue to their own purposes and
through these people, the synagogue was introduced to the Lamanites. It is clear from Alma 23:2 that the Lamanites knew of synagogues and perhaps even attended
the Amalekite synagogues from time to time. Alma 21:16 suggests that they also met in their own assemblies, perhaps in homes or outdoors.

See also Anachronisms, alleged.

Bibliography

Welch, John W. "Synagogues in the Book of Mormon." Reexploring the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1997.

Ludlow, Victor L.
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Syria

A name of Greek origin designating a loosely defined region to the northeast of Israel, occupying approximately the same area as the modern nation of Syria (Bible
Welch, John W. "Synagogues in the Book of Mormon." Reexploring the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1997.

Ludlow, Victor L.

Syria

A name of Greek origin designating a loosely defined region to the northeast of Israel, occupying approximately the same area as the modern nation of Syria (Bible
Maps 4, 6, 8, 9). Apparently Herodotus (ca. 450 b.c.) first applied the name Syria to this area, perhaps as a shortened form of the name "Assyria," which historically
refers to a separate and distinct geographic, cultural, and political entity. The King James Version (KJV) employs the anachronistic terms Syria and Syrian(s) to render
the terms for Aram, Aramean(s), and Aramaic in the Old Testament . Aram/Syria consisted of a number of small national states during the time of the united and
divided monarchies in Israel.

Little is known historically concerning the Arameans before ca. 1200 b.c. , although traditions about their origins are preserved in Genesis 10:22 and 22:21. Arameans
were tribally organized Semites, perhaps related to the earlier Amorites. According to the Bible the Israelites were related to the Arameans. Haran, the ancestral
homeland of the Patriarchal families, was in northern Aram, and Bethuel, Laban, and even Jacob 1 are referred to as Arameans (Gen. 25:20; 31:20; Deut. 26:5). The
Aramean states most often mentioned in the Bible are Zobah and Damascus (2 Sam. 8:5-6; Isa. 7:8 // 2 Ne. 17:8). The Israelites gained control of Aram during the
reign of David (2 Sam. 8:3-12) but lost control of it by the end of Solomon's reign (1 Kgs. 11:23-25). The Bible depicts relations between the northern kingdom of
Israel and the Arameans as generally antagonistic during the period of the Israelite Divided Monarchy (931-722 b.c. ).

Book of Mormon usage follows the KJV in employing Syria and Syrians to designate Aram. Syrians occurs in 2 Nephi 19:12 // Isaiah 9:12, while Syria occurs in 2
Nephi 17:1-8 // Isaiah 7:1-8. This latter passage recounts an attempt by Pekah, king of Israel, and Rezin, king of Damascus, the most powerful state in southern Aram
(2 Ne. 17:8), to force Ahaz, king of Judah, to join them in an anti- Assyrian coalition (ca. 735 b.c. ). They besieged Jerusalem and threatened to dethrone Ahaz if he
did not join them (2 Kgs. 15:37; 16:5). Isaiah prophesied that patient faith in the Lord would ensure the continued rule of Ahaz over Judah (2 Ne. 17:9-18:22 // Isa.
7:9-8:22). Ahaz, however, procured the services of the king of Assyria to deliver him from this coalition (2 Kgs. 16:7-9). In partial response to the invitation of Ahaz,
the Assyrians invaded and conquered the area of Aram, along with the northern portion of Israel, in 732 b.c. A decade later (722 b.c.) , the Assyrians completely
conquered the northern kingdom of Israel and deported thousands of Israelites, who became known as the ten lost tribes.

See also Chronology, Bible; Isaiah chapter reviews (2 Ne. 17 // Isa. 7); Israel, historical background of; Israel, kingdom of.

Pike, Dana M.

T
Tabernacle

Term used in at least two senses in the Book of Mormon.

1. A synonym for the mortal body. The phrase "tabernacle of clay" is used twice in the Book of Mormon, once to underscore the truth that Christ will become like
humankind possessing a mortal body (Mosiah 3:5; cf. Alma 7:8; D&C 93:4), and the other in a letter Mormon wrote to his son Moroni 2 encouraging him to continue
to labor while yet in mortality (Moro. 9:6).

2. A tent or covering-a shelter. In this context the term tabernacle is used as a metaphor for the peace and protection to be enjoyed by the faithful in millennial Zion:
"And there shall be a tabernacle for a shadow in the daytime from the heat, and for a place of refuge, and a covert from storm and from rain" (2 Ne. 14:6 // Isa. 4:6).

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Taste of death

To experience the natural process of physical or mortal death, often accompanied by pain and difficulties. All who enter mortality must die (2 Ne. 9:6; 1 Cor. 15:22). A
few, however, such as the three Nephite disciples, will escape the normal course of death. Their bodies have been changed (translated) permitting them to pass from
mortality to immortality, without tasting death (3 Ne. 28:7-8, 37-38). In another sense, all faithful Saints, though they may suffer when they die, do not taste of death in
that their departure from this life is "sweet," knowing they will stand approved by the Lord (D&C 42:46-47).

Williams, Clyde James

Teacher(s)

An ecclesiastical office in the Nephite Church. It should not be confused with the Aaronic Priesthood office of teacher because before the coming of Christ the
Nephites did not have the Aaronic Priesthood (Smith, 3:87). Nephi 1 consecrated Jacob 2 and Joseph 2 as priests and teachers (2 Ne. 5:26). Alma 1 , as high priest
of the Church, consecrated teachers (Mosiah 23:17), as did his successors Alma 2 (Alma 4:7) and Helaman 2 (Alma 45:22).

The duties of teachers included leadership within individual congregations and teaching the gospel (Mosiah 25:19-22). Moroni 2 described the manner in which
teachers (and priests) were ordained by the disciples of Christ after the coming of Christ (Moro. 3:1-3). Whether these teachers held the Aaronic or the Melchizedek
Priesthood is not stated.

See also Church of God (Christ) in ancient America; Elder(s); Priesthood among the Nephites; Priest(s).

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph Fielding. Doctrines of Salvation. Compiled by Bruce R. McConkie. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Book-craft, 1954- 56.

Rhodes, Michael D.

Teancum

Nephite military leader (ca. 67 b.c.) who played a major role in the execution and outcome of the Nephite- Lamanite wars which began with the dissension of
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their ambitious quest for possession of northern lands. In the ensuing battle he killed Morianton and defeated his army (Alma 50:35; 51:29). In the second campaign
Amalickiah conducted against the Nephites, ca. 67 b.c. , the apostate captured many Nephite cities on the east by the sea (Alma 51:26-27), but his intention to capture
Teancum

Nephite military leader (ca. 67 b.c.) who played a major role in the execution and outcome of the Nephite- Lamanite wars which began with the dissension of
Amalickiah and concluded with the defeat of the Lamanites in 60 b.c. Teancum led the army sent by Moroni 1 to head off the contentious people of Morianton 2 in
their ambitious quest for possession of northern lands. In the ensuing battle he killed Morianton and defeated his army (Alma 50:35; 51:29). In the second campaign
Amalickiah conducted against the Nephites, ca. 67 b.c. , the apostate captured many Nephite cities on the east by the sea (Alma 51:26-27), but his intention to capture
the land of Bountiful 2 and the land northward was "repulsed by Teancum and his men" (Alma 51:30-32). When night came, Teancum stole into the Lamanite camp
and killed Amalickiah instantly with the thrust of a javelin into his heart (Alma 51:33-34). Teancum's assassination of Amalickiah caused the Lamanites to abandon their
intent to march into the land northward. They retreated to the city of Mulek, and Ammoron, the brother of Amalickiah, then became king (Alma 52:1-3). In 65 b.c.
Teancum received orders to retake the city of Mulek if possible, but such an action offered no hope of success. Teancum withdrew from his intention and awaited the
arrival of Moroni. The two Nephite leaders then lured the Lamanite forces out of Mulek and defeated them (Alma 52:15-40). Acting under orders from Moroni,
Teancum used Lamanite prisoners to fortify the city of Bountiful, making it "an exceeding stronghold ever after" (Alma 53:3-5).

These Nephite conflicts, internal and external, dragged on for several years, with Teancum as one of the key Nephite military figures. Then in about 60 b.c. , when all
the Lamanite armies and king Ammoron had fled to the land of Moroni and camped for the night, Teancum again acted on his own. Angry at the bloodshed and
destruction wrought by Amalickiah and Ammoron, he slipped into the Lamanite camp and found Ammoron. His javelin killed Ammoron, but not before Ammoron
woke his servants, who pursued and killed Teancum (Alma 62:35-36). Mormon paid high tribute to this brave and faithful Nephite patriot. Teancum, he said, "had
been a man who had fought valiantly for his country, yea, a true friend to liberty; and he had suffered very many exceedingly sore afflictions" (Alma 62:37).

Gibbons, Ted L.

Teancum city of

Nephite coastal city near the city Desolation (Morm. 4:3). In a.d. 364 the Nephites successfully defended the city of Teancum against a Lamanite invasion, only to be
driven out a short time later ( a.d. 367). The Lamanite victors offered Nephite women and children prisoners "as sacrifices unto their idol gods" (Morm. 4:6-14).

Temples

Holy places where God may dwell. Individuals typically go to temples to communicate with God, receive instruction from God, make covenants with God, and
participate in ordinances required by God.

The Book of Mormon identifies six types of temples:

1. Temple buildings. The Book of Mormon speaks of temples at the Nephite chief cities of Nephi, Zarahemla, and Bountiful 2 , and it mentions Lamanite temples
(Alma 23:2; 26:29) and other temples in the land of Zarahemla (Alma 16:13). "The manner of the construction [of the temple of Nephi] was like unto the temple of
Solomon" (2 Ne. 5:16). The people of God offered sacrifices in these temples (Mosiah 2:1-3; cf. 2 Ne. 5:10; Alma 30:3) and made covenants (Mosiah 2-6). Prophets
preached repentance and taught the gospel (Jacob 2:2; Alma 16:13), kings sent proclamations "through-out all the land" inviting people to gather at the temple to hear
their words (Mosiah 2:1, 5; 1:18; 7:17), and Jesus appeared to the Nephites at the Bountiful temple (3 Ne. 11).

2. Mountains as temples. The "high mountain" of Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 11:1) and mount Shelem of the brother of Jared 1 (Ether 3:1) can be viewed as natural temples,
resembling such other temple mountains as Sinai, Moriah, and the Mount of Transfiguration, all places where prophets received sacred theophanic experiences .

3. Lehi 1's altar as a temple. Lehi's "altar of stones" was a temporary place of worship that can be considered a temple. Here Lehi "made an offering" (Hebrew
mizbach, "altar," means "a place of sacrifice") and "gave thanks unto the Lord" (1 Ne. 2:7).

4. The heavenly temple. The dwelling place of God in heaven is mentioned in the Book of Mormon (2 Ne. 16:1 // Isa. 6:1; cf. 1 Ne. 1:8; Ps. 11:4; 102:19; Heb. 9;
Rev. 14:17; 16:17).

5. Temple of our bodies. The Bible clearly teaches that men and women can be viewed as temples of God insofar as they are holy, and the Spirit of God dwells in them
(1 Cor. 3:16-17; 6:13-20; 2 Cor. 6:16). The Book of Mormon adds, "The Lord hath said he dwelleth not in unholy temples, but in the hearts of the righteous doth he
dwell" (Alma 34:36; 7:21; Mosiah 2:37); also, the Lord "dwelleth not in unholy temples," such as those who "obey the evil spirit" and become "an enemy to all
righteousness" (Mosiah 2:37; Hel. 4:24).

6. Temple of Christ's body. Isaiah's phrase "sanctify the Lord" in the Hebrew reads "make him a temple , the Lord of Hosts," meaning let the Lord be your temple, your
place of holiness (2 Ne. 18:13-14 // Isa. 8:13-14). The idea is continued in the following sentence: The Lord "shall be for a sanctuary." Other prophets have also
identified the Lord as a "sanctuary" or "temple" (Ezek. 11:16; Ps. 90:1; John 2:18-21; Rev. 21:22). In addition, Jesus Christ is both the temple's "chief corner
stone" (Eph. 2:20; Ps. 118:22) and its "sure foundation" (Jacob 4:16; Hel. 5:12).

Bibliography

Welch, John W. "The Temples in the Book of Mormon: The Temples at the Cities of Nephi, Zarahemla, and Bountiful." Temples of the Ancient World: Ritual and
Symbolism. Edited by Donald W. Parry. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1994. 297- 387.

Parry, Donald W.

Temporal

Pertaining to things physical, earthly, or temporary in nature (1 Ne. 15:32). The Lord blesses the faithful temporally and spiritually (Mosiah 2:41; Alma 7:23). Alma 2
explained that he had come to know the things of God, "not of the temporal" or by reason alone, but by the Spirit of God (Alma 36:4).

See also Law, temporal; Temporal death.

Williams, Clyde James

Temporal death
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                                                                                                                                                             fruit (Alma
12:22-24). The "sting" or effect of temporal death is "swallowed up in Christ" through the resurrection (Mosiah 16:7-8; Alma 22:14; 27:28; Morm. 7:5). Adam and
Eve were not allowed to circumvent death by partaking of the tree of life for, as Alma taught, "it was not expedient that man should be reclaimed from this temporal
Williams, Clyde James

Temporal death

The temporary separation of the mortal body from the spirit. Temporal death was introduced into the world when Adam and Eve partook of the forbidden fruit (Alma
12:22-24). The "sting" or effect of temporal death is "swallowed up in Christ" through the resurrection (Mosiah 16:7-8; Alma 22:14; 27:28; Morm. 7:5). Adam and
Eve were not allowed to circumvent death by partaking of the tree of life for, as Alma taught, "it was not expedient that man should be reclaimed from this temporal
death, for that would destroy the great plan of happiness" (Alma 42:4-9; cf. 2 Ne. 9:6).

See also Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Draper, Richard D.

Ten Commandments

The Ten Commandments were given by the Lord on Sinai and epitomized the whole of the law of Moses in the Bible (Ex. 20; Deut. 5). They were preserved on the
brass plates as Abinadi "read" them to the priests of Noah 3 in their entirety (Mosiah 12:33-13:24). The Ten Commandments were fundamental to the religion of the
Book of Mormon, both before and after the coming of Christ. They were central to the preaching of the Book of Mormon prophets, and the breaking of these
commandments-- particularly murder , adultery, and stealing-is cited as the reason for the destruction of the covenant people in the Book of Mormon (Mosiah 2:13;
Alma 16:18; 50:21; Hel. 6:23; 7:21-22; 13:22), just as in the Old Testament (Hosea 4:1-2; Jer. 7:9; Ezek. 18; 22). Book of Mormon prophets often reminded their
audiences of the Ten Commandments. Nephi 1 warned that those who failed to obey the command-ments not to murder, lie, steal, envy, commit whoredoms, and take
the name of the Lord in vain, would perish (2 Ne. 26:32; cf. 3 Ne. 16:10; Morm. 8:31). Abinadi introduced the Ten Commandments in Mosiah 12 thus: "I know if ye
keep the commandments of God ye shall be saved; yea, if ye keep the commandments which the Lord delivered unto Moses in the mount of Sinai" (Mosiah 12:33).

1. "Thou shalt have no other gods before me" (Ex. 20:3). Allegiance only to God was essential for the survival of the Nephites. Similarly Moroni 2 admonished latter-
day readers to "love God with all your might, mind and strength" (Moro. 10:32; cf. 7:13).

2. "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image. . . . Thou shalt not bow down thyself unto them" (Mosiah 13:12-13). One of the signs of Lamanite degradation
and apostasy was idolatry (Enos 1:20; Mosiah 9:12; Alma 17:15; Morm. 4:14, 21). It was also a sign of apostasy among the Jaredites (Ether 7:23), the Nephites
(Mosiah 11:6-7), and the Zoramites 2 who were led "to bow down to dumb idols" (Alma 31:1). Jacob 2 warned, "Wo unto those that worship idols, for the devil of all
devils delighteth in them" (2 Ne. 9:37); and, the Lord warned those living in the latter days to "repent of your evil doings, of your lyings and deceivings, and of your
whoredoms, and of your secret abominations, and your idolatries" (3 Ne. 30:2).

3. "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain" (Mosiah 13:15). In the Bible and the Book of Mormon solemn oaths were sworn invoking the name of
the Lord. The sacredness of such oaths is well illustrated in the Book of Mormon in the case of Nephi 1 and Zoram 1 . Nephi swore "as the Lord liveth" that Zoram
would be spared and be a free man if he would leave Jerusalem with the family of Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 4:32-33; cf. 3:15). An oath that was made falsely or without righteous
intent would be categorized as taking the name of the Lord in vain (cf. Alma 49:27; Hel. 1:11).

4. "Remember the sabbath day, to keep it holy" (Mosiah 13:16). There are two references to this commandment in the Book of Mormon: Jarom said about the
Nephites, "They observed to keep the law of Moses and the sabbath day holy unto the Lord" (Jarom 1:5), and Alma 1 instructed members of the Church "that they
should observe the sabbath day, and keep it holy" (Mosiah 18:23).

5. "Honor thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee" (Mosiah 13:20). Nephi 1 quoted this commandment
when he chastised Laman 1 and Lemuel (1 Ne. 17:55). Many characters illustrated this commandment through their examples, including such righteous sons as Nephi
1 , Jacob 2 , Enos, Mosiah 2 , Helaman 2 , Shiblon, the stripling warriors of Helaman 2 , and Moroni 2-all of whom honored their parents. On the other hand, the
Book of Mormon provides examples of unrighteous sons who did not honor their parents, such as Laman 1 and Lemuel, who did not repent; and Alma the Younger,
the sons of Mosiah 2 , and Corianton, who did.

6. "Thou shalt not kill" (Mosiah 13:21). The commandment against killing is found throughout the Book of Mormon in many contexts. Satan is the author of secret
combinations , who "hath caused man to commit murder from the beginning" (Ether 8:25; 2 Ne. 26:22). Murder to get gain was the design of the secret combinations
which led to the downfall of the Jaredites and the Nephites. Alma 2 reminded his son Corianton that the worst two sins are "the shedding of innocent blood" and
denying the Holy Ghost (Alma 39:5). The seriousness of this sin is emphasized in several passages in the Book of Mormon (Alma 1:13-14; 34:11-12; 42:19).

7. "Thou shalt not commit adultery" (Mosiah 13:22). In the Book of Mormon "adultery" is often described as "whoredoms." While the term "commit whoredoms" may
cover a broad range of immorality, in many contexts it is clearly synonymous with adultery (2 Ne. 9:36; 26:32; Jacob 2:28, 33; Hel. 6:23). The deadly consequences of
immorality are eloquently discussed by Jacob 2 (Jacob 2:31, 33, 35), by Abinadi (Mosiah 11:20), and by Alma 2 to his son Corianton (Alma 39:3-8, 11; 42:28).
Immorality was a temptation to Book of Mormon peoples and especially characteristic of dissent and secret combinations (Hel. 4:12; 7:5; Alma 30:18; Ether 8:16).
Moreover, it was prophesied as an insidious aspect of the culture of the latter days (2 Ne. 28:14-15; 3 Ne. 16:10; Morm. 8:31).

8. "Thou shalt not steal" (Mosiah 13:22). In the Book of Mormon four different English words are used for stealing: steal, thieve, rob, and plunder. Stealing was the
objective of the secret combinations practiced among the Jaredites and the Nephites (for example, the Gadianton robbers ) which eventually led to their destruction
(Hel. 4:12; 6:23; 7:21).

9. "Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor" (Mosiah 13:23). The phrase "bearing false witness" in the Bible often refers to perjury in a formal legal
proceeding. Its application was probably not confined to such formal proceedings but extended to any untruth told which would injure one's neighbor. The phrase to
"bear false witness against your neighbor" is only mentioned once in the Book of Mormon (Hel. 7:21). It is likely that in the Book of Mormon the terms "lying" and
"deceive" represent this commandment (2 Ne. 26:32; Alma 1:18; 16:18; Hel. 4:12; 3 Ne. 16:10; 21:19; 30:2; Ether 8:16; Morm. 8:31).

10. "Thou shalt not covet" (Mosiah 13:24). Other than Abinadi's reading of the Ten Commandments the Book of Mormon contains only one occurrence of the word
"covet." King Benjamin taught that even those who had little substance should be charitable in their hearts and when asked to give to the poor should say, "I give not
because I have not, but if I had I would give" (Mosiah 4:24). Otherwise, king Benjamin warned, "Ye are condemned . . . for ye covet that which ye have not
received" (Mosiah 4:25). Another word in the Book of Mormon synonymous with "covet" is "envy" (2 Ne. 26:32; Alma 1:32; 5:29; 16:18; Hel. 13:22; 3 Ne. 30:2; 4
Ne. 1:16).

See also Chastity.

Seely, David Rolph
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Teomner
See also Chastity.

Seely, David Rolph

Teomner

A Nephite military officer serving under the command of Helaman 2 (ca. 63 b.c. ). To retake the city of Manti from the Lamanites, Helaman enticed the numerically
superior Lamanite force to come out from the city with their army and pursue the Nephite army into the wilderness. Flanking the pursuers and hidden in the wilderness
were the companies of Teomner and Gid, who slipped behind the Lamanites when they had passed and recaptured Manti (Alma 58:16-23).

That prophet

A reference to Jesus Christ (3 Ne. 20:23). Moses prophesied that after his time, God would raise up a great prophet to whose words the people were to hearken
(Deut. 18:15). He would speak all that God commands, and whoever would not be obedient to him, God "will require it of him" (Deut. 18:18-19). When Peter
paraphrased the prophecy, he added that "every soul, which will not hear that prophet, shall be destroyed from among the people" (Acts 3:23).

The great future prophet became the object of hope and expectation. Among Jews of Jesus' day, the prophet's coming was anticipated alongside that of Elijah and the
Messiah, though the relationship among the three was uncertain in their minds (Mark 6:15; John 1:21-25). Some who witnessed Jesus' ministry believed he was that
prophet (John 6:14); John the Baptist and Peter made the identification explicit (JST John 1:20-29; Acts 3:18, 22-24).

The Book of Mormon adds further evidence that Jesus was the anticipated prophet. Nephi 1 stated, "And now I, Nephi, declare unto you, that this prophet of whom
Moses spake was the Holy One of Israel" (1 Ne. 22:21). The Savior himself said, "Behold, I am he of whom Moses spake, saying: a prophet shall the Lord your God
raise up unto you. . . . And all the prophets from Samuel and those that follow after, as many as have spoken, have testified of me" (3 Ne. 20:23-24). When Moroni 2
first appeared to Joseph Smith, he likewise identified that prophet as Christ, "but the day had not yet come when `they who would not hear his voice should be cut off
from among the people,' but soon would come" (JS-H 1:40; cf. D&C 133:63).

Jackson, Kent P.

Three Nephites

See Nephites, the Three.

Timothy

One of the twelve Nephite disciples called during Christ's ministry in the western hemisphere (3 Ne. 19:4). Earlier, during the great wickedness that preceded Christ's
coming, Timothy was "stoned and suffered death" at the hands of the faithless Nephites, but his brother Nephi 3 miraculously raised him from the dead in the sight of the
people. The miracle angered the people, for they were jealous of Nephi's power (3 Ne. 7:18-20). Timothy was baptized by Nephi, received the Holy Ghost, and was
ministered to by angels and Jesus himself (3 Ne. 19:11-15).

See also Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Tire

See Appendix C.

Tithing

An offering or donation consisting of one- tenth of one's increase. That the Nephites knew of this law is evident from the teaching of Alma 2 that Abraham "paid tithes"
to Melchize-dek "of one- tenth part of all he possessed" (Alma 13:15; cf. D&C 119:4). Furthermore, during his ministry in the Americas, the resurrected Savior quoted
Malachi's teachings on the principle (3 Ne. 24:8-12). It is not known whether or not Book of Mormon peoples lived the law of tithing. They did, however, have "all
things common among them" (indicating that they were living the law of consecration) for nearly two hundred years following the Savior's appearance (4 Ne. 1:3, 25).

Baugh, Alexander L.

Title of liberty

A piece of captain Moroni's coat that he fastened on the end of a pole after writing on it the words: "In memory of our God, our religion, and freedom, and our peace,
our wives, and our children" (Alma 46:12). Moroni "went forth among the people, waving the rent part of his garment in the air, that all might see the writing," in an
effort to rally those faithful to freedom to enter into a covenant to "maintain their rights, and their religion, that the Lord God may bless them" (Alma 46:19-20). This
banner, which was later "hoisted upon every tower which was in all the land" was a call to arms to "all . . . who were desirous to maintain their liberty," to stand against
the dissenter Amalickiah and his followers (Alma 46:28, 36).

Moroni's words and the rending of his coat to make the title of liberty motivated other Nephites to rend their own garments as a covenant that they would not forsake
God-the penalty for so doing being that "the Lord should rend them even as they had rent their garments" (Alma 46:21). Moroni then referred to the ancient coat of
Joseph 1 that was rent by his brothers and cautioned how they too, as their ancestor Joseph, would suffer at the hands of their dissident brethren if they did not keep
the commandments (Alma 46:23-27).

See also Joseph 1 , coat of.

Largey, Dennis L.

Title page

See Book of Mormon, title page of.

Tittle
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See Jot, tittle.
Title page

See Book of Mormon, title page of.

Tittle

See Jot, tittle.

Tongue of angels

Speaking the words of Christ by the power of the Holy Ghost (2 Ne. 32:3). Nephi 1 explained that those who are baptized by water and by fire can "speak with the
tongue of angels" (2 Ne. 31:13). They speak what angels would speak and even what the Savior and Redeemer would speak if personally present (2 Ne. 32:2-3). The
reception of the Holy Ghost is, in a sense, a divine investiture that empowers and directs the utterances and quickens the understanding of those who speak and act in
the name of Deity. A man or woman who speaks with the tongue of angels speaks "not as other men" (JST Matt. 3:25), but "as one having authority from God" (JST
Matt. 7:37). As Jesus explained, the messengers of salvation are sent forth "in the power of my Spirit, preaching my gospel . . . in my name . . . declaring my word like
unto angels of God" (D&C 42:6; cf. Alma 29:1).

Millet, Robert L.

Tower of Babel

See Babel, tower of.

Traffic(k)

See Appendix C.

Transfiguration

A short- term "quickening" or spiritual transformation of the body by the power of the Holy Ghost from a lower to higher state to be able to physically abide the
presence of God and behold spiritual things (D&C 67:11-13). The Book of Mormon uses the term to describe the change that came upon the Three Nephite disciples
who "were changed from this body of flesh," so "that they could behold the things of God" (3 Ne. 28:15). It is not clear from the Book of Mormon text whether this
term is being used synonymously with the more enduring change identified in the scriptures as translation . Examples of transfiguration would include Moses (Ex. 34:29-
35; Moses 1:11), Christ with Peter, James, and John (Matt. 17:1-13), and the apostle Paul (2 Cor. 12:1-4). In contrast, translation refers to the long- term
transformation that gives one power over death for a specific period of time in order to fulfill a special mission (Smith, 170-71), such as John the Beloved and the Three
Nephites (3 Ne. 28:9).

See also Nephites, the Three.

Bibliography

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Top, Brent L.

Transgression

See Sin, transgression.

Translation

A glorified change brought upon select mortals which lengthens their connection with mortality until the time of their resurrection. The Book of Mormon sheds greater
light on this subject than any other book of scripture. Third Nephi chapter twenty- eight contains a detailed account of the Three Nephite disciples who were changed
to translated beings. This account reveals many characteristics of translated beings. For example, they are not subject to pain, sorrow, or Satan (3 Ne. 28:9, 39),
wicked mortal men have no power over them (3 Ne. 28:21-22), and they escape the normal process of death-they do not "taste of death" as other mortals do (3 Ne.
28:7). When their ministries as translated beings have been completed, in a "twinkling of an eye" they experience a change equivalent to death, as they go from a
translated state to a resurrected state (3 Ne. 28:8, 39-40). They are "sanctified in the flesh" and "the powers of the earth [cannot] hold them" (3 Ne. 28:39).

In addition to the Three Nephite disciples, the Book of Mormon suggests the possibility of the translation of Alma 2 , Nephi 2 , and Ether (Alma 45:18-19; 3 Ne. 1:2-
3; 2:9; Ether 15:34). In the days of Enoch and Melchizedek their respective cities were translated because of their righteousness (JST Gen. 14:32-35). Thereafter, only
a few instances of translation have occurred, and most involved a specific purpose. The Prophet Joseph Smith explained that in the world "many have supposed that the
doctrine of translation was a doctrine whereby men were taken immediately into the presence of God, and into an eternal fulness, but this is a mistaken idea. Their place
of habitation is that of the terrestrial order, and a place prepared for such characters [God] held in reserve to be ministering angels. . . . Translated bodies are designed
for future missions" (170, 191). This was the case with Moses and Elijah , who were translated in order that they might bestow certain keys in the meridian of time to
Peter, James, and John on the Mount of Transfiguration (Matt. 17:4).

Concerning translation in the present day Elder Bruce R. McConkie has written, "The Lord ceased translating faithful people. Rather, they were permitted to die and go
into the spirit world, there to perform the ever- increasing work needed in that sphere" (285).

The doctrine of translation is one of the mysteries that has eluded humankind, but it is part of the great restoration of all things and it is found in no greater clarity than in
the Book of Mormon. The Prophet Joseph Smith taught: "The doctrine of translation is a power which belongs to [the Melchizedek] Priesthood. There are many things
which belong to the powers of the Priesthood and the keys thereof, that have been kept hid from before the foundation of the world; they are hid from the wise and
prudent to be revealed in the last times" (170).

See also Nephites, the Three; Sanctified in the flesh; Taste of death; Transfiguration.

Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Bibliography                                                                                                                                               Page 871 / 919
McConkie, Bruce R. The Millennial Messiah: The Second Coming of the Son of Man. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982.
prudent to be revealed in the last times" (170).

See also Nephites, the Three; Sanctified in the flesh; Taste of death; Transfiguration.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. The Millennial Messiah: The Second Coming of the Son of Man. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982.

Smith, Joseph. Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Williams, Clyde James

Translation of the Book of Mormon

See Book of Mormon, translation of.

Transoceanic crossings pre- Columbian

The accounts of transoceanic crossings found in the Book of Mormon are among the great sea-faring tales from ancient literature. The stories of Lehi 1 and his family in
their open boats (1 Ne. 17-18) and the party led by the brother of Jared 1 in their water- tight "barges" (Ether 2:6; 6:4-13) blend teachings on spiritual topics such as
faith, obedience, and endurance, with vivid descriptions of ship building and seamanship that could have been written only by people who had themselves survived the
trials of lengthy sea voyages.

Having spent his entire youth in the land- locked areas of Vermont and New York, Joseph Smith could hardly have invented such stories. Yet many people have
wondered what archaeological or historical evidences support the reality of pre- Columbian transoceanic travel. Did groups of people actually sail from the Old World
to the Americas before the first voyage of Christopher Columbus in 1492?

Even before the publication of the Book of Mormon there was great interest in the young United States about the many curious artifacts settlers were finding, such as
weapons, tools, small works of art, and earthen mounds arranged in ways that suggested fortifications or cities. Because these apparently had not been created by the
native groups who were then living nearby, there was frequent speculation about visitors or colonists from other lands. Over the ensuing century and a half, hundreds of
books and articles have been printed to try either to prove or to discredit claims that Greeks, Romans, Vikings, Phoenicians, Africans, or other peoples sailed from
their homelands to the New World.

Some evidences of early contact are well documented and generally acknowledged as reliable. The Viking settlement at L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland has
yielded house foundations, tools, and remnants of agriculture dating to about a.d. 1000, and most archaeologists accept as fact that Norsemen were settled in the New
World by this time. There is almost as much agreement, based on extensive similarities in such things as artistic representation and weaponry, that there was extensive
communication between China and the northwest coast of North America from very early times.

Other claims are less widely accepted. For example, large, donut- shaped stones found along the coast of California are interpreted by some investigators as anchor
stones and support the contention that Chinese ships traveled much further south. But others claim that these stones were left by nineteenth- century Portuguese whaling
expeditions or are even natural rather than man- made objects. Similar disparity of opinion exists regarding the numerous stones, found widely scattered over the United
States, etched with rows of short vertical lines and angular shapes. These are seen either as records in the Ogam writing system from medieval Ireland or as natural
stones accidentally scratched and gouged by farmers plowing their fields.

Adventurers such as Thor Heyerdahl, with his Kon- Tiki and Ra expeditions, have demonstrated that long ocean voyages could have been made. Other researchers
have studied wind and water currents looking for other routes that might have been exploited by people in drifting crafts or have reconstructed ancient ships and sailing
records, seeking to explore the possibility of travel to and from distant locations.

Scholars have examined the dispersal of the sweet potato, the bottle gourd, and specific varieties of cotton, as well as the chicken, the hairless dog, and other plants
and animals in hopes of understanding if their existence in widely scattered locations is due to natural causes or was the result of intervention by ancient mariners. They
have asked similar questions about diseases and such human inventions as games and musical instruments. For example, tuberculosis, previously thought to be strictly
an Old World ailment, has been found in Peruvian mummies buried long before the arrival of Europeans; the game of pachisi from India is remarkably like the Aztec
game of patolli; the tone scales of ancient Brazilian pan pipes are almost identical to those found in Melanesia; and the poses of figures found in ancient Mayan murals
bear uncanny similarities to the motions of Balinese dancers.

The pyramids found throughout Mexico are reminiscent of the pyramids and ziggurats of the ancient Near East, although the pyramids of Egypt come to an apex; those
of Mexico are truncated, so they can serve as platforms for temples. Egyptian pyramids also were built of solid stone and originally had smooth, white sides; those of
Mexico were built of dirt and rubble, with brightly painted sculptures on their thin stone and plaster veneers. Similarly, although the ziggurats of the Sumerians, like their
visual cousins in the New World, were stepped and flattened for temples, they were not built as memorial tombs for kings, as were those of the Maya.

Among the Maya there are legends of ancestors who "came from the other side of the sea" or "from where the sun rises" ( Annals and Lords, 43, 169-70), but very
few other clues exist to substantiate these stories. They are examples of the problem of the "disappearing foreigners," migrating peoples who may have been assimilated
so thoroughly into the extant cultures they encountered that they simply no longer are seen as a distinct group, and they left behind only the tiniest clues that they ever
even existed. Such were the ancient Israelites whose sojourn in the land of Goshen is described in the scriptures but was completely ignored by contemporary Egyptian
historical accounts.

Thus it can be concluded that there is ample evidence that transoceanic travel not only was possible but also probably took place on a larger scale than previously
thought. Investigators no longer see the oceans as barriers to cultural contact but accept that there was at least the potential for serious, long- distance open- sea travel
in pre- Columbian times by many peoples-from Africa, Asia, the Mediterranean, Scandinavia, and Polynesia.

One must be cautious, however, when trying to relate specific archaeological discoveries that suggest pre- Columbian transoceanic crossings to particulars from the
Book of Mormon, lest conclusions reached exceed the strength of the evidence at hand. Two examples can illustrate this.

The first concerns the Olmec civilization that flourished along the Gulf Coast of Mexico from about 1200 b.c. (or earlier) until a few hundred years before Christ. These
people constructed great earthen mounds and courtyards, often surrounded by stone pillars and maintained by carefully engineered drainage systems. They also left
behind dozens of large carved stones, many of which appear to be portraits of specific individuals.

 Copyright
Some         (c)day
       Latter-   2005-2009,   Infobase
                    Saint researchers   Media
                                      feel       Corp.were the Jaredites. Indeed, one sculpture (Stela 3 from the site of La Venta) shows a rather Semitic-
                                           that these                                                                                                Pagelooking
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with an aquiline nose and a long, pointed beard. But excavations at the site have also revealed several sculptures of human figures that are very Negroid in appearance,
with thick lips and flattened noses, and numerous small artifacts that are very Asiatic in character. Thus although one prominent Olmec art work may be interpreted to
The first concerns the Olmec civilization that flourished along the Gulf Coast of Mexico from about 1200 b.c. (or earlier) until a few hundred years before Christ. These
people constructed great earthen mounds and courtyards, often surrounded by stone pillars and maintained by carefully engineered drainage systems. They also left
behind dozens of large carved stones, many of which appear to be portraits of specific individuals.

Some Latter- day Saint researchers feel that these were the Jaredites. Indeed, one sculpture (Stela 3 from the site of La Venta) shows a rather Semitic- looking man
with an aquiline nose and a long, pointed beard. But excavations at the site have also revealed several sculptures of human figures that are very Negroid in appearance,
with thick lips and flattened noses, and numerous small artifacts that are very Asiatic in character. Thus although one prominent Olmec art work may be interpreted to
suggest contact with the ancient Near East, others may just as likely be seen as suggesting contact with Africa or Asia. But none can inform about the nature or extent
of such contacts, and attempts to link specific Olmec objects to Book of Mormon events or people cannot be directly supported by any of these items alone.

The second example centers on a group of people who lived along the Pacific coast of Gua-temala as early as 1400 b.c. Some suggest that the time and location make
the area around the ancient city of Izapa a potential candidate for a place of occupation by Book of Mormon peoples . The site contains dozens of carved stones that
portray human figures in various activities, the most famous of which is the "Tree of Life" stone (sometimes called the "Lehi Stone" but officially known as Stela 5 ). A
similar but much less complex monument (Stela 67) shows a man in a boat that is floating on top of what appear to be large ocean waves. The man is also holding in
each hand an object that resembles an "ankh," the Egyptian sign of life. While this certainly could represent a Nephite on a trans-oceanic voyage, it would be
inappropriate to reach this conclusion without first giving additional study to all other aspects of the site in particular and of the Izapan art style in general.

The serious investigator should ask, for example, why there are at Izapa so many other monuments that depict scenes that have no parallel to Book of Mormon stories,
such as the one that portrays an alligator that metamorphoses into a tree. Also, while the Olmecs often portrayed what seem to be real persons, the Izapan- style
monuments almost always show people with distorted faces, long noses, animal- like lips or other nonhuman attributes. The scenes appear to be more concerned with
deities or myths than with actual human events. Thus while the image of the man in the boat is certainly fascinating and suggestive, it cannot be uncritically accepted as
an ocean- voyaging Nephite.

In conclusion, artifacts from sites throughout North, Central, and South America attest to numerous transoceanic contacts over hundreds, if not thousands, of years.
Tying any of these specifically to the Book of Mormon may not be possible, but the reality that similar voyages were made by similar people under similar
circumstances cannot be denied. That the Book of Mormon describes such voyages is not a stumbling block or even a distraction, as some have claimed, but rather is a
strength, as it places the scriptural accounts squarely in line with what is known about the ancient world.

See also Archaeology.

Bibliography

The Annals of the Cakchiquels, translated by Adrián Recinos and Delia Goetz, and the Title of the Lords of Totonicapán, translated from Quiche to Spanish by
Dionisio Jose Chonay, English version by Delia Goetz. Bound in 1 vol. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1953.

Sorenson, John L, and Martin H. Raish. Pre- Columbian Contact with the Americas across the Oceans: An Annotated Bibliography. 2d ed. Provo: Research Press,
1996.

Raish, Martin H.

Travail

See Appendix C.

Tree of knowledge of good and evil

One of two trees in the Garden of Eden specifically mentioned in the account of the Fall-the other being the tree of life (Gen. 2:9; Moses 3:9; Abr. 5:9). The tree itself is
not referred to in the Book of Mormon by name, but it is identified by the name of its fruit-the forbidden fruit (2 Ne. 2:15, 18-19; Mosiah 3:26; Alma 12:22; Hel.
6:26). The scriptures do not identify the nature of its fruit. God forbade Adam and Eve to eat or even touch it-warning them that if they did so, they would "surely die."
"Nevertheless," he added significantly, "thou mayest choose for thyself" (Moses 3:16-17; 4:8-9). After Satan tempted Eve, she discovered the fruit was "good for food"
and "pleasant to the eyes," so she ate it and gave some to Adam (Moses 4:10-12).

If Adam and Eve had not partaken, they would have remained in the Garden of Eden indefinitely, they would have had no children, and they could have known no joy
(2 Ne. 2:22-23). But "Adam did fall by the partaking of the forbidden fruit" and "by his fall, all mankind became a lost and fallen people" (Alma 12:22).

See also Cherubim and a flaming sword; Fall of Adam and Eve, the.

Cowan, Richard O.

Tree of life

Term used in the Book of Mormon to represent several related ideas.

1. The love of God (1 Ne. 11:21-22), which is manifested in the condescension of God-the life, ministry, and atonement of Christ (1 Ne. 11). Both Lehi 1 and Nephi 1
beheld the tree of life in a "dream" or "vision" (1 Ne. 8; 11; 15). The tree is described as "precious above all" (1 Ne. 11:9) and possessing beauty that "was far beyond,
yea, exceeding of all beauty; and the whiteness thereof did exceed the whiteness of the driven snow" (1 Ne. 11:8). Its fruit "was desirable to make one happy," "most
sweet, above all," "white, to exceed all . . . whiteness" (1 Ne. 8:10-11), "most precious and most desirable above all other fruits . . . [and] the greatest of all the gifts of
God" (1 Ne. 15:36; cf. Alma 5:34).

2. The tree of life in the Garden of Eden. Alma 2 spoke of this tree in explaining the need for mortals to have an opportunity to repent and prepare to meet God: "And
now behold, if it were possible that our first parents could have gone forth and partaken of the tree of life they would have been forever miserable, having no
preparatory state; and thus the plan of redemption would have been frustrated, and the word of God would have been void, taking none effect" (Alma 12:21-26). Later
Alma testified to his son, "For behold, if Adam had put forth his hand immediately, and partaken of the tree of life, he would have lived forever, according to the word
of God, having no space for repentance; yea, and also the word of God would have been void, and the great plan of salvation would have been frustrated"(Alma 42:2-
6).

3. That which grows from faith. In Alma 32-33, Alma compares the word of God to a seed that is "planted" in the heart of an individual (Alma 32:28). This seed, if it is
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properly nourished with "faith with great diligence, and with patience" will become a "tree of life" or "everlasting life" (Alma 32:40-41; 33:23), having     fruit "which   most
precious, . . . And which is white above all that is white" (Alma 32:42). The description of fruit here recalls the fruit of the tree of life in Lehi's and Nephi's visions.
of God, having no space for repentance; yea, and also the word of God would have been void, and the great plan of salvation would have been frustrated"(Alma 42:2-
6).

3. That which grows from faith. In Alma 32-33, Alma compares the word of God to a seed that is "planted" in the heart of an individual (Alma 32:28). This seed, if it is
properly nourished with "faith with great diligence, and with patience" will become a "tree of life" or "everlasting life" (Alma 32:40-41; 33:23), having fruit "which is most
precious, . . . And which is white above all that is white" (Alma 32:42). The description of fruit here recalls the fruit of the tree of life in Lehi's and Nephi's visions.

See also Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Lehi 1's dream; Stela 5; Tree of knowledge of good and evil; Tree of life in ancient cultures.

Parry, Donald W.

Tree of life in ancient cultures

The great vision given to Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 8) and also later to Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 11-15) contained the tree of life as one of its central features. For the righteous to partake of
the fruit of the tree is to experience the love of God and eternal life (1 Ne. 11:21-22). The unrighteous, however, are "rejected" from the tree of life and its fruit, for they
cannot enjoy the presence of God or his love in their sinful condition (1 Ne. 15:36).

The first mention of the tree of life in the scriptures is in the account of Adam and Eve in Eden. After they disobeyed God by partaking of the fruit of the tree of
knowledge of good and evil , Adam and Eve had to leave Eden. To ensure that they did not return and partake of the fruit of the tree of life, God instructed that the
way to the tree be barred from Adam and Eve and their descendants in a fallen world (Alma 12:21-26).

Nevertheless, neither the memory of the tree nor the desire to partake of its fruit was lost in the succeeding generations of mankind. Ancient cultures maintained the
symbolism of the tree of life as well as an account of man's quest to obtain its fruit. In the famous Mesopotamian epic tale concerning Gilgamesh and his quest for
immortality, the hero undertakes a long journey to find the plant which gives life (Pritchard, 85-97). In another Mesopotamian account, the Myth of Etana, Etana flew
to heaven on an eagle to obtain the plant of life, which he brought to earth to guarantee continued procreation (Pritchard, 114-18).

Egyptian culture is likewise replete with portrayals of the tree of life. In the ancient temple of Heliopolis, a new pharaoh would bow before the sacred persea tree to
receive the life and power of kingship. To each leaf on the tree was attached the name of an ancestor of the pharaoh, as well as the sacred names given to him in
coronation rites, binding his life to that of his progenitors back to the gods. The lotus plant was a well- known symbol of the plant (or tree) of life, symbolizing rebirth
and regeneration after each annual flood of the Nile. In the tomb of Tuthmosis III in the Valley of the Kings, a -well- known illustration of the tree of life shows the king
suckling from a breast drawn on one of the branches of the tree, and the arm of a goddess grows out of the tree to embrace the king. Many ancient Egyptian coffin lids
depict the goddess Nut growing out of the tree of life. She is pouring drink from a pitcher and offering food from a tray, and this is understood as the goddess offering
nourishment and life from the tree of life to a person who is wandering through the dark netherworld journey to eternal life.

From the earliest artistic and literary evidence of ancient Greece, trees of life and their life- giving fruits are often encountered. Such images appear in the sacred palms
on the famous Vapphio cup from ancient Crete, and scenes of Mycenaean art show dancers performing a ritual dance around an altar, out of which is growing the tree
of life with fruit on its branches. Similar scenes could be illustrated over and over again. In later classical Greek sources, the olive tree is often identified as representing
the tree of life given by Athena to Athens as symbol of her love for the city- state and her guardianship of its people.

The Old Testament also contains numerous references to the tree of life, most notably in the symbolism of the menorah, which is acknowledged to represent the tree of
life in the tabernacle and temple of God (Ex. 25:31-40; 2 Chr. 4:7, 20; 1 Enoch 25; Goodenough, 4:72-74, 82-92).

Even the lamps of the menorah filled with olive oil represent the presence and life of God. Anointing with olive oil symbolized partaking of the tree of life, whether in
anointing ancient prophets and kings, or in anointing the sick with a blessing of renewed and restored life. Moreover, the divine titles Messiah and Christ mean "anointed
one" in Hebrew and Greek, respectively, indicating that the Savior is immortal and can grant eternal life. Some early Christian art depicts Jesus crucified on a tree, with
living creatures (including humans) approaching to partake of the Lord, whose body and blood are depicted as the true fruit of the tree of life.

The pervasiveness and symbolism of the tree of life in ancient cultures demonstrates the compatibility of the Book of Mormon with its ancient cultural milieu, and helps
the reader appreciate the great significance of this symbol in Lehi's and Nephi's vision.

See also Fall of Adam and Eve, the; Lehi 1's dream; Nephi 1's vision.

Bibliography

Goodenough, E. R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco- Roman Era. 13 vols. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1953- 68.

Griggs, Wilfred C. "The Tree of Life in Ancient Cultures." Ensign 18 (June 1988): 26- 31.

Pritchard, J. B. Ancient Near Eastern Texts. 3d ed. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1969.

Yarden, Leon. The Tree of Light. Uppsala: Skriv Service, 1972.

Griggs, C. Wilfred

Trees

Only a few references to living trees are found in the Book of Mormon. Both the Nephites and Jaredites obtained materials to build their seagoing vessels from trees
available in the Old World (1 Ne. 18:1-2; Ether 2:17). Alma 1 hid in a thicket of trees near the waters of Mormon (Mosiah 18:5), and the Gadianton robber
Zemnarihah was "hanged upon a tree" (3 Ne. 4:28). Apparently in the days of Helaman 3 trees were very scarce in the land northward. The people there dwelled "in
tents, and in houses of cement," and they protected any tree that "should spring up" in order to have timber for future needs (Hel. 3:9-10).

Although actual living trees are mentioned infrequently in the Book of Mormon, trees are often alluded to in the context of metaphors, similes, allegories, or parables to
teach gospel principles and truths.

In the vision of the tree of life that Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 saw, the tree represents the love of God (1 Ne. 8:10-12, 15-25; 11:4, 7-25), and its fruit symbolizes "the
greatest of all the gifts of God" (1 Ne. 15:36; 11:21-23). Alma 2 reminded the people of Zarahemla of the Lord's invitation to all mortals to partake of the fruit of the
tree of life by coming unto Christ, repenting, and being baptized (Alma 5:34-36, 62). He taught that the tree of life grows from the seed, or from the word of God,
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The Book of Mormon also teaches of the tree of life found in the Garden of Eden. In a blessing pronounced on his son Jacob 2 , Lehi 1 explained that the tree of life
In the vision of the tree of life that Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 saw, the tree represents the love of God (1 Ne. 8:10-12, 15-25; 11:4, 7-25), and its fruit symbolizes "the
greatest of all the gifts of God" (1 Ne. 15:36; 11:21-23). Alma 2 reminded the people of Zarahemla of the Lord's invitation to all mortals to partake of the fruit of the
tree of life by coming unto Christ, repenting, and being baptized (Alma 5:34-36, 62). He taught that the tree of life grows from the seed, or from the word of God,
when it is planted in one's heart and nourished "with much care" in ground that is fertile (Alma 32:37-43; 33:23).

The Book of Mormon also teaches of the tree of life found in the Garden of Eden. In a blessing pronounced on his son Jacob 2 , Lehi 1 explained that the tree of life
existed in opposition to the tree bearing the forbidden fruit (2 Ne. 2:15).

In yet another metaphorical reference to trees, Jacob quoted the allegory of Zenos, in which the house of Israel was likened to an olive tree. The allegory teaches of
events both past and future, in particular the scattering and gathering of the covenant people, by describing how various branches of the tree are cut off, transplanted,
grafted, and restored (Jacob 5; 1 Ne. 10:12-14). Book of Mormon peoples regarded themselves as a branch cut off from the house of Israel (1 Ne. 19:24; Alma
26:36). Their prophets, including Joseph of old, taught that in the latter days the Gentiles would assist them in returning to the covenant and becoming a righteous
branch (1 Ne. 15:7-18; 2 Ne. 3:5-11; 9:53; 10:1-2).

Trees which bring forth good or bad fruit are also used as metaphors for peoples and individuals who bring forth good or bad works. Those bringing forth evil fruit are
warned that they will eventually be hewn down and burned (Alma 5:52; 3 Ne. 14:17-19; cf. Jacob 5).

The remaining references to trees in the Book of Mormon are found in the writings of Isaiah that Nephi copied onto the small plates. Botanical metaphors are common
in Isaiah's writings, and he often used trees to teach of the Messiah and his dealings with the covenant people. Isaiah prophesied that Christ would be a descendant or
"stem of Jesse" (2 Ne. 21:1 // Isa. 11:1; see also D&C 113:1-2). He also likened the pride and haughtiness of men to the cedars of Lebanon and the oaks of Bashan,
the tallest and the most prized trees of their respective regions, with oaks reaching heights of fifty feet and cedars 120 feet. Cedars sometimes measured eight feet in
diameter.

Despite such imposing physical stature, however, Isaiah warned that in "the day of the Lord," such pride and loftiness would be brought down (2 Ne. 12:12-13).

In yet another botanical allusion, Isaiah likened the restoration of the covenant people to the oak and teil, unusually robust trees that cannot be destroyed by merely
chopping them down, for their remaining stumps regenerate the tree by sending forth new shoots. Accordingly, Isaiah taught that a part of Israel would return, and like
the oak and teil, which though eaten or consumed to their substance or stumps, yet contain a seed that can regenerate (2 Ne. 16:13). He indicated that this restored
branch would be both beautiful and fruitful (2 Ne. 14:2). Isaiah also likened men who rejoice at the captivity of Lucifer to the fir and cedar that no longer fear being
hewn down (2 Ne. 24:8). Moreover, he equated the wealth and people of treacherous Assyria to trees in a forest which, after the day of the Lord's vengeance, would
be so few that even a child could count them (2 Ne. 20:18-19).

See also Zenos, allegory of.

Ball, Terry B.

Trial of faith

A period of divine testing of one's confidence in God during which one has the opportunity to demonstrate his faith by obedience and good works, especially when
faced with uncertainty, sacrifice, or adversity. Periods of prosperity may also serve to test faith (Hel. 12:2-3). The Lord may try the faith of his righteous children to
strengthen their trust in him (Mosiah 23:21-22). Moroni 2 taught that "faith is things which are hoped for and not seen; wherefore, dispute not because ye see not, for
ye receive no witness until after the trial of your faith" (Ether 12:6). Thus, God may withhold a blessing for a period of trial, or probation, until a person has proved his
or her faith by obedience. Obedience and good works are an accurate measure of one's actual faith-"faith, if it hath not works, is dead" (James 2:17-22). Moroni
illustrated this principle of trial before witness or blessing by repeating variations of the phrase, "until after they had faith in him" (Ether 12:7-22; italics added). The
Savior, for example, "showed not himself [unto his people] until after their faith" (Ether 12:12). In addition, Moroni declared that the faith of Alma 2 and Amulek
destroyed the prison which confined them (Ether 12:13); the faith of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 "wrought the change upon the Lamanites" (Ether 12:14); "the faith of Ammon
and his brethren" brought about a great Lamanite conversion (Ether 12:15); and the faith of the three Nephite disciples enabled the promise of their translation (Ether
12:17). After citing these examples, Moroni made it clear that "neither at any time hath any wrought miracles until after their faith; wherefore they first believed in the
Son of God" (Ether 12:18). Moroni added that the faith of some was so strong, even before Christ's earthly advent, that they gained a perfect knowledge of that which
they had known only in the Spirit, or with the "eye of faith" (Ether 12:19; cf. 3; 12:20-21).

In teaching Nephite dissenters, Alma 2 also alluded to the principle of trial before blessing: "And because of your diligence and your faith and your patience with the
word in nourishing it, that it may take root in you, behold, by and by ye shall pluck the fruit thereof, which is most precious, which is sweet above all that is
sweet" (Alma 32:41-43).

The trial of faith is God's way of not only testing faith, but also revealing and strengthening faith (Alma 32:27-37; cf. D&C 58:2-4; James 1:3; 1 Pet. 1:7-9).

Thomas, M. Catherine

Tribes

Nephite clans or groups divided according to family, kindred, and friends following the collapse of the Nephite central government (3 Ne. 7:2; a.d. 30). Just before the
death and resurrection of Jesus Christ in the Old World, there was great civil unrest among the Nephites in the New World (3 Ne. 6:27-7:2), and "the regulations of the
government were destroyed" by secret combinations (3 Ne. 7:6-8). The people "divided one against another" and separated into tribes (3 Ne. 7:2). Each tribe had a
"chief" (3 Ne. 7:3) and the laws and government of each tribe varied according to the desires of tribal leadership (3 Ne. 7:11). The tribes came "to an agreement that
they would not go to war one with another" and that "one tribe should not trespass against another" (3 Ne. 7:14).

Although the tribes were enemies "they were united in [their] hatred of those who had entered into a covenant to destroy the government" (3 Ne. 7:11). Their hearts
were also turned from the Lord (3 Ne. 7:7), and "they did stone the prophets and did cast them out from among them" (3 Ne. 7:14). Nephi 3 , however, enjoyed some
success among the tribes, going forth exercising priesthood power and preaching "repentance and remission of sins" through Christ (3 Ne. 7:15-26).

Vernon, Eric E.

True fold

Term referring to the Church of Jesus Christ, a church that carries the Lord's name, teaches his gospel, and manifests the works of the Father (3 Ne. 27:8-10).
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Membership in the true fold, or Church of Christ, was one of the blessings enumerated by Nephi 1 that would come to his latter- day posterity as aPage     875
                                                                                                                                                    result of their/ 919
acceptance of the restored gospel (1 Ne. 15:15, 12-16). The gathering of the Jews and, by extension, all Israel (1 Ne. 15:17, 20; 3 Ne. 29:8; Morm. 5:14) entails
coming into the "true church and fold of God" and being restored to their lands of promise (2 Ne. 9:2).
True fold

Term referring to the Church of Jesus Christ, a church that carries the Lord's name, teaches his gospel, and manifests the works of the Father (3 Ne. 27:8-10).
Membership in the true fold, or Church of Christ, was one of the blessings enumerated by Nephi 1 that would come to his latter- day posterity as a result of their
acceptance of the restored gospel (1 Ne. 15:15, 12-16). The gathering of the Jews and, by extension, all Israel (1 Ne. 15:17, 20; 3 Ne. 29:8; Morm. 5:14) entails
coming into the "true church and fold of God" and being restored to their lands of promise (2 Ne. 9:2).

Jr., Rex C. Reeve

True vine

Jesus Christ (John 15:1). Nephi 1 prophesied that when his latter- day posterity accepted the restored gospel they would receive "strength and nourishment" from the
true vine, who is Christ (1 Ne. 15:12-16; Alma 16:17).

See also True fold.

Jr., Rex C. Reeve

Trump second

See Second trump.

Trust

Term used in a number of senses in the Book of Mormon.

1. Reliance on or confidence in God. The word is used as both a noun and a verb, but with essentially the same meaning: "trust in [God] forever" (2 Ne. 4:34); "trust in
God continually" (Alma 57:27); trust him to assist in overcoming weaknesses and trials: "And when I desire to rejoice, my heart groaneth because of my sins;
nevertheless, I know in whom I have trusted" (2 Ne. 4:19; cf. Alma 36:3, 27); trust in his power (his arm) to help and to deliver: "On mine arm shall they trust" (2 Ne.
8:5; cf. 22:2; Mosiah 7:19; Alma 58:37). Many promises are associated with trusting in God: Alma 2 taught that "whosoever shall put their trust in God shall be
supported in their trials, and their troubles, and their afflictions, and shall be lifted up at the last day" (Alma 36:3, 27-28; cf. Mosiah 4:6-7; 23:22; Alma 38:5). And
Mormon stated that "the Lord in his great infinite goodness doth bless and prosper those who put their trust in him" (Hel. 12:1). After attributing the deliverance of the
repentant people of king Noah 3 to the "interposition of [the] all- wise Creator," Mosiah 2 concluded, "And thus doth the Lord work with his power in all cases among
the children of men, extending the arm of mercy towards them that put their trust in him" (Mosiah 29:19-20; cf. 7:33).

2. Reliance on or confidence in the power or word of man as opposed to the power or word of God. "Cursed is he that putteth his trust in man, or maketh flesh his
arm, or shall hearken unto the precepts of men, save their precepts shall be given by the power of the Holy Ghost" (2 Ne. 28:31; cf. 4:34). Alma 1 , when he was
asked to be king, reminded the people of Helam about the iniquities of king Noah, and warned that they should "trust no man to be a king over [them]" (Mosiah 23:6,
13; cf. 29:13). Alma implied that men cannot be trusted to be as steady and reliable and just as they ought to be (Mosiah 23:7-9, 12; cf. Hel. 12:1). He went on to
teach his people that they should be careful about those they trusted in other capacities: "Trust no one to be your teacher nor your minister, except he be a man of God,
walking in his ways and keeping his commandments" (Mosiah 23:14).

3. Strong belief or confidence. "I trust in Christ that thou wilt be saved" (Moro. 9:22; cf. Mosiah 7:18; 21:19; Alma 7:5-6; 38:2).

4. Charge with possession of, entrust. "Trust not those secret plans unto this people" (Alma 37:32).

Gibbons, Ted L.

Truth

The Book of Mormon speaks of truth as the way things "really" are, "in purity . . . according to the truth which is in God" (Jacob 4:13; 1 Ne. 13:24-25; 14:26; Enos
1:26). Also, Jesus Christ himself, as the embodiment of truth, is spoken of as "the word of truth" (Alma 38:9) and "the light, and the life, and the truth of the
world" (Ether 4:12). Knowing the truth is assured only in and through Christ and the light of Christ.

All who have the truth about a given thing see eye to eye, be they men, angels, or gods (4 Ne. 1:17; 3 Ne. 19:23; cf. D&C 38:27; 50:21-23). On the other hand, error,
which is the opposite of truth, can be infinite; the number of false conceptions possible about a particular truth is numberless. Those who subscribe to error may
sometimes agree with each other, but that agreement does not establish the truth. As God is the agent of truth and oneness, Satan is the agent of error and contention (2
Ne. 2:18; 3 Ne. 11:29).

How to know truth

Through their natural mental capacities and strengthened by the light of Christ, men can learn many truths pertaining to the natural world (2 Ne. 7:11; 9:28-29; Hel.
4:13; 16:15-22). But the truth of God unto salvation can only be known by revelation through the power of the Holy Ghost (Jacob 4:8; Alma 5:45-46; 26:21-22; 36:4-
5). Men begin to know the things of God when they hearken to the "Spirit of Christ [which] is given to every man, that he may know good from evil" (Moro. 7:16).
Those who do not harden their hearts against such promptings are "given the greater portion of the word, until it is given unto him to know the mysteries of God until he
know them in full. And they that will harden their hearts, to them is given the lesser portion of the word until they know nothing concerning his mysteries" (Alma 12:10-
11; cf. D&C 84:46-48). Alma 2 assured the Zoramites 2 that if they would "exercise a particle of faith," perhaps beginning with "no more than [a] desire to believe,"
and "experiment" upon the word of God with faith, diligence, and patience, they would come to know the truth of God's word (Alma 32:27-43). Moroni 2 promised
that anyone who would read the Book of Mormon, ponder the mercies of God unto the children of men, and pray "with a sincere heart, with real intent, having faith in
Christ" would know the truth of the Book of Mormon "by the power of the Holy Ghost" (Moro. 10:3-4). He added, "And by the power of the Holy Ghost ye may
know the truth of all things" (Moro. 10:5). Alma noted that "his brethren in the Lord," the sons of Mosiah 2 , "waxed strong in the knowledge of the truth" because "they
had searched the scriptures diligently . . . given themselves to much prayer, and fasting; therefore they had the spirit of prophecy, and the spirit of revelation" (Alma
17:2-3).

Stances concerning truth
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Among the children of men there are different stances relative to truth, including (1) being in harmony with the things of God, to "love the truth" andPage   876it/ with
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gladness" (e.g., 2 Ne. 9:40; 28:28); (2) some others are simply ignorant of the truth and are not held accountable for what they do not know (Mosiah 15:24); (3) some
are not without knowledge, but are at the moment not in harmony with the things of God, are not hearkening to heavenly promptings, and so have erroneous opinions
17:2-3).

Stances concerning truth

Among the children of men there are different stances relative to truth, including (1) being in harmony with the things of God, to "love the truth" and "receive[th] it with
gladness" (e.g., 2 Ne. 9:40; 28:28); (2) some others are simply ignorant of the truth and are not held accountable for what they do not know (Mosiah 15:24); (3) some
are not without knowledge, but are at the moment not in harmony with the things of God, are not hearkening to heavenly promptings, and so have erroneous opinions
and attitudes (e.g., Alma 10:1-10); (4) some, being wicked and "of the spirit of the devil" (2 Ne. 33:5), become angry at the truth because it exposes their wickedness
and "cutteth them to the very center" (e.g., 1 Ne. 16:2; cf. 2 Ne. 9:40; Mosiah 13:4, 7); (5) some are deliberately submissive to Satan, having a sense of truth, but
professing lies to others, even coming to believe those lies them selves (e.g., Alma 30:52-53). The gospel of Jesus Christ invites all men to forsake the last four of these
stances and come to the first, to "come unto Christ, and be perfected in him," for "redemption cometh in and through the Holy Messiah; for he is full of grace and
truth" (Moro. 10:32-33; 2 Ne. 2:6, 10).

Witnesses of the truth of the Book of Mormon

Concerning its own divine origin and truthfulness, the Book of Mormon affirms the long-standing principle that "in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word may
be established" (Matt. 18:16). Very early in the record readers learn that the metal plates on which was engraved the text of the Book of Mormon would "be hid from
the eyes of the world, that the eyes of none shall behold it save it be that three witnesses shall behold it, by the power of God" (2 Ne. 27:12; Ether 5:2-4). In addition
to these three special witnesses who would view the plates "by the power of God," the Lord promised to provide for "a few," even "as many witnesses as seemeth him
good," to also see the plates and thereafter "testify to the truth of the book and the things therein" (2 Ne. 27:12-14).

All will acknowledge the truth or be cast out

In the life to come eventually all will see the truth and acknowledge the justice and goodness of God. They will then also see the truth about Satan if they have not come
to it before, and will lament any service given him in mortality. Any who absolutely refuse to acknowledge and submit to the truth will be "cast out" (Mosiah 16:1-5) and
"inherit the kingdom of the devil" (Alma 41:4-5; cf. Mosiah 27:31; Alma 12:15; 34:35; 40:26).

See also Good, concept of.

Riddle, Chauncey C.

Tubaloth

Lamanite king and son of Ammoron (Hel. 1:16; ca. 51 b.c. ). Because he wanted to gain power over the Nephites, Tubaloth incited the wrath of his armies against
them and appointed Coriantum r 3 , a Nephite dissenter, to lead his forces in a bold assault against Zarahemla (Hel. 1:14-17). Aided by internal discord among the
Nephites, the Lamanites captured the city of Zarahemla, but then lost it to the forces of Lehi 3 and Moronihah 1 (Hel. 1:18-33).

Twelve Apostles records of the

See Records of the Twelve Apostles.

-Twenty- four gold plates

See Plates of Ether.

Two churches only

See Great and abominable church.

Two rims of a bow

See Urim and Thummim.

Types

A person, thing, or event that prophetically foreshadows another person, thing, or event of greater magnitude. In the scriptures the terms type, similitude , likeness,
figure, and shadow may be used interchangeably. Nephi 1 taught that "all things which have been given of God from the beginning of the world, unto man, are the
typifying of him [Christ]" (2 Ne. 11:4). Further, the Lord taught Adam at his baptism that "all things have their likeness, and all things are created and made to bear
record of me" (Moses 6:63). Thus the number of types and likenesses in the gospel is inexhaustible.

Types can be seen in gospel ordinances, the law of Moses , historical events, objects, and even in the lives of people (i.e., the prophets).

Gospel ordinances as types

The ordinances of baptism and the sacrament are types which point to Christ and his redeeming work, the former symbolizing rebirth through the Atonement (2 Ne.
31:13, 17; Mosiah 27:25; Moses 6:59-60; Rom. 6:4), and the latter representing Christ's broken body and spilt blood in atoning for sin and overcoming death (3 Ne.
18:7, 11; Moro. 4; 5).

Law of Moses as a type

The law of Moses itself, with all of its performances and ordinances served as a prophetic foreshadowing of the coming atonement of Jesus Christ. Mormon wrote that
the Nephites "did look forward to the coming of Christ, considering that the law of Moses was a type of his coming" (Alma 25:15). Thus, Abinadi taught, "If ye teach
the law of Moses, also teach that it is a shadow of those things which are to come" (Mosiah 16:14; 13:28; cf. 2 Ne. 11:4; Jacob 4:5; Alma 34:14). An example of
Mosaic ordinances was sacrifices , which typified or pointed to the "great and last sacrifice," Jesus Christ, who "offereth himself a sacrifice for sin" (Alma 34:14; 2 Ne.
2:7; Moses 5:5-8).

Historical
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The departure of Lehi 1 from the wicked city of Jerusalem, his journey in the wilderness, his dependence upon divine guidance to achieve his destination, and his being
promised a land of inheritance "choice above all other lands" (1 Ne. 2:20; 2 Ne. 1:3-5) conditional upon obedience, can be viewed as a type of the journey all people
the law of Moses, also teach that it is a shadow of those things which are to come" (Mosiah 16:14; 13:28; cf. 2 Ne. 11:4; Jacob 4:5; Alma 34:14). An example of
Mosaic ordinances was sacrifices , which typified or pointed to the "great and last sacrifice," Jesus Christ, who "offereth himself a sacrifice for sin" (Alma 34:14; 2 Ne.
2:7; Moses 5:5-8).

Historical events as types

The departure of Lehi 1 from the wicked city of Jerusalem, his journey in the wilderness, his dependence upon divine guidance to achieve his destination, and his being
promised a land of inheritance "choice above all other lands" (1 Ne. 2:20; 2 Ne. 1:3-5) conditional upon obedience, can be viewed as a type of the journey all people
must make to achieve the celestial kingdom (1 Ne. 17:13-14; cf. Ether 1:38-42; 2:7). To receive an inheritance in God's kingdom, one must depart or separate from
wickedness and then travel the gospel path throughout life, relying upon the Lord's guidance and being obedient to his commandments (2 Ne. 31:20; Moro. 10:32).

The coming of Christ to the Nephites and Lamanites was a type, or foreshadowing, of his second coming to the world. The escalation of pride and wickedness among
the Nephites before Christ's coming, the destructions that attended Christ's coming in consequence of that wickedness, and the period of peace that followed, all
shadow what latter- day people can anticipate. President Ezra Taft Benson taught, "In the Book of Mormon we find a pattern for preparing for the Second Coming. A
large part of the book centers on the few decades just prior to Christ's coming to America. By careful study of that time period, we can determine why some were
destroyed in the terrible judgments that preceded His coming and what brought others to stand at the temple in the land of Bountiful 2 and thrust their hands into the
wounds of His hands and feet" (Benson, 20-21).

The nearly two hundred years of peace among the children of Lehi following Christ's coming could be viewed as a type of the millennial reign of Christ and the peace
that will attend that period of time. All social turmoil and class distinction, as well as major sins, were eliminated (4 Ne. 1:1-18). The Father and the Son rejoiced in the
people of that generation, because none of them would be lost (3 Ne. 27:30-31). The people's decline after this era of peace typifies the denying of God by some and
Satan's being loosed at the end of the Millennium (4 Ne. 1:24-26; D&C 29:22; cf. Jacob 5:77).

Samuel the Lamanite prophesied the sign of a "day and a night and a day" of light in the New World, heralding the birth of Christ in the Old World (Hel. 14:4, 20). This
light is seen as typifying Christ, or the light of the world, coming into the world to be the Redeemer. Similarly, the sign of three days of darkness in the New World at his
death could typify that Christ, the light of the world, was taken from the world because of the wickedness of men (Hel. 14:20). For additional references to historical
types, see Ether 13:6-7; Exodus 12:7, 12-13; Numbers 20:8; 21:8.

Objects as types

Nephi 2 taught that the brazen serpent was a type of the atonement of Christ. To save the people from the fiery flying serpents that were biting them, Moses lifted up a
brazen serpent on a pole. If the people would simply look at the raised serpent they could be healed; likewise, if humankind looks to Christ, or comes unto Christ in
faith, they can receive eternal life (Hel. 8:14-15; John 3:14-15).

The tree of life was also a type for Christ (1 Ne. 11:11-33). When one partakes of the tree of life, or applies the Atonement, "it shall be a tree springing up unto
everlasting life" (Alma 32:27-43). The Nephite Liahona was a type of the "words of Christ." In comparing the guidance of the Liahona with the words of Christ, Alma 2
said to his son Helaman 2 , "These things are not without a shadow. . . . Is there not a type in this thing? For just as surely as this director did bring our fathers, by
following its course, to the promised land, shall the words of Christ, if we follow their course, carry us . . . into a far better land of promise [the celestial
kingdom]" (Alma 37:38-47).

Rock , which is solid and provides a firm foundation, in contrast to sand, which can be easily washed away in a storm, serves as a type for Christ (3 Ne. 14:24-27;
Moses 7:53; 1 Cor. 10:4). Helaman 3 taught his sons that Christ is the rock upon which people must build to have "a sure foundation" (Hel. 5:12).

Prophets as types

The lives of prophets can be seen as types of Christ. For example, Abinadi's arraignment before king Noah 3 and the wicked priests, and his execution following a
corrupt trial wherein he denounced the people's wickedness and revealed the true role of the Messiah, was similar to, or in the likeness of, future events in the life of
Christ (Mosiah 7:26-28; Mark 14:60-64). The man Melchizedek typified Christ, the preeminent king of righteousness and prince of peace (Isa. 9:6; Luke 22:29). The
name Melchizedek means "king of righteousness," and because he brought peace to his people "he was called the prince of peace" (Alma 13:18; cf. JST Gen. 14:36).
More-over, Melchizedek "did reign under his father" (Alma 13:18), just as Christ followed his father's instructions (John 5:30; 15:1). The raising of Timothy from the
dead by Nephi 3 and the people's reaction to this miracle is similar to the raising of Lazarus by Jesus and the subsequent response of the Jews. This incident can be
seen as typifying the power of God to raise all men from the grave (3 Ne. 7:17-20; John 12:9-11).

See also Book of Mormon, as literature.

Bibliography

Benson, Ezra Taft. A Witness and a Warning. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988.

Norman, Robert James

Typifying

See Types.

U
Unbelief

Rejection or skepticism concerning some idea, doctrine, person, tenet, etc. Unbelief is the antithesis of belief . In the Book of Mormon the term is usually used in
reference to a rejection of God, his son Jesus Christ, and/or the gospel of Jesus Christ.

Such unbelief often results from pride and rebellion, and is promoted by Satan and those who follow him (e.g., Alma 30:53; 46:7; 3 Ne. 1:22; 2:2-3; 4 Ne. 1:34, 38;
cf. 1 Ne. 12:17; Moro. 7:17). Frequently it is associated or in consequence of materialism and wickedness (e.g., Alma 7:6; 3 Ne. 21:5). Unbelief can also be
developed gradually; for example, in Helaman 3's day, "the church had begun to dwindle; and they began to disbelieve" because of iniquity (Hel. 4:23). Unbelief may
also be the result of false traditions and teachings of parents, as was typically the case with the Lamanites (e.g., Jacob 3:7; Mosiah 10:12-17; cf. 4 Ne. 1:38). The Lord
promised to "be merciful" to the Lamanites and eventually grant them an opportunity to be restored "again to the knowledge of the truth" (e.g., Alma 9:16-17; Hel.
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15:11, 15-16).

Unbelief in Christ and his gospel can lead one to commit serious sins. For example, those afflicted with this spiritual malady may reject the teachings of God's prophets
cf. 1 Ne. 12:17; Moro. 7:17). Frequently it is associated or in consequence of materialism and wickedness (e.g., Alma 7:6; 3 Ne. 21:5). Unbelief can also be
developed gradually; for example, in Helaman 3's day, "the church had begun to dwindle; and they began to disbelieve" because of iniquity (Hel. 4:23). Unbelief may
also be the result of false traditions and teachings of parents, as was typically the case with the Lamanites (e.g., Jacob 3:7; Mosiah 10:12-17; cf. 4 Ne. 1:38). The Lord
promised to "be merciful" to the Lamanites and eventually grant them an opportunity to be restored "again to the knowledge of the truth" (e.g., Alma 9:16-17; Hel.
15:11, 15-16).

Unbelief in Christ and his gospel can lead one to commit serious sins. For example, those afflicted with this spiritual malady may reject the teachings of God's prophets
and missionaries (e.g., 1 Ne. 2:13; Alma 21:6-8; Hel. 16:2, 6, 20; Ether 9:29), refuse to repent (e.g., Alma 15:15), and deny the existence of God or Christ (Alma
30:48; 31:16-17; Ether 4:12). They may be reluctant to look to God and recognize his works (e.g., Alma 33:20; 44:9; cf. 2 Ne. 32:7; Alma 32:28). They may demand
signs to prove God's existence (e.g., Alma 30:48; cf. Jacob 7:13; Alma 32:17), teach their children and others to believe falsehoods (e.g., Alma 1:2-6; 30:12-53; 4
Ne. 1:38), and persecute believers (e.g., Mosiah 17:15; Alma 14:7-11; 15:1; 4 Ne. 1:29).

Such unbelief limits one's ability to understand the word of God (e.g., Mosiah 26:3; 3 Ne. 15:18; cf. 1 Ne. 15:7-11) and acts like a dark veil (e.g., Alma 19:6; cf. Ether
4:15). God's covenants, revelations, scriptures, miracles, power, and gifts may be withheld because of this kind of unbelief (2 Ne. 30:2; 3 Ne. 19:35; 26:10; Morm.
1:14; 9:20; Ether 4:3, 13-15; Moro. 10:19, 24; cf. Alma 12:9-11; 3 Ne. 16:4, 7), and thus those in such a state of "darkness" and iniquity are left to "dwindle in
unbelief" (Alma 45:12; cf. 1 Ne. 10:11; 12:22-23; 2 Ne. 1:10; Alma 45:10). Ultimately, those who refuse to believe will face fear (e.g., 3 Ne. 1:16-18), destruction
(e.g., Hel. 4:20-25; Ether 12:3), and damnation (2 Ne. 9:24).

See also Hard-heartedness; Stiffnecked, stiff-neckedness.

Ball, Terry B.

Uncircumcised of heart

Term used by Jacob 2 and Nephi 2 to describe those unwilling to yield their hearts in obedience to God (2 Ne. 9:33; Hel. 9:21). God gave Abraham the ordinance of
circumcision as a sign of the covenant he established with him and reestablished with Moses (Gen. 17:11; Lev. 12:3). The removal of a male's foreskin was the outward
sign of acceptance of, and willingness to be obedient to this covenant. Those who were circumcised in the flesh but broke the conditions of the covenant could be
viewed as uncircumcised of heart (Rom. 2:25-29).

See also Law of circumcision.

Draper, Richard D.

Undaunted

See Appendix C.

Unpardonable sin

The sin of denying the Holy Ghost. Alma 2 taught his son Corianton that this sin is an unpardonable sin (Alma 39:5-6). Those guilty of this sin will be sons of perdition
and will be cast into outer darkness with Satan and his followers, as there is no forgiveness for them in this world nor in the world to come. They deny the truth and
defy God's power after receiving it (D&C 76:25-46). Sherem, the anti-Christ, expressed concern that he had committed the unpardonable sin when he "lied unto God"
by denying the Christ (Jacob 7:19). For one to deny the Holy Ghost, "he must receive the Holy Ghost, have the heavens opened unto him, and know God, and then sin
against him. After a man has sinned against the Holy Ghost, there is no repentance for him. He has got to say that the sun does not shine while he sees it; he has got to
deny Jesus Christ when the heavens have been opened unto him, and to deny the plan of salvation with his eyes open to the truth of it; and from that time he begins to
be an enemy" (Smith, Church, 6:314). The Prophet Joseph Smith also taught that "a man cannot commit the unpardonable sin after the dissolution of the
body" ( Teachings, 357). This sin "requires such knowledge that it is manifestly impossible for the rank and file to commit such a sin" (Kimball, 23).

See also Spiritual death.

Bibliography

Kimball, Spencer W. Teachings of Spencer W. Kimball. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1982.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

--- . Teachings of the Prophet Joseph Smith. Selected by Joseph Fielding Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1976.

Garrett, Henry Dean

Urim and Thummim

Two stones prepared by the Lord for interpreting languages (Mosiah 28:13-14) and the instrument through which Joseph Smith translated the Book of Mormon
(Smith, Church, 4:537). In Hebrew, the term "urim and thummim" literally means "lights and perfections," referring to the stones' ability to bring to light hidden things of
the past (Alma 37:23). These stones, or "interpreters," as the Book of Mormon calls them (Mosiah 8:13; 28:20; Alma 37:21; Ether 4:5), were originally given to the
brother of Jared 1 , who was commanded to seal them up with his record as a means of translating the same (Ether 3:23-24). The Nephite king Mosiah 2 possessed a
Urim and Thummim, the origin of which is not specified in the text (Mosiah 8:13; Omni 1:20). Mosiah used them to translate the twenty- four gold plates containing the
history of the Jaredites (Mosiah 28:11-13). Joseph Smith possessed the stones that had been given to the brother of Jared (D&C 17:1).

Mormon described the Urim and Thummim as "two stones which were fastened into the two rims of a bow," having been "prepared from the beginning, and were
handed down from generation to generation, for the purpose of interpreting languages; and . . . discover[ing] to every creature who should possess the land the
iniquities and abominations of [the Lord's] people" (Mosiah 28:13-15; cf. Alma 37:23-25). Ammon 1 taught that only select individuals, called "seers," were allowed to
use these stones, lest someone "should look for that he ought not and he should perish" (Mosiah 8:13).

Joseph Smith learned of the stones' existence the night of 21 September 1823 from Moroni 2 , then a resurrected being, who told him that when he should obtain them,
he should show them only to those to whom he should be commanded to show them (JS-H 1:42). Joseph first saw the Urim and Thummim the following day (JS-H
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1:52), and obtained them and the plates four years later (JS-H 1:59).                                                                          Page 879 / 919

Joseph Smith described the Urim and Thummim as a "curious instrument . . . which consisted of two transparent stones set in the rim of a bow fastened to a breast
use these stones, lest someone "should look for that he ought not and he should perish" (Mosiah 8:13).

Joseph Smith learned of the stones' existence the night of 21 September 1823 from Moroni 2 , then a resurrected being, who told him that when he should obtain them,
he should show them only to those to whom he should be commanded to show them (JS-H 1:42). Joseph first saw the Urim and Thummim the following day (JS-H
1:52), and obtained them and the plates four years later (JS-H 1:59).

Joseph Smith described the Urim and Thummim as a "curious instrument . . . which consisted of two transparent stones set in the rim of a bow fastened to a breast
plate" (Smith, Church, 4:537; cf. JS-H 1:35). Lucy Mack Smith described the instrument as "consist[ing] of two smooth three- cornered diamonds set in glass, and the
glasses were set in silver bows, which were connected with each other in much the same way as old fashioned spectacles" ( Sketches, 101). David Whitmer also
compared the Urim and Thummim to a pair of eyeglasses, but noted that "the bow between the stones was more heavy, and longer apart between the stones, than we
usually find it in spectacles" (Cook, 23). The breastplate upon which this was fastened, Lucy reported, "was concave on one side, and convex on the other, and
extended from the neck downwards, as far as the centre of the stomach of a man of extraordinary size" ( Sketches, 107). The "spectacles" were attached to the
breastplate, according to William Smith, "by a rod which was fastened at the outer shoulde[r] edge of the breastplate. . . . This rod was just the right length so that
when the Urim and thummim was removed from before the eyes it woul<d> reac<h> to a pocked [pocket?] on the left side of the breastplate where the instrument
was kept when not in use" (Vogel, 1:508-9). As to the manner in which these stones were "set in two rims of a bow," William reported that "a silver bow ran over one
stone, under the other, arround [ sic ] over that one and under the first in the shape of a horizontal figure 8 much like a pair of spectacles. . . . [T]hey were much too
large for Joseph and he could only see through one at a time using sometimes one and sometimes the other" (Vogel, 1:508).

Joseph used the Urim and Thummim to translate some of the characters on the plates between December 1827 and February 1828, prior to Martin Harris's taking
copies of some of the characters with their translation to Professor Charles Anthon (JS-H 1:62-65). After Joseph lent Martin 116 pages of manuscript to show his wife
and four others, Moroni appeared and took the instrument from Joseph "in consequence of my having wearied the Lord in asking for the privilege of letting Martin
Harris take the writings"(Smith, Church, 1:21). Shortly after Martin lost the 116 pages, Moroni returned the Urim and Thummim to Joseph long enough for him to
receive what is now Doctrine and Covenants 3, then again took the instrument into his custody. Moroni returned the stones to Joseph "in a few days" (Smith, Church,
1:23), after which time they remained with Joseph until the Book of Mormon was translated. See Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages).

In addition to translating the Nephite record, Lucy Mack Smith reported that Joseph was able to receive visions through the Urim and Thummim, as well as "ascertain,
at any time, the approach of danger, either to himself or the Record" (Smith, Joseph Smith, 110). Joseph also used the instrument to inquire of the Lord on behalf of
various individuals (D&C 6; 11; 14; 17 headings), and to learn "whether John, the beloved disciple, tarried in the flesh or had died" (D&C 7 heading). After Joseph
"had accomplished by them what was required," he again delivered the stones to Moroni (JS-H 1:60).

A Urim and Thummim was also kept in the pocket of the breastplate worn by the high priest in Old Testament Israel (Ex. 28:30; Lev. 8:8). This Urim and Thummim
was also apparently used for receiving revelation from the Lord (e.g., Num. 27:21; 1 Sam. 28:6).

See also Book of Mormon, translation of; Seer stone.

Bibliography

Cook, Lyndon W., ed. David Whitmer Interviews: A Restoration Witness. Orem: Grandin Book, 1993.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Smith, Lucy Mack. Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith, the Prophet, and His Progenitors for Many Generations. Liverpool: S. W. Richards, 1853.

--- . History of Joseph Smith by His Mother. Edited by Preston Nibley. Salt Lake City: Stevens & Wallis, 1945.

Vogel, Dan, ed. Early Mormon Documents. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1996- 2000.

Hedges, Andrew H.

V
Vain repetitions

Useless or meaningless phrases. The Savior warned against the use of vain repetitions in prayer, especially when spoken to impress others rather than to communicate
with God or when repeatedly uttered in the hope that frequent repetition would cause them to be heard (3 Ne. 13:5-7). Amulek also suggested that prayers are "vain"
when an individual's actions do not reflect his or her supplications (Alma 34:28). Thus Mormon taught that unless a person prays "with real intent . . . it profiteth him
nothing, for God receiveth none such" (Moro. 7:9).

Strathearn, Gaye

Vale

See Appendix C.

Verily

See Appendix C.

Vessels of the Lord

During his visit to the New World, the Savior quoted Isaiah, "Depart ye, depart ye, go ye out from thence . . . ; be ye clean that bear the vessels of the Lord" (3 Ne.
20:41; cf. Isa. 52:11). In Isaiah "vessels of the Lord" refers to the vessels of the temple which were captured by the Babylonians when they destroyed Jerusalem and
the temple in 586 b.c. (2 Kgs. 25:13-16). The vessels remained in Babylon until Cyrus captured Babylon and allowed the Jews to take them back to Jerusalem and to
install them in their rebuilt temple (Ezra 1:7-11). The phrase "be ye clean" refers to the necessity of those who would bear the vessels of the temple to be worthy and
ritually pure. This event established a scriptural type of leaving Babylon to go to Zion which the Savior used in the Book of Mormon and in the Doctrine and Covenants
toCopyright
   refer to the
              (c)gathering of Israel
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133:5, 14), where they were to build a temple (D&C 84:1-5). Following the metaphor of ancient Israel leaving Babylon to rebuild their temple, the phrase "vessels of
the Lord" in the context of the Restoration may be an allusion to the sacred work the Saints are called to do in building up the kingdom in the latter days (D&C 38:41-
42).
20:41; cf. Isa. 52:11). In Isaiah "vessels of the Lord" refers to the vessels of the temple which were captured by the Babylonians when they destroyed Jerusalem and
the temple in 586 b.c. (2 Kgs. 25:13-16). The vessels remained in Babylon until Cyrus captured Babylon and allowed the Jews to take them back to Jerusalem and to
install them in their rebuilt temple (Ezra 1:7-11). The phrase "be ye clean" refers to the necessity of those who would bear the vessels of the temple to be worthy and
ritually pure. This event established a scriptural type of leaving Babylon to go to Zion which the Savior used in the Book of Mormon and in the Doctrine and Covenants
to refer to the gathering of Israel in the latter days. In a revelation in the Doctrine and Covenants the Saints were called to leave Babylon and gather to Zion (D&C
133:5, 14), where they were to build a temple (D&C 84:1-5). Following the metaphor of ancient Israel leaving Babylon to rebuild their temple, the phrase "vessels of
the Lord" in the context of the Restoration may be an allusion to the sacred work the Saints are called to do in building up the kingdom in the latter days (D&C 38:41-
42).

Metaphorically, this phrase is also used to refer to "chosen" servants of the Lord (Moro. 7:31).

See also Isaiah chapter reviews (3 Ne. 20:32-45 // Isa. 52:1-3, 6-15); Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c.

Seely, David Rolph

View his death

To visualize the atonement of Jesus Christ and ponder upon his sacrifice (Jacob 1:8). While latter- day people are admonished to "always remember" Christ, faithful
Nephites were to "look forward" to his coming (Jarom 1:11) and could receive the benefits of his future Atonement "as though he had already come among
them" (Mosiah 3:13). Jacob 2's invitation to "view his death" (Jacob 1:8) can be an antidote against sin, because of the difficulty of proceeding in sin while
simultaneously visualizing the suffering of Christ for those sins.

Johnson, Stanley A.

View of the Hebrews

A book written by the Reverend Ethan Smith (1762-1849) that some since 1902 have suggested may have been a source for the Book of Mormon because it argues
that the American Indians are the lost tribes of Israel. View of the Hebrews (1823; 2d expanded edition, 1825) was one of many books and pamphlets on religious
topics published by the Reverend Smith between 1800 and 1839. He lived and ministered mostly in Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts.

The 1825 expanded second edition of View of the Hebrews is divided into four chapters, a conclusion, and an appendix. The first chapter, "The Destruction of
Jerusalem," relies heavily on predictions of the coming destruction found in the Bible and the descriptions of its having happened found in the Wars of the Jews by
Josephus. The second chapter, "The Certain Restoration of Judah and Israel," argues for that restoration, primarily from the Bible. In the third and longest chapter, "The
Present State of the Jews, and of Israel," Reverend Smith presented ideas and information about what the American Indians said they believed about themselves, their
history, language, religion, and customs. He obtained this information by reading almost everything that had been published on the subject, which was impressively
broad; however, he relied most heavily on James Adair's History of the American Indians (1775), and Elias Boudinot's Star in the West (1814). The fourth chapter,
"An Address of the Prophet Isaiah, Relative to the Restoration of His People," is the Reverend Smith's exposition of the eighteenth chapter of Isaiah and his call to
Christianity to carry the gospel of salvation to the American Indians, who he said were the lost tribes of Israel.

Parts of the third chapter are most often said to be a source for the Book of Mormon. One argu-ment is that both books identify the American Indians as children of
Israel; yet, where Reverend Smith stated that the Israelites all traveled to the American continent by migrating as a group north and east through Russia and crossing
over the Bering Strait land bridge, the Book of Mormon speaks of two boat migrations under the direction of the Lord. Where Reverend Smith spoke of the American
Indians as all of the lost tribes of Israel, the Book of Mormon identifies Lehi's family as stemming from Joseph 1's son Manasseh (Alma 10:3). Both books speak of a
white leader who lived among the people, but Reverend Smith said that this leader lived with them for twenty years and called him a Moses; the Book of Mormon says
that it was the resurrected Christ who visited them for a short time and then left. Where Joseph Smith, according to Emma Smith, did not know there was a wall around
Jerusalem until he translated that information from the Book of Mormon plates, the Reverend Smith described Jerusalem's three walls in some detail (Briggs, 454). He
also spoke of the Indian legend of a record book that was lost; Joseph Smith said the Book of Mormon is a translation of a buried record revealed by a holy angel.
Both books speak of a division among the people into a good group and an evil group and note that the evil group won out over the good one. The Book of Mormon
notes this is what had happened by a.d. 421; the Reverend Smith did not give a date but seemed to favor a much later time. Even in any similarities, View of the
Hebrews and the Book of Mormon show such significant differences that it cannot be logically argued that the latter came from the former.

See also Book of Mormon, opposition to.

Bibliography

Adair, James. History of the American Indians. 1775.

Boudinot, Elias. Star in the West. 1814.

Briggs, Edmond C. "A Visit to Nauvoo in 1856." Journal of History 9 (January 1916): 454.

Smith, Ethan. View of the Hebrews: 1825 2d Edition. Edited with an Introduction by Charles D. Tate Jr. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young
University, 1996.

Jr., Charles D. Tate

Virgin

Used in the Book of Mormon with reference to Mary, in prophecies of the birth of Christ (1 Ne. 11:13, 15, 18, 20; 2 Ne. 17:14; Alma 7:10). These passages do not
define the word. The Hebrew word ` alm a_ACCENTf8ACCENT_h in Isaiah's Immanuel prophecy (Isa. 7:14), quoted in 2 Nephi 17:14, denotes a woman of
marriageable age. But elsewhere in the Old Testament, "virgin" is generally translated from bet9El a_ACCENTf8ACCENT_h, a woman with no sexual experience.

Jackson, Kent P.

Voice still small

See Still small voice.
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Voice of the people
Voice still small

See Still small voice.

Voice of the people

By democratic vote, or the expressed will of the populace, the Nephites selected their kings (Mosiah 7:9; 29:2), judges (Mosiah 29:25; Hel. 1:5, 13; 2:2), and chief
captains (Alma 46:34). They empowered their leaders to enact laws "and to put them in force" (Alma 4:16; cf. Hel. 5:2), settle disputes (Alma 2:3-7; 51:7), make
important decisions (Alma 27:21-22), and approve of capital punishment (Hel. 1:8).

Mosiah 2 taught the cardinal principle that "it is not common that the voice of the people desireth anything contrary to that which is right . . . [but] if the time comes that
the voice of the people doth choose iniquity, then is the time that the judgments of God will come upon you" (Mosiah 29:26-27; cf. Alma 10:19). The truth of these
words was verified later in Nephite history during the time of Nephi 2 (Hel. 5:2), and again in the fourth generation after Christ's visitation (3 Ne. 27:32; 4 Ne. 1:45;
Morm. 1:13-14).

See also Government, principles of.

Largey, Dennis L.

Vouching

See Appendix C.

W
Wages

Warfare, principles governing

Wages

Reward or recompense for labor performed. "Wages" in the Book of Mormon, when not referring to a monetary reward for material labor, refers to the reward
received in the eternities for doing good or evil while in mortality. For example, the Book of Mormon declares that "every man receiveth wages of him whom he listeth
to obey" (Alma 3:27), that is, people will be paid by him whom they have chosen to obey, either God or Satan.

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Warfare principles governing

In the Book of Mormon the Lord set forth principles by which his righteous followers could engage in warfare: "Inasmuch as ye are not guilty of the first offense, neither
the second, ye shall not suffer yourselves to be slain by the hands of your enemies. . . . Ye shall defend your families even unto bloodshed" (Alma 43:46-47). Mormon
explained the application of these principles by noting that "for this cause were the Nephites contending with the Lamanites, to defend themselves, and their families, and
their lands, their country, and their rights, and their religion" (Alma 43:47; cf. 43:9, 26, 30, 45; 44:5; 48:24). Furthermore, "the Nephites were taught . . . never to give
an offense, yea, and never to raise the sword except it were against an enemy, except it were to preserve their lives" (Alma 48:14; cf. 44:2; 61:9-10).

The Book of Mormon narrative contains evidence of the Nephites' effort to adhere to these principles. For example, amidst a conflict between the Nephites and the
Gadianton robbers, "the people said unto Gidgiddoni [their chief captain]: Pray unto the Lord, and let us go up upon the mountains and into the wilderness, that we may
fall upon the robbers and destroy them in their own lands" (3 Ne. 3:20). Gidgiddoni, however, knowing the consequences of staging an unprovoked offensive, replied,
"The Lord forbid; for if we should go up against them the Lord would deliver us into their hands." He counseled them instead to gather in the center of their lands and
prepare for when the Lamanites should come against them. Then, he promised, the Lord "will deliver them into our hands" (3 Ne. 3:21).

During the last years of the Nephite- Lamanite conflicts, the Nephites violated the law of war that required a defensive posture and swore "by the heavens, and also by
the throne of God, that they would go up to battle against their enemies" (Morm. 3:10). Because of their wickedness Mormon refused to lead them into battle (Morm.
3:9-11), and he concluded when the Nephites were defeated that it was "because the armies of the Nephites went up unto the Lamanites that they began to be smitten;
for were it not for that, the Lamanites could have had no power over them" (Morm. 4:4).

In a revelation to the Prophet Joseph Smith, the Lord proclaimed the law that he had given his "ancients" which justified them in going to war. It seems evident from the
war narratives in the Book of Mormon that righteous Nephites understood and sought to obey this law. The law stipulated that the Lord's people should refrain from
going to "battle against any nation, kindred, tongue, or people, save I, the Lord, commanded them" (D&C 98:33; cf. Alma 43:23; 60:28, 33). He also commanded, "If
any nation, tongue, or people should proclaim war against them, they should first lift a standard of peace unto that people, nation, or tongue; And if that people did not
accept the offering of peace, neither the second nor the third time, they should bring these testimonies before the Lord; Then I, the Lord, would give unto them a
commandment, and justify them in going out to battle against that nation, tongue, or people" (D&C 98:34-36; cf. Alma 31:5; 43:46; 44:2, 6-7; 61:14; 62:15-17).
Under these conditions, the Lord would justify his people in going to battle and he would "fight their battles" for them (D&C 98:37; cf. Mosiah 24:19-20; Alma 43:23-
24; 56:56; 57:26). This is "an ensample unto all people, saith the Lord your God, for justification before me" (D&C 98:38).

In addition to teaching that war can be justified if it is conducted in harmony with specified conditions and purposes, the war chapters in the Book of Mormon give a
view into the hearts of Christian soldiers compelled to take up arms. Although war may be necessary, one's attitude concerning it and participation in it must remain
congruent with paramount Christian principles of peace and the sanctity of life. Mormon wrote of the righteous soldiers fighting under captain Moroni's command: "They
were compelled reluctantly to contend with their brethren, the Lamanites. . . . They were sorry to take up arms . . . because they did not delight in the shedding of
blood; yea, and . . . they were sorry to be the means of sending so many of their brethren out of this world into an eternal world, unprepared to meet their God" (Alma
48:21-23; cf. 44:1). Consequently, whenever possible the Nephites sought opportunity to gain advantage over their enemies without the shedding of blood, and also to
end conflicts with a covenant of peace, rather than seek the annihilation of their enemies when victory was assured (Alma 43:54; 44:6, 19-20; 52:37; 55:18-19; 58:28;
62:16-17). In times of Nephite wickedness attitudes about war and violence reversed. Mormon wrote of the Nephites in his day: "And every heart was hardened, so
that they delighted in the shedding of blood continually" (Morm. 4:11).

Garrett,
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Warfare in the Book of Mormon
end conflicts with a covenant of peace, rather than seek the annihilation of their enemies when victory was assured (Alma 43:54; 44:6, 19-20; 52:37; 55:18-19; 58:28;
62:16-17). In times of Nephite wickedness attitudes about war and violence reversed. Mormon wrote of the Nephites in his day: "And every heart was hardened, so
that they delighted in the shedding of blood continually" (Morm. 4:11).

Garrett, Henry Dean

Warfare in the Book of Mormon

Warfare is a central and nearly constant element in the history of Book of Mormon peoples. One of the overriding themes of the Book of Mormon is the prophesied
and realized destruction of the Nephites in war. War narratives form a major part of the book; several prophets and narrators of the Book of Mormon were military
commanders or participated in combat. Although peace was seen as one of the major divine blessings of the gospel in the narratives of the Ammonites (Alma 23-24)
and in the society of Zion founded by Christ (4 Ne. 1), warfare was more frequently the grim reality of Nephite life. War narratives in the Book of Mormon also
provide a significant amount of incidental detail about warfare, reflecting broader patterns and practices of ancient war and military systems.

Ecological, social, and economic foundations of warfare

In all premodern states the military capacity of a society was limited by a wide range of natural and cultural factors, such as environment, ecology, technology, social
structure, and economic capacity. These limitations are clearly reflected in Book of Mormon war narratives. Military campaigns seem to have followed seasonal
patterns, based on manpower availability, labor needs for agriculture, climatic variations that affected travel, and food supply after harvests. Many of the major
campaigns described in the Book of Mormon seem to have occurred between the eleventh and fourth months of the Nephite calendar (Alma 16:1; 49:1; 52:1; 62:12;
Sorenson, in Warfare, 455), which may correlate with the seasonal aspects of warfare in the Mesoamerican post- harvest dry months between November and April
(Sorenson, in Warfare, 445-77).

Geography played an important role in warfare by establishing ecological limitations, communication patterns, and in determining strategic and tactical use of terrain
(Sorenson, in Warfare, 239-76).

In most Old World ancient societies, and as described in the Bible, various animals were used for three major military purposes: for chariots and cavalry, for
transportation of equipment and supplies, and for food. In pre- Columbian Mesoamerican warfare, on the other hand, there is no evidence of the use of animals in
combat or for military transportation (Hassig, War and Society, 14, 53, 59-60). Likewise, in the Book of Mormon there are no references that animals were used for
military purposes (Hamblin, in Warfare, 486-87).

Technologically, descriptions of warfare in the Book of Mormon broadly parallel patterns of pre- gunpowder warfare. The Book of Mormon describes a number of
weapons which can be categorized as missile or melee weapons for use in hand- to- hand combat. A number of types of armor (e.g., Alma 46:13; Hel. 1:14; Hamblin,
in Warfare, 421), and basic forms of military engineering and fortifications were also used by Book of Mormon peoples (Sorenson, in Warfare, 425-44). The Book of
Mormon describes a number of military technological innovations, including a proliferation of fortifications and the spread of Nephite styles of armor to the Laman-ites
(Alma 43:19; 48:9-10; 49:6, 24). Broadly speaking, the types of weapons (swords, scimitars [Book of Mormon, cimeters], bows, and arrows) and armor
(breastplates, shields, armshields, bucklers, and headplates) mentioned in the Book of Mormon find parallels in the Meso-american arsenal (Hassig, Aztec, 75-90). On
the other hand, ancient Near Eastern and biblical armament such as coats of mail, helmets, battle chariots, cavalry, and sophisticated siege engines are absent from both
the Book of Mormon narrative and Meso-american archaeological finds.

Following the pattern of the Israelites and other ancient peoples, armies of Book of Mormon peoples are described as being organized on a decimal system with units
of hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands (3 Ne. 3:22; 4:21; cf. Merrill, in Warfare, 268-70). The Book of Mormon describes a correlation between broader
demographic growth of societies and the size of armies, which numbered in the thousands in the first century b.c. , increasing to the tens of thousands in the final wars in
the fourth century a.d. (Morm. 2:25; 6:10-15).

The economic and social costs of warfare in ancient states were enormous, both in funding war and from the destruction caused by war. Recruiting, equipping, training,
supplying, and moving thousands of soldiers often represented major economic and social undertakings for ancient peoples.

The conduct of warfare in the Book of Mormon

The Book of Mormon accurately reflects the complexities of premodern combat in a number of subtle ways. Undertaking war required complex preparations, including
logistical planning. Before combat, troops needed to be recruited, equipped, trained, supplied, and moved, all aimed at focusing the largest possible amount of military
power at precisely the right time and place (Hamblin, in Warfare, 485-91). The search for intelligence and the confusion during war is reflected in Book of Mormon
combat narratives. Scouts and spies were sent to search for supplies, roads, and the position of enemy troops (e.g., Alma 43:28-30). War councils were called before
battle, allowing commanders to discuss military plans and preparations, precisely as Moroni 1 did in Alma 52:19.

Formal battles could be arranged at particular times and places, as when Mormon met the Lamanites at Cumorah (Morm. 6:2). On the other hand, much of the warfare
in the Book of Mormon could be described as guerrilla warfare, exem-plified by numerous ambushes, stratagems, raids, and surprise attacks (e.g., Alma 52:20-40; cf.
Josh. 8:1-28). The Gadianton robbers were a classic example of this type of warfare, excelling in raids and ambushes, but avoiding pitched battle (e.g., Hel. 11:25-33).
Ancient armies often had special standards or banners, such as Moroni 1's "title of liberty" (Alma 46:13, 19-21, 36), which could be used for mobilization, command,
and control.

Actual combat included an exchange of sling stones, arrows, and javelins, as well as hand- to- hand melee combat (e.g., Alma 43; 49). Defeat in battle had many
causes: death of a leader, collapse of morale, or sustaining substantial casualties (Alma 49:25; 52:1-2). Defeat was often followed by the flight, pursuit, and con-tinued
destruction of the losing army (Alma 52:28; 62:31).

Religion and ethics of warfare

As in all ancient societies, the purpose of warfare among Book of Mormon peoples was intimately connected with its conduct. A close analysis of the Book of
Mormon provides a reflection of ancient Israelite patterns of "holy war." Success in battle derived from the will of God and the righteousness of the people (Alma 2:28;
44:4-5; 50:21; 56:47; 57:36; 58:33; Morm. 2:26). To ensure that the war was in accord with the will of God, prophets were frequently consulted before going to battle
(Alma 16:5; 43:23-24; 3 Ne. 3:19-21). Martial oaths or covenants for military purity and obedience are found in the Book of Mormon. For example, the Nephites cast
their garments on the ground to signify how God would cast them at the feet of their enemies if they violated their oath (Alma 46:22; cf. 53:17).

Warfare in the Book of Mormon was also conducted in accord with traditional patterns of law and military ethics. Military oaths of surrender and nonaggression are
frequently mentioned (Alma 44:6-10, 20; 50:36; 62:16; 3 Ne. 5:4-5). Organized brigands such as the Gadianton robbers were treated as military enemies rather than
common thieves (Hel. 11:28). Martial law could be declared in times of military crisis, during which normal judicial processes could be suspended (Alma 46:34), and
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and offers of peace before the commencement of war (Alma 44:1-7; 54; 3 Ne. 3:6-8; cf. Deut. 20:10-13; Welch, in Warfare, 59-61), or the practice of providing
military exemption in return for the supply of provisions and other forms of non-combat support (Alma 27:24; cf. Deut. 20:8; Babylonian Talmud, Sotah 43a-44a). The
Warfare in the Book of Mormon was also conducted in accord with traditional patterns of law and military ethics. Military oaths of surrender and nonaggression are
frequently mentioned (Alma 44:6-10, 20; 50:36; 62:16; 3 Ne. 5:4-5). Organized brigands such as the Gadianton robbers were treated as military enemies rather than
common thieves (Hel. 11:28). Martial law could be declared in times of military crisis, during which normal judicial processes could be suspended (Alma 46:34), and
restrictions on travel imposed. Some aspects of the Book of Mormon warfare echo ancient Near Eastern practices, such as the diplomatic custom requiring warnings
and offers of peace before the commencement of war (Alma 44:1-7; 54; 3 Ne. 3:6-8; cf. Deut. 20:10-13; Welch, in Warfare, 59-61), or the practice of providing
military exemption in return for the supply of provisions and other forms of non-combat support (Alma 27:24; cf. Deut. 20:8; Babylonian Talmud, Sotah 43a-44a). The
laws of war assumed there would be humanitarian treatment of captives and non-combatant women and children (Alma 43:54; 44:15, 20; 52:37-39; 54:2; 57:13-16;
Welch, in Warfare, 75-82)-which was not always the case (Morm. 4:14-15; Moro. 9:7-11).

Wars in the Book of Mormon

Approximately eighty- five instances of armed conflict in varying degrees of intensity have been identified in the Book of Mormon, with the book of Alma providing the
most detailed descriptions (Alma 43-63). Book of Mormon wars ranged from brief skirmishes and raids to campaigns lasting for years, including civil wars, coups, and
guerilla warfare.

Conclusions

The authors of the Book of Mormon included detailed accounts of wars for a number of reasons. In one sense, they were simply recording the realities of the history of
the Nephites. Mormon, who abridged and compiled the Book of Mormon, was a general as well as a prophet, and the book's emphasis on military matters probably
reflects his own experiences. War was the greatest crisis faced by virtually all ancient states, because it confronted them with potential destruction. As with most
civilizations, warfare and conquest were major factors in the transformation, development, and eventual destruction of Book of Mormon societies. In this regard, the
Book of Mormon is relentlessly realistic. Like-wise, the Book of Mormon's emphasis on warfare as a fundamentally sacred undertaking also reflects the nearly
universal ancient perspective, in which warfare exhibited an intricate and complicated mixture of religious ritual and ideology with technology and tactics.

Perhaps most important, however, the prophetic authors of the Book of Mormon taught significant religious messages through their accounts of warfare. Wars were
often the result of failure to heed the warnings of the Lord through prophets such as Abinadi and Samuel the Lamanite (Mosiah 12:1-2; 17:17-18; Alma 25:8-9; Hel.
15:17; cf. 4:11-26; Morm. 3:2-3; 6). Wars were also one of the instruments of God's judgment, (Morm. 4:5; cf. 2 Ne. 5:25), as well as a means by which God could
deliver his people (Alma 56:46-56). The detailed military narratives were also meant to provide a message to modern readers of the Book of Mormon, warning that
without repentance and righteousness, they may face the same fate as the Nephites (Morm. 9:31; Ether 2:11-12).

See also Warfare, principles governing.

Bibliography

Hassig, Ross. Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion and Political Control. Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988.

--- . War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1992.

Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1985. 239- 76.

--- . Images of Ancient America: Visualizing Book of Mormon Life. Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1998. 124- 33.

--- . Warfare in the Book of Mormon. Edited by Stephen D. Ricks and William J. Hamblin. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1990.

Hamblin, William J.

Wax

See Appendix C.

Wealth

See Riches.

Weapons

Specially designed tools for fighting and killing. The Book of Mormon mentions a number of different types of weapons including swords, cimeters (scimitars), clubs,
axes, daggers, bows and arrows, slings, spears, javelins, and darts, along with numerous generic references to "weapons of war" (Jarom 1:8).

Many of the references to swords and perhaps other weapons are probably metaphorical rather than literal. Thus to "take my sword" (Alma 60:28) might mean simply
to go to war rather than actually picking up a sword; to "fall by the sword" (2 Ne. 13:25) is probably a metaphor for dying in battle.

Most of the weapons mentioned in the Book of Mormon (clubs, axes, daggers, slings, spears, javelins, and darts) have clear parallels in the pre- Columbian
Mesoamerican arsenal. Meso-american parallels to other weapons (swords, cimeters, and bows and arrows) are more ambiguous and have been the subject of
detailed study.

Most references to swords in the New World probably refer to Mesoamerican weapons known as the macuahuitl or macana-a long narrow piece of wood embedded
with obsidian or flint to form a dual cutting edge. These weapons functioned like Old World swords, and are generally called swords both by the Spanish conquistadors
and by most modern scholars.

Cimeter is an archaic English spelling for scimitar, a type of single- edged, curved sword, known in the Near East from at least the second millennium b.c. Several
Mesoamerican weapons might be related to the Book of Mormon cimeter, but limited textual evidence does not permit precise identification.

Bows and arrows were widespread in pre- Columbian America, although the date of introduction in Mesoamerica is uncertain. There is limited artistic and
archaeological evidence of the bow and arrow in Book of Mormon times.
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See also Armor; Fortifications; Warfare in the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography
Bows and arrows were widespread in pre- Columbian America, although the date of introduction in Mesoamerica is uncertain. There is limited artistic and
archaeological evidence of the bow and arrow in Book of Mormon times.

See also Armor; Fortifications; Warfare in the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Ricks, Stephen D., and William J. Hamblin, eds. Warfare in the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1990.

Hamblin, William J.

Whence

See Appendix C.

Whit

See Appendix C.

Whither

See Appendix C.

Whitmer David

See Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Whore of all the earth

An alternate title for Babylon, the worldwide great and abominable church described by Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 13-14) and John (Rev. 17). Babylon values money above
virtue and sells what ought to be sacred; any standard is negotiable, and everything is for sale (cf. D&C 133:14).

See also Great and abominable church; Mother of abominations; Mother of harlots.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Whoredoms

Unchaste actions including involvement in prostitution (Mosiah 12:29) and taking unauthorized wives and concubines (Jacob 2:23-24). God views whoredoms as an
abomination (Jacob 2:28; Mosiah 11:20). Practitioners are candidates for hell (2 Ne. 9:36). Secret combinations, anti-Christs, and unrighteous kings typically practice
and encourage whoredoms (Hel. 6:22-23; Alma 30:18; Mosiah 11:2; 29:36; Ether 8:16; 10:7). Whoredoms contributed to the downfall of the Nephites (Alma 50:21)
and will be rampant in the last days (2 Ne. 28:12-14; 3 Ne. 16:10; 30:2; Morm. 8:31). Whoredoms were absent in the Nephite Zion and will be removed in the day of
the Lord (3 Ne. 21:19).

Ball, Terry B.

Wicked the/wickedness

Those whose character or works are an abomination to God. The wicked reject Christ, the plan of redemption, the Lord's prophets (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:19-20; 3:17-18;
Alma 8:9-13; Ether 11:7, 22), and "set at defiance the commandments of God" (Alma 5:18). The wicked who fail to repent are subject to God's justice and become
captive to the devil (1 Ne. 14:3-5; cf. Alma 12:11-18; 34:16). In the Book of Mormon many forms of wickedness are enumerated, including pride, idolatry,
dishonesty, immorality, materialism, violent acts, secret works, and priestcrafts (e.g., Jacob 2:13-14; Alma 1:32; Hel. 10:3; 3 Ne. 30:2).

The Book of Mormon is replete with examples of "the great wickedness one very wicked man can cause to take place among the children of men" (Alma 46:9), such
as iniquitous political rulers (e.g., Mosiah 11:1-2; 29:17-18, 23; Alma 2:4), corrupt religious leaders (e.g., 1 Ne. 21:1; 4 Ne. 1:27, 34), and other influential person-
alities (e.g., Mosiah 27:8; Alma 30:18). Wickedness is often passed on from generation to generation (e.g., Mosiah 10:17; 4 Ne. 1:39).

The Book of Mormon clearly teaches that wickedness leads to sorrow and unhappiness (1 Ne. 7:20; Alma 41:10-11; cf. Hel. 13:38), guilt and remorse (1 Ne. 16:2;
Mosiah 2:38; Alma 5:18; 36:12-16). Such feelings lead to suffering and pain in both body and spirit (Alma 15:3; 38:8).

Clearly, the overriding message of the Book of Mormon is one of salvation for those who would repent of their wicked ways: "The Lord worketh in many ways to the
salvation of his people" (Alma 24:27). Throughout the Book of Mormon, the Lord implored the wicked to repent (e.g., 1 Ne. 1:4; Mosiah 11:20; Alma 9:25-26; Hel.
5:29-32; Morm. 3:2). Although the Lord is long- suffering (Alma 26:16; 3 Ne. 10:4-6), eventually the time for repentance will pass (Alma 11:40-41; 34:33-35; Hel.
13:38), and those "ripe in iniquity" (e.g., 1 Ne. 17:35, 43; 2 Ne. 28:16; Hel. 11:37; 13:14) will receive their just reward, whether in this life or the next (1 Ne. 15:28-
36; Mosiah 12:1-8; Morm. 3:13-15).

The land of the wicked is cursed "for their sakes" (1 Ne. 17:38; Jacob 2:29; Hel. 13:17, 30), and they are visited by famine, pestilence, war (2 Ne. 23:11, 15, 22; Hel.
10:6; Morm. 4:5; Ether 11:7), and bondage (Mosiah 11:21, 23). Indeed, "there is no peace, saith the Lord, unto the wicked" (1 Ne. 20:22). At the second coming of
Jesus Christ, "they who do wickedly shall be as stubble; and the day cometh that they must be burned." The Lord will protect and preserve the righteous from the
wicked, "even if it so be as by fire" (1 Ne. 22:15-17; cf. 3 Ne. 25:1).

Whether in this life or in the next, ultimately the wicked are divided from the righteous (1 Ne. 15:30; 2 Ne. 30:10; Mosiah 16:1-2; 3 Ne. 27:16- 17, 19), and the
wicked are destroyed (1 Ne. 3:17; Alma 12:6, 17, 36; 3 Ne. 9:12; Ether 14:25).

Upon death, the spirits of the wicked will suffer in prison (Alma 40:13-14, 26) as they await their resurrection (Alma 11:41) and the Final Judgment (Jacob 6:13; Alma
 Copyright
11:44).     (c)judgment
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cf. 1 Ne. 15:34-36; Alma 41:4-8).

In God's plan of salvation righteousness and happiness stand opposite wickedness and misery. To be righteous one must have the opportunity to choose to be wicked,
wicked are destroyed (1 Ne. 3:17; Alma 12:6, 17, 36; 3 Ne. 9:12; Ether 14:25).

Upon death, the spirits of the wicked will suffer in prison (Alma 40:13-14, 26) as they await their resurrection (Alma 11:41) and the Final Judgment (Jacob 6:13; Alma
11:44). At the judgment bar, the wicked will be found in a state of filthiness and will "be cast out for they are the children of the kingdom of the devil" (Alma 5:22-25;
cf. 1 Ne. 15:34-36; Alma 41:4-8).

In God's plan of salvation righteousness and happiness stand opposite wickedness and misery. To be righteous one must have the opportunity to choose to be wicked,
"for it must needs be, that there is an opposition in all things." Without opposing choices, Lehi 1 taught that "righteousness could not be brought to pass, neither
wickedness, neither holiness nor misery, neither good nor bad. Wherefore, all things must needs be a compound in one" (2 Ne. 2:11).

See also Hard-heartedness; Righteous, the/righteousness; Sin, transgression; Stiffnecked, stiffneckedness.

Freeman, Robert C.

Wiles

See Appendix C.

Wisdom wise

Understanding, knowledge, prudence, common sense; also used to suggest a correct application of knowledge or understanding (e.g., Mosiah 12:27). More than a
hundred passages in the Book of Mormon use the terms "wisdom" and "wise," generally in speaking of either true wisdom, like that which God possesses, or the
worldly wisdom of wicked men.

King Benjamin identified wisdom as one of God's attributes (Mosiah 4:6; cf. 29:19; Alma 26:35) and admonished his people to believe that God "has all wisdom, and
all power" (Mosiah 4:9). In his wisdom God has and will do many things to bless the lives of his children, including commanding prophets to write and preserve his
word through scripture (e.g., 1 Ne. 3:19-20; 5:21-22; 2 Ne. 27:22; Alma 37:2, 8, 14, 18; Morm. 5:13), allowing the fall of Adam and Eve, yet providing a redeemer
(2 Ne. 2:22-26), allowing opposition so that his eternal purposes could be "brought to pass" (2 Ne. 2:11-12), providing the resurrection (2 Ne. 9:8, 10), counseling the
humble (Jacob 4:10; Alma 29:8; 37:12), delivering his servants (e.g., Alma 26:29), and ultimately bringing about "everlasting salvation and eternal life" (Mosiah 5:15).

Individuals may acquire true wisdom, especially if they are willing to be humble, teachable, and obedient to God's commands (2 Ne. 28:30; Alma 32:12; cf. Mosiah
8:20; 12:27). Moroni 2 listed teaching the "word of wisdom" as a spiritual gift (Moro. 10:9; cf. D&C 46:17-18; 1 Cor. 12:8). Those possessed with true wisdom
understand the importance of service (Mosiah 2:17), are prudent in their labors (Mosiah 4:27), consider the effect their desires or acts might have on others (e.g.,
Mosiah 29:8-10), select righteous leaders (e.g., Mosiah 29:11; Alma 4:16), appropriately teach the gospel (e.g., Alma 18:22; cf. 31:35), provide protection for those
whom they love (e.g., Alma 22:33-34; 30:20; 49:5, 15), keep the commandments of God (Alma 37:35; cf. Morm 9:28), and know that salvation comes only through
Christ (Alma 38:9).

Worldly wisdom, in contrast to true wisdom, is based on that which is pleasing to the natural and carnal man, rather than that which pleases God. It mistakes the mere
acquisition of knowledge and its resultant pride for the wisdom which leads the humble to follow God: "O that cunning plan of the evil one! O the vainness, and the
frailties, and the foolishness of men! When they are learned they think they are wise, and they hearken not unto the counsel of God, for they set it aside, supposing they
know of themselves, wherefore, their wisdom is foolishness and it profiteth them not. And they shall perish" (2 Ne. 9:28; cf. 9:42; 15:21; 28:15). Those enamored with
such wisdom value cunning, wickedness, and the praise of men (e.g., Mosiah 24:7; Alma 2:1; 38:11, 13; cf. 1 Ne. 11:35; Alma 10:24). Nephi 1 warned that latter-
day Gentiles would be plagued with this kind of pseudo- wisdom, and under the guise of religion would use it to "get gain and grind upon the face of the poor" (2 Ne.
26:20). Such wisdom is confounded when faced with revealed truth (e.g., Alma 32:23; 37:6-7). Ultimately, the restoration of the gospel of Christ and the coming forth
of the Book of Mormon would cause such vain wisdom to perish (2 Ne. 27:26).

The archaic meaning of "wise" as being a way, manner, or degree is also found in the Book of Mormon in phrases such as "he spake unto them in this wise" (e.g.,
Mosiah 7:18; Alma 12:2; 56:30; 3 Ne. 3:15).

Holzapfel, Richard Neitzel

Wist

See Appendix C.

Witchcraft

See Sorcery, witchcraft, magic.

Without

See Appendix C.

Witnesses law of

The biblical law of witnesses reads: "One witness shall not rise up against a man for any iniquity, or for any sin, in any sin that he sinneth: at the mouth of two witnesses,
or at the mouth of three witnesses, shall the matter be established" (Deut. 19:15; 17:6; Ex. 20:16; Num. 35:30; 1 Kgs. 21:10).

Nephi 1 followed this legal principle in quoting Jacob 2 and Isaiah as witnesses to corroborate his words (2 Ne. 11:2-3) and in promising three witnesses who would
behold the sealed book (2 Ne. 27:12; Ether 5:3-4). God establishes his word by "as many witnesses as seemeth him good," and thus makes people accountable (2 Ne.
27:14).

Legal and ecclesiastical matters in the Book of Mormon also follow this same rule: "And three witnesses of the church did condemn them before the elders" (Moro.
6:7). As the Doctrine and Covenants clarifies, "Every word shall be established against him or her by two witnesses of the church, and not of the enemy; but if there are
more than two witnesses it is better" (D&C 42:80).
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In a typical Israelite community, the town elders would act as judges, prosecutors, defenders, and witnesses. Under the law of Moses, a false accuser or false
would suffer the consequences that would have befallen the accused (Deut. 19:15-19), as the fate suffered by Sherem or the form of the punishment imposed on
Abinadi illustrated (Jacob 7:19-20; Mosiah 12:3; 17:13-20). In Ammonihah, Amulek established himself as a witness by stating his genealogy and economic status in
Legal and ecclesiastical matters in the Book of Mormon also follow this same rule: "And three witnesses of the church did condemn them before the elders" (Moro.
6:7). As the Doctrine and Covenants clarifies, "Every word shall be established against him or her by two witnesses of the church, and not of the enemy; but if there are
more than two witnesses it is better" (D&C 42:80).

In a typical Israelite community, the town elders would act as judges, prosecutors, defenders, and witnesses. Under the law of Moses, a false accuser or false witness
would suffer the consequences that would have befallen the accused (Deut. 19:15-19), as the fate suffered by Sherem or the form of the punishment imposed on
Abinadi illustrated (Jacob 7:19-20; Mosiah 12:3; 17:13-20). In Ammonihah, Amulek established himself as a witness by stating his genealogy and economic status in
the community (Alma 10:2-4) and then proceeded to stand as a second witness in support of Alma 2 .

In the biblical period, the two witness rule could be overridden in the case of a self- incriminating confession, if the confession occurred outside the court, or the will of
God was evidenced in the detection of the offender, and if corroborating physical evidence was produced (Josh. 7:16-26). Seantum's self- incriminating confession was
such a case (Hel. 9:14-38), and thus his execution would not have been legally problematic.

Divine evidence was invoked when no witnesses could be produced (e.g., Num. 5:11-31). The legal effect of swearing an oath, such as "as the Lord thy God
liveth" (e.g., 1 Kgs. 18:10), exposed the witness to divine punishment should his testimony prove untrue (e.g., 1 Sam. 3:17; Jer. 29:20-23; cf. Falk, 60-62). In Alma
30, Alma 2 warned Korihor by naming three witnesses standing against him: Alma himself testified of the reality of both God and Christ (Alma 30:39); in addition, "all
things [were] a testimony that these things are true" (Alma 30:41), and there were the testimonies "of all these thy brethren" (Alma 30:44). By contrast, Korihor lacked
any witnesses (Alma 30:40), a serious deficiency, as the sign from God proved. In Mosiah 17, Abinadi asserted that if he were to die in his ordeal, two witnesses
would remain against Noah 3 : Abinadi's words "shall stand as a testimony," and his innocent blood would "also stand as a testimony" (Mosiah 17:10), justifying divine
punishment.

The law of witnesses can also apply when testifying of the gospel. This follows the pattern that the Godhead has established, in which the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost
bear record and witness of each other (3 Ne. 11:36).

See also Witnesses of the Book of Mormon.

Bibliography

Falk, Ze'ev. Hebrew Law in Biblical Times. Jerusalem: Wahrmann, 1964. Reprint, Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 2001.

Van Orden, Bruce. "The Law of Witnesses in 2 Nephi." The Book of Mormon: Second Nephi, the Doctrinal Structure. Edited by Monte S. Nyman and Charles Tate
Jr. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1989. 307- 21.

Welch, John W. Law in the Book of Mormon. Provo, Utah: J. Reuben Clark Law School, 1996.

Welch, John W.

Witnesses of the Book of Mormon

Two groups, one consisting of three men and the other of eight, whose testimonies affirm the existence of the plates from which the Book of Mormon was translated
and the divine origin of the translation.

The Three Witnesses testified that an angel displayed the ancient American plates, after which the "voice of the Lord" declared "they have been translated by the gift
and power of God," and commanded that the three "should bear record" of this experience (The Testimony of Three Witnesses). The Eight Witnesses reported an
examination of the ancient record under more normal circumstances. Joseph Smith showed them the plates. They saw and hefted the record, and "did handle" the
leaves, "which have the appearance of gold," and contained "engravings . . . of curious workmanship" (The Testimony of Eight Witnesses). These eleven men, who
were respected in Mormon and non- Mormon communities, always insisted on the reality of the events reported in their published testimonies. They freely discussed
these experiences, which evidence that Joseph Smith had an ancient record, and that God directed its translation into English. In addition to the formal, published
testimonies of these eleven men, there were other witnesses. Joseph Smith himself was a twelfth witness. And at least three women were also witnesses of the plates
themselves or other ancient objects uncovered at the hill Cumorah: Joseph showed his mother the breastplate and the Urim and Thummim, as mentioned in her original
history (Smith, Joseph Smith, 111; 1853 ed., 101, 107); Emma Smith, the prophet's wife, dusted around the plates in her home and felt the pliable leaves through a
cloth ( Saints' Herald, 26:289-90); and Mary Whitmer was shown the plates as a reward for her willing service in having Joseph Smith, Emma, and Oliver Cowdery
stay at the Whitmer home during the last few weeks of the translation (Jenson, 621).

The eleven designated witnesses contributed significantly to establishing the Restored Church, and all faithfully endured early persecutions. Though all of the Three
Witnesses disagreed with Joseph Smith's leadership in 1837-38 and were excommunicated, two returned and were rebaptized in their last years. Three of the Eight
Witnesses also became disaffected, with one (John Whitmer) being excommunicated and two (Jacob Whitmer and Hiram Page) voluntarily ceasing their affiliation with
the Church. Nonetheless, all eleven witnesses reiterated their convictions relative to the Book of Mormon to the end of their lives. Their united testimony is impressive,
all the more so because several left, and remained outside, the Church.

Three scriptures alerted early believers that there would be witnesses of the plates (D&C 5:11-18; 2 Ne. 27:12-14; Ether 5:1-4). The first known scriptural promise
came in 1829 to Martin Harris, a prominent landowner and farmer in Palmyra, New York, who devoutly believed in biblical prophecy of latter- day miracles. He
investigated Joseph Smith's visions, took copies of the characters on the plates to New York linguists, and became Joseph's scribe during two months of 1828. The
two produced 116 pages of manuscript, which were lost through Martin's negligence. Though not allowed to continue as scribe, this staunch supporter stood by and
later financed the printing of the Book of Mormon. When Martin sought proof of the plates in March 1829, he was given a conditional promise that he might be one of
three witnesses who would see the plates: "If he will go out and bow down before me, and humble himself in mighty prayer and faith, in the sincerity of his heart, then
will I grant unto him a view of the things which he desireth to know" ( Book of Commandments, 4:8).

The other two scriptures promising witnesses are in the Book of Mormon itself (2 Ne. 27; Ether 5), and would have come to the attention of Joseph and Oliver during
the work of translation between April 7 and the latter part of June 1829. Oliver Cowdery's involvement began in the winter of 1828-29, when he came, providentially,
into the area near Palmyra where the Prophet's parents lived. While boarding with the Smiths as a young school teacher in their district, Oliver carefully investigated
what they said about their son's visions, received divine confirmation (D&C 6:22-24), and in early April traveled about 130 miles to the Prophet's small farm at
Harmony, Pennsylvania, where he became Joseph's scribe. Amidst increasing persecution in the Harmony area, they moved the work to the Peter Whitmer home in
Fayette, New York. David Whitmer drove his team and wagon to bring the translators to the Whitmer farm. The translation of the Book of Mormon was completed by
about the end of June 1829 (Smith, Church, 1:48-49, 71).

The Book of Mormon texts promised that three witnesses from among "those who shall assist to bring forth this work" would be shown the "plates," or the "book," by
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Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Martin Harris came to the Prophet with a driving desire to be the three witnesses-a logical hope because they had indeed assisted in
making the translation possible. A revelation came to the Prophet Joseph Smith, granting their request on strict condition of faith, promising a view "with your eyes" of
about the end of June 1829 (Smith, Church, 1:48-49, 71).

The Book of Mormon texts promised that three witnesses from among "those who shall assist to bring forth this work" would be shown the "plates," or the "book," by
the "power of God" (Ether 5:2-3; 2 Ne. 27:12). Inspired by the earlier revelation to Martin Harris and these divine assurances in the Book of Mormon, Oliver
Cowdery, David Whitmer, and Martin Harris came to the Prophet with a driving desire to be the three witnesses-a logical hope because they had indeed assisted in
making the translation possible. A revelation came to the Prophet Joseph Smith, granting their request on strict condition of faith, promising a view "with your eyes" of
the ancient objects the prophet had possessed: the plates, the breastplate, and the Urim and Thummim. They were also promised a view of the sword of Laban and the
"miraculous directors," called in the Book of Mormon, "Liahona" (D&C 17:1-3; Alma 37:38). Joseph Smith and his three associates went to the woods near the
Whitmer home and prayed for fulfillment of these promises. After the men prayed twice, each in succession, Martin Harris withdrew, believing he was a negative
influence. When Joseph and Oliver and David resumed praying, they "beheld a light above [them] in the air, of exceeding brightness; and behold, an angel stood before
[them]. In his hands he held the plates. . . . He turned over the leaves one by one, so that [they] could see them, and discern the engravings thereon distinctly" (Smith,
Church, 1:54). After the angel spoke a word on obedience to David Whitmer, a voice from heaven declared the translation to be correct, and commanded the
witnesses to testify of what they had seen and heard. Joseph Smith immediately searched for Martin Harris, and, as Joseph reported, after the two prayed for some
time, "the same vision was opened to our view, at least it was again opened to me, and I once more beheld and heard the same things; . . . Martin Harris cried out, . . .
'Tis enough; 'tis enough; mine eyes have beheld'" (Smith, Church, 1:55). The Prophet's mother described the emotional return of the four to the Whitmer home, noting
Joseph's sense of relief and the fervent gratitude that poured from the Three Witnesses (Smith, Joseph, 152).

A few days after this miraculous visitation, the Whitmer family traveled some 20 miles from Fayette to the Smith farm near Palmyra. There, most of the men in the group
went to "a place where the [Smith] family were in the habit of offering up their secret devotions to God" (Smith, Joseph, 154). Mother Smith said an angel had
deposited the record there, and the Eight Witnesses lifted and examined the plates. Those who testified of handling the plates were Joseph Smith Sr., two of the
prophet's brothers, and five of the Whitmer family, including Hiram Page, being the husband of David Whitmer's sister. The Eight Witnesses qualified as being among
the "few" in addition to the Three Witnesses, who, "according to the will of God," would be privileged to view the ancient record (2 Ne. 27:12-13). Not only did most
of the men in the Whitmer and Smith families become witnesses of the Book of Mormon but all members of both large households became devout believers in the
restored Church.

The lives of the Three Witnesses undergird their testimonies. Oliver Cowdery stands out because he also testified that he was with Joseph Smith when John the Baptist
restored the lesser priesthood and when the ancient apostles restored the greater priesthood (D&C 27:8-13). Oliver led the first major mission of the Church, traveling
through Ohio to Missouri. His 1830-31 declarations that he saw the angel and the plates are found in writings of converts, in records of a Shaker community, and in a
report of a Missouri Indian agent. Oliver served constantly as a capable clerk, editor, high councilor, and even assistant president of the Church under Joseph Smith.
He married Elizabeth Ann Whitmer, whose brother David was also trusted by the prophet as a capable leader. In 1832 David was one of some two dozen elders sent
to preach from Ohio to Missouri. Schoolteacher William E. McLellin, who became an apostle but later apostatized, investigated Mormonism because of the impressive
testimony of David Whitmer having seen an Holy Angel who had made known the truth of this record to him" (Shipps and Welch, 29). After serving in leadership
councils in Jackson County, David was ordained by Joseph Smith in 1834 as President of the high council in Zion (Missouri), "to be a leader, or a prophet to this
Church, which (ordination) was on conditions that he (J. Smith jr) did not live to God himself" (Cannon and Cook, 72, 151). Though Oliver and David were among the
early leaders of the Church and had participated in the powerful visions and endowments accompanying the dedication of the Kirtland Temple, a split developed
between them and Joseph Smith. Complex emotions ran their course after the failure of the Kirtland bank in early 1837, because many members had simplistically
thought the Prophet's early participation guaranteed financial success. The hard times that followed gave rise to doubts in the minds of some about Joseph Smith's
leaders-hip, and by the end of the year, a strong dissenting party developed. During the first half of 1838, most of the faithful Saints migrated from Kirtland to Missouri,
where the Whitmer family supported the questionable conduct of David Whitmer's two counselors in the Missouri presidency. These leaders, John Whitmer and W. W.
Phelps, had spent church funds for land in the city of Far West, then sold lots to gathering members as their own enterprise. After the two men were called to account
by the Missouri high council, negotiations broke down, and the pair were excommunicated. David Whitmer and Oliver Cowdery were excommunicated soon
afterward. Both David and Oliver wrote letters of resignation, regretting conflict over policies but still indicating faith in the Church as originally restored (Smith, Church,
3:17-19 nn). Thomas B. Marsh, President of the Twelve in 1838, later recalled questioning them about their views during this troubled time. Marsh, whose own faith
was being tried by events in and around Far West, left the Mormon settlements and traveled to Richmond, Missouri, where Oliver and David had relocated. He bluntly
asked David whether his written testimony of the Book of Mormon was true: "He replied, as sure as there is a God in heaven, he saw the angel according to his
testimony in that book." Marsh then asked why "he did not stand by Joseph." David replied that the prophet was inspired in the beginning but had "now fallen." Marsh
added, "I interrogated Oliver Cowdery in the same manner, who answered similarly" ( Deseret News ). Although Oliver Cowdery and David Whitmer were then filled
with personal resentment toward Joseph Smith and the Church, they insisted on the divine origin of the Book of Mormon.

Martin Harris, the third of the Three Witnesses, stayed in Ohio after most of the Church moved to Missouri in 1838. He had sold a major portion of his New York
farm in 1831 to pay for the publishing of the first edition of the Book of Mormon. His strong convictions cost him his reputation and his family, as well as his property.
The great respect he had enjoyed in his community changed to scorn, and he suffered estrangement, and finally separation from his wife and children. Martin had loyally
followed Joseph Smith in the first Ohio years, continuing to contribute money to church projects such as the first printing of the revelations known as the Book of
Commandments, in 1833. Though serving for a time on the Kirtland high council, Martin later complained that he was not given high position. Martin developed a
stormy alliance with the Kirtland dissenters, for which he was excommunicated at the end of 1837 (Anderson, 119 n. 13). He stayed at Kirtland for a third of a century
before returning to the Church in Utah in 1870. Even though in his Ohio years Martin was often critical of church leaders, he never denied or compromised his firm
testimony of the Book of Mormon. At age eighty- three he put his deepest convictions in crisp words: "I do say that the angel did show to me the plates containing the
Book of Mormon. . . . I do firmly believe and do know that Joseph Smith was a prophet of God" ( Saints' Herald, 22:630). In 1875 he bore that same testimony on his
deathbed.

Oliver Cowdery returned to the Church after a decade as a respected lawyer in Ohio and Wisconsin. A prominent non- Mormon attorney who studied law with Oliver
said he was "a great advocate," well informed, possessing a "friendly disposition," and was "modest" and generous in his relationships (Lang, 365). Oliver was success-
ful in regional politics, though his detractors ridiculed his testimony which was published with the Book of Mormon. Nevertheless, Oliver did not explain away this
public declaration, and private letters in this period show that he firmly accepted Joseph Smith's visions, mentioning being present at some. On rejoining the Church in
1848, Oliver spoke of the Book of Mormon before a large audience: "I beheld with my eyes, and handled with my hands, the gold plates from which it was translated.
I also beheld the Interpreters. That book is true" (Anderson, 61). Oliver died a year and a half later at age forty- three. A dozen family members left memories of his
last moments, when he reassured his wife, daughter, and close relatives of his love for Christ, of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon, and of the reality of
priesthood restoration.

After leaving the Church, David Whitmer lived half a century in Richmond, Missouri, where he ran a successful livery business, renting horses and rigs. He was highly
respected in his community, and at his death a local editor said he was "honest, conscientious and upright in all his dealings" (Cook, 227-28). David lived until 1888,
well into the era of modern journalism, and after all other ten witnesses had passed away. He was regularly sought out by reporters, curious non- Mormons, and
believers traveling through the area where he lived. On scores of occasions David testified that he saw the angel with the plates and heard the divine voice declare the
translation to be correct. This central message is clear, though minor variations appear in the reports of the many interviews. In his last decade, David published
statements reiterating his Book of Mormon testimony, while at the same time explaining why he thought Joseph Smith lost the gift of inspiration he enjoyed when
translating the Book of Mormon and receiving early revelations. In his last year, David corrected encyclopedia accounts alleging that the Three Witnesses renounced
their written testimony. He stated, "I will say once more to all mankind, that I have never at any time denied that testimony or any part thereof" (Whitmer, 8). Like
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Oliver Cowdery and Martin Harris, in his final hours David Whitmer reaffirmed his testimony that the Book of Mormon was revealed by God. Page 888 / 919

Among the Eight Witnesses were both prominent and less- noted supporters of the Restored Church. The Whitmer brothers, including their brother- in- law Hiram
translation to be correct. This central message is clear, though minor variations appear in the reports of the many interviews. In his last decade, David published
statements reiterating his Book of Mormon testimony, while at the same time explaining why he thought Joseph Smith lost the gift of inspiration he enjoyed when
translating the Book of Mormon and receiving early revelations. In his last year, David corrected encyclopedia accounts alleging that the Three Witnesses renounced
their written testimony. He stated, "I will say once more to all mankind, that I have never at any time denied that testimony or any part thereof" (Whitmer, 8). Like
Oliver Cowdery and Martin Harris, in his final hours David Whitmer reaffirmed his testimony that the Book of Mormon was revealed by God.

Among the Eight Witnesses were both prominent and less- noted supporters of the Restored Church. The Whitmer brothers, including their brother- in- law Hiram
Page, were among the first Mormons to accept the call to settle near Independence, Missouri. They endured mob violence in the 1833 expulsion of the Saints from
Jackson County, Missouri. When Christian and Peter Whitmer Jr. died of illness in the mid-1830s in Missouri, Oliver Cowdery reported, "They proclaimed to their last
moments, the certainty of their former testimony" ( Messenger and Advocate, 3:426). After the 1838 excommunications of David and John Whitmer, Hiram Page and
Jacob Whitmer disassociated themselves from the Church. Hiram and Jacob farmed near Richmond, Missouri, and Jacob also pursued his trade as a shoemaker. Both
men passed away in the 1850s. According to their sons, these two remained firm in their testimony of seeing the plates to the end of their lives. John Whitmer lived until
1878, far beyond the others of the Eight Witnesses. He had earlier served as Church historian and editor, as well as in the Missouri presidency. Successful in farming
and raising stock after his excommunication, he regularly repeated the convictions he had expressed in 1836 at the end of his editorial career in Kirtland: "I have most
assuredly seen the plates from whence the book of Mormon is translated, and . . . have handled these plates, and know of a surety that Joseph Smith, jr. has translated
the book of Mormon by the gift and power of God" ( Messenger and Advocate, 2:286-87).

Joseph Smith's father and two brothers, Hyrum and Samuel, were really martyrs to the cause of the Book of Mormon and the Restor-ation. Joseph Smith Sr. served
on the high council and in the First Presidency for a time in Ohio. He was a revered patriarch, giving nearly 400 recorded blessings. Emotionally devastated by the
arrest and imprisonment of Joseph and Hyrum in Missouri in 1838, he suffered from exposure in migrating to Illinois, where he died in 1840. Hyrum Smith's Church
career paralleled that of the Prophet, whom he served as counselor and then as assistant president in Nauvoo (D&C 124:94-96). He went to Carthage with Joseph,
fully aware of the threat of assassination, finding solace in the Book of Mormon, in particular Moroni 2's farewell testimonial to the Gentiles (D&C 135:4-5; Ether
12:36-38). Earlier, after nearly six months in Missouri prisons, Hyrum Smith wrote, "I felt a determination to die, rather than deny the things which my eyes had seen,
which my hands had handled, and which I had borne testimony to, wherever my lot had been cast" ( Times and Seasons, 1:23). Samuel Smith rode hard, hoping to
rescue his brothers, arriving at Carthage immediately after their murder on 27 June 1844. He himself succumbed a month later, weakened by internal injury or
overexertion. Samuel was always true to his published testimony as one of the Eight Witnesses. Samuel had given copies of the Book of Mormon to a brother and
sister of Brigham Young, laying the groundwork for the conversion of Joseph Smith's dynamic successor.

Moroni testified that "in the mouth of three witnesses shall these things be established." Added to the testimony of the Three Witnesses is that of the Eight Witnesses.
And added to their testimony is the life and witness of the Prophet Joseph Smith himself and the work he brought forth, "in the which shall be shown forth the power of
God and also his word, of which the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost bear record-and all this shall stand as a testimony against the world at the last day" (Ether
5:4).

See also The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon, 9; Book of Mormon, translation of; Gold plates; Witnesses, law of.

Bibliography

Anderson, Richard L. Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1981.

Book of Commandments. Zion, Mo.: W. W. Phelps & Co., 1833. Reprint, Independence, Mo: Herald House, 1972.

Cannon, Donald Q., and Lyndon W. Cook, eds. Far West Record. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983.

Cook, Lyndon W., ed. David Whitmer Interviews. Orem, Utah: Grandin Book, 1991.

Deseret News 8, no. 3 (24 March 1858).

Jenson, Andrew, ed. The Historical Record. Salt Lake City: Andrew Jenson, 1889.

Lang, W. History of Seneca County. Springfield, Ohio: Transcript Printing Co., 1880.

Latter Day Saints' Messenger and Advocate 2, no. 6 (March 1836); 3, no. 3 (December 1836).

Saints' Herald 22, no. 20 (15 October 1875); 26, no. 19 (1 October 1879).

Shipps, Jan, and John W. Welch, eds. The Journals of William E. McLellin, 1831-1836. Provo, Utah: BYU Studies, 1994.

Smith, Joseph. History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. 7 vols. 2d ed. rev. Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- day Saints, 1932- 51.

Smith, Lucy Mack. History of Joseph Smith by His Mother, Lucy Mack Smith. Edited by Preston Nibley. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1958.

Times and Seasons 1, no. 2 (December 1839).

Whitmer, David. An Address to All Believers in Christ. Richmond, Mo.: David Whitmer, 1887.

Anderson, Richard Lloyd

Wo

See Appendix C.

Wonderful

See Appendix C.

Word the
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This term is used in at least two ways in the Book of Mormon.
See Appendix C.

Word the

This term is used in at least two ways in the Book of Mormon.

1. That which is given of God to lead one to eternal life (1 Ne. 11:25; 2 Ne. 31:20). It includes Jesus Christ (Alma 38:9; John 1:1-14) and his plan of redemption
(Alma 33:22-23), scriptures (e.g., 2 Ne. 29:13-14), and truths revealed by the Holy Ghost (D&C 68:4).

Jacob 2 testified that the word is eternal (2 Ne. 9:16) and Nephi 1 , drawing on the prophecies of Isaiah, warned that those who reject it would be condemned (2 Ne.
27:14). Alma 2 taught that the portion of the word a person is allowed to receive and understand is dictated by his heed and diligence to it (Alma 12:9-11). He likened
the word to a seed and explained that if one would plant it in one's heart and nourish it, one's faith would grow and lead to eternal life (Alma 32:28-43). He further
explained that one may plant and nourish the word through such activities as prayer, scripture study, and faith (Alma 33:1-23).

There is power in the word. God uses this power to create, control, and direct the earth, its elements, and its inhabitants (1 Ne. 17:46; Jacob 4:9). The power of the
word can nourish the faithful (Moro. 6:4), heal the wounded soul (Jacob 2:8), help the righteous feel the love of God (Jacob 3:2), initiate spiritual rebirth (Alma 5:13;
26:13; 36:26), help one overcome temptations (1 Ne. 11:25; 15:24), and bring the believer to eternal life (2 Ne. 31:20). In contrast, it can also condemn the wicked (2
Ne. 1:26), expose and combat the adversary (Alma 35:3; Hel. 3:29), put down pride (Alma 4:19), destroy secret combinations (Hel. 6:37), and bring men unto
repentance (Jarom 1:12; Mosiah 27:32; Alma 32:14). Alma 2 testified that the word was more powerful than even the sword in leading people to what was just (Alma
31:5; cf. D&C 11:2, 21). Accordingly the word was preached frequently to convert nonbelievers (e.g., Alma 17:4), reclaim the apostate (e.g., Hel. 5:14-17), and
maintain the righteous (e.g., Mosiah 25:21). Prophets are held accountable for the sins of the people if they do not preach the word (Jacob 1:19).

2. A divine decree, prophecy, or pronouncement (e.g., 2 Ne. 5:20; Alma 8:29).

Ball, Terry B.

Words of Mormon

The seventh division of the Book of Mormon, placed between two sets of plates: the small plates of Nephi, and Mormon's abridgment of the large plates of Nephi.
Written by Mormon 2 near the end of Nephite history (ca. a.d. 385), the Words of Mormon informs readers of Mormon's discovery of the small plates and his
decision to include them with his abridgment. Mormon also gave a brief summary of the reign of king Benjamin. This summary fills a historical gap between the small
plates and Mormon's abridgment inasmuch as the last book of the small plates (Omni) only briefly mentions king Benjamin, and the first book of Mormon's abridgment
(Mosiah) begins with the end of Benjamin's reign. It is unclear whether Mormon inscribed "The Words of Mormon" on remaining space on the small plates of Nephi, or
on an additional plate(s) he inserted into his record.

Content and message

Having abridged Nephite history to the reign of king Benjamin, Mormon searched the records, possibly spurred by Benjamin's words (W of M 1:3; cf. Mosiah 1:6-7;
Packer, 275), and found the small plates of Nephi. Pleased to find many prophecies concerning Jesus Christ and the Nephites on the small plates, and inspired by the
whisperings of the Spirit concerning "a wise purpose," he included them with his record (W of M 1:4, 6-7). One "wise purpose" behind this inspiration, and the earlier
commandment the Lord gave Nephi 1 to engrave a second record (1 Ne. 9:5-6; 2 Ne. 5:30), was revealed after 116 manuscript pages of translated material were
stolen from Martin Harris in 1828. A revelation to Joseph Smith told him to replace the lost text by translating the "more particular account" found on the small plates,
which in fact would "throw greater views upon" the gospel (D&C 10:38-45). This course brought forth the "choice" writings of the small plates (W of M 1:6) and also
foiled any possible conspiracy to alter the stolen manuscript and then discredit a retranslated text (D&C 10:8-33). Mormon's exposure to the sacred focus of the small
plates probably "greatly influenced . . . the rest of his abridgment" of the Nephite records (Packer, 276; cf. Jacob 1:4; W of M 1:9).

Mormon wrote of dissension and contention among king Benjamin's people, stemming in part from false ideas and false teachers (W of M 1:12, 15-16), and possibly
compounded by the challenge of unifying the people of Zarahemla and the Nephites under a Nephite king, and the desire of many Nephites to return to the land of
Nephi (Omni 1:27-30; cf. W of M 1:16). Despite internal strife, Benjamin's forces rebuffed a Lamanite attack upon the land of Zarahemla and drove the Lamanites
"out of all the lands of their inheritance" (W of M 1:12-14). Through legal means and with the help of other "holy prophets," Benjamin overcame false teachings and
established peace among his people (W of M 1:15-18).

See also Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages).

Bibliography

Packer, Boyd K. "The Book of Mormon." Let Not Your Heart Be Troubled. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1991.

Thomas, John C.

World the

Term used in the Book of Mormon to refer to one or more of the following concepts.

1. The physical planet earth, as in "the creation of the world" (1 Ne. 5:11) or "from the foundation of the world" (Ether 3:14).

2. The human inhabitants of the earth, as in Christ being the Savior of the world (1 Ne. 10:5) who took upon him the sins of the world (3 Ne. 11:11).

3. This state of mortality-individuals who died "went out of the world rejoicing" (Alma 46:39).

4. The physical possessions which men and women accumulate, often referred to as the riches or things of the world (2 Ne. 9:30).

5. The pride and wisdom of the world (the learning and philosophies of men), which oppose the wisdom of God (1 Ne. 11:35-36).

Ostler, Craig James

Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
Worship                                                                                                                                            Page 890 / 919

Genuine feelings and acts of homage; reverence; adoration. Book of Mormon prophets taught people to worship "the true and the living God" (Alma 7:6; 43:10), and
5. The pride and wisdom of the world (the learning and philosophies of men), which oppose the wisdom of God (1 Ne. 11:35-36).

Ostler, Craig James

Worship

Genuine feelings and acts of homage; reverence; adoration. Book of Mormon prophets taught people to worship "the true and the living God" (Alma 7:6; 43:10), and
warned against worshipping false Gods (2 Ne. 9:37; Mosiah 12:34-37; cf. 2 Ne. 12:8, 20; 3 Ne. 21:17). Beyond the general injunction to worship God, Nephi 1 and
Jacob 2 spoke of worshipping the Father in the name of Jesus Christ (2 Ne. 25:16; Jacob 4:5), a principle Christ taught during his postresurrection ministry at Bountiful
2 (3 Ne. 18:16-23). Christ himself worshipped the Father through prayer (3 Ne. 17:13-17; 19:19-23, 27-29, 31-34). Nephi also spoke of the necessity of
worshipping Christ (2 Ne. 25:29), a principle beautifully realized during the risen Lord's visit to the Americas when the multitude and the disciples worshipped at his feet
(3 Ne. 11:17; 17:10; 19:15-36; cf. 1 Ne. 11:24).

True worship is more than outward acts; it emanates from sincere belief and proper intent (2 Ne. 25:16, 29; Mosiah 4:1-3; Alma 7:6; 4 Ne. 1:37). Book of Mormon
prophets made it clear that the intent of the law of Moses was to lead worshippers to "look forward unto the Messiah, and believe in him" (Jarom 1:11; 2 Ne. 25:23-
30; Jacob 4:5; cf. Mosiah 13:25-30; Alma 25:15-16).

Book of Mormon peoples gathered at temples, synagogues, and sanctuaries to worship, often at set times (Jacob 2:2, 11; Mosiah 1:18; 18:25; Alma 15:17; 23:4; 3
Ne. 11:1-2; Moro. 6:5-6; 7:1). When the Savior visited them after his resurrection, he taught them that giving alms and prayer , both acts of worship and devotion,
were to be done "in secret," rather than in public to be seen and praised of men (3 Ne. 13:1-6, 16-18).

The Zoramites 2 practiced a false system of worship in place of the commandments and statutes of the law of Moses. They also failed to observe "the performances of
the church, to continue in prayer and supplication to God daily, that they might not enter into temptation" (Alma 31:9-10). Once a week, one at a time, wealthy
Zoramites recited loudly a rote prayer that professed belief in a "holy God," but denied the Christ. They proclaimed themselves God's "holy children" by election, but
condemned to hell those who believed in Christ (Alma 31:12-18). Alma 2 marveled at the Zoramites' "wickedness and infidelity" (Alma 31:30). He observed that their
hearts remained "swallowed up in their pride" and "set upon" worldly riches even while they prayed, and that they never spoke of God outside this weekly assembly
(Alma 31:27-28, 23-24). When the less affluent Zoramites complained that their exclusion from the synagogue left them "no place to worship" (Alma 32:5), Alma and
Amulek taught them they could worship God "in whatsoever place ye may be in" (Alma 34:38) through honest prayer (Alma 32:10-11; 33:2-12; 34:17-31, 37-39).

True Christian worship is the opposite of Zoramite attitudes and beliefs. It is characterized by sincerity (Alma 33:11; cf. 2 Ne. 31:13), humility (Alma 32:12-16; cf.
Alma 34:38), love for one's neighbor (Alma 34:28-29; cf. Moro. 7:48; 1 Jn. 4:20), and obedience to God's commandments (Alma 34:32-37; cf. 2 Ne. 31:10).
Paramount is the acknowledgment that redemption comes through Jesus Christ (Alma 34:8; cf. Mosiah 3:17).

Thomas, John C.

Wrapt

See Appendix C.

Wrest

See Appendix C.

Wrestle

Word used by Enos to describe his personal spiritual struggle as he sought to overcome his sins and communicate with the Lord. To wrestle as Enos includes such
aspects of personal effort as penetrating reflection, deep desire for forgiveness, mighty prayer, and the exercise of abiding faith in Christ (Enos 1:2-8).

Wilson, Keith J.

Writing of divorcement

A legal document formally repudiating any covenant or connection between a husband and wife. Under the law of Moses, a man wishing to "put away" or divorce his
wife was required to give her a writing or "bill" of divorcement, thereby establishing her legal right to remarry (3 Ne. 12:31 // Matt. 5:31; Deut. 24:1-3).

The law of Moses specified that a man might divorce his wife if she found "no favour in his eyes" because he found in her "some uncleanness" (Deut. 24:1), but Christ,
emphasizing the sanctity of marriage, taught that a man who "shall put away his wife" for any reason other than "fornication" would cause her as well as anyone she
subsequently married to commit adultery (3 Ne. 12: 32 // Matt. 5:32; cf. Mark 10:1-12). It is unclear whether the term "put away" as used in this context refers to all
divorce, or simply those not legalized through a writing of divorcement. Today Latter- day Saints understand that in addition to infidelity in a marriage, there may be
other serious sins and violations of covenants, such as those associated with abuse, in which divorce might be considered. Elder Bruce R. McConkie explained, "At this
time divorces are permitted in the Church for a number of reasons other than sex immorality, and divorced persons are permitted to marry again and enjoy all of the
blessings of the gospel" (1:548-49).

The Lord used the imagery of divorce to emphasize to ancient Israel that though he had never put away his people or initiated a "bill" of divorcement, they had chosen
to divorce themselves from him and broken sacred covenants through their iniquities (2 Ne. 7:1 // Isa. 50:1).

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. Doctrinal New Testament Commen-tary. 3 vols. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1965- 73.

Robinson, Stephen E.

Wroth

See Appendix C.

Wrought
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See Appendix C.
Wroth

See Appendix C.

Wrought

See Appendix C.

Wrought on or upon

See Appendix C.

Z
Zarahemla

A descendant of Mulek, the son of Zedekiah 1 , who was king of Judah at the time of Lehi 1's departure from Jerusalem 1 (Mosiah 25:2; 1 Ne. 1:4). Zarahemla was
leader of "the people of Zarahemla," or the Mulekites in "the land of Zarahemla," when they were discovered by the Nephites. He rejoiced when the people of Mosiah
1 arrived with the plates of brass in their possession (Omni 1:13-14). Zarahemla recounted his genealogy for the Nephites, but it was not recorded on "these" plates,
the small plates of Nephi (Omni 1:18). Among his descendants were Ammon 1 and Coriantum r 3 (Mosiah 7:3, 13; Hel. 1:15).

Zarahemla land of and city of

-Mulekite- Nephite region, as well as the capital city in that land. The land of Zarahemla was located in the northern portion of the land southward. The river Sidon "ran
by the land of Zarahemla" (Alma 2:15). The original settlement was founded by a people (Mulekites) who left the Old World some time in the sixth century b.c. (Omni
1:15). The Mulekites had apparently wandered from their original landing spot in the land of Mulek, located in the land northward, southward to the land of Zarahemla
(Alma 22:29-31; Omni 1:14-17; Hel. 6:10).

In roughly 200 b.c. Mosiah 1 led a group of Nephites northward and downward as they fled out of the land of Nephi. Being "led by the power of [the Lord's] arm"
through the wilderness they eventually came to a land called Zarahemla and discovered the people of Zara-hemla. Mosiah caused that these people be taught the
language of the Nephites. The people of Mosiah and the people of Zarahemla, who were led by a man named Zarahemla, united and Mosiah was appointed to be king
(Omni 1:12-19). During Mosiah's reign a man named Zeniff led a group of Nephites back up to the land of Nephi to dwell in their original homeland (Mosiah 9:1-7).
Thus there were two Nephite groups: one group in the land of Zarahemla and a Nephite colony living in Lamanite territory in the land of Nephi.

Mosiah's son Benjamin succeeded him as king in Zarahemla, led his people into victory against the Lamanites, and ruled the Nephites in peace and righteousness (W of
M 1:12-18). At about 124 b.c. Benjamin turned the kingdom over to his son Mosiah 2 (Mosiah 6:4). Some four years later, the descendants of Zeniff's earlier group of
Nephites-the people of Alma 1 and the people of Limhi-arrived in the land of Zarahemla and were reunited into the kingdom. Under Mosiah's direction Alma
established churches in the land of Zarahemla. Originally there were seven congregations (Mosiah 25:15-23).

Over the next two generations (120-75 b.c.) , the land of Zarahemla grew rapidly in population. It extended its borders and contained multiple cultures (e.g., Mosiah
25:2-3; 27:6). The city of Zarahemla became the hub for sophisticated religious and mercantile systems (Sorenson, 190-97). Under Mosiah the kingdom was abolished
and a system of judgeships elected by the people was created in every city with the chief judge residing in the city of Zarahemla (Mosiah 29). The prophet Alma 2 ,
who was the son of Alma 1 , was the first chief judge (Mosiah 29:42). When he became "sorrowful" because of the wickedness of his people, he resigned his
judgment- seat and went on a circuit throughout the land of Zarahemla preaching repentance and the pure doctrines of Jesus Christ (Alma 4-15). His reform effort was
mostly successful, but in Ammonihah in the northern reaches of the land, Alma and his companion Amulek were rejected and nearly assassinated (Alma 14).

From 73-60 b.c. the Lamanites from the land of Nephi engaged the Nephites in a massive war throughout the entire land of Zarahemla, with the Lamanites finally being
expelled from the land (Alma 43-62). Toward the end of this period the city of Zarahemla was seized by Nephite rebels (the king- men ) who drove out chief judge
Pahoran 1 and appointed one of their number, Pachus, as king. With the intent of securing his position, the new king entered an alliance with the Lamanites agreeing to
maintain control of Zarahemla while the Lamanites conquered the remainder of Nephite territory. Captain Moroni rallied Nephites against the traitors and won back
Zarahemla and restored Pahoran to his office (Alma 61-62:9).

About 51 b.c. a bold Nephite dissenter named Coriantum r 3 marched Lamanite troops through the heart of Nephite territories and took control of the city of
Zarahemla. Moronihah 1 soon recaptured the city (Hel. 1:14-33).

A few years later (ca. 36-34 b.c.) Nephites who dissented to the Lamanites incited the Lamanites to war against the Nephites and captured the land of Zarahemla, as
well as many other lands, driving the Nephites northward to the land of Bountiful 2 (Hel. 4:1-6). Parts of the land were subsequently won back by the Nephites under
the spiritual and military leadership of Moronihah (Hel. 4:9-17).

At about 30 b.c. Nephite dissenters and eight thousand Lamanites in the land of Zarahemla were converted to Christ through the preaching of Nephi 2 and Lehi 4 (Hel.
5:16-19). Moreover, many other Lamanite conversions took place as Nephi and Lehi extended their ministry to the Land of Nephi, and as their converts preached the
word "throughout all the regions round about" (Hel. 5:50). These Lamanites gave back to the Nephites lands they had taken, presumably including the land of
Zarahemla (Hel. 5:52).

In 6-5 b.c. Samuel the Lamanite preached in the city of Zarahemla to the wicked Nephites who dwelt there (Hel. 13-16). In the days of chief judge Lachoneus 1 , the
land of Zarahemla was designated as the central gathering place for Nephites preparatory to war with the Gadianton robbers (3 Ne. 3:22-23). After Nephite victories,
first over Giddianhi, and then Zemnarihah, Nephites in Zarahemla enjoyed peace and prosperity until pride, secret combinations, and the killing of the Lord's prophets
led to destruction (3 Ne. 4-8). In the great destructions that accompanied the death of Jesus Christ, the city of Zarahemla and its inhabitants were burned (3 Ne. 8:8,
24; 9:3). The city of Zarahemla was rebuilt in the first century a.d. (4 Ne. 1:8). Mormon mentioned being taken southward by his father to the land of Zarahemla (about
a.d. 322), and that "the whole face of the land had become covered with buildings, and the people were as numerous almost, as it were the sand of the sea" (Morm.
1:6-7). Mormon referred to a Nephite/Lamanite war beginning in the borders of Zarahemla (Morm. 1:10).

See also Nephite civilization; Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Bibliography

Sorenson,
 CopyrightJohn  L. An Ancient
           (c) 2005-2009,     American
                           Infobase    Setting
                                    Media      for the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.
                                           Corp.                                                                                                   Page 892 / 919
Orden, Bruce A. Van
See also Nephite civilization; Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites).

Bibliography

Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1985.

Orden, Bruce A. Van

Zarahemla people of (Mulekites)

A people discovered by Mosiah 1 (Omni 1:12-14). Warned of the Lord to flee the land of Nephi, Mosiah and his followers were directed by God through the
wilderness "until they came down" into a land called Zarahemla (Omni 1:13). The people of the land, then led by a man named Zarahemla, were descended from a
group which had come out of the land of Jerusalem 1 at the time Zedekiah "was carried away captive into Babylon . . . and were brought by the hand of the Lord
across the great waters, into the land where Mosiah discovered them" (Omni 1:15-16). Amaleki 1 , who recorded these events, noted that at the time Mosiah's group
discovered the city of Zarahemla, the people there had become "exceedingly numerous" and had experienced "many wars and serious contentions" (Omni 1:17).
Zarahemla and his people rejoiced that Mosiah had brought "the plates of brass which contained the record of the Jews," for "they had brought no records wit h them."
Consequently, "their language had become corrupted . . . and they denied the being of their Creator" (Omni 1:14, 17). Sometime after the people of Zarahemla were
taught the language of the Nephites, they and the people of Mosiah "did unite together; and Mosiah was appointed to be their king" (Omni 1:18-19). From this time
forth the people of Zarahemla were identified with the Nephites, and became an integral part of the Book of Mormon account of Nephite history.

The people of Zarahemla have come to be known as Mulekites because they were descendants of Mulek , a son of Zedekiah. Mulek appears in three Book of
Mormon references. In Mosiah 25:2 it is noted that "the people of Zarahemla, who was a descendant of Mulek," had become more numerous than the Nephites.
Helaman 6:10 reveals that when migrating to the promised land, Mulek was brought by the Lord "into the land north, and Lehi into the land south." In Helaman 8:21
Nephi 2 also identified Mulek as a son of Zedekiah and taught that the presence of the "seed of Zedekiah" among them was a witness that Jerusalem had been
destroyed.

Hauglid, Brian Michael

Zedekiah 1

King of Judah who reigned from about 600 b.c. to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 b.c. (biblical scholarship identifies the first year of the reign of Zedekiah as 597 b.c. ; the
Book of Mor-mon places the beginning of his reign at about 600 b.c.; see Chronology, Book of Mormon). His wicked reign is recounted in 2 Kings 24:17-25:7; 2
Chronicles 36:11-13; and in Jeremiah 21:1-25:14; 37-39; 52:1-11. Nephi 1 began his record in the "first year" of Zedekiah's reign (1 Ne. 1:4), and the commencement
of his reign is recorded on the brass plates (1 Ne. 5:13). A son of the righteous king Josiah, Nebuchadnezzar placed him on the throne to replace his nephew
Jehoiachin who was deported to Babylon along with many of the leading citizens of Judah following a rebellion against Babylon (2 Kgs. 24:8-17). Zedekiah was a
weak and vacillating king. He owed his allegiance to Babylon and yet was continuously pressured by his advisers to revolt and restore the independent Davidic empire
as his father Josiah had attempted to do. On several occasions Zedekiah summoned the prophet Jeremiah 1 to ascertain the word of the Lord. Jeremiah repeatedly told
him it was the Lord's will to submit to Babylonian authority to spare Jerusalem from destruction and exile (Jer. 37:1-10, 16-21; 38:14-28). Zedekiah allowed Jeremiah
to be imprisoned but spared his life (Jer. 37:11-21). Eventually Zedekiah conspired with his neighbors and rebelled against Babylon. Babylon responded in 586 b.c. by
destroying Jerusalem as prophesied by Jeremiah and Lehi 1 (1 Ne. 1:4) and taking many of its inhabitants into exile. They captured Zedekiah in Jericho as he fled from
Jerusalem, took him to Riblah in Syria where Nebuchadnezzar had all of his captured sons killed before him, put out his eyes, and took him to Babylon in chains where
he died (Jer. 39:4-7; 52:7-11).

Mulek, Zedekiah's only surviving son, escaped and journeyed with a group of people to the promised land in the Americas where they became a people named after
him (Omni 1:15; Hel. 6:10; 8:21).

See also Chronology, Bible; Chronology, Book of Mormon; Jeremiah 1 , prophecies of; Jerusalem 1 , city of; Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c.

Seely, David Rolph

Zedekiah 2

See Disciples, twelve Nephite.

Zeezrom

Legal official in the city of Ammoni-hah who argued against Alma 2 and Amulek, asserting that the divinity of Christ was not logically possible (ca. 82 b.c.) but who
later converted to Christ.

Lawyers are rarely mentioned in the Book of Mormon, so it remains unclear how they functioned in the Nephite legal system. Lawyers in Ammonihah, such as
Zeezrom, were officials skilled in the study of the law, hired or appointed by the people to administer the law at their times of legal trials (Alma 10:14).

When Zeezrom questioned Amulek, his scheming strategy was to require Amulek to answer specific questions regarding the nature of God. He tried to bribe Amulek
to "deny the existence of a Supreme Being" (Alma 11:22) with a substantial sum of six ontis-worth forty- two days of professional labor (Alma 11:3, 5-13)-and he
questioned Amulek regarding the existence of God, monotheism, the coming of the Son of God, and the salvation of sinful people (Alma 11:26-37). Amulek rejected
the bribe, accused Zeezrom of lying (Alma 11:25, 36), and declared that God will redeem his people if they will "believe on his name" (Alma 11:40). Amulek's direct
and penetrating response caused Zeezrom to tremble, conscious that he was guilty of lying not only to men but also to God.

Zeezrom then asked to know more about the resurrection and the Judgment (Alma 12:8). In response, Alma delivered a profound discourse on the mysteries of God,
the Creation, the Fall, the plan of redemption and happiness, the priesthood, repentance, and many other sacred themes (Alma 12:9-13:20). Alma's elaborate
statement strengthened Amulek and the other faithful men in the audience, instructed Zeezrom, and warned the others.

Upon hearing the people use his own arguments to condemn Alma and Amulek before the chief judge, Zeezrom became "astonished" (Alma 14:6), and he realized the
stark consequences of his shrewdness. He knew that he had been manipulative in his debate with Amulek, that he had lied, and that he had been silenced by Amulek
and Alma's bold responses. To his credit, Zeezrom realized he could not join the other witnesses in accusing Alma and Amulek, and instead he publicly admitted his
guilt and embraced the teachings of Alma and Amulek. For this he was accused of having an evil spirit and was cast out of the city (Alma 14:7). He then went to the
land of Sidom, where he fell ill and was healed miraculously by Alma (Alma 15:11), baptized (Alma 15:12), and seven years later served as a missionary in Antionum
 Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.
(Alma 31:6).                                                                                                                                     Page 893 / 919

Welch, John W.
stark consequences of his shrewdness. He knew that he had been manipulative in his debate with Amulek, that he had lied, and that he had been silenced by Amulek
and Alma's bold responses. To his credit, Zeezrom realized he could not join the other witnesses in accusing Alma and Amulek, and instead he publicly admitted his
guilt and embraced the teachings of Alma and Amulek. For this he was accused of having an evil spirit and was cast out of the city (Alma 14:7). He then went to the
land of Sidom, where he fell ill and was healed miraculously by Alma (Alma 15:11), baptized (Alma 15:12), and seven years later served as a missionary in Antionum
(Alma 31:6).

Welch, John W.

Zeezrom city of

One of several Nephite cities captured by the Lamanites in the days of Moroni 1 and Helaman 2 (Alma 56:13-14; ca. 66 b.c. ). These cities, presumably including
Zeezrom, were abandoned by the Lamanites after Helaman 2 recaptured the city of Manti (Alma 58:28-31).

Zelph

The name by which Joseph Smith identified "the skeletal remains of an ancient warrior" discovered in a burial mound in western Illinois in June 1834. The remains were
found by members of Zion's Camp, an LDS military group traveling to Missouri to recover lands from which some Missouri Saints had been expelled in 1833. The
discovery took place near present- day Griggsville, Illinois, on the west bank of the Illinois river, Monday, 2 June 1834.

The primary source material for the Zelph story comes from the diaries kept by some members of Zion's Camp. Six men wrote diary accounts concerning Zelph:
Wilford Woodruff, Heber C. Kimball, George A. Smith, Levi Hancock, Moses Martin, and Reuben McBride. Searching these accounts for evidence of what Joseph
Smith said about the find reveals general agreement on the following points: (1) members of Zion's Camp, traveling through Illinois, unearthed the skeletal remains of a
man, 2 June 1834 near the top of a large burial mound; (2) Joseph Smith learned what he knew about the skeletal remains by way of a vision after the discovery; (3)
the man was a white Lamanite named Zelph, a man of God, and a great warrior who served under a widely known leader named Onandagus; (4) Zelph was killed by
the arrow found with his remains in a battle with Lamanites.

That the Prophet Joseph Smith believed that the lands over which Zion's Camp was traveling had some connection with Book of Mormon peoples is clear from a letter
he wrote to Emma, 4 June 1834, just two days after Zelph's discovery: "The whole of our journey . . . wandering over the plains of the Nephites, recounting
occasionally the history of the Book of Mormon, roving over the mounds of that once beloved people of the Lord, picking up their skulls & their bones, as proof of its
divine authenticity . . . all serves to pass away time unnoticed" (Smith, 324).

Interestingly, recent scientific studies of several mounds in the area, including the Zelph mound, identified as "-Naples- Russell Mound Number 8," date activities there
about 100 b.c. -400 a.d. (Godfrey, 54 n. 2). These dates carry obvious significance for Book of Mormon students. It has been suggested, however, that Zelph, being
at the top of the burial mound, may have lived in a later time period. Elder John A. Widtsoe, in an article on Book of Mormon geography printed in the Improvement
Era in July 1950, suggested that "Zelph probably dated from a later time when the Nephites and Lamanites had been somewhat dispersed and had wandered over the
country" (qtd. in Godfrey, 48).

Though the journal accounts of members of Zion's Camp and the prophet's letter to Emma are evidence that Joseph Smith and his contemporaries believed in a North
American location for at least some events related to the Book of Mormon, they do not give the time or specific historical circumstances of Zelph's death. Details were
added in later historical accounts indicating that Zelph was killed in "the last great struggle of the Lamanites and Nephites" (Godfrey, 42-46).

A North American location for some Book of Mormon events does not rule out a Central American location for others. The two are not mutually exclusive. Joseph
Smith's statements about Zelph are important because they expand the possible geographical setting of Book of Mormon peoples.

See also Archaeology; Geography.

Bibliography

Cannon, Donald Q. "Zelph Revisited." Regional Studies in Latter- day Saint Church History: Illinois. Edited by H. Dean Garrett. Provo: Department of Church History
and Doctrine, 1995.

Godfrey, Kenneth W. "The Zelph Story." Brigham Young University Studies 29:2 (1989): 31- 56.

Smith, Joseph. Personal Writings of Joseph Smith. Compiled and edited by Dean C. Jessee. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1984, 2002.

Cannon, Donald Q.

Zemnarihah

The appointed leader of the Gadianton robbers following the death of Giddianhi (3 Ne. 4:14, 17; a.d. 21). Under Zemnarihah's command, the Gadianton robbers laid
siege to the people of Nephi in expectation that "if they should cut them off from all their outward privileges, that they could cause them to yield themselves up
according to their wishes" (3 Ne. 4:16). In fact, this tactical decision played directly into the hands of the Nephites, who were well provisioned for a lengthy siege. It
also operated against the robbers' best interests, because a prolonged siege resulted in the virtual destruction of their own food supply and the beginning of their
starvation. Finally, Zemnarihah ordered the lifting of the siege and the withdrawal of the Gadianton robbers. Gidgiddoni, the prophet- commander of the Nephites,
recognizing the difficult circumstances of the Gadianton band, ordered a night march of the Nephite army that resulted in the robbers' being surrounded (3 Ne. 4:18-
26). "Many thousands" of the robbers (a type of guerrilla army) were compelled to surrender, and Zemnarihah "was taken and hanged upon a tree . . . until he was
dead" (3 Ne. 4:27-28; cf. Deut. 21:23). Following Zemnarihah's execution, the Nephites "did fell the tree [where he was hanged] to the earth, and did cry with a loud
voice . . . that they may cause to be felled to the earth all who shall seek to slay them because of power and secret combinations" (3 Ne. 4:28-29).

Ricks, Stephen David

Zenephi

Nephite military commander during the final Nephite- Lamanite wars. Because Zenephi's army confiscated the remaining supplies at Sherrizah, many Nephite widows
and their daughters who tarried in the land were forced to wander for food. Many of the old women fainted and died (Moro. 9:16).

Zeniff
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Father of king Noah 3 , grandfather of king Limhi, and leader of a group of Nephites who left Zarahemla in the hope of re- establishing themselves in their ancestral
lands (ca. 200 b.c. ). Initially, Zeniff had been part of a Nephite faction that intended to take back their former land by force. Assigned to spy on the Lamanite armies
Nephite military commander during the final Nephite- Lamanite wars. Because Zenephi's army confiscated the remaining supplies at Sherrizah, many Nephite widows
and their daughters who tarried in the land were forced to wander for food. Many of the old women fainted and died (Moro. 9:16).

Zeniff

Father of king Noah 3 , grandfather of king Limhi, and leader of a group of Nephites who left Zarahemla in the hope of re- establishing themselves in their ancestral
lands (ca. 200 b.c. ). Initially, Zeniff had been part of a Nephite faction that intended to take back their former land by force. Assigned to spy on the Lamanite armies
to determine an attack strategy, Zeniff saw that there was good among the Lamanites, and desired that his leader withdraw his military objectives and instead make a
treaty. For advocating this alternative view, Zeniff was condemned to death. His rescue came at a terrible price, leaving the greater part of the group dead; a surviving
few (fifty) returned to Zarahemla (Mosiah 9:1-2; Omni 1:27-30).

Being "-over- zealous to inherit the land of [their] fathers," Zeniff returned to Lamanite territory and made a dubious covenant with king Laman 2 (Mosiah 9:3-6) in
which he received the lands of Lehi- Nephi and Shilom. Zeniff was made king over this Nephite colony (Mosiah 7:21). Laman's seeming generosity was only a
demonstration of his "cunning" and "craftiness" to eventually enslave these Nephites (Mosiah 9:10; 7:21-22), a plan which succeeded years later with the bondage of
king Limhi's people (Mosiah 7:21-22). Under the leadership of Zeniff, the Nephites in his colony prospered as a free people for twenty- two years, constructing
buildings, repairing city walls, planting and harvesting crops, spinning cloth "of every kind," and defending their lands and cities from Lamanite attacks (Mosiah 9:8-9,
17-18; 10:5, 19-21).

Zeniff's writings provide the most thorough rendition of the Lamanite traditions that perpetuated their hatred of the Nephites (Mosiah 10:12-17). His story also
illustrates how overzealousness can lead to poor decisions (Mosiah 7:21). Zeniff's conferral of his kingdom on his lazy, self- indulgent son Noah proved disastrous to
later generations of Nephites, who would suffer because of the iniquities of Noah and his priests.

Largey, Dennis L.

Zenock

Prophet who lived after the days of Abraham (Hel 8:19-20) and whose teachings were apparently included on the plates of brass (1 Ne. 19:10, 21). Mormon taught
that Zenock was an ancestor of the Book of Mormon peoples (3 Ne. 10:16). Zenock's teachings are referred to five times in the Book of Mormon. In each case, his
message centers on the Messiah. He taught that the Son of God would come to redeem his people (Alma 34:7; Hel. 8:18-20). He spoke of the Lord's anger with the
people for their refusal to understand the mercies which had been bestowed upon them because of the Son (Alma 33:14-17). He prophesied that the Savior would be
crucified (1 Ne. 19:10), and that great destruction would accompany his death (3 Ne. 10:14-16). Zenock died a martyr: "Because the people would not understand his
words they stoned him to death" (Alma 33:17).

Ball, Terry B.

Zenos

Ancient prophet whose writings and sermons were contained on the plates of brass and whose teachings were quoted, paraphrased, and highly prized by the Nephites.
Zenos lived prior to the time of Lehi 1 and Nephi 1 (600 b.c.) but "since the days of Abraham" (Hel. 8:19; ca. 1900-1800 b.c. ). Mormon stated that Zenos and
Zenock prophesied of the destruction accompanying the death of Christ and that "they testified particularly concerning us, who are the remnant of their seed" (3 Ne.
10:15-16). This latter statement affirms that Zenos and Zenock were both Israelite prophets and may well imply that they were of the tribe of Joseph 1 , just as Lehi 1
was (1 Ne. 5:14; Alma 10:3). Zenos is cited or quoted by Nephi 1 (1 Ne. 19:10-17), Jacob 2 (Jacob 5:1-77; 6:1), Alma 2 (Alma 33:3-11, 13, 15), Amulek (Alma
34:7), Nephi 2 (Hel. 8:19), and Mormon (3 Ne. 10:14-17).

Zenos' doctrinal messages included the following:

1. Redemption in Christ. Zenos knew concerning the role of Jesus Christ as Savior. Alma 2 quoted a prayer by Zenos: "And thou didst hear me because of mine
afflictions and my sincerity; and it is because of thy Son that thou hast been thus merciful unto me . . . for thou hast turned thy judgments away from me, because of thy
Son" (Alma 33:11). Zenos further testified that "redemption cometh through the Son of God" (Alma 34:7).

2. Destructions at the time of Christ's death. Zenos knew concerning Christ's burial in a sepulchre and he spoke concerning the signs of the Savior's death, many of
which were later repeated by Samuel the Lamanite (1 Ne. 19:10-12; cf. Hel. 14:20-28).

3. Prayer and worship. Through the prayer of Zenos cited above, Alma 2 taught the poorer Zoramites 2 that true worship is less dependent on location than on
sincerity of heart. In that prayer, Zenos exulted in God's mercy and goodness and also stressed that the supplicant may call upon the Lord in any place: in the
wilderness, in the field, in the closet, in congregations of the Saints and under any circumstances, even when despised and rejected by enemies (Alma 33:2-11).

4. The destiny of Israel. Zenos taught that when the people of Israel cease to turn away from the Holy One of Israel, then "will he remember the isles of the sea; yea,
and all the people who are of the house of Israel, will I gather in, saith the Lord . . . from the four quarters of the earth" (1 Ne. 19:15-16). Zenos also uttered a specific
prophecy concerning the restoration of the Lamanites in the last days to a knowledge of the truth and to a knowledge of their Redeemer (Hel. 15:11-13). An extensive
treatise concerning God's plan to save and redeem his people Israel is contained in the allegory of Zenos (Jacob 5). The central message is clear: God will not abandon
Israel! In a brief commentary on the allegory, Jacob 2 pleaded that the people of Israel would "cleave unto God as he cleaveth unto you. And while his arm of mercy is
extended towards you in the light of the day, harden not your hearts" (Jacob 6:5). It may be that the apostle Paul also drew upon the allegory of Zenos in calling the
early Christians to faithfulness (Rom. 11:17-21).

5. The destruction at the time of the Savior's second advent. Nephi 1 relayed that "the day soon cometh that all the proud and they who do wickedly shall be as
stubble; and the day cometh that they must be burned" (1 Ne. 22:15, 23). Nephi also stated that after Christ's crucifixion "and after he is laid in a sepulchre for the
space of three days he shall rise from the dead, with healing in his wings; and all those who shall believe on his name shall be saved in the kingdom of God" (2 Ne.
25:13; 26:9). This language is unmistakably similar to that of Malachi (4:1-2), who prophesied some time between 500 and 400 b.c. , more than a century after Lehi's
colony left the Old World. Because Malachi's words would not have been available to Nephi, one could conclude that God saw fit to reveal the very same language to
Nephi that he did to Malachi. Or, as Elder Bruce R. McConkie has suggested, these later prophets found a common source in a more ancient prophet, namely Zenos.
"Once the Lord has revealed his doctrine in precise language to a chosen prophet," he observed, "there is no reason why he should inspire another prophet to choose
the same words in presenting the same doctrine on a subsequent occasion. It is much easier and simpler to quote that which has already been given in
perfection" (McConkie, 18).

Zenos was true and faithful to the end, and like many of the Lord's anointed, he sealed his testimony of Christ with his life (Hel. 8:19). Elder McConkie has declared, "I
do not think I overstate the matter when I say that next to Isaiah himself-who is the prototype, pattern, and model for all the prophets-there was not a greater prophet
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in all Israel than Zenos. And our knowledge of his inspired writings is limited to the quotations and paraphrasing summaries found in the Book of Mormon"     (McConkie,
17). In a future day the faithful will, like Lehi 1 and Alma 2 , be able to search the brass plates (1 Ne. 5:17-18; Alma 37:4) and study many remarkable oracles of the
prophet Zenos. His words are plain and profound, his testimony sure and certain.
perfection" (McConkie, 18).

Zenos was true and faithful to the end, and like many of the Lord's anointed, he sealed his testimony of Christ with his life (Hel. 8:19). Elder McConkie has declared, "I
do not think I overstate the matter when I say that next to Isaiah himself-who is the prototype, pattern, and model for all the prophets-there was not a greater prophet
in all Israel than Zenos. And our knowledge of his inspired writings is limited to the quotations and paraphrasing summaries found in the Book of Mormon" (McConkie,
17). In a future day the faithful will, like Lehi 1 and Alma 2 , be able to search the brass plates (1 Ne. 5:17-18; Alma 37:4) and study many remarkable oracles of the
prophet Zenos. His words are plain and profound, his testimony sure and certain.

See also Zenos, allegory of.

Bibliography

McConkie, Bruce R. "The Doctrinal Restoration." The Joseph Smith Translation: The Restoration of Plain and Precious Things. Edited by Monte S. Nyman and
Robert L. Millet. Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1985.

Millet, Robert L.

Zenos allegory of

The allegory of Zenos, through metaphors, outlines various aspects of the history of the house of Israel from its beginnings to the end of the world.

The Book of Mormon prophet Jacob 2 employed the allegory to explain to his people (and indirectly to the latter- day readers of the Book of Mormon) how those
who have rejected Jesus Christ as their foundation stone can return and build on him. In retelling the allegory in the Book of Mormon, Jacob most likely relied on the
brass plates account originally given by the Israelite prophet Zenos, who lived between the days of Joseph 1 , the son of Israel, and the time Lehi 1 left Jerusalem
(Ludlow, 1623). Although no record of Zenos or his allegory exists from the ancient biblical world, elements of the allegory, or a similar one, are recorded in Romans
11:16-27 (cf. Isa. 5:1-7; Matt. 13:24-30; D&C 86:1-7).

One approach to interpreting the allegory is to divide it into seven parts, each part representing sequential periods in the history of the world. A short interpretation of
each part is offered parenthetically in the accompanying outline (for other studies, see Jackson, 190-94; Nyman, 24-34; McConkie et al., 46-82; Crowley, 150-52;
Living, 119-26).

Though an allegory can have multiple interpretations, at least four main lessons are taught in the allegory of the olive tree: (1) how anyone can make Christ their
foundation after they have once rejected him; (2) why Israel was scattered; (3) why the apostasy happened; and (4) how Israel will be gathered and purified in the
latter days. The various metaphors used in the allegory correspond to concepts and ideas connected with the house of Israel. The accompanying table presents a few of
these correspondences.

Jacob retold Zenos' allegory to explain to his brethren, the Nephites, how the Jews (the only political remnant of the house of Israel left in the Holy Land), after they
have rejected the "stone upon which they might build [Jesus Christ] . . . the only sure foundation" (Jacob 4:15-16), can yet build on Christ, that he "may become the
head of their corner" (Jacob 4:17). That is, Jacob explains how those who have rejected Christ can make him the point of alignment for their house of faith. The
allegory explains this "mystery" (Jacob 4:18) by giving a history of the house of Israel from its inception with Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Jacob's sons to the end of the
world, including the restoration of the gospel and the gathering thereunto of the house of Israel in the latter days. It is through this restoration, after a long period of
apostasy, that Israel again accepts Christ by repenting and coming unto him.

The allegory makes clear that Israel was scattered to preserve Israel. The house of Israel had begun to go into apostasy. If apostasy had been allowed to continue, it
would have destroyed the tree, and the covenants and teachings would have been lost. Without the covenants and teachings, the house of Israel would not have been
able to survive. Therefore, God took mea-sures to ensure that Israel would survive. He grafted non- Israelites into the house of Israel to stimulate growth, while at the
same time, he took parts of the house of Israel and scattered them around the world to be fed and nourished by the Gentiles.

After the house of Israel had been pruned and nurtured and non- Israelites had been grafted in, all except one branch of scattered Israel brought forth good fruit. Not
long afterwards, however, apostasy again set in, so that eventually no good fruit was produced, either on the mother tree or on the transplanted branches. Why did this
turn of events take place? In the allegory, the Lord of the vineyard asks the same question, using slightly different words: "What could I have done more for my
vineyard?"(Jacob 5:41). The answer is that he had done everything he possibly could have done to prevent apostasy in the house of Israel (Jacob 5:42-46). If the
apostasy was not caused by God's neglect, what did cause it? The allegory explains that parts of the house of Israel, because of pride, began to take "strength unto
themselves" and thereby they did "overcome the roots which [were] good" (Jacob 5:48). They amassed their own covenants and doctrines (Jacob 5:48). In other
words, short of interfering in their agency, there was nothing God could have done to prevent prideful people from self- willing the apostasy.

In the latter days that precede the Millen-nium, God will again, for the last time, work to restore the house of Israel to the gospel of Jesus Christ. The gathering of Israel
will proceed in the reverse order of the scattering of Israel (Jacob 5:63). The process is described in the allegory as a pruning out of the branches that do not produce
good fruit, and a grafting into the house of Israel of natural descendants. As the natural branches begin to grow, flourish, and produce good fruit, the less desirable parts
of the house of Israel will be cut out (Jacob 5:65-66). As an example of this process in these days, many people will be converted to the gospel of Jesus Christ and will
join the Church. As they grow in the gospel and begin to produce good fruit they will prosper, but those members who do not produce good fruit in the gospel will
begin to fall away. This process will continue until the Church becomes clean and pure, and obedient to the "principles of the law of the celestial kingdom" (D&C
105:5).

The allegory also makes clear how merciful, tender, long- suffering, and loving God is in his efforts to help Israel reach its potential: "How merciful is our God unto us,
for he remembereth the house of Israel, both roots and branches" (Jacob 6:4). For over three thousand years he worked to bless and strengthen Israel and did
everything in his power to help them produce good works (Jacob 5:41). In these the latter days he is again working to gather, instruct, and purify the house of Israel.

In this setting, Jacob's application of the allegory to his people is equally apropos today for those who are of the house of Israel. Every detail of the allegory will "surely
come to pass" (Jacob 6:1). God will do everything in his power, including nourishing them "by the good word of God all the day long" (Jacob 6:7) to help them produce
good works that they might "be saved in the kingdom of God" (Jacob 6:4). Therefore, there is not much more that can be said to the house of Israel in these days,
except to "be wise" (Jacob 6:12).

See also Israel, gathering of; Israel, historical background of; Israel, scattering of; Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning; Jews, history of; Olive trees (including
photographs).

Bibliography
Copyright (c) 2005-2009, Infobase Media Corp.                                                                                                           Page 896 / 919
Crowley, Ariel. About the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: N.p., 1961.
photographs).

Bibliography

Crowley, Ariel. About the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: N.p., 1961.

Ludlow, Daniel H. "Zenos." Encyclopedia of Mormonism. Edited by Daniel H. Ludlow et al. 4 vols. New York: Mac-millan, 1992.

Jackson, Kent P. "Nourished by the Good Word of God (Jacob 4-6)." 1 Nephi to Alma 29. Edited by Kent P. Jackson. Vol. 7 of Studies in Scripture series, edited
by Robert L. Millet and Kent P. Jackson. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987.

Living Truths from the Book of Mormon. Salt Lake City: Deseret Sunday School Union, 1970.

McConkie, Joseph Fielding, Robert L. Millet, and Brent L. Top. Doctrinal Commentary on the Book of Mormon. 4 vols. Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1987- 92.

Nyman, Monte. An Ensign to the People. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1987.

Hoskisson, Paul Y.

Zerahemnah

Lamanite military commander who, with his armies, was defeated by captain Moroni and Lehi 3 in a fierce battle at the river Sidon (ca. 74 b.c. ). Zerahemnah
assembled a massive coalition of Lamanites and Nephite dissenters to assist him in subjugating the Nephites to bondage. Aware of the bitter animosity and "murderous
disposition" of the Amalekites and Zoramites 2 , he cunningly appointed his chief captains from among them (Alma 43:5-8, 13).

Zerahemnah, however, could not withstand the power of the Nephites' faith in Christ (Alma 44:3); the advantages that armor accorded the Nephite soldiers (Alma
43:19-22, 38); the revelation to Alma 2 of Lamanite battle plans (Alma 43:23-24); captain Moroni's strategic placement of his soldiers (Alma 43:27, 31-33); and the
"better cause" of troops "fighting for their homes and their liberties, their wives and their children, and their all, yea, for their rites of worship and their church" (Alma
43:45).

Although an immense slaughter occurred on both sides, Moroni's strategy to surround the Lamanites was successful. Seeing the "terror" this entrapment created,
Moroni called a halt to the conflict, and demanded their weapons and a covenant of peace as terms to stop the bloodshed (Alma 43:53-54; 44:6). Moroni credited the
Nephite victory to God, while Zerahemnah attributed his defeat to Nephite armor.

Though Zerahemnah was willing to surrender, he would not agree to permanent peace. When Moroni restated his position, an angered Zerahem-nah rushed at him,
only to lose his scalp at the hand of one of Moroni's men. Many of Zerahemnah's soldiers surrendered with a "covenant of peace," yet he again incited the remainder to
further combat. Finally, at the point of annihilation, Zerahemnah surrendered, covenanting never again to make war against the Nephites (Alma 44:3-19).

An important contribution of the Zerahem-nah narrative is the contrast it illustrates between righteous and evil purposes for war (Alma 43:8-9, 29-30, 45-47).

Largey, Dennis L.

Zeram

See Amnor.

Zerin mount

A mountain of unknown location to which the brother of Jared 1 said, "Remove-and it was removed" (Ether 12:30).

Ziff

See Metals of the Book of Mormon.

Zion

The Book of Mormon discusses Zion in several different contexts. Zion is considered a favored community of the people of the Lord characterized by unity and
brotherly kindness. Sometimes, Zion refers to the restoration of the church and kingdom of God in the latter days. Zion is also identified as the New Jerusalem to be
built in the western hemisphere in preparation for the Savior's second coming. In Isaiah's writings Zion often refers to Jerusalem and the mount upon which it is built
(e.g., 2 Ne. 14:5; 18:18; 20:12, 24; cf. Isa. 30:19).

Nephi 1 quoted Isaiah concerning Zion. As a favored people of the Lord, it was Zion that the Lord loved (1 Ne. 21:14-16; 2 Ne. 8:16), would comfort (2 Ne. 8:3),
and would defend (1 Ne. 22:14; 2 Ne. 14:5; 20:24). He also warned that the apostate daughters of Zion would be purged and punished (2 Ne. 13:16-26; 14:4).
Nephi included the promised blessings of the Lord to those who would seek to establish Zion (1 Ne. 13:37) and warned those who "fight against Zion" (2 Ne. 6:12-13;
10:16), labor for money rather than for Zion (2 Ne. 26:29-31), or who are "at ease in Zion" (2 Ne. 28:21-25).

No group of people in the Book of Mormon better satisfied the characteristics of Zion than those living after the Savior's visit to the western hemisphere (4 Ne. 1:1-18;
cf. D&C 97:21; 105:5). While the Book of Mormon does not specifically use the term Zion to refer to these converted descendants of Lehi 1 , they satisfied the criteria
of being a righteous and holy people. They eliminated contention "because of the love of God which did dwell in [their] hearts" (4 Ne. 1:15). Further, they were a
people without envy, strife, whoredoms, murders, and lasciviousness (4 Ne. 1:16). They enjoyed a social harmony that eliminated poverty and inequality, for they had
"all things common among them," and "every man did deal justly one with another" (4 Ne. 1:2-4). Of these covenant people, Mormon recorded, "Surely there could not
be a happier people among all the people who had been created by the hand of God" (4 Ne. 1:16). The Nephite Zion lasted nearly two hundred years before the
people abandoned the sustaining principles of righteousness, returned to traditional rivalries, and lost their favored status (4 Ne. 1:24-45).

The Book of Mormon prophesies of the time when the Lord would again establish Zion by gathering his people and restoring his church and kingdom (3 Ne. 21:1, 6-9,
22; cf. D&C 6:6; 21:7). A "choice seer" (2 Ne. 3:6-7) raised up by God in the latter days would bring about "a great and a marvelous work" (3 Ne. 21:9), prompting
 Copyright
the righteous(c)to2005-2009,   Infobase
                   respond to gospel truthMedia Corp.as a covenant people. The Lord declared, "I . . . shall establish again among them my Zion" (3 Ne.
                                           and gather                                                                                               Page   897
                                                                                                                                                        21:1), and/ "I919
                                                                                                                                                                       will
establish my church among them" (3 Ne. 21:22; 1 Ne. 22:8-11; 2 Ne. 27:26).
people abandoned the sustaining principles of righteousness, returned to traditional rivalries, and lost their favored status (4 Ne. 1:24-45).

The Book of Mormon prophesies of the time when the Lord would again establish Zion by gathering his people and restoring his church and kingdom (3 Ne. 21:1, 6-9,
22; cf. D&C 6:6; 21:7). A "choice seer" (2 Ne. 3:6-7) raised up by God in the latter days would bring about "a great and a marvelous work" (3 Ne. 21:9), prompting
the righteous to respond to gospel truth and gather as a covenant people. The Lord declared, "I . . . shall establish again among them my Zion" (3 Ne. 21:1), and "I will
establish my church among them" (3 Ne. 21:22; 1 Ne. 22:8-11; 2 Ne. 27:26).

Zion is also a holy city to be built on the American continent in the last days. This will be the New Jerusalem which will complement the original Jerusalem existing in the
eastern hemisphere. It will be a place of gathering for the faithful as they prepare for Christ's second coming and will serve as a governing center for his kingdom after
his return (D&C 45:64-71; 57:2-3; 2 Ne. 12:3; 3 Ne. 20:22; 21:23; Ether 13:1-12; Moses 7:62).

Wright, Dennis A.

Zion all is well in

See All is well in Zion.

Zoram 1

Servant of Laban who, after surrendering the plates of brass to a disguised Nephi 1 , was persuaded to join the group leaving Jerusalem (1 Ne. 4:20-37; ca. 600 b.c. ).
Zoram was a trusted man holding Laban's treasury keys. Still, he was a slave, and he accepted the freedom Nephi offered him (1 Ne. 4:33-35). Being a slave whose
tribal lineage is never given, he may not have been an Israelite. Nephi told him he would nevertheless "have place" with the family (1 Ne. 4:34). Zoram's marriage to
Ishmael's oldest daughter (1 Ne. 16:7) may indicate that he was older than Lehi 1's sons. In blessing him, Lehi commended his faithfulness and called him "a true friend
unto my son, Nephi, forever." Lehi also promised Zoram that because of his faithfulness his seed would prosper with the seed of Nephi "upon the face of this land
forever" (2 Ne. 1:30-32). When Nephi and his followers split from Laman 1 and his followers, Zoram was numbered among the believers who accompanied Nephi (2
Ne. 5:6).

See also Zoramites 1 .

Szink, Terrence L.

Zoram 2

Chief captain over Nephite armies (ca. 81 b.c. ). After the Lamanites had destroyed the people of Ammonihah in fulfillment of the prophecy of Alma 2 (Alma 9:18-19),
the Laman-ites took nearby residents captive into the wilderness (Alma 16:2-3). Wishing to liberate them, Zoram and his sons, Lehi 2 and Aha, importuned Alma to
ask God where they should conduct their search. Following Alma's inspired instructions, Zoram and his sons crossed to the east side of the river Sidon, entered the
south wilderness, scattered the Lamanite army, and rescued all the captives (Alma 16:4-8).

Zoram 3

Nephite apostate and leader of the Zoramites 2 who "separated themselves from the Nephites" and gathered into the land of Antionum. There Zoram led "the hearts of
the people to bow down to dumb idols" (Alma 30:59-31:3; ca. 74 b.c. ).

Zoramites 1

The descendants of Zoram 1 , who were numbered among the Nephites (Jacob 1:13; 4 Ne. 1:36-37; Morm. 1:8) and to whom "the knowledge of a Savior" was to
come in the latter- days "through the testimony of their fathers" (i.e., through the testimonies of Christ recorded in the Book of Mormon) (D&C 3:16-17).

Zoramites 2

An apostate sect of Nephite dissenters led by Zoram 3 (ca. 74 b.c. ). The focus of the Zoramite story is the Nephite mission to reclaim them (Alma 31-35), for they
had "fallen into great errors" (Alma 31:9). They worshipped idols, were disobedient to the law of Moses, and failed to "observe the performances of the church, to
continue in prayer" (Alma 31:10, 1, 9). Their perverted style of worship included a set prayer offered weekly which declared God to be a spirit and belief in Christ to
be a foolish tradition. The prayer also reinforced their arrogance by declaring God's predetermination to save them while damning the remainder of humanity (Alma
31:15-17). The Zoramite people were proud and materialistic, and their religion pretentious, vain, and exclusive (Alma 31:24-25, 27-28).

The central theme of the Zoramite account is the answer to the "great question"-"whether the word be in the Son of God, or whether there shall be no Christ" (Alma
34:5). Therefore, these chapters (Alma 31-34) are vital to the divine design of the Book of Mormon as another testament of Jesus Christ. Speaking to the Zoram-ite
poor, who had been cast out of the synagogues by their prideful neighbors, Alma 2 proposed a formula by which one might know the truth about Christ and his gospel.
Alma challenged his Zoramite listeners to "experiment" upon the word (Alma 32). He then quoted the prophets Zenos (Alma 33:3-13) and Zenock (Alma 33:15-17)
and referred to an event in the ministry of Moses to further support his testimony concerning Christ (Alma 33:19-21). When Alma concluded, Amulek arose and added
his witness concerning the reality of the coming of Christ (Alma 34:8, 37) and the infinite nature of the Atonement (Alma 34:10-14).

Alma and his companions left the Zoramite city of Antionum and went to Jershon. The converts they had made in Antionum were expelled by the Zoramite rulers,
teachers, and priests who were angered by the Nephite teachings. It also angered the ruling Zoramites that the refugees were warmly received in Jershon by the people
of Ammon. This event became the catalyst for the Zoramite- Lamanite alliance and the war that soon followed (Alma 35:8-13).

One purpose of the Book of Mormon is to confound false doctrine (2 Ne. 3:12). Both in matters of doctrine and in religious practice the Zoramite narrative offers many
lessons for latter- day people, including the following: Christ is a reality and this truth can be known, God is not solely a spirit, and religion devoid of charity is vain. The
Zoramite story also confounds the mere recitation of creeds; the declaring of one's predestined status as "chosen," "elect," or "saved," and the hypocrisy of the heartless
profession of God on the Sabbath, but then never thinking or speaking of him again during the week. One need only reverse the false religious practices of the Zora-
mites to identify essential elements of genuine worship. True worship centers in Christ, requires obedience to the commandments, and is neither exclusively a Sabbath
day nor a synagogue (church) activity. In addition, worship must be of God, not wealth or material possessions, and prayer must be sincere and humble, not vainly
repetitious and arrogant. In Alma 31 the juxtaposition of the Zoramites' prideful prayer and Alma's humble prayer teaches that lesson, and is reminiscent of a parable in
which Jesus contrasted the prayer of a proud Pharisee with that of a humble publican (Luke 18:9-14). Typically the proud separate themselves from others, supposing
a superior status, as the wealthier Zoramites did (Alma 31:16-17). This deliberate separation makes it impossible to keep the second great commandment, which is to
love one's neighbors
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The Zoramite account also provides a valuable lesson on apostasy. Those who are dis-obedient and who fail to pray properly and frequently lose the Spirit and
become sus-ceptible to false revelation and perverted doctrines and practices. It appears, too, that the Zoramites had neglected or misread the scriptures. Alma
day nor a synagogue (church) activity. In addition, worship must be of God, not wealth or material possessions, and prayer must be sincere and humble, not vainly
repetitious and arrogant. In Alma 31 the juxtaposition of the Zoramites' prideful prayer and Alma's humble prayer teaches that lesson, and is reminiscent of a parable in
which Jesus contrasted the prayer of a proud Pharisee with that of a humble publican (Luke 18:9-14). Typically the proud separate themselves from others, supposing
a superior status, as the wealthier Zoramites did (Alma 31:16-17). This deliberate separation makes it impossible to keep the second great commandment, which is to
love one's neighbors as oneself (Matt. 22:34-40; cf. 1 Jn. 2:9).

The Zoramite account also provides a valuable lesson on apostasy. Those who are dis-obedient and who fail to pray properly and frequently lose the Spirit and
become sus-ceptible to false revelation and perverted doctrines and practices. It appears, too, that the Zoramites had neglected or misread the scriptures. Alma
inquired, "I would ask if you have read the scriptures?" He then concluded, "If ye have, how can ye disbelieve on the Son of God?" (Alma 33:14). Alma's appeal to the
written word, to correct errors and testify of Christ, highlights and models the importance of the scriptures in this regard (Alma 33:2, 11-20).

In effect, the apostate Zoramites became Lamanites (Alma 43: 4 ff.), and later "some who were Zoramites" led away Lamanite children "by their lyings and their
flattering words, to join [the] Gadianton robbers" (3 Ne. 1:29).

See also Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to confound false doctrine.

Largey, Dennis L.

Appendix A Study Guide to the Book of Mormon
This study guide is divided into two sections. The first section matches topics in the BMRC with readings in the Book of Mormon. The second section matches topics
in the BMRC with subject groupings. For additional information, use the cross- referencing system within the individual articles: small capitals, see, and See also.
Articles marked with an asterisk are suggested under more than one heading.

Readings in the Book of Mormon

Introduction

The Book of Mormon: An Overview and Introduction

The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon

The Structure of the Book of Mormon

And thus we see

Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ

Book of Mormon, condemnation for treating lightly

Book of Mormon, early conversions through

Book of Mormon, title page of

Book of Mormon, selected purposes of

Book of Mormon, selected themes of

Statements on the Book of Mormon from LDS Church leaders (Appendix B)

1 Nephi 1- 7

Nephi, first book of

Lehi 1

Nephi 1

Laban

Laban, slaying of

Plates of brass

Plates of Nephi

Laman 1

Lehi 1 , journey of, to the promised land

Jerusalem 1 , city of

1 Nephi 8- 15

Lehi 1's dream

Gentile(s)
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Nephi 1's vision
Lehi 1's dream

Gentile(s)

Nephi 1's vision

Condescension of God

Columbus, Christopher

Plain and precious things, loss of and restoration of

Great and abominable church

* Plates of Nephi

1 Nephi 16- 22

Liahona

Israel, historical background of

Isaiah, life and ministry of

Isaiah, understanding of

Isaiah, purposes for quoting

Isaiah in the Book of Mormon

Isaiah chapter reviews: 1 Nephi 20 // Isaiah 48

Isaiah chapter reviews: 1 Nephi 21 // Isaiah 49

Israel, gathering of

Zenos

2 Nephi 1- 5

Nephi, second book of

Promised land, land of promise

Fall of Adam and Eve, the

Agency

Choice seer

Nephi 1's psalm

Joseph 1 , covenants unto

2 Nephi 6- 10

* Isaiah, life and ministry of

* Isaiah, understanding of

* Isaiah, purposes for quoting

* Isaiah in the Book of Mormon

Jews, history of

Isaiah chapter reviews: 2 Nephi 7 // Isaiah 50

Isaiah chapter reviews: 2 Nephi 8 // Isaiah 51:1-52:2

Atonement, the

Judgment, the

Hell

2Copyright
  Nephi 11-(c)
            25:8
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* Isaiah, life and ministry of
Hell

2 Nephi 11- 25:8

* Isaiah, life and ministry of

* Isaiah, understanding of

* Isaiah, purposes for quoting

* Isaiah in the Book of Mormon

Isaiah chapter reviews: 2 Nephi 12-24 // Isaiah 2-14

2 Nephi 25:9-30:18

Jews, Book of Mormon message concerning

Lamanites, Book of Mormon message concerning

Gentiles, Book of Mormon message concerning

Isaiah chapter reviews: 2 Nephi 26:6, 15-18; 27 // Isaiah 29

Priestcraft

Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to reveal the enemies of Christ

2 Nephi 31- 33

Baptism

Fulfill all righteousness

Gospel, the

Endurance to the end

Holy Ghost, the

Millennium, the

Jacob 1- 4

Jacob, book of

Jacob 2

Looking beyond the mark

Pride

Riches

Plural marriage

Chastity

Jacob 5- 7

Allegory

Zenos, allegory of

Olive trees

Sherem

Antichrist

* Zenos

* Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to reveal the enemies of Christ

Enos, Jarom, Omni, Words of Mormon

Enos, book(c)
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Enos
* Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to reveal the enemies of Christ

Enos, Jarom, Omni, Words of Mormon

Enos, book of

Enos

Prayer

Repentance

Forgiveness

Jarom, book of

Omni, book of

Words of Mormon

Amaleki 1

Mosiah 1

Zarahemla, people of (Mulekites)

Mosiah 1- 6

Mosiah, book of

Benjamin, king

Children of Christ

Born again

Kings

Natural man

Service

* Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ

Mosiah 7-8; 18- 24

Mosiah 2

Ammon 1

Alma 1

Noah 3

Noah 3 , priests of

Church of God (Christ) in ancient America

Amulon

Limhi

Book of Mormon, selected themes of, bondage and deliverance

* Baptism

* Mosiah, book of

Mosiah 9- 17

Zeniff

Abinadi

Law of Moses

Isaiah chapter reviews: Mosiah 14 // Isaiah 53
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Seed of Christ

Resurrection, the
Law of Moses

Isaiah chapter reviews: Mosiah 14 // Isaiah 53

Seed of Christ

Resurrection, the

Jesus Christ, role of, as Father and Son

* Mosiah, book of

*- Noah 3

Mosiah 25- 29

Alma 2

Church discipline

Mosiah 2 , sons of

Government, principles of

Judges, reign of

* Born again

* Church of God (Christ) in ancient America

*- Repentance

Alma 1- 4

Alma, book of

Nehor

Priestcraft

Amlici

Pride

Alma 5- 16

Zarahemla, land of and city of

Gideon

Melek, land of

Jerusalem 1 , land of

Ammonihah, land of and city of

Amulek

Zeezrom

Mysteries of God, the

Spiritual death

Cherubim and a flaming sword

Premortal existence

Chosen

Priesthood among the Nephites

Preparatory redemption

* Born again

* Alma 2
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* Resurrection, the
* Born again

* Alma 2

* Resurrection, the

Alma 17- 29

Aaron 3

Ammon 2

-Anti- Nephi- Lehies

Lamoni

Lamoni, father of

Abish

Missionary service

Joy

* Alma 2

* Mosiah 2 , sons of

Alma 30- 35

Korihor

Zoramites 2

Faith

Zenock

Moses

Justice, law of

Mercy

Night of darkness

* Amulek

*- Zenos

* Atonement, the

*Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to reveal the enemies of Christ

Alma 36- 39

Chiasmus

Helaman 2

Shiblon

Corianton

Scriptures, Book of Mormon message concerning

Gazelem

*- Liahona

* Book of Mormon, selected themes of, bondage and deliverance

* Book of Mormon, selected themes of, come unto Christ

* Repentance

*- Forgiveness
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*- Chastity
* Book of Mormon, selected themes of, come unto Christ

* Repentance

*- Forgiveness

*- Chastity

Alma 40- 42

Spirit world

Outer darkness

Paradise

Restoration, plan of

Plan

* Mercy

* Justice, law of

* Atonement, the

* Resurrection, the

* Fall of Adam and Eve, the

* Hell

Alma 43- 63

Moroni 1

Warfare in the Book of Mormon

Pahoran 1

Amalickiah

Warfare, principles governing

Stripling warriors

Teancum

Lehi 3

Epistles

* Alma, book of

* Helaman 2

Helaman 1- 16

Helaman, book of

Helaman 3

Gadianton robbers

Secret combinations

Nephi 2

Lehi 4

Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction

Book of Mormon, selected themes of, remember, remembrance

Samuel 2 the Lamanite

Signs
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*- Pride

* Spiritual death
Samuel 2 the Lamanite

Signs

*- Pride

* Spiritual death

3 Nephi 1- 10

Nephi, third book of

Lachoneus 1

Giddianhi

Nephi 3

* Epistles

* Signs

* Gadianton robbers

*- Pride

3 Nephi 11- 19

Jesus Christ

Sermon at Bountiful and Sermon on the Mount

Other sheep

Sacrament, the

Christ, in the name of

*- Baptism

* Gospel, the

* Nephi, third book of

* Book of Mormon: Another Testament of Jesus Christ

3 Nephi 20- 30

Book of Mormon, selected purposes of, to be a sign of the Father's work

Isaiah chapter reviews: 3 Nephi 20:32-45 // Isaiah 52:1-3, 6-15

Isaiah chapter reviews: 3 Nephi 22 // Isaiah 54

Micah

New Jerusalem

Malachi chapter review: 3 Nephi 24-25 // Mal. 3-4

Nephites, the Three

Translation

Israel, numbered among

* Israel, gathering of

* Gospel, the

4 Nephi

Nephi, fourth book of

* Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction

Mormon
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Mormon, book of
* Book of Mormon, selected themes of, cycles of prosperity and destruction

Mormon

Mormon, book of

Mormon 2

Cumorah, battle of

Moroni 2

Ether

Ether

Ether, book of

Jaredite civilization

Fulness of iniquity

Jared 1 , brother of

Jesus Christ, premortal appearances of

Scriptures, additional, to come forth

Witnesses of the Book of Mormon

Jared 1 , posterity of

Trial of faith

Coriantumr 2

Shiz

*- Faith

* New Jerusalem

* Secret combinations

Moroni

Moroni, book of

Evil, concept of

Good, concept of

Light of Christ

Angels, ministry of

Hope

Charity

Children, baptism of little

Moroni 2's promise

Spiritual gifts

Perfection

* Book of Mormon, selected themes of, come unto Christ

*- Moroni 2

*- Faith

Subject Groupings

Old Testament
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Abraham
*- Faith

Subject Groupings

Old Testament Background

Abraham

Abrahamic covenant

Assyria

Babylon, Babylonia

Chronology, Bible

Israel, covenants unto

Israel, gathering of

Israel, historical background of

Israel, kingdom of

Israel, lost tribes of

Israel, scattering of

Jacob 1

Jeremiah 1

Jeremiah 1 , prophecies of

Jerusalem 1 , city of

Jerusalem 1 , destruction of, at 586 b.c.

Jews, history of

Joseph 1

Joseph 1 , covenants unto

Judah

Malachi chapter review: 3 Nephi 24-25 // Malachi 3-4

Manasseh

Micah

Moses

Old Testament, historical narrative referred to

Syria

Zedekiah 1

Book of Mormon as Literature

Book of Mormon, as literature

Book of Mormon, figures of speech in

Book of Mormon, poetry in

Chiasmus

Hebraisms

Nephi 1's psalm

Parallelism

The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon
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The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon (page 9)

Anthon transcript
Parallelism

The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon

The Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon (page 9)

Anthon transcript

Book of Mormon, canonization of

Book of Mormon, lost manuscript of (116 pages)

Book of Mormon, manuscripts of

Book of Mormon, opposition to

Book of Mormon, printing and publication of

Book of Mormon, translation of

Gilbert, John Hulburd

Grandin, Egbert Bratt

Moroni 2 , visits of, to Joseph Smith

Witnesses of the Book of Mormon

Doctrines

Atonement, the

Baptism

Creation

Endurance to the end

Faith

Fall of Adam and Eve, the

Gospel, the

Heaven

Hell

Holy Ghost, the

Jesus Christ

Judgment, the

Life, purpose of

Repentance

Resurrection, the

Salvation

Spirit world

Isaiah

Isaiah, life and ministry of

Isaiah, purposes for quoting

Isaiah, understanding of

Isaiah chapter reviews

Isaiah in the Book of Mormon

Appendix       B Statements about the Book of Mormon by LDS Church Leaders
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Benson Ezra Taft
Isaiah in the Book of Mormon

Appendix B Statements about the Book of Mormon by LDS Church Leaders
Benson Ezra Taft

Some of the early missionaries, on returning home, were reproved by the Lord in section 84 of the Doctrine and Covenants because they had treated lightly the Book
of Mormon. As a result, their minds had been darkened. The Lord said that this kind of treatment of the Book of Mormon brought the whole Church under
condemnation, even all of the children of Zion. And then the Lord said, "And they shall remain under this condemnation until they repent and remember the new
covenant, even the Book of Mor-mon." (See D&C 84:54-57.) Are we still under that condemnation?- Ensign 5 (May 1975): 65.

We are to use the Book of Mormon as the basis for our teaching. . . . As we read and teach, we are to liken the Book of Mormon scriptures unto us "that it might be
for our profit and learning." (1 Ne. 19:23.)- Ensign 5 (May 1975): 64.

Every Latter- day Saint should make the study of this book a lifetime pursuit. Otherwise he is placing his soul in jeopardy and neglecting that which could give spiritual
and intellectual unity to his whole life. There is a difference between a convert who is built on the rock of Christ through the Book of Mormon and stays hold of that iron
rod, and one who is not. . . . It will hold us as close to the Spirit of the Lord as anything I know.- Ensign 5 (May 1975): 65.

The Book of Mormon was written for us today. God is the author of the book. It is a record of a fallen people, compiled by inspired men for our blessing today. Those
people never had the book-it was meant for us. Mormon, the ancient prophet after whom the book is named, abridged centuries of records. God, who knows the end
from the beginning, told him what to include in his abridgment that we would need for our day.- Ensign 5 (May 1975): 63.

The Book of Mormon brings men to Christ through two basic means. First, it tells in a plain manner of Christ and his gospel. . . . Second, the Book of Mormon
exposes the enemies of Christ. It confounds false doctrines and lays down contention. (See 2 Ne. 3:12.)- Ensign 5 (May 1975): 64.

Members of the Church everywhere should know the Book of Mormon better than any other book. . . . I have noted within the Church the difference in discernment,
in insight, conviction, and spirit between those who know and love the Book of Mormon and those who do not. That book is a great sifter.- New Era 5 (May 1975):
19.

Now, we have not been using the Book of Mormon as we should. Our homes are not as strong unless we are using it to bring our children to Christ.- Ensign 5 (May
1975): 65.

Reading the Book of Mormon is one of the greatest persuaders to get men on missions.- Ensign 5 (May 1975): 65.

Combined with the Spirit of the Lord, the Book of Mormon is the greatest single tool which God has given us to convert the world.- Ensign 14 (November 1984): 7.

We do not have to prove the Book of Mormon is true. The book is its own proof. All we need to do is read it and declare it! The Book of Mormon is not on trial-the
people of the world, including the members of the Church, are on trial as to what they will do with this second witness for Christ.- Ensign 14 (November 1984): 8.

I bless you with increased understanding of the Book of Mormon. I promise you that from this moment forward, if we will daily sup from its pages and abide by its
precepts, God will pour out upon each child of Zion and the Church a blessing hitherto unknown-and we will plead to the Lord that He will begin to lift the
condemnation-the scourge and judgment. Of this I bear solemn witness.

I testify that the Book of Mormon is the word of God.- Ensign 16 (May 1986): 78.

Young men, the Book of Mormon will change your life. It will fortify you against the evils of our day. It will bring a spirituality into your life that no other book will. It
will be the most important book you will read in preparation for a mission and for life. A young man who knows and loves the Book of Mormon, who has read it
several times, who has an abiding testimony of its truthfulness, and who applies its teachings will be able to stand against the wiles of the devil and will be a mighty tool
in the hands of the Lord.- Ensign 16 (May 1986): 43.

The Lord inspired His servant Lorenzo Snow to reemphasize the principle of tithing to redeem the Church from financial bondage. In those days the General Authorities
took that message to the members of the Church.

Now, in our day, the Lord has revealed the need to reemphasize the Book of Mormon to get the Church and all the children of Zion out from under condemnation-the
scourge and judgment. (See D&C 84:54-58.) This message must be carried to the members of the Church throughout the world.- Ensign 16 (May 1986): 78.

There are three ways in which the Book of Mormon is the keystone of our religion. It is the keystone in our witness of Christ. It is the keystone of our doctrine. It is the
keystone of testimony.- Ensign 16 (November 1986): 5.

I would like to speak about one of the most significant gifts given to the world in modern times. The gift I am thinking of is more important than any of the inventions that
have come out of the industrial and technological revolutions. This is a gift of greater value to mankind than even the many wonderful advances we have seen in modern
medicine. It is of greater worth to mankind than the development of flight or space travel. I speak of the gift of the Book of Mormon, given to mankind 156 years ago.

This gift was prepared by the hand of the Lord over a period of more than a thousand years, then hidden up by Him so that it would be preserved in its purity for our
generation.- Ensign 16 (November 1986): 4.

If they [the Book of Mormon writers] saw our day, and chose those things which would be of greatest worth to us, is not that how we should study the Book of
Mormon? We should constantly ask ourselves, "Why did the Lord inspire Mormon (or Moroni or Alma) to include that in his record? What lesson can I learn from that
to help me live in this day and age?"- Ensign 16 (November 1986): 6.

It is not just that the Book of Mormon teaches us truth, though it indeed does that. It is not just that the Book of Mormon bears testimony of Christ, though it indeed
does that, too. But there is something more. There is a power in the book which will begin to flow into your lives the moment you begin a serious study of the book.
You will find greater power to resist temptation. You will find the power to avoid deception. You will find the power to stay on the strait and narrow path.- Ensign 16
(November 1986): 7.

The Book of Mormon must be reenthroned in the minds and hearts of our people. We must honor it by reading it, by studying it, by taking its precepts into our lives
and transforming
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            (c) 2005-2009,        required
                             Infobase      of the
                                        Media     true followers of Christ.- Ensign 16 (November 1986): 80.
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We are not required to prove that the Book of Mormon is true or is an authentic record through external evidences-though there are many. It never has been the case,
nor is it so now, that the studies of the learned will prove the Book of Mormon true or false. The origin, preparation, translation, and verification of the truth of the Book
(November 1986): 7.

The Book of Mormon must be reenthroned in the minds and hearts of our people. We must honor it by reading it, by studying it, by taking its precepts into our lives
and transforming them into lives required of the true followers of Christ.- Ensign 16 (November 1986): 80.

We are not required to prove that the Book of Mormon is true or is an authentic record through external evidences-though there are many. It never has been the case,
nor is it so now, that the studies of the learned will prove the Book of Mormon true or false. The origin, preparation, translation, and verification of the truth of the Book
of Mormon have all been retained in the hands of the Lord, and the Lord makes no mistakes. You can be assured of that.

God has built in His own proof system of the Book of Mormon as found in Moroni, chapter 10, and in the testimonies of the Three and the Eight Witnesses.- Ensign 17
(May 1987): 83-84.

Now, what is the instrument that God has designed for this gathering? It is the same instrument that is designed to convince the world that Jesus is the Christ, that
Joseph Smith is His prophet, and that The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints is true. It is that scripture which is the keystone of our religion.- Ensign 17 (May
1987): 85.

I do not know fully why God has preserved my life to this age, but I do know this: That for the present hour He has revealed to me the absolute need for us to move
the Book of Mormon forward now in a marvelous manner. You must help with this burden and with this blessing which He has placed on the whole Church, even all
the children of Zion.

Moses never entered the promised land. Joseph Smith never saw Zion redeemed. Some of us may not live long enough to see the day when the Book of Mormon
floods the earth and when the Lord lifts His condemnation. (See D&C 84:54-58.) But, God willing, I intend to spend all my remaining days in that glorious effort.-
Ensign 18 (November 1988): 6.

Presently the Book of Mormon is studied in our Sunday School and seminary classes every fourth year. This four- year pattern, however, must not be followed by
Church members in their personal study of the standard works. All scripture is not of equal value. The book that is the "keystone of our religion" and that will get a man
"nearer to God by abiding by its precepts, than by any other book" needs to be studied constantly. ( History of the Church 4:461.)- A Witness and a Warning (Salt
Lake City: Deseret Book, 1988), vii.

Hanks Marion D.

The lessons of life in the Book of Mormon are based on sound eternal principles as they apply to and affect our lives. . . . The basic decisions about how we choose to
live-the kind of people we are-can be materially influenced if we will compre-hend and apply the great lessons which spring from the revealed truths so forcefully and
plainly taught in the Book of Mormon.- Book of Mor-mon Symposium Speeches 1986 (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1987), 8.

Hinckley Gordon B.

As has been demonstrated for a hundred and fifty years, the truth of the book will not be determined by literary analysis or by scientific research, although these are
reassuring and most welcome. The truth will be determined today and tomorrow, as it has been throughout the yesterdays, by the reading of it in a spirit of reverence
and respect and prayer. . . .

. . . To think that anyone less than one inspired could bring forth a book which should have so profound an affect for good upon others is to imagine that which simply
cannot be. The evidence for the truth of the Book of Mormon is found in the lives of the millions, living and gone, who have read it, prayed about it, and received a
witness of its truth.- Teachings of Gordon B. Hinckley (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1997), 38- 39.

Without reservation I promise you that if you will prayerfully read the Book of Mormon, regardless of how many times you previously have read it, there will come into
your hearts an added measure of the Spirit of the Lord. There will come a strengthened resolution to walk in obedience to his commandments, and there will come a
stronger testimony of the living reality of the Son of God.- Teachings of Gordon B. Hinckley, 41.

Each time we encourage a man to read the Book of Mormon we do him a favor. If he reads it prayerfully and with a sincere desire to know the truth, he will know by
the power of the Holy Ghost that the book is true. And from that knowledge there will flow a conviction of the truth of many other things.- Teachings of Gordon B.
Hinckley, 39.

Hunter Howard W.

To those who may not be familiar with the Book of Mormon but are sincerely seeking truth, reading it will have a profound effect on your life. It will expand your
knowledge of the way God deals with man and will give you a greater desire to live in harmony with his gospel teachings. It will also provide for you a powerful
testimony of Jesus.- Ensign 13 (May 1983): 16.

Kimball Spencer W.

It is not the [Book of Mormon's] dramatic crises, its history, its narrative that are so important, but its power to transform men into Chris-t-like beings worthy of
exaltation.

It is the word of God. It is a powerful second witness of Christ. And, certainly, all true believers who love the Redeemer will welcome additional evidence of his
divinity.-CR (April 1963): 67.

In the final chapter of the book [of Mormon] is the never- failing pro-mise that every person who will read the book with a sincere, prayerful desire to know of its
divinity shall have the assurance. Aside from all other interest that the Book of Mormon holds, this reason for our prayerfully studying it remains prominent: through it
we can obtain true knowledge of God and what he wishes of us.- Faith Precedes the Miracle (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1972), 337.

Lee, Harold B.

There is nothing better that we can do to prepare ourselves spiritually than to read the Book of Mormon. Many doctrines of the Bible that are only partially covered
there are beautifully explained in the Book of Mormon, the Doc-trine and Covenants, and the Pearl of Great Price. - The Teachings of Harold B. Lee, ed. Clyde J.
Williams (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1996), 155.

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The  witness(c)
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                                                                                                                                                    disappeared. The
real witness is that which is found in the Book of Mormon itself.
There is nothing better that we can do to prepare ourselves spiritually than to read the Book of Mormon. Many doctrines of the Bible that are only partially covered
there are beautifully explained in the Book of Mormon, the Doc-trine and Covenants, and the Pearl of Great Price. - The Teachings of Harold B. Lee, ed. Clyde J.
Williams (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1996), 155.

The witness of the Book of Mormon is not found in the ruins of Central and South America. They may be outward evidences of a people long since disappeared. The
real witness is that which is found in the Book of Mormon itself.

The Book of Mormon ought to be to you one of the most prized books you have.- Teachings of Harold B. Lee, 156.

Maxwell Neal A.

The concepts in the Book of Mormon are a constant source of inspiration, if we will but contemplate them. There, more abundantly than in any other volume, the Lord
opens the windows of heaven, not only to pour out blessings, but to let us look in.- All These Things Shall Give Thee Experience (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book,
1980), 35.

The density of the spiritual truths of the Book of Mormon is especially impressive. Indeed, the doctrinal density of the Book of Mormon clearly overshadows the
portion that is given over to history or to details such as the description of Nephite money. The book's structure is clearly and intentionally secondary to its substance,
and its plot to its principles. The Book of Mormon's innumerable insights and doctrinal declarations constitute their own witness. Clearly, this book came through but
not from Joseph Smith. It is translated language, but its substance is of the Savior. - Plain and Precious Things (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983), 14.

The Book of Mormon will be with us "as long as the earth shall stand." We need all that time to explore it, for the book is like a vast mansion with gardens, towers,
courtyards, and wings. There are rooms yet to be entered, with flaming fireplaces waiting to warm us. The rooms glimpsed so far contain further furnishings and rich
detail yet to be savored, but decor dating from Eden is evident. There are panels inlaid with incredible insights, particularly insights about the great question [the reality
of Jesus Christ]. Yet we as Church members sometimes behave like hurried tourists, scarcely venturing beyond the entry hall.- Not My Will but Thine (Salt Lake City:
Bookcraft, 1988), 33.

McConkie Bruce R.

The Book of Mormon is a definitive, all- embracing, comprehensive account. Our scripture says it contains the fulness of the everlasting gospel. What that means is that
it is a record of God's dealings with a people who had the fulness of the gospel. It means that in it are recorded the basic principles which men must believe to work out
their salvation. After we accept and believe and comprehend the principles therein recorded, we are qualified and prepared to take another step and to begin to acquire
a knowledge of the mysteries of godliness.- The Foolishness of Teaching (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1981), 7.

There is another and simpler test that all who seek to know the truth might well take. It calls for us simply to read, ponder, and pray-all in the spirit of faith and with an
open mind. To keep ourselves alert to the issues at hand-as we do read, ponder, and pray-we should ask ourselves a thousand times, "Could any man have written this
book?"

And it is absolutely guaranteed that sometime between the first and thousandth time this question is asked, every sincere and genuine truth seeker will come to know by
the power of the Spirit that the Book of Mormon is true, that it is the mind and will and voice of the Lord to the whole world in our day. . . .

It is the divine evidence, the proof, that God has spoken in our day. Its chief purpose is to convince all men, Jew and Gentile alike, that Jesus is the Christ, the Eternal
God, who manifests himself, by faith, in all ages and among all peoples. . . .

It is the book that will save the world and prepare the sons of men for joy and peace here and now and everlasting life in eternity.- Ensign 13 (November 1983): 73-
74.

What then is the power of the Book of Mormon? It will proclaim the everlasting gospel; it will gather Israel; it will build the New Jerusalem; it will prepare a people for
the Second Coming; it will usher in the Millennium-at least it will play such an important part in all of these that its value and power can scarcely be overstated.- The
Millennial Messiah: The Second Coming of the Son of Man (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1982), 171.

Pratt Orson

I am fully aware that there are in the Church of Latter- day Saints many persons who are very careless about reading the "Book of Mormon." It is one of the greatest
treasures, so far as books are concerned, that has been given to mankind for almost 1,800 years. It contains the things of God in great plainness, so easy of compre-
hension that the child who reads can understand it. And yet, how many there are of the Latter- day Saints who suffer this book to remain upon their shelves, week after
week, without ever reading a page of these precious things.- Journal of Dis-courses, 26 vols. (Lon-don: Latter- day Saints' Book Depot, 1854-86), 19:213.

Roberts, B. H.

In common with all books the Book of Mormon has its spirit, produces its effects upon the minds of men; and as it claims to be a work originally written and also
translated through the inspiration of God, and deals primarily with sacred things, it is to be expected that the spirit of this book will have not only a good, but even a
divine influence; that it will be of a faith- promoting, doubt- dispersing, comfort- bringing character. Its effects upon the minds of men, therefore, may be another test of
its claims to a divine origin; and to that test I now submit it. . . . Men have gone to the Book of Mormon in despond-ency, and have come away cheered; they have
gone to it in sorrow, and have come away comforted; they have gone to it at times when overwhelmed for the moment by the mists which the speculations of men
sometimes throw over truth, and have come away from it enlightened-with faith and hope and charity renewed. It created for them a firmer faith in God. In the presence
of its spirit doubt took wings. Its moral and spiritual standards they find to be the highest and noblest. Indeed so perfect is its morality that no one has yet been able to
bring a complaint against it on the ground of moral defect. . . . Whatever power it possesses to cheer, comfort and encourage men; whatever power to build up hope,
create faith or promote charity, exists not by virtue of its human excellencies, but in spite of their absence; therefore such influence for good as it possesses must be
attributed to the Spirit of God in which it was written, and by which it is permeated; and by reason of the presence of that spirit in it, the book itself must be accorded a
divine origin.- New Witnesses for God (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1951), 3:325-27, 331.

Romney Marion G.

A few years ago as I began to practice law, members of my family were a little uneasy. They were afraid I would lose my faith. I wanted to practice law, but I had an
even greater desire to keep my testimony, and so I decided upon a little procedure which I recommend to you. For thirty minutes each morning before I began the
day's work I read from the Book of Mormon . . . and in just a few minutes a day I read the Book of Mormon through, every year, for nine years. I know that it kept
me in harmony, so far as I did keep in harmony, with the Spirit of the Lord.-CR (April 1949): 36.
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I urge you to get acquainted with this great book. Read it to your children; they are not too young to understand it. I remember reading it with one of my lads when he
was very young. On one occasion I lay in the lower bunk and he in the upper bunk. We were each reading aloud alternate paragraphs of those last three marvelous
chapters of Second Nephi. I heard his voice breaking and thought he had a cold, but we went on to the end of the three chapters. As we finished he said to me,
A few years ago as I began to practice law, members of my family were a little uneasy. They were afraid I would lose my faith. I wanted to practice law, but I had an
even greater desire to keep my testimony, and so I decided upon a little procedure which I recommend to you. For thirty minutes each morning before I began the
day's work I read from the Book of Mormon . . . and in just a few minutes a day I read the Book of Mormon through, every year, for nine years. I know that it kept
me in harmony, so far as I did keep in harmony, with the Spirit of the Lord.-CR (April 1949): 36.

I urge you to get acquainted with this great book. Read it to your children; they are not too young to understand it. I remember reading it with one of my lads when he
was very young. On one occasion I lay in the lower bunk and he in the upper bunk. We were each reading aloud alternate paragraphs of those last three marvelous
chapters of Second Nephi. I heard his voice breaking and thought he had a cold, but we went on to the end of the three chapters. As we finished he said to me,
"Daddy, do you ever cry when you read the Book of Mormon?"

"Yes, Son," I answered. "Sometimes the Spirit of the Lord so witnesses to my soul that the Book of Mormon is true that I do cry."

"Well," he said, "that is what happened to me tonight."

I know not all of them will respond like that, but I know that some of them will, and I tell you this book was given to us of God to read and to live by, and it will hold us
as close to the Spirit of the Lord as anything I know. Won't you please read it?-CR (April 1949): 41.

I am persuaded, my brethren and sisters, that it is irrational to hope to escape the lusts of the world without substituting for them as the subjects of our thoughts the
things of the spirit, and I know that the things of the spirit are taught with mighty power in the Book of Mormon. I believe with all my heart, for example, that if our
young people could come out of our homes thoroughly acquainted with the life of Nephi, imbued with the spirit of his courage and love of truth, they would choose the
right when a choice is placed before them.-CR (April 1960): 112.

If our young folks are traditioned in the teachings of the Book of Mormon, they will not only be inspired with righteous courage to choose the right . . . they will also be
so schooled in the principles of the gospel of Jesus Christ that they will know what is right.

From almost every page of the book, there will come to them a moving testimony that Jesus is indeed the Christ, the Son of the Living God, our Redeemer and Savior.
This witness alone will be a sustaining anchor in every storm.-CR (April 1960): 112.

And so, I counsel you, my beloved brothers and sisters and friends everywhere, to make reading in the Book of Mormon a few minutes each day a lifelong practice.
All of us need continuing close contact with the Spirit of the Lord. We need to take the Holy Spirit for our guide that we be not deceived. I am persuaded by my own
experience and that of my loved ones, as well as by the statement of the Prophet Joseph Smith, that one can get and keep closer to the Lord by reading the Book of
Mormon than by reading any other book. Don't be content with what someone else says about what is in it. Drink deeply from the divine fountain itself.

I feel certain that if, in our homes, parents will read from the Book of Mormon prayerfully and regularly, both by themselves and with their children, the spirit of that
great book will come to permeate our homes and all who dwell therein. The spirit of reverence will increase, mutual respect and consideration for each other will grow.
The spirit of contention will depart. Parents will counsel their children in greater love and wisdom. Children will be more responsive and submissive to that counsel.
Righteousness will increase. Faith, hope, and charity-the pure love of Christ-will abound in our homes and lives, bringing in their wake peace, joy, and happiness.-CR
(April 1960): 112- 13.

Scott Richard G.

It is not sufficient that we should treasure the Book of Mormon, nor that we testify that it is of God. We must know its truths, incorporate them into our lives, and share
them with others.- Ensign 18 (November 1988): 76.

Smith Joseph Jr.

I told the brethren that the Book of Mormon was the most correct of any book on earth, and the keystone of our religion, and a man would get nearer to God by
abiding by its precepts, than by any other book.- History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts, 2d ed. rev., 7 vols. (Salt Lake City:
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints, 1932-51), 4:461.

The fact is, that by the power of God I translated the Book of Mormon from hieroglyphics, the knowledge of which was lost to the world, in which wonderful event I
stood alone, an unlearned youth, to combat the worldly wisdom and multiplied ignorance of eighteen centuries, with a new revelation, which (if they would receive the
everlasting Gospel,) would open the eyes of more than eight hundred millions of people, and make "plain the old paths," wherein if a man walk in all the ordinances of
God blameless, he shall inherit eternal life.- History of the Church, 6:74.

Smith Joseph F.

I have read it many times since, and I have asked myself scores of times, have you ever discovered one precept, doctrine, or command within the lids of that book that
is calculated to injure anybody, to do harm to the world, or that is in contradiction to the word of God as contained in the Bible? And the answer invariably came, No,
not one solitary thing; every precept, doctrine, word of advice, prophecy, and indeed every word contained within the lids of that book relating to the great plan of
human redemption and salvation is calculated to make bad men good, and good men better.- Journal of Dis-courses, 26 vols. (London: Latter- day Saints' Book
Depot, 1854-86), 24:14.

Smith, Joseph Fielding

I started to read the Book of Mormon before I was old enough to be a deacon, and I have been reading it ever since, and I know that it is true. Every member of the
Church ought to know that it is true, and we ought to be prepared with an answer to all of these critics who condemn it. . . . It seems to me that any member of this
Church would never be satisfied until he or she had read the Book of Mormon time and time again, and thoroughly considered it so that he or she could bear witness
that it is in very deed a record with the inspiration of the Almighty upon it, and that its history is true. . . . I want to address myself to the men holding the priesthood,
particularly, and to their wives and to all other members of the Church. No member of this Church can stand approved in the presence of God who has not seriously
and carefully read the Book of Mormon.-CR (October 1961): 18.

Now the Lord has placed us on probation as members of the Church. He has given us the Book of Mormon, which is the lesser part, to build up our faith through our
obedience to the counsels which it contains, and when we ourselves, members of the Church, are willing to keep the commandments as they have been given to us and
show our faith as the Nephites did for a short period of time, then the Lord is ready to bring forth the other record and give it to us, but we are not ready now to
receive it. Why? Because we have not lived up to the requirements in this probationary state in the reading of the record which had been given to us and in following its
counsels.-CR (October 1961): 20.
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See also The Book of Mormon: An Overview and Introduction, page 1; Book of Mormon, early conversions through.
obedience to the counsels which it contains, and when we ourselves, members of the Church, are willing to keep the commandments as they have been given to us and
show our faith as the Nephites did for a short period of time, then the Lord is ready to bring forth the other record and give it to us, but we are not ready now to
receive it. Why? Because we have not lived up to the requirements in this probationary state in the reading of the record which had been given to us and in following its
counsels.-CR (October 1961): 20.

See also The Book of Mormon: An Overview and Introduction, page 1; Book of Mormon, early conversions through.

Appendix C Definitions from Webster's 1828 American Dictionary of the English Language
For the Lord God giveth light unto the understanding;

for he speaketh unto men according to their language, unto their understanding.

-2 Nephi 31:3

Abbreviations

a. stands for adjective.

adv. " for adverb.

def. " for definition.

defs. " for definitions.

n. " for name or noun.

obs. " for obsolete.

pp. " for participle passive.

ppr. " for participle of the present tense.

prep. " for preposition.

pret. " for preterit tense.

v.i. " for verb intransitive.

v.t. " for verb transitive.

The number associated with each definition coincides with that found in Webster's 1828 American Dictionary of the English Language.

Definitions

Accursed, pp. or a. [as in Hel. 12:18-20] 1. Doomed to destruction or misery. 2. Separated from the faithful; cast out of the church; excommunicated. 3. Worthy of
the curse; detestable; execrable.

Admonish, v.t. [defs. 1, 2, 4 as in Mosiah 26:6; def. 3 as in Omni 1:13] 1. To warn or notify of a fault; to reprove with mildness. 2. To counsel against wrong practices;
to caution or advise. 3. To instruct or direct. 4. In ecclesiastical affairs, to reprove a member of the church for a fault, either publicly or privately.

Against, prep. [as in Alma 43:26; 58:17] 8. In provision for; in preparation for.

Amiss, adv. [as in 2 Ne. 4:35] 2. In a faulty manner; contrary to propriety, truth, law or morality.

Aright, adv. [as in Hel. 8:8] Rightly; in a right form; without mistake or crime.

Artificer, n. [as in 2 Ne. 13:3] 1. An artist; a mechanic or manufacturer; one whose occupation requires skill or knowledge of a particular kind; as a silversmith or
sadler.

Asunder, adv. [as in Mosiah 27:18] Apart; into parts; separately; in a divided state.

Bade, the past tense of bid. BID, v.t. [as in 1 Ne. 1:11] 1. To ask; to request; to invite. 2. To command; to order or direct.

Barren, a. [def. 1 as in 3 Ne. 22:1; def. 2 as in Alma 32:39] 1. Not producing young, or offspring. 2. Not producing plants; unfruitful; steril; not fertile; or producing
little; unproductive.

Baseness, n. [as in Alma 17:9] 1. Meanness; vileness; worthlessness.

Beguiled, pp. [as in 2 Ne. 9:9] Deluded; misled by craft; eluded by stratagem.

Behoove[th], v.t. [as in 2 Ne. 9:5] To be necessary for; to be fit for; to be meet for, with respect to necessity, duty, or convenience.

Beset, v.t. [as in 2 Ne. 4:18] 1. To surround; to inclose; to hem in; to besiege. 2. To press on all sides, so as to perplex; to entangle, so as to render escape difficult or
impossible. 3. To waylay.

Besom, n. [as in 2 Ne. 24:23] a broom; a brush of twigs for sweeping.
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Besought, pp. [as in Alma 15:5] Entreated; implored; sought by entreaty.
impossible. 3. To waylay.

Besom, n. [as in 2 Ne. 24:23] a broom; a brush of twigs for sweeping.

Besought, pp. [as in Alma 15:5] Entreated; implored; sought by entreaty.

Bestead, pp. [as in 2 Ne. 18:21] 2. Distressed; perplexed.

Bestir, v.t. [as in Alma 60:29] To put into brisk or vigorous action; to move with life and vigor.

Betwixt, prep. [as in Alma 35:13] 1. Between; in the space that separates two persons or things.

Bittern, n. [as in 2 Ne. 24:23] a fowl of the grallic order, the Ardea stellaris, a native of Europe. This fowl has long legs and neck, and stalks among reeds and sedge,
feeding upon fish.

Bowels, n. [as in Alma 34:15] 3. The seat of pity or kindness; hence, tenderness, compassion.

Bridle, v.t. [as in Alma 38:12] 2. To restrain, guide or govern; to check, curb or control.

Buckler[s], n. [as in 3 Ne. 3:26] a kind of shield, or piece of defensive armor, anciently used in war.

By and By [as in Alma 55:14] a phrase denoting nearness in time; in a short time after; presently; soon.

Caul[s], n. [as in 2 Ne. 13:18] 2. a kind of net in which females inclose their hair.

Chasten, v.t. [def. 1 as in Mosiah 23:21; def. 2 as in 1 Ne. 16:39] 1. To correct by punishment; to punish; to inflict pain for the purpose of reclaiming an offender. 2.
To afflict by other means.

Check, v.t. [as in Alma 57:18] 1. To stop; to restrain; to hinder; to curb.

Check, n. [as in Alma 15:17] a stop; sudden restraint, or continued restraint; curb; control.

Circumspectly, adv. [as in Mosiah 26:37] Cautiously; with watchfulness every way; with attention to guard against surprise or danger.

Cite, v.t. [as in Alma 13:1] 2. To enjoin; to direct; to summon; to order or urge.

Clapped, pp. [as in Alma 31:36] Thrust or put on or together.

Confounded, pp. [as in 2 Ne. 4:22] Mixed or blended in disorder; perplexed; abashed; dismayed; put to shame and silence; astonished.

Consign, v.t. [as in Alma 26:19] 1. To give, send or set over; to transfer or deliver.

Constrain, v.t. [as in Ether 6:25] In a general sense, to strain; to press; to urge; to drive; to exert force, physical or moral, either in urging to action or in restraining it.

Constrained, pp. [as in 1 Ne. 4:10] Urged irresistibly or powerfully; compelled;

Cross, v.t. [def. 5 as in Alma 39:9; def. 6 as in Alma 10:16] 5. To thwart; to obstruct; to hinder; to embarrass. 6. To counteract; to clash or interfere with; to be
inconsistent with; as, natural appetites may cross our principles.

Cross[es] , n. [as in 2 Ne. 9:18] 6. Any thing that thwarts, obstructs, or perplexes; hindrance; vexation; misfortune; opposition; trial of patience.

Cumber, v.t. [def. 1 as in Jacob 5:30; def. 4 as in Jacob 5:9] 1. To load, or crowd. 4. To trouble; to be troublesome to; to cause trouble or obstruction in, as anything
useless.

Cunning, a. [def. 1 as in 2 Ne. 13:3; def. 4 as in 2 Ne. 9:28] 1. Knowing; skilful; experienced; well- instructed. 3. Artful; shrewd; sly; craft; astute; designing; as a
cunning fellow. 4. Deceitful; trickish; employing strategems.

Cunning, n. [as in Mosiah 7:21] 2. Art; artifice; artfulness; craft; shrewdness; the faculty or act of using stratagem to accomplish a purpose.

Curious , a. [def. 1 as in Alma 63:5; def. 3 as in Hel. 6:11; defs. 5, 7, 10 as in 1 Ne. 16:10] 1. Strongly desirous to see what is novel, or to discover what is unknown;
solicitous to see or to know; inquisitive. 3. Accurate; careful not to mistake; solicitous to be correct. 5. Nice; exact; subtile; made with care. 7. Wrought with care and
art; elegant; neat; finished. 10. Rare; singular.

Dash, v.t. [def. 1 as in Ether 2:24; def. 9 as in 2 Ne. 23:18] 1. To strike suddenly or violently. 9. To break; to destroy; to frustrate.

Daunted, pp. [as in Alma 61:4] Checked by fear; intimidated.

Dearth, n. [as in Ether 9:30] Scarcity. 2. Want; need; famine. 3. Barrenness; sterility.

Dim, v.t. [as in 1 Ne. 5:19] 4. To make less bright; to obscure. 5. To render less bright; to tarnish or sully.

Disannul, v.t. [as in 2 Ne. 24:27] To annul; to make void; to deprive of authority or force; to nullify; to abolish.

Divers, a. [as in Mosiah 4:29] 1. Different; various. 2. Several; sundry.

Dregs, n. [as in 2 Ne. 8:22] 1. The sediment of liquors; lees; grounds; feculence; any foreign matter of liquors that subsides to the bottom of a vessel.
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Dross, n. [def. 1 as in Alma 34:29; def. 3 as in Alma 32:3] 1. The scum or extraneous matter of metals, thrown off in the process of melting. 3. Waste matter;
any worthless matter separated from the better part.
Divers, a. [as in Mosiah 4:29] 1. Different; various. 2. Several; sundry.

Dregs, n. [as in 2 Ne. 8:22] 1. The sediment of liquors; lees; grounds; feculence; any foreign matter of liquors that subsides to the bottom of a vessel.

Dross, n. [def. 1 as in Alma 34:29; def. 3 as in Alma 32:3] 1. The scum or extraneous matter of metals, thrown off in the process of melting. 3. Waste matter; refuse;
any worthless matter separated from the better part.

Durst , pret. of dare. DARE, v.i. [as in 1 Ne. 17:52] To have courage for any purpose; to have strength of mind or hardihood to undertake any thing; to be bold
enough; not to be afraid; to venture; to be adventurous.

Dwindle , v.i. [as in Alma 45:12] 2. To degenerate; to sink; to fall away.

Effectual , a. [as in Mosiah 7:18] Producing an effect, or the effect desired or intended; or having adequate power or force to produce the effect.

Entreated , pp. [as in Alma 7:23] Earnestly supplicated, besought or solicited; importuned; urgently requested. 2. Prevailed on by urgent solicitation; consenting to grant
what is desired.

Esteem, v.t. [def. 1 as in 2 Ne. 33:2-3; def. 2 as in Mosiah 29:40] 1. To set a value on, whether high or low; to estimate; to value. 2. To prize; to set a high value on; to
regard with reverence, respect or friendship.

Exalt, v.t. [def. 4 as in 2 Ne. 24:13; def. 6 as in 2 Ne. 23:2] 4. To raise with pride; to make undue pretensions to power, rank or estimation. 6. To raise, as the voice;
to raise in opposition.

Exhort, v.t. [as in Moro. 10:3] 1. To incite by words or advice; to animate or urge by arguments to a good deed or to any laudable conduct or course of action. 2. To
advise; to warn; to caution. 3. To incite or stimulate to exertion.

Exhortation, n. [as in Moro. 10:2] The act or practice of exhorting; the act of inciting to laudable deeds; incitement to that which is good or commendable. 2. The form
of words intended to incite and encourage. 3. Advice; counsel.

Expedient, a. [def. 1 as in 2 Ne. 3:19 and Alma 34:9; def. 2 as in 1 Ne. 10:15] 1. Literally, hastening; urging forward. Hence, tending to promote the object proposed;
fit or suitable for the purpose; proper under the circumstances. 2. Useful; profitable.

Extolled, ppr. [as in 3 Ne. 20:43] Exalted in commendation; praised; magnified.

Fagot[s] , n. [spelled "faggots" as in Mosiah 17:13] 1. a bundle of sticks, twigs or small branches of trees, used for fuel, or for raising batteries, filling ditches, and other
purposes in fortification.

Fain, adv. [as in Alma 12:14] Gladly; with joy or pleasure.

Fair, a. [as in 1 Ne. 11:13] 3. Pleasing to the eye; handsome or beautiful in general.

Fatness, n. [as in 2 Ne. 9:51] 4. That which gives fertility. 5. The privileges and pleasures of religion; abundant blessings.

Fine, In fine. [as in 1 Ne. 10:14] In the end or conclusion; to conclude; to sum up all.

Firebrand[s], n. [as in 2 Ne. 17:4] 2. An incendiary; one who inflames factions, or causes contention and mischief.

Forswear, v.t. [as in 3 Ne. 12:33] 1. To reject or renounce upon oath. 2. To deny upon oath. To forswear one's self, is to swear falsely; to perjure one's self.

Fro, adv. [as in 1 Ne. 22:4] From; away; back or backward; as in the phrase, to and fro, that is, to and from, hither and thither.

Gainsaying, ppr. [as in Jacob 6:4] Contradicting; denying; opposing.

Garner[s], n. [as in Alma 26:5] a granary; a building or place where grain is stored for preservation.

Gird, v.t. [def. 1, 6 as in 2 Ne. 18:9; defs. 2, 4 as in 1 Ne. 4:19] 1. To bind by surrounding with any flexible substance, as with a twig, a cord, bandage or cloth. 2. To
make fast by binding; to put on. 4. To clothe; to dress; to habit. 6. To surround; to encircle; to inclose; to encompass.

Glut, v.i. [as in Mosiah 9:12] 1. To swallow, or to swallow greedily; to gorge. 2. To cloy; to fill beyond sufficiency; to sate; to disgust. 3. To feast or delight even to
satiety.

Gnashing, ppr. [as in Alma 14:21] Striking the teeth together, as in anger, rage or pain.

Gnashing, n. [as in Alma 40:13] a grinding or striking of the teeth in rage or anguish.

Go To [as in Jacob. 5:61, 71; Enos 1:8] come, move, begin; a phrase of exhortation.

Goodly, a. [as in 1 Ne. 1:1] Being of a handsome form; beautiful; graceful. 2. Pleasant; agreeable; desirable.

Guile, n. [as in Alma 18:23] Craft; cunning; artifice.

Halt, a. [as in 3 Ne. 17:7] Lame; that is, holding or stopping in walking.

Harrow, v.t. [as in Alma 15:3] 3. To tear; to lacerate; to torment.

Haughty, a. [as in 2 Ne. 20:33] 1. Proud and disdainful; having a high opinion of one's self, with some contempt for others; lofty and arrogant; supercilious. 3. Proud
and imperious.
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Hearken, v.i. [as in 1 Ne. 20:1] 1. To listen; to lend the ear; to attend to what is uttered, with eagerness or curiosity. 2. To attend; to regard; to give heed to what is
uttered; to observe or obey. 3. To listen; to attend; to grant or comply with.
Harrow, v.t. [as in Alma 15:3] 3. To tear; to lacerate; to torment.

Haughty, a. [as in 2 Ne. 20:33] 1. Proud and disdainful; having a high opinion of one's self, with some contempt for others; lofty and arrogant; supercilious. 3. Proud
and imperious.

Hearken, v.i. [as in 1 Ne. 20:1] 1. To listen; to lend the ear; to attend to what is uttered, with eagerness or curiosity. 2. To attend; to regard; to give heed to what is
uttered; to observe or obey. 3. To listen; to attend; to grant or comply with.

Hedge, v.t. [as in Mosiah 7:29] 2. To obstruct with a hedge, or to obstruct in any manner. 4. To inclose for preventing escape.

Heed, v.t. [as in 1 Ne. 16:28] To mind; to regard with care; to take notice of; to attend to; to observe.

Heed, n. [def. 2 as in 2 Ne. 17:4; def. 3 as in 1 Ne. 15:25] 2. Caution; care; watch for danger; notice; circumspection; usually preceded by take. 3. Notice;
observation; regard; attention; often preceded by give.

Hiss, v.i. [as in 2 Ne. 29:2] 3. To whiz, as an arrow or other thing in rapid flight.

Hiss, n. [as in 1 Ne. 19:14] 2. An expression of contempt or disapprobation, used in places of public exhibition.

Ignominious, a. [as in Alma 1:15] 2. Very shameful; reproachful; dishonorable; infamous.

Indolence, n. [as in Alma 47:36] 2. Habitual idleness; indisposition to labor; laziness; inaction or want of exertion of body or mind, proceeding from love of ease or
aversion to toil. Indolence, like laziness, implies a constitutional or habitual love of ease.

Insurrection[s] , n. [as in Alma 60:27] 1. A rising against civil or political authority; the open and active opposition of a number of persons to the execution of law in a
city or state.

Intercourse, n. [as in Hel. 6:8] 1. Communi-cation; commerce; connection by reciprocal dealings between persons or nations, either in common affairs and civilities, in
trade, or correspondence by letters.

Interposition, n. [as in Mosiah 29:19] 1. a being, placing or coming between; intervention.

Intrigue, n. [as in Alma 53:8, 9] 1. a plot or scheme of a complicated nature, intended to effect some purpose by secret artifices.

Lasciviousness, n. [as in Jacob 3:12] Looseness; irregular indulgence of animal desires; wanton-ness; lustfulness.

List , v.t. [as in Mosiah 2:32] 6. To hearken; to attend.

Loathsome, a. [as in 1 Ne. 12:23] Disgusting; exciting disgust. 2. Hateful; abhorred; detestable.

Lucre, n. [as in Mosiah 29:40] Gain in money or goods; profit; usually in an ill sense, or with the sense of something base or unworthy.

Mar, v.t. [as in Ether 6:10] 2. To injure; to hurt; to impair the strength or purity of. 3. To injure; to diminish; to interrupt. 4. To injure; to deform; to disfigure.

Meet, a. [as in 1 Ne. 7:1] Fit; suitable; proper; qualified; convenient; adapted, as to a use or purpose.

Mete, v.t. [as in 3 Ne. 14:2] To measure; to ascertain quantity, dimensions or capacity by any rule or standard.

Methought, pret. of methinks. [As in 1 Ne. 8:4] It seemed to me; I thought.

Molder, v.i. [as in Morm. 6:15] 1. To turn to dust by natural decay; to crumble; to perish; to waste away by a gradual separation of the component particles, without
the presence of water.

More, adv. [as in Alma 53:11; 63:8] 4. a second or another time; again.

Narrowly, adv. [as in 2 Ne. 24:16] 3. Closely; accurately; with minute scrutiny.

Nethermost, a. [as in Jacob 5:13] Lowest.

Noised, pp. [as in 3 Ne. 19:2-3] Spread by report; much talked of.

Oft, adv. [as in Alma 6:6] Often; frequently; not rarely.

Penitent, a. [as in Alma 26:21] Suffering pain or sorrow of heart on account of sins, crimes or offenses; contrite; sincerely affected by a sense of guilt and resolving on
amendment of life.

Peradventure, adv. [as in Alma 37:27] By chance; perhaps; it may be.

Picket[s], n. [as in Alma 50:3-4] a stake sharpened or pointed; used in fortification and encampments. 2. a narrow board pointed; used in making fence.

Privily, adv. [as in Alma 51: 34] Privately; secretly.

Profane[d], v.t. [as in Jarom 1:5] To violate anything sacred, or treat it with abuse, irreverence, obloquy or contempt; as, to profane the name of God; to profane the
sabbath; to profane the Scriptures or the ordinances of God.

Puffed, pp. [as in 2 Ne. 9:42] Blown up; swelled with air; inflated with vanity or pride.

Quarter[s],
 Copyright n.(c)[def. 5 as in 1Infobase
                 2005-2009,     Ne. 19:16; def. 6Corp.
                                         Media    as in Ether 2:5] 5. a region in the hemisphere or great circle; primarily, one of the four cardinal points; as the917
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quarters of the globe. 6. a particular region of a town, city or country; as all quarters of the city; in every quarter of the country or of the continent.

Quick, n. [as in Moro. 10:34] 2. The living flesh.
sabbath; to profane the Scriptures or the ordinances of God.

Puffed, pp. [as in 2 Ne. 9:42] Blown up; swelled with air; inflated with vanity or pride.

Quarter[s], n. [def. 5 as in 1 Ne. 19:16; def. 6 as in Ether 2:5] 5. a region in the hemisphere or great circle; primarily, one of the four cardinal points; as the four
quarters of the globe. 6. a particular region of a town, city or country; as all quarters of the city; in every quarter of the country or of the continent.

Quick, n. [as in Moro. 10:34] 2. The living flesh.

Rack, v.t. [as in Alma 36:14] 2. To torment; to torture; to affect with extreme pain or anguish.

Railing, n. [as in 3 Ne. 6:13] Reproachful or insolent language.

Revile, v.t. [as in Alma 30:29] To reproach; to treat with opprobrious and contemptuous language.

Root[ed], v.t. [as in Alma 22:15] To root up or out, to eradicate; to extirpate; to remove or destroy root and branch; to exterminate.

Sally, v.i. [as in Alma 56:29] 1. To issue or rush out, as a body of troops from a fortified place to attack besiegers.

Secreted, pp. [as in Alma 43:27] Concealed.

Selfsame, a. [as in Alma 31:22] The very same; identical.

Snare, n. [as in Alma 12:6] 2. Any thing by which one is entangled and brought into trouble.

Snare , v.t. [as in 2 Ne. 18:15] To catch with a snare; to ensnare; to entangle; to bring into unexpected evil, perplexity or danger.

Snatch, v.t. [as in Mosiah 27:28] 1. To seize hastily or abruptly. 3. To seize and transport away.

Sojourn, v.i. [as in 1 Ne. 17:3] To dwell for a time; to dwell or live in a place as a temporary resident, or as a stranger, not considering the place as his permanent
habitation.

Spurn, v.i. [as in 3 Ne. 29:4-5] To manifest disdain in rejecting any thing. 2. To make contemptuous opposition; to manifest disdain in resistance.

Steadfastness, n. [as in 2 Ne. 31:20] Firmness of standing; fixedness in place. 2. Firmness of mind or purpose; fixedness in principle; constancy; resolution.

Stout, a. [def. 4 as in 2 Ne. 20:12; def. 5 as in 3 Ne. 24:13] 4. Proud; resolute; obstinate. 5. Strong; firm.

Stripe[s], n. [as in 2 Ne. 28:8] 4. a stroke made with a lash, whip, rod, strap or scourge. 5. Affliction; punishment; sufferings.

Stripling, n. [as in Alma 53:22] a youth in the state of adolescence, or just passing from boyhood to manhood; a lad.

Stubble, n. [as in 1 Ne. 22:15] The stumps of wheat, rye, barley, oats or buckwheat, left in the ground; the part of the stalk left by the sythe or sickle.

Stupor, n. [as in Alma 60:7] Great diminution or suspension of sensibility; suppression of sense; numbness. 2. Intellectual insensibility; moral stupidity; heedlessness or
inattention to one's interests.

Succor, v.t. [as in Alma 7:12] Literally, to run to, or run to support; hence, to help or relieve when in difficulty, want or distress; to assist and deliver from suffering.

Suffer, v.t. [as in Jacob 2:32] 3. To allow; to permit; not to forbid or hinder.

Sway, n. [as in Alma 42:30] 5. Influence; weight or authority that inclines to one side.

Tire, n. [as in 2 Ne. 13:18] 2. a head dress; something that encompasses the head.

Traffick, v.i. [spelled "traffic" as in 4 Ne. 1:46] 1. To trade; to pass goods and commodities from one person to another for an equivalent in goods or money; to barter;
to buy and sell wares; to carry on commerce. 2. To trade meanly or mercenarily.

Travail, n. [as in Mosiah 27:33] Labor with pain; severe toil.

Undaunted, a. [as in Alma 57:20] Not daunted; not subdued or depressed by fear; intrepid.

Vale, n. [as in Alma 37:45] 1. a tract of low ground or of land between hills; a valley.

Verily, adv. [as in 2 Ne. 11:2] In truth; in fact; certainly. 2. Really; truly; with great confidence.

Vouch[ing], v.i. [as in Alma 24:18] To bear witness; to give testimony or full attestation.

Wax, v.i. [def. 1 as in Mosiah 24:7; def. 2 as in 2 Ne. 7:9] 1. To increase in size; to grow; to become larger. 2. To pass from one state to another; to become.

Whence, adv. [def. 1 as in 2 Ne. 6:8; def. 2 as in 1 Ne. 8:14; def. 4 as in 2 Ne. 28:23] 1. From what place. 2. From what source. 4. How; by what way or means.

Whit, n. [as in Alma 34:14] a point; a jot; the smallest part or particle imaginable.

Whither, adv. [as in Alma 22:29] To what place, interrogatively. 2. To what place. 5. Whither-soever.

Wile[s], n. [as in Hel. 3:29] a trick or stratagem practiced for ensnaring or deception; a sly, insidious artifice.
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Wis, v.t. [as in Hel. 9:30] To think; to suppose; to imagine.

Wist, pret. of wis. Obs.
Whither, adv. [as in Alma 22:29] To what place, interrogatively. 2. To what place. 5. Whither-soever.

Wile[s], n. [as in Hel. 3:29] a trick or stratagem practiced for ensnaring or deception; a sly, insidious artifice.

Wis, v.t. [as in Hel. 9:30] To think; to suppose; to imagine.

Wist, pret. of wis. Obs.

Without, adv. [as in Mosiah 7:10; 21:19] Not on the inside; not within. 2. Out of doors.

Wo, n. [as in 2 Ne. 15:21; 16:5] 1. Grief; sorrow; misery; a heavy calamity. 2. a curse. 3. Wo is used in denunciation, and in exclamations of sorrow.

Wonderful , a. [as in Alma 2:5] Adapted to excite wonder or admiration; exciting surprise; strange; astonishing.

Wrapt, pp. [as in 3 Ne. 26:3] Wound; folded; inclosed.

Wrest, v.t. [as in Alma 13:20] 3. To distort; to turn from truth or twist from its natural meaning by violence; to pervert.

Wroth, a. [as in Mosiah 10:14] Very angry; much exasperated.

Wrought, pret. and pp. of work. [def. 1 as in Ether 10:7; def. 2 as in 1 Ne. 17:51; def. 3 as in Mosiah 5:2] 1. Worked; formed by work or labor; as wrought iron. 2.
Effected; performed. 3. Effected; produced.

Wrought on or upon , [as in 1 Ne. 19:12] influenced; prevailed on.




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